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copyright 2007, by Victoria University of Wellington
All unambiguous end-of-line hyphens have been removed and the trailing part of a word has been joined to the preceding line, except in the case of those words that break over a page.
The Sir Joseph Banks Memorial
The Endeavour Journal of Joseph Banks in two Volumes
Volume II
The Arched Rock Tolaga Bay
Add. Ms 23920, f.39. Pencil drawing, 27.3 × 41.8 cm. Unsigned, but a copy (by Spöring?) of Parkinson's picture of the same subject.
New Zealand War Canoe
Add. Ms 23920, f.46. Wash drawing, 30 × 48.2 cm. Unsigned. A single canoe with elaborately carved head and stern pieces. One of the men in the stern is wearing a chequered dog-skin cloak and holding a mere and a pakepake, or rough flax cloak; the centre one wears a woven cloak of flax and holds a whalebone hoeroa; that on the right wears a vertically striped dog-skin cloak and holds a pakepake.
New Zealand War Canoe. The Crew bidding defiance to the Ships Company
Add. Ms 23920, f.48. Wash drawing 26.5 × 41.5 cm. Unsigned. On the back of the drawing are the notes (1) in faint pencil, ‘The Inner [?] Island Canoe’ and (2) in Banks's hand, in ink, ‘Double War-Canoe. Novr 2d 1769. New-Zeeland.’ It was the first double canoe seen in New Zealand waters (Cook I, pp. 189–90), and the drawing shows it under sail, with a number of the occupants performing a taiaha.
The Head of a New Zealand Canoe
Add. Ms 23920, f.78a. Pencil drawing, 20 × 32.2 cm. (measurements of drawing). Unsigned, but probably by Spöring. On the back of the drawing are the notes, in ink, ‘About 3 feet high.’ and ‘New-Zeeland’.
The Stern Ornament of a Canoe
Add. Ms 23920, f.78a. Pencil drawing, 27.3 × 7.9 cm. (measurements of drawing). Unsigned, but probably by Spöring. On the back of the drawing the notes, in ink, ‘About 12 feet high.’, and ‘New Zeeland.’
[Ceremonial Painted Canoe Paddles]
Add. Ms 23920, f.71a. Wash and water colour drawing, 28.8 × 22.8 cm. (size of sheet). Unsigned. The colours are red and cream. The drawing shows only the blades of the paddles, and the carved sections where the handles begin.
Portrait of a New Zeland Man
Add. Ms 23920, f.55. Wash drawing, 38.8 × 29.6 cm. Unsigned. The man is wearing a pakepake; hung from his neck is a heitiki, and from his ear a large pendant; his hair is dressed topknot fashion with three white feathers and an ornamental comb. The tattooing of the face is done in a very free vigorous style, and seems to be unfinished under the right ear.
Portrait of a New Zeland Man
Add. Ms 23920, f.54a. Wash drawing, 39.2 × 30 cm. Unsigned. The subject wears a woven flax cloak with bone toggle; hung from
reiputa or carved whale-tooth ornament, and from the ear a pendant and some other ornament (flowers?); hair topknot style with comb; face fully tattooed with an unusual design, which appears to be only ‘marked in’ on the forehead.
Black stains on the Skin called Tattoo
Add. Ms 23920, f.66a, b, c, d. Pen over pencil drawings, unsigned. To fit the page, a and c are on top, d (left) and b at the bottom.
a. 27.1 × 18.3 cm. On the back is a pencil sketch of tattooing.
b. 27 × 18.7 cm. On the back is a pencil sketch of tattooing.
c. 28.6 × 22.8 cm. Note at detail on left, ‘on the calf.
d. 14.9 × 12.1 cm.
[New Zealand Artifacts]
Add. Ms 23920, f.73. Wash drawing, 20.5 × 16.6 cm. within rules. Signed ‘John Frederick Miller: del: 1771.’ The articles are identified in a note in ink on the page on which the drawing is mounted: ‘1. Carved Ornament 2. Musical Instrument 3. Childs Top 4. Bodkin of Bone 5. Musical Instrument’. 1 is an article of rather doubtful use, but seems to be a ceremonial perch for snaring birds; 2 is a whistle; 3 a top; 4 an au ika, a bodkin or needle for threading fish through the gills; 5 a koauau or flute.
Astelia solandri A. Cunn. Kokaha or Astelia
New Zealand IV, 496. 45.2 × 28.2 cm. No title; signature (of Nodder?) on lower left, almost all trimmed off. No. 495 is an unfinished pencil drawing with some details coloured, and a later pencil note added, ‘Astelia’; the engraving has the note, ‘Astelia Solandri A.Cunn. (furfuracea Mss.)’.
Leptospermum scoparium Forst. Manuka
New Zealand I, 139. 42.9 × 15 cm. Signed by Nodder, lower left, but most of the signature trimmed off. On the mount is the title ‘Philadelphus parvifolius & rigidus Mss’. This name is also on the back of Parkinson's unfinished drawing, No. 138, with the note in ink ‘Taonero[a]’—i.e. Te Oneroa (
Podocarpus spicatus R.Br. Matai
New Zealand IV, 463. 38.1 × 24.2 cm. Untitled; signed ‘Fredk Polydore Nodder pinxt 1780’. The unfinished pencil drawing, No. 462, which accompanies this, has part of the fruit, leaves and stem coloured; on the back is a pencil note partly trimmed off, ‘83 Juniperoid taxifoli[um]’; and in ink, ‘Oouhoorage’—i.e. Hauraki, or Thames River. The drawing may therefore have been made from part of a branch of the tree cut down and measured on 20 November 1769 (Vol. I, p. 436).
Knightia excelsa R.Br. Rewa-rewa or New Zealand Honeysuckle
New Zealand III, 426. 45.6 × 29.9 cm. Titled ‘Brabejum-sparsum’ and signed ‘Sydney Parkinson pinxt 1770.’ Over the title is written in pencil the name ‘Embothrium serratum Mss’.
Melicytus ramiflorus J.R. & G. Forst. Mahoe
New Zealand I, 29. 45 × 35 cm. Titled ‘Tachites-umbellulifera’ and signed ‘Sysdney Parkinson pinxt 1770.’ No. 28 is an unfinished pencil drawing, differently composed, of the same subject; it has a little colour, and a pencil note on the back, ‘The leaves a grass green vein'd wt lighter. the under side paler, the young leaves a yellow green. the stalks greyish, the petals pale green the calyx darker’.
Pseudopanax crassifolium (Sol. ex A.Cunn.) C.Koch. Lancewood
New Zealand II, 205. 44.4 × 34 cm. No title, but on the back is written in pencil ‘Aralia crassifolia’. Signed ‘John Frederick Miller pinxt 1774’. No. 204 is an unfinished pencil drawing of the same subject, with some colour. The picture illustrates the foliage of the mature form of the Lancewood, remarkably different from that of the immature plant—so different that Solander put the two forms in different genera, calling the immature one Xerophylla longifolia, and the mature Aralia crassifolia.
Crepis novae-zelandiae Hook.f.
New Zealand II, 296. 17 × 17 cm. Unfinished pencil drawing with some colour by Parkinson, unsigned and undated, but on the back are the notes (1) in pencil, ‘Hieraceum Fragile/123 Leontodon elegans’ and (2) in ink, ‘Totarra nue or Queen Charlotte's Sound’. The finished drawing, No, 297, is by Nodder and dated 1779.
Celmisia gracilenta Hook.f.
New Zealand II, 250. 31.8 × 15.8 cm. Signed on lower left ‘Fredk Polydore Nodder Pinxt 1779’. The unfinished drawing has the notes (1) in pencil, ‘The under side of the leaves are shaded with grey & not wt Green / 130 Aster gracilentus’; and (2) in ink, ‘Admiralty Bay’.
Veronica parviflora Vahl. Koromiko
New Zealand III, 375. 28.6 × 23.1 cm. Signed ‘Sydney Parkinson pinxt 1770’. Titled ‘Veronica floribunda’. There is a note in ink on the back ‘Totarra nue’ (Totaranui, i.e. Queen Charlotte Sound), on a piece of paper apparently trimmed off and then stuck on.
Coprosma robusta Raoul. Karamu
New Zealand II, 221. 43.5 × 28 cm. The drawing appears to have been signed by Nodder at the lower left, though most of the signature has been trimmed off. There are the following pencil notes at appropriate places: ‘Obs The Leaves are broader before the Middle’ and ‘The flowers divided into 4 or 5 usu[ally?]’. The unfinished drawing, No. 220, has on its back the note, ‘The male flowers pale green & the stamina very pale the females pale green Stiles pale yellow green the fruit a pea green the upper side of the leaves dark green faintly vein'd—the under side pale blue green vein'd with dark green the stalks grey green / Pelaphia lata / 22 Trophis tinctoria’. The last two words have a faint pencil line drawn through them. The engraving from No. 221 has the name ‘Pelaphia lata’ pencilled on it.
Helichrysum bracteatum (Vent.) Andr. Golden Everlasting
Australia IV, 193. 34 × 18 cm. Signed by Nodder, 1780. The pencil notes on the drawing, ‘Orange’, ‘Lemon’, ‘flat’, and ‘Hairs very short’, appear to be in Banks's hand. On the back of the unfinished drawing are notes, ‘Xeranthemoides fulgida’ and ‘Bustard Bay’.
Isopogon anemonifolius (Salisb.) Knight. Drumsticks
Australia VII, 310. 31.5 × 27.6 cm. Unsigned and undated. Pencil title, ‘Isopogon anemonifolius’. The unfinished drawing has the pencil notes, ‘The leaves grass green. the flowers the same colour as the other species but yellower the cones Coffee colour cover'd wt a white flowry[?] substance, the stalk dark redish brown / Leucad apiifolium / 93’; / and in ink, ‘
Darwinia fascicularis Rudge
Australia III, 122. 30.5 × 23 cm. Signed by Nodder, 1779. The unfinished drawing has the pencil notes, ‘The flower white but when older it becomes red & shuts up the anthera blk. the leaves fresh green stalk sordid brown / Kalmioides fasciculata / N. 8’; and in ink, ‘
Eucalyptus crebra F.v.M. Narrow-leaf Ironbark
Australia III, 139. 36.8 × 29.2 cm. Untitled, signed by Nodder, 1778. The unfinished drawing has the pencil notes on the back, ‘The stamina white receptacle pale green the stalks the same. The leaves a pale blue green wt a yellowish nerve in the middle / 139. Metrosid salicifolia’ [the last word altered to ‘obliqua’]; and in ink, ‘Thirsty Sound’.
Clerodendrum floribundum R.Br.
Australia VI, 287. 43.5 × 30.3 cm. Untitled, signed by Nodder, 1778. The unfinished drawing has the pencil notes on the back, ‘The flowers white—anthera brown stile ting'd wt green / Volkameria insectorum / 173’; and in ink, ‘Palm Island’.
Crotalaria calycina Schrank. Rattlepods
Australia II, 63. 40 × 24.4 cm. Untitled, signed by Nodder, 1777. The unfinished drawing has the pencil notes on the back, ‘The flower white. the base of the vexillum ting'd wt yellow. / Genistoides [altered to Crotolaria] calyculata / 389’; and in ink, ‘Endeavours River’.
Centranthera cochinchinensis (Lour.) Merr.
Australia VI, 264. 35.4 × 16.3 cm. Untitled, signed by Nodder, 1778. A pencil note on the back of the unfinished drawing reads, ‘Digitalis hispidiuscula’; and one in ink, ‘Endeavours River’.
Planchonia careya (F.Muell.) R.Knuth. Cocky Apple
Australia III, 146. 41.6 × 30.8 cm. Title in pencil, ‘Eugenia crenata’; signed by Nodder, 1777. Pencil notes on the back of the unfinished drawing read, ‘The petala & stile pale whitish green—stamina white turning into a fine blush colour about the middle & [?] to the bottom anthera cream colour / Eugenia crenata / R 177’; and ‘Cape Grafton’.
Dillenia alata (DC.) Martelli
Australia I, 1. 45.6 × 30.7 cm. Untitled; signed by Nodder, 1778. The unfinished drawing has the pencil notes on the back, ‘The old stalks sordid brown / Dillenia alata’; and in ink, ‘Endeavours River’.
Myrmecodia beccarii Hook.f. Ant-house
Australia IV, 174. 41.9 × 35.5 cm. Originally untitled; signed ‘John Frederick Miller pinxt 1773.’ On the back are the pencil notes, ‘Epidendroides 4 andria’, and ‘Endeavours River’; on the unfinished drawing the pencil note, ‘too large’.
Grevillea glauca Knight
Australia VII, 320. 46.5 × 32.8 cm. Signed by J.F. Miller, 1773. The pencilled title on the drawing, ‘Grevillia gibbosa’, is a later addition. On the back is the pencil note, ‘Leucadendroides glauca’; and on the back of the unfinished drawing the notes ‘Petala white wt a cast of green, germen pale green petiole gray green the ripe fruit dark chacolate colour much chopp'd. / Leucaddes glauca / A.R.’; and in ink, ‘Endeavours River’.
Acacia complanata A.Cunn. ex Benth.
Australia II, 101. 39 × 29.4 cm. Signed by Nodder, 1781. The unfinished drawing has the pencil notes on the back, ‘The flowers before & after they are open delicate yellow the younger capsula [?] has more or less a cast of green according to their age / L.T. / Mimosa anceps[?]’; and in ink, ‘Endeavours River’.
Ægiceras corniculatum (L.) Blanco. River Mangrove
Australia V, 230. 39.7 × 25.4 cm. Unsigned and undated. There is a title added later in pencil, ‘Ægiceras majus Gaertn’. On the back is the pencil note, ‘Endeavours River’; and on the back of the unfinished drawing the pencil notes, ‘The flowers white, calyx pale green, anthera pale brown. / Rhizophera umbellata / 49’; and in ink, ‘Endeavours River’.
Barringtonia gracilis (Miers) R.Knuth. Freshwater Mangrove
Australia III, 145. 46.2 × 28.5 cm. Untitled; signed by Nodder, 1777. On the back of the unfinished drawing are the pencil notes, ‘The petala & stamina white the anthera yellow the buds ting'd wt green calyx gray green turning pale toward the edge the main stalk of the flowers deep green the woody stalk sordid brown / Eugenia ramiflora / L.I.’; and the ink, ‘Lizzard Isle’.
Sesbania aculeata Pers. (Willd.)sens.lat. Sesbania Pea
Australia II, 75. 26.8 × 25.5 cm. Untitled; signed by Nodder, 1778. The unfinished drawing has the pencil notes on the back, ‘The vexillum & alÆ bright yellow carina turng very pale at the bottom ting'd wt green buds pale yellow / Æschynomene diffusa’; and in ink, ‘
Calyptorhynchus magnificus (Shaw). Banksian Cockatoo
Zool. I, 10. Pencil drawing, 45.6 × 33.3 cm. Unsigned. On the back is the note by Parkinson, ‘The whole bird black spots on the head and on the shoulders dirty white the breast feathers wav'd wt pale brown, the outer feathers of the tail scarlet & yellow wt narrow facia of black the iris dark brown the pupil black the beak dirty white with the point of the upper mandible dark grey’. In Banks's hand is the name ‘Black Cocatoa’.
Kangaroo
Zool. I, 4. 32.6 × 27 cm. Pencil drawing by Parkinson, unsigned. The following pencil notes are on the back: (1) by Parkinson, ‘the whole body pale ash colour the ears excepting the base fine specled gray iris of the eye Chestnut’; (2) by Banks, ‘Kanguru’; and by Banks in ink, ‘Endeavours River’.
Kangaroo
Zool. I, 3. 24.2 × 41 cm. Pencil drawing by Parkinson, unsigned. The name ‘Kanguru’ is written in pencil on the back by Banks.
Portunus pelagicus (Linn.)
Zool. III, 7. 30.5 (to bottom of detached claw) × 36.2 cm. Pencil drawing by Spöring, unsigned.
Portunus sanguinolentus (Herbst)
Zool. III, 6. 26.7 (to bottom of detached claw) × 28 cm. Pencil drawing by Spöring, unsigned.
Urolophus testaceus (Müller & Henle). Common Stingaree
Zool. I, 46. 39.5 × 30.2 cm. Pencil drawing, unsigned, by H.D. Spöring, with title ‘Raja testacea’. On the front is a pencil note in Spöring's hand, ‘NB The 200d pounder wanted the upper fin on the extremity of the tail, & the small fin near the Stings [remainder of note illegible or trimmed off]’; and on the back a second, later note, ‘Trygonoptera testacea Müller and Henle’.
Trygonorhina fasciata Müller & Henle. Fiddler Ray or Banjo Shark
Zool. I, 47. 35.5 × 14.7 cm. Pencil drawing, unsigned, by H.D. Spöring, with title ‘Raja fasciata’. On the recto is the pencil note by him, ‘Long 2 ped: 1.1/2 uncias’.
A Chiefs house in the Island of Savu near Timor
Add. Ms 23920, f.31. Wash drawing, 29.9 × 48.4 cm. Unsigned. On the mount is the above title, and the pencil note, ‘Drawn by
Sarcolobus banksii Roem & Schult
Java, 67. 40.2 × 29 cm. Untitled (title added later on mount); signed by J.F. Miller, 1774.
Eugenia aquea Burm. Jambu ayer or Rose Apple
Java, 46. 47.7 × 29.8 cm. Untitled (title added later on mount); signed by Nodder, but most of the signature, and the date, trimmed off. Pencil notes on the back of the unfinished drawing read, ‘The stalk when old brown’; and ‘Eugenia aquea’. The drawing was not engraved.
Malay Boats
Add. Ms 23920, f.30. Pencil sketch, 29.8 × 48.1 cm. Unsigned. On the back is the pencil note, ‘Anatacan’; on the mount is ‘Savu’.
Java Proe
Add. Ms 9345, f.65 verso. Pencil sketch, 18.5 × 23.3 cm. Unsigned. Note by Banks (?) top right, ‘Java Proe’.
As we intend to leave this place tomorrow morn, I shall spend a few sheets in drawing together what I have observd of this countrey and its inhabitants; premising in the mean time that in this, and all others of the same kind which may occur in this Journal, I shall give myself liberty of conjecturing and drawing conclusions from what I have observd, in which I may doubtless often be mistaken; in the daily Journal however the Observations may be seen, and any one who referrs to that may draw his own conclusions from them, attending as little as he pleases to any of mine.
This countrey was first discoverd by Tasman did not call the country New Zealand but Staten Land, on the supposition that it was part of the coast of the southern continent and a westward extension of the Staten Land off Tierra del Fucgo discovered by Schouten and le Maire in 1616. When this was proved to be an island by Brouwer in 1643 the second part of the supposition fell down; but who it was conferred the name New Zealand, within the next few years, we do not know. The reason for it may have been analogy with New Holland. Cf. They killed four of the men in his cockboat as it rowed between his two ships.th of December 1642 and calld by him New Zealand;Tasman and New Zealand (Wellington 1959), p. 11.
Tasman certainly was an able navigator: he saild into the mouth of Cooks streights, and finding himself surrounded in all appearance with land observd the tide of flood to come from the This may be unjust to Tasman: we do not know that he did think the wind changed in his favour, but after riding at anchor for four days in stormy weather under It is difficult to fill this second gap in the text, as there are no strictly comparable figures, if by the phrase ‘when he made this land’ Banks refers to Tasman's first New Zealand landfall. Note by Banks: ‘Tho Tasmans Long of Cape Maria Van Diemen comes so near the truth our seamen affirm and seem to make it appear that he errd no less than 4°…49′ in running from the first land he made to Cape Maria van Diemen; if so his exactness must be attributed more to chance than skill’. The truth about Tasman's longitudes is rather complicated. They have been analysed by Miss Helen M. Wallis in an unpublished thesis, ‘The Exploration of the South Sea, 1519 to 1644’, ff. 397–401. His initial error for Batavia was 3. 35. too far east. Because of the trade wind current, he underestimated the distance he sailed to Mauritius, ‘the first land he made’, and made it 5° 07′ too far east. ‘The error for Mauritius in its turn’, writes Miss Wallis, ‘almost cancelled out Tasman's underestimate of the distance that he sailed eastward with the westerlies. At Drie Coningen Island the net result was an error of 1° 50′E… . Tasman did not give an observation for Cape Maria van Diemen, but when west-south-west of it he estimated his longitude to be 191° 09′. This calculation is 3° 15′ too far west, or slightly less than that, allowing for their position west of the Cape… . Banks was not far wrong, therefore, in alleging that where Tasman's resultant error was negligible, the cause was chance, not Tasman's absolute accuracy in observation. At the same time Banks's first judgment was historically more sound. Errors varying mainly between 2° and 3′ are very small for this period’. Cook's error for the longitude of Cape Maria van Diemen was 4′ E. Dirk Rembrantszoon van Nierop, Se; from thence he conjecturd that there was in that place a passage through the land, which conjecture we provd to be true and he himself had certainly done, had not the Wind changd as he though[t] in his favour, giving him an opportunity of returning the way he came in, which he preferrd to standing into a bay with an on shore wind.Ne, from whence he concluded it to be the northermost part of the Land, which we realy found it to be: Lastly, to his eternal credit be it spoken, tho he had been four months absent from Batavia when he made this land, and had saild both Westward and Eastward, his longitude (allowing for an Error of in that of Batavia as he himself has stated it) differs no more than from ours,r Green, a mathematician of well known abilities, who was sent out in this ship by the Eenige Oefeningen (1674); a still more abbreviated version, translated from this, appeared in the English Account of several late Voyages and Discoveries (1694 and 1711), which book Banks appears to have had with him—and the 1694 edition, to judge from his reference, p. 116 below.
The face of the countrey is in general Mountanous, especialy inland, where probably runs a chain of very high hills parts of which we saw at several times; they were generaly coverd with snow and certainly very high — some of our officers, men of experience,
Mount Egmont.
The sea coast (should it ever be examind) will probably be found to abound in good harbours: we saw several, of which the Banks extended the name of this island to the whole bay. Totaranui.Motuaro,Totarra nue,
The soil is in general light, and consequently admirably adapted to the uses for which the natives cultivate it, whose crops consist intirely of roots. On the Southern and western sides it is the most barren, the Sea being there generaly bounded with either steep hills or vast tracts of Sand, which probably is the reason why the people in these parts were so much less numerous, and livd almost intirely upon fish. The Northern and Eastern sides make however some amends for the Barrenness of the others: in them we often saw very large tracts of Ground which either actualy were or very lately had been cultivated, and an immense quantity of Woodland, which was yet uncleard, but promisd great returns to the people who would take the trouble of Clearing it — of the latter especialy in Taoneroa or Poverty bay, and Tolaga — besides Swamps, which might doubtless Easily be draind, and sufficiently evincd the richness of their soil by the great size of all the plants that grew upon them, and more particularly of the timber trees which were the streightest, cleanest, and I may say the largest I have ever seen — at least speaking of them in the Gross; I may have seen several times single trees larger than any I Observd among them, but it was not one but all these trees which were enormous, and doubtless had we had time and opportunity to Search, we might have found much larger ones than any we saw, as we were never but once ashore among them, and that but for a short time on the banks of the River Thames; where we rowd for many miles between
He is obviously in the foregoing lines referring again, and exclusively, to the white pine or Kahikatea; but he must have seen many other great trees of various and distinctive kinds, and it is odd that as a botanist he makes no mention of them in the journal. Kahikatea (Podocarpus dacrydioides), Matai (P. spicatus), and Rimu ( Dacrydium cupressinum), however, are all three represented both in the Herbarium and in the Pocket Book, p. 121.
The South part, which is much more hilly and barren than the North, I firmly beleive to Abound with minerals in a very high degree. This however is only conjecture; I had not, to my great regret, an opportunity of landing in any place where the signs of them were promising except the last; nor indeed in any one, where from the ship the Countrey appeard likely to produce them, which it did to the Southward in a very high degree, as I have mentiond in my Daily Journal.
I[n] all the times that we have landed in this Countrey, we have seen I had almost said no Quadrupeds realy original natives of it. Dogs and rats indeed there are; the former as in other countries companions of the men, and the latter probably brought hither by the men, especialy as they are so scarce that I myself have not had an opportunity of seeing even one. The dog, called Kuri by the Maori, is now extinct; it was like the dog of Tahiti, whence, very likely, it came; it was a low-set animal, its head somewhat fox-like, and it did not bark. The ‘Kiore maori’, The seal was probably the Fur Seal, This was so.Mus exulans, also came to New Zealand, it seems, with the great migration of the fourteenth century—‘probably stowaways’, thought Sir Arctocephalus forsteri (Lesson), very common on the New Zealand coast till the ruthless depredations of the sealers, which almost exterminated the animal in the early nineteenth century. It is now legally protected. The New Zealand Sea-lion is Phocarctos hookeri (Gray).
Of Birds there are not many species, This was a rash statement, which Banks would not have made had he been more in the forest; for birds were much more obvious than the rat. The Gray Duck, There were several species of shags: cf. I, p. 430, n. 2 above. There are two resident New Zealand hawks, the Australasian Harrier, Anas superciliosa Gm. is rather like a dark female mallard, and the New Zealand Shoveler, Spatula rhynchotis (Latham) belongs to the same genus as the European Shoveler. Circus approximans, Peale, and the New Zealand Falcon,
There were two New Zealand owls at the time of Cook's voyages, the Morepork or Ruru, Ninox novaeseelandiae (Gm.) and the Laughing Owl, Sceloglaux albifacies, Gray; the latter is now almost extinct.
The New Zealand Quail, Coturnix novae-zealandiae Quoy and Gaimard, has been extinct since 1870.
There is no particular significance in Narborough's use of the name. It goes back well before his time; O.E.D. dates its first English appearance as 1588 and it appears in Hakluyt. Sir An Account of several late Voyages and Discoveries (1694), p. 25, and other references.
He overdoes the resemblance of the penguin's feathers to the fish's scales, but in so overdoing it, his reference to the French use of nuance, as ‘gradation’, is clear, and his conception of the penguin as something between a bird and a fish. Buffon had made a point of the alliance, through a series of grades, of the whole animal kingdom—‘La nature marche toujours et agit en tout par degrés imperceptibles et par nuances’.—Histoire générale des animaux (Vol. II of Histoire naturelle, 1749, chap. XI). Banks was certainly acquainted with the doctrine of the great zoological systematizer of the century.
Neither are insects in greater plenty than birds: a few Butterflys and Beetles, flesh flies very like those in Europe, Musquetos, and sandflies maybe exactly the same as those of North America, make up the whole list. There were originally only nine species of butterflies in New Zealand, but a rich beetle fauna is found there. Flesh flies comprise the family If he had got ashore at Sarcophagidae; the larvac for the most part live in decaying flesh. Culicine mosquitoes are endemic, but not anophelines; Culex pervigilans was the commonest. The sandflies are Austrosimulium spp. Resolution was there on Cook's second voyage, her company found the sandflies a most irritating pest.
For this scarcity of animals on the land the Sea however makes abundant recompense. Every creek and corner produces abundance of fish not only wholesome but at least as well tasted as our fish in Europe: the ship seldom anchord in or indeed passd over (in light winds) any place whose bottom was such as fish resort to in general but as many were caught with hook and line as the people could eat, especialy to the Southward, where when we lay at an anchor the boats by fishing with hook and line very near the rocks could take any quantity of fish; besides that the Seine seldom faild of success, insomuch that both the times that we anchord to the Southward of Cooks streights every Mess in the ship that had prudence enough salted as much fish as lasted them many weeks after they went to sea.
For the Sorts, there are Macarel of several kinds, one precisely the same as our English ones The Southern Mackerel, Perhaps Probably Rock Cod, Snapper, These were Blue Cod, This surmise was correct. The fish was The Elephant Fish, Several species of these fishes exist in New Zealand waters; an unsigned pencil sketch, pl. 44 in Parkinson I, is of Probably the Spotted or Spiny Dogfish, There are thirteen species of flatfishes in New Zealand; it seems probable that they took several of these, including the Sand Flounder, The Conger Eel, Pneumatophorus colias (Gm.).Trachurus novae-zelandicae Richardson, which seems to be Scomber clupeoides of Solander (Pisc. Aust., 37) from Motuaro.Lotella rachinus (Forster), to which Solander's Gadus rubriginosus (Pisc. Aust., p. 42) appears to refer.Pagrosomus auratus and Tarakihi, Dactylopagrus macropterus; cf. I, 438, n. 3 and 453, n. 3 above.Parapercis colias. See I, p. 453, n. 3 above.Jasus lalandi. Walter, in his account of Anson's voyage, pp. 125–6, writes, ‘we found here one delicacy in greater perfection, both as to size, flavour, and quantity, than is, perhaps, to be met with in any part of the world: this was a sea-cra-fish; they generally weighed eight or nine pounds a-piece, were of a most excellent taste, and lay in such abundance near the water's edge, that the boat-hooks often struck into them, in putting the boats to and from the shore’.Callorhincus callorhynchus (Linn.); it has a curious proboscis like a short trunk, which gives it its name. Relation du voyage de la mer du Sud aux côtes du Chilì et du Pérou, fait pendant les années 1712, 1713 et 1714 (Paris 1716), the fruit of travels at the behest of the French government, to spy out the land in the Spanish colonies of South America. He was a military engineer of high reputation, who became, finally, director of fortifications in Brittany. He wrote also on fireworks, and on architecture and building. An English translation of his Relation (A Voyage to the South-Sea, And along the Coasts of Chili and Peru… . By Monsieur Frezier, Engineer in Ordinary to the French King) appeared in 1717. It is this edition, I think, that Banks refers to, here and elsewhere in his journal. Frézier writes (p. 121), ‘The great Fishery is carry'd on at Concon, a Hamlet two Leagues N. and by E. from Valparaiso by sea… . There they take Corbinos, a Sort of Fish known in Spain, Tollos and Pezegallos, which they dry to send to Santiago, which is also serv'd with fresh Fish from thence. The last of them takes its Name from its Shape, because it has a Sort of Comb, or rather a Trunk, which has given Occasion to the Creolians to call it Pezegallo, that is, Cock-fish. The French call it Demoiselle or Elephant, because of its Trunk, which is here to be seen, as I drew it by the Life’. But the names given on pl. XVII, opposite this passage, are ‘Pejegallo ou Poisson Coq’.Raja nasuta (Müller and Henle), from ‘Totarra nue’ (Totaranui); another most interesting capture from that same locality was of Arhyn-chobatis asperrimus Waite 1909, which Solander clearly described (p. 133) as Raia arsata; tho only other specimen known to science was described by Waite. Solander, p. 137, also described the Eagle Ray Aetobatus caudatus (Hector).Squalus fernandinus Molina; Phillipps suggests that the New Zealand fish common in S. kirki. See Parkinson I, pl. 52. The Carpet Shark, Cephaloscyllium isabella (Bonnaterre) was described by Solander (p. 167) as Squalus lima, and painted by Parkinson, I, pl. 53. Banks may have had that in mind also.Rhombosolea plebia (Richardson) apparently a species identical with Solander's Pleuronectes plebius (Pisc. Aust., p. 12).Conger verrauxi, is the commonest of the New Zealand marine eels. New Zealand cels and congers belong to the same genera as European species.
Tho the countrey is generaly coverd with an abundant verdure of grass and trees yet I cannot say that it is productive of so great a variety as many countries I have seen. The intire novelty however of the greatest part of what we found recompens'd us as natural historians for the want of variety. Sow thistle, Sonchus oleraceus, called by the Maori Puwha and eaten by him.
Solanum nigrum, which botanists have thought possibly introduced; but this mention seems conclusive that it was a native.
Of the grasses that Banks collected only Deschampsia caespitosa is now considered to be the same species in New Zealand as in England; Trisetum subspicatum was formerly so considered.
Today the interpretation would be that the spp., e.g. of the genus Pratia, are closely related rather than identical. Apium prostratum and Cardamine glacialis are common to Tierra del Fuego and New Zealand. Jour. Arnold Arbor. 26:51-58, 1945) discusses bicentric-paleoantarctic distributions in general with special reference to Wintcraceae. Cockayne (New Zealand Plants and their Story, 2–7, 1910) briefly considers the topic, citing other examples.
Eatable Vegetables there are very few. We indeed as people who had been long at sea found great benefit in the article of health by eating plentifully of wild Celery, Probably what Cook called scurvy-grass, Apium prostratum and A. filifolium. Lepidium oleraceum; other candidates would be a wild cress called Poniu,
The New Zealand variety of this herb is Chenopodium triandrum. It may be added, as a philological curiosity, that Banks's words, taken over into Hawkesworth, become in O.E.D. the first literary mention of ‘lambs’ quarters’, though ‘fat-hen’ is there ignored in favour of a 1795 appearance.
The ‘Cabbage tree’ of New Zealand (Kouka of the Maori, who ate its leaf-heads) is Cordyline australis (Forst. f.) Hook.f. But Hooker, who was certainly familiar with the plant—for he gave the species its present botanical name—identified the source of Banks's ‘one delicious meal’ as the Nikau palm,
Probably the Kiekie, Freycinetia banksii A. Cunn., related to the pandanus.
Nor does their cultivated grounds produce many speceis of Esculent plants, three only I have seen — Yams, sweet potatoes, and Coccos, all three well known in both East and West Indies and much esteemd of these, especialy the two former. They cultivate often peices of many acres, and I beleive any ship that was to be to the Northward in the Autumn about the time of digging them up might purchase any quantity. Besides these they cultivate gourds, Hue, Lagenaria siceraria.
Fruits they have none, except I should reckon a few kind of insipid berries which had neither sweetness nor flavour to recommend them and which none but the boys took the pains to gather. The woods however abound with excellent timber trees fit for any kind of building in size, grain, and apparent durability. One which bears a very conspicuous scarlet flower made up [of?] many threads, and is a large tree as big as an oak in England, has a very heavy hard wood which seems well adapted for the Cogs of Mill wheels
The Pohutukawa, Metrosideros tomentosa Soland. ex Gaertn. (M. tomentosa A. Rich.), the ‘iron-hearted myrtle’ of the poet Domett; its timber is extremely hard and durable. It is represented in the Pocket Book, p. 111, its source not recorded more precisely than New Zealand, but there can be no doubt that the specimen is associated with Banks's notation, Cheeseman's scepticism notwithstanding (Manual of the New Zealand Flora, ed. 2 [Wellington 1925], p. 594). Hooker made the identification Metrosideros robusta, Rata, but he was pretty clearly wrong; and no coll. of that species was preserved, if gathered.Podocarpus spicatus; see I, p. 436, n. 2 above, and Pl. 12 in the present volume. Phormium tenax Forst.; the Maori name is Harakeke.
There are indeed two species of the plant, Phormium tenax and
When first we came ashore we imagind the countrey to be much better peopled than we afterwards found it, concluding from the Smoaks that we saw that there were inhabitants very far inland, which indeed in Poverty bay and the Bay of Plenty, which are much the best peopled parts of the countrey that we have seen, may yet be the case. In all the other parts we have been in we have however found the sea coast only inhabited and that but sparingly, insomuch that the number of inhabitants seem to bear no kind of proportion to the size of the countrey which they possess, and this probably is owing to their frequent wars. Besides this the whole Coast from Cape Maria Van Diemen to Mount Egmont and seven eights of the Southern Island seems totaly without people. It is almost impossible to make an instructed guess at the Maori population at this time, and these remarks of Banks do not help us in the least. He seems to have gone purely on the presence or absence of smoke. He could hardly have found any part of the country beyond the sea-coast inhabited, because he had never been beyond the sea-coast. In the North Island there were considerable centres of population inland; and for all Banks knew, there might have been in the South Island too, though in fact, because of the climate, there were not. It is true, however, that according to European ideas the number of inhabitants bore ‘no kind of proportion to the size of the country which they’ possessed—as European settlers were later loud in proclaiming; but the Maori knew the whole habitable part of the country intimately, and each part of it played a clearly understood part in his economy.
The men are of the size of the larger Europæans, Stout, Clean Limnd and active, fleshy but never fat as the lazy inhabitants of the South Sea Isles are, vigorous, nimble and at the same time Clever in all their excersizes. I have seen 15 paddles of a side in one of their Canoes move with immensely quick strokes and at the same time as much Justness as if the movers were animated by one Soul: not the fraction of a second could be observd between the dipping and raising any two of them, the Canoe all the While moving with incredible swiftness; and to see them dance their War dance was an amusement which never faild to please every spectator, so much strengh, firmness and agility in their motions and at the same time such excellent time kept that I have often heard above 100 paddles &c.struck against the sides of their boats, as directed by their singing, without a mistake being ever made. Either this sentence is unduly compacted, or Banks witnessed something in the nature of a posture-dance carried on in canoes. Word omitted in Nevertheless the Maori woman did plenty of hard work. There seem to have been a number of motives—revenge or exultation at the end of a battle or siege; acquisition of This was wrong. Prisoners became slaves. The Ms; him supplied from S and P.mana or prestige; ritual; the lack of flesh foods; simple hunger.peruperu or tutu waewae, the war dance, was not needed to work up an artificial courage, for the Maori had enough of the real thing; but there is no doubt it heightened excitement. It seems probable that Banks and his fellows took every haka or posture dance they saw for a war-dance: the haka might be loud and vigorous enough without any intention to intimidate, and the peruperu simply took the haka a stage further, with weapons and an extra zest.
Both sexes were much more modest in their carriage and decent in their Conversation than the Islanders, which such of our people who had a mind to form any connexions with the Women soon found, but they were not impregnable: if the consent of their relations was askd and the Question accompanied with a proper present it was seldom refusd, but then the strictest decency must be kept up towards the young lady or she might baulk the lover after all. Upon one of our gentlemen making his adresses to a family of the better sort the following answer was made him by the mistress of the family: ‘Any of these young ladies will think themselves honourd by your adresses but you must first make me a proper present and must come and sleep with us ashore, for daylight should by no means be a witness of such proceedings’.
Neither sex are quite so cleanly in their persons as the Islanders, not having the advantage of so warm a climate they do not wash so often. But the most disgustfull thing about them is the Oil with which they daub their hair: this is melted from the fat either of fish or Birds: the better sort indeed have it fresh and then it is intirely void of smell, but the inferior often use that that is rancid and consequently smell something like Greenland dock when they are trying Whale Blubber.
Both sexes stain themselves with the colour of black in the same manner and som[e]thing in the same method as the South Sea Islanders, introducing it under the skin by a sharp instrument furnish'd with many teeth, but the men carry this custom to much greater lenghs and the women not so far, they are generaly content with having their lips black'd but sometimes have patches of black on different parts of their bodies. The men on the contrary seem to add to their quantity every Year of their lives so that some of the Elder were almost coverd with it. There faces are the most remarkable, on them they by some art unknown to me dig furrows in their faces a line deep at least and as broad, the edges of which are often again indented and most perfectly black. This may be done to make them look frightfull in war; indeed it has the Effect of making them most enormously ugly, the old ones at least whose faces are intirely coverd with it. The young again often have a small patch on one cheek or over an eye and those under a certain age (may be 25 or 26) have no more than their lips black. Yet ugly as this certainly looks it is impossible to avoid admiring the immence Elegance and Justness of the figures in which it is form'd, S adds in a note, ‘(well as the Resolution of these poor People in bearing pain.)’ Off Cape Brett, on 26 November 1769: I, p. 439 above.Amoco as they call it was placd, but in the spirals upon their faces they generaly agreed, and I have generaly observd that the more populous a countrey was the greater quantity of this Amoco they had; possibly in populous countreys the emulation of Bearing pain with fortitude may be carried to greater lenghs than where there are fewer people and consequently fewer examples to encourage. The Buttocks which in the Islands was the principal seat of this ornament in general here escapes untouchd: in one place only we saw the contrary:
Besides this dying in grain as it may be calld they are very fond of painting themselves with Red Ocre which they do in two ways, either rubbing it Dry upon their skins, which some few do, or daubing their faces with large patches of it mixd with oil which consequently never drys: this latter is generaly practisd by the women and was most universaly condemnd by us, for if any of us had unthinkingly ravishd a kiss from one of these fair Savages our transgressions were wrote in most legible Characters on our noses, which our companions could not fail to see on our first interview.
The common dress of these people is certainly to a stranger at first one of the most uncouth and extrordinary sights that can be imagind. It is made of the leaves of the Flag describd before which are split into 3 or 4 Slips each, and these as soon as they are dry are wove into a kind of Stuff between netting and cloth, out of the upper side of which all the ends, of 8 or 9 inches long each, are sufferd to hang in the same manner as thrums out of a thrum mat. Of these peices of cloth 2 serve for a compleat dress one of which is tied over the shoulders and reaches about their knees, the other about the waist which reaches near the ground; but they seldom wear more than one of these and when they have it on resemble not a little a thachd house. These dresses however, ugly as they are, are well adapted for their convenience who are often obligd to
Woven of scutched flax fibre. The best description of technique, including the The parrot was the Kaka, taniko borders which Banks goes on to mention, is in Buck, pp. 158 ff.Nestor meridionalis (Gm.).
The men always wore short beards and tied their hair in a small knot on the top of their heads, sticking into it a kind of comb A man combed his hair when dressing it carefully, but the main purpose of these combs, whalebone or hardwood, was decorative. They were called They were not invariably white. The black and white tail feathers of the Huia were greatly valued, among others; white plumes were obtained from such birds as the albatross, white heron, tropic bird, gannet, and so on.heru. Women only very rarely wore them. See Pls. 6 and 7.Cf. I, p. 400, n. 2 above. Oudt en Nieuw Oost-Indien (Dordrecht 1724–6), which was translated into more than one language. Not very well arranged, the book was nevertheless a mine of information on the Dutch East Indies, though most detailed on Amboina, and collected together accounts of travel and discovery as far east as China and Japan, and as far south as New Zealand (curiously enough, in Vol. V, thrust into a description of Banda).
The Women contrary to the custom of the Sex in general seemd to affect dress rather less than the men. Their hair which they wore short was seldom tied, and if it was it was behind their heads and never ornamented with feathers. Their cloaths were of the same stuff and in the same form as those of the men but in decently covering themselves they far exceeded them; their lower garments were at all times bound fast round them and they never exposd to view any thing even in the neighbourhood of those parts which nature co[n]ceals, except when they gatherd lobsters and shell fish in which occupation they were frequently obligd to dive, but then they never meant to be seen by men and when once or twice accidentaly met by us shewd most evident signs of Confusion, veiling as well as they could their naked beauties with sea weed the only covering their situation afforded. Round their waists instead of a belt they constantly wore a girdle of many platted strings made of the leaves of a very fragrant Grass; into this were tuckd the leaves of some sweet scented plant fresh gatherd which like the fig leaf of our first mother servd as the ultimate guard of their modesty.
Both sexes bord their ears and wore in them a great variety of ornaments; the holes by stretching were generaly large enough to admit a finger at least. These generaly (as if to keep them upon the
Men as well as women wore this ornament. Greenstone ear pendants or This was the The kuru were straight, curved, circular or some other shape as the stone or the fancy of the artist dictated.tiki or hei tiki, a neck pendant, one of the most characteristic of Maori art forms. It was also fashioned from whalebone. See Pl. 6.rei paraoa or reiputa (rei, a large tooth or whale ivory; paraoa, the sperm whale; puta, a hole) was a valuable ornament; the aristocratic person portrayed in Hawkesworth's pl. 13 is wearing one, as well as a fine kurukuru, or straight greenstone ear pendant and a handsome comb. See Pl. 7.
Their houses are certainly the most inartificialy made of any thing among them, scarce equal to a European dog kennel and resembling one in the door at least, which is barely high and wide enough to admit a man crawling upon all fours. They are seldom more than 16 or 18 feet long, 8 or 10 broad and five or 6 high from the ridge pole to the Ground and built with a sloping roof like our European houses. The materials of both walls and roof is dry grass or hay and very tightly it is put together, so that nescessarily they must be very warm. Some are lind with bark of trees on the inside, and many have either over the door or fixd somewhere in the house a peice of Plank coverd with their carving, which they seem to value much as we do a picture, placing it always as conspicuously as possible.
Mean and low as these houses are they most perfectly resist all inclemencies of the weather and answer consequently the purposes of mere shelter as well as larger would do. The people I beleive spend little of the day in them (except may be in winter): the porch seems to be the place for work, and those who have not room there must set upon a stone or the ground in its neighbourhood. Banks has been describing the commonest sleeping hut or whare puni, the least impressive of Maori architectural forms. By ’dry grass or hay’ he seems to mean the various sedges or rushes which were used for walls and thatching—e.g. toetoe or pampas grass (Arundo conspicua). Whare puni, it is to be noted, might on the other hand be very carefully and skilfully constructed timber buildings. He unfortunately does not seem to have seen any of the great whare whakairo, the ’superior houses’ decorated with carving and woven designs, which were the glory of Maori architecture, apart from the imperfect example mentioned in the next paragraph.
Some few of the better sort have kind of Court Yards, the walls of which are made of poles and hay 10 or 12 feet high, which as their families are large incloses 3 or 4 houses. But I must not forget the ruins or rather frame of a house (for it had never been finishd) which I saw at Tolaga, as it was so much superior in size to any thing of the kind we have met with in any other part of the land. It was 30 feet in lengh, in breadth and high; the sides of it were ornamented with many broad carvd planks of a workmanship superior to any we saw upon the land; but for what purpose this was built or why deserted we could not find out. It might have been designed as a whare hui, an assembly house for the tribe and its guests, or a whare runanga, where tribal discussions would take place. A possible reason for desertion (if Banks was right about desertion—and he probably was, for it was important to push right on with the construction of a house once it was started) was some infringement of tapu. Cf. The Maori, II, p. 561: ’The tapu of a new house … is, or was, even more stringent than that of an occupied house. For a house in course of construction is placed under the care and control of the gods, and great care has to be taken that no act is committed that will give offence to those gods, or trouble will visit the house, its builders or inmates—this because the gods have withdrawn their protection. No woman was allowed in or near a superior house in course of construction. Such an untoward occurrence would be followed by lack of energy, listlessness on the part of the workmen, and probably the house would never be finished’.
Tho these people when at home defend themselves so well from the inclemencies of the Weather, yet when abroad upon their excursions which they often make in search of fern roots fish &c. they seem totaly indifferent of shelter: sometimes they make a small shade to wind ward of them but oftener omit that precaution. During our stay at Purangi, the Maori name of the ‘Oyster River’ at Mercury Bay, transferred by those in the OpoorageEndeavour to the whole bay.
Their food, in the use of which the[y] seem to be moderate, consists of Dogs, Birds, especialy sea fowl as penguins albatrosses Kumara (cf. Tahitian Umara), pakeha has also acquired it) to the ‘mutton bird’, the Sooty Shearwater, Puffinus griseus. Banks ignores, and can have had no means of learning, the much greater importance of forest birds for Maori diet. Ipomoea batatas.
Uhi or Uwhi (Tahitian Uhi), Dioscorea sp.
Taro (Tahitian Taro), Colocasia antiquorum.
Puwha,
Kouka, the inner leaf-shoots of the
Aruhe, the rhizomes of the bracken fern, Pteridium aquilinum. (Cf. I, p. 416 above.) It ranges from Australia to Tahiti, as the regional variant of the world-wide monotypic Pteridium.
Among fish and insects indeed there are many instances which prove that those who live by prey regard little whither what they take is of their own or any other species; but any one who considers the admirable chain of nature in which Man, alone endowd with reason, justly claims the highest rank and next to him are placd the half reasoning Elephant, the sagacious dog, the architect Beaver, &c. in Whoom instinct so nearly resembles reason as to have been mistaken for it by men of no mean capacitys, from these descending through the less informd Quadrupeds and birds to the fish and insects, which seem besides the instinct of Fear which is given them for self preservation to be movd only by the stings of hunger to eat and those of lust to propagate their species, which when born are left intirely to their own care, and at last by the medium of the Oyster, &c. &c. which not being able to move but as tost about by the waves must in themselves be furnishd with both sexes that the species may be continued, shading itself away into the vegetable kingdom for the preservation of whoom neither sensation nor instinct is wanting — whoever considers this I say will easily see that no Conclusion in favour of such a practise can be drawn from the actions of a race of beings placd so infinitely below us in the order of Nature. Nothing more than this paragraph could place Banks so exactly in his period. The ‘order of nature’ or the ‘chain of nature’ was one of the overruling ideas of the eighteenth century, and perhaps the nearest to a philosophical or general scientific notion that Banks ever had. With a long ancestry in the western world, in his time it was as commonly accepted as the idea of evolution is in ours. All created things, it was held, are linked together in a regular progression, from the non-sentient to the sentient, rocks to man (however many ‘missing links’ there might be to discover), with a further infinite progression beyond man to the Creator; and each had its settled place, as ordained by the Creator, in the whole related scheme. Nature does not proceed by leaps, to quote one of the classic formulations. Banks has already made one allusion to the idea in his remark on penguins (p. 5 above), ‘which are truly what the French call Nuance, between birds and fishes’; and will make others on corals (p. 108 below): ‘we were so intirely taken up with the more conspicuous links of the chain of creation’; and on Hottentots (p. 256 below), ‘that some have been inclined to suppose them more nearly related to Baboons than Men’. The unfortunate Hottentots were always being picked on to illustrate. The Great Chain of Being (Cambridge, Mass. 1942), is devoted to the subject, Chapters VI (‘The Chain of Being in eighteenth century thought’) and VIII (‘The Chain of Being and some aspects of eighteenth century biology’) being particularly apposite in the present context.
But to return to my subject. Simple as their food is their Cookery as far as I saw is as simple: a few stones heated hot and laid in a hole, their meat laid upon them and coverd with Hay seems to be the most dificult part of it. He refers to the umu or hangi (Tahitian umu) the traditional Polynesian ‘earth-oven’, described in detail, I, p. 344 above.
To the Southward where little or nothing is planted Fern roots and fish must serve them all the Year. Here therefore we saw that they had made vast piles of Both, especialy the latter which were dryd in the sun very well, I suppose meant for winter stock when possibly Fish is not so plentifull or the trouble of catching it greater than in Winter.
Water is their universal drink nor did I see any signs of any other liquor being at all known to them, or any method of Intoxication. If they realy have not happy they must be allowd to be above all other nations that I at least have heard of. Among happy nations Banks has forgotten the Tierra del Fuegians, whose ignorance of strong liquors was much admired by British seafarers such as
So simple a diet accompanied with moderation must be productive of sound health, which indeed these people are blessd with in a very high degree. Tho we were in several of their towns where Young and old crowded to see us, actuated by the same curiosity as made us desirous of seing them, I do not remember a single instance of a person distemperd in any degree that came under my inspection, and among the numbers of them that I have seen naked I have never seen an eruption on the skin or any signs of one by scars or otherwise. Their skins indeed when they came off to us in their canoes were often markd in patches with a white flowery appearance which at first deceivd us, but we afterwards
Such health drawn from so sound principles must make physicians almost useless: indeed I am inclind to think that their knowledge of Physick is but small from the state of their surgery which more than once came under my inspection. Of this art they seemd totaly ignorant; I saw several who were wounded by our shot without the smallest application upon their wounds, one in particular who had a musquet ball shot through the fleshy part of his arm; he came out of his house and shewd himself to us making a little use of the wounded arm; the wound which was then of several days standing was totaly void of inflammation, seemd well digested, in short appeard to me to be in so good a state that had any application been made use of I should not have faild to enquire carefully what it had Been which had had so good an Effect. Cf. I, p. 443 above.
A farther proof and not a weak one of the sound health that these people enjoy may be taken from the number of old people we saw; hardly a canoe came off to us that did not bring one or more and every town had several whoom if we may judge by gray hairs and worn out teeth were of a very advancd age. The worn-out teeth may have been due to the fern-root diet. Best, who discusses its use in detail, says (I, p. 427), ‘The chewing of these roots was hard on the teeth; I have seen many old skulls containing teeth so worn that the grinders must have been worn pretty well down to the gums, but every tooth as sound as the proverbial bell’.
That these people have a larger share of ingenuity than usualy falls to the lot of nations who have had so little or indeed no commerce with any others appears at first sight. Their boats, the better sort of them at least, shew it most evidently. They are built of very thin planks sewd together, This was not so. The canoes which Banks observed were the seagoing vessels for fishing and coastal travel ( This blank argues that Banks was hazy about the length of the The shell of the Paua, ‘Outligger’ or ‘outlicker’, thinks the O.E.D., was probably a corruption of ‘outlier’, and is defined as from 1626 as ‘a spar projecting from a vessel to extend some sail, or to make a greater angle for some rope’. It gave way to ‘outrigger’ in 1755. But ‘outrigger’ has ordinarily a quite different meaning, as here: and S has the note, ‘Outligger. A piece of board at the side, by way of balancing’.waka tete) or the great war-canoes (waka taua). Neither (nor indeed any other Maori canoe) was ‘built of very thin planks sewd together’; he must have been misled by imperfect study of the top or gunwale strakes, which were lashed on to the main part of the hull, and then, writing this general New Zealand summary after he had left the country, incorporated some of his own observations from the waka taua, built up of a long middle section and shorter bow and stern sections joined cunningly and strongly by mortice and tenon.Endeavour, which was 106 feet. This was certainly an unusually large canoe, but war canoes eighty feet long, or even longer, were not uncommon.Haliotis sp.
In managing these canoes they are very expert, in the padling of them at least, in one I counted 16 padlers of a side and never did men I beleive keep better time with their strokes, driving on the boat with immense velocity. Their paddles are often ornamented with carving, their blade is of an oval shape pointed towards the bottom, broadest in the middle and again sloping towards the handle, which is about 4 feet long, the whole being generaly near 6 feet long more or less. But in sailing they are not so expert, we very seldom saw them make use of Sails and indeed never unless when they were to go right before the wind. They were made of mat and instead of a mast were hoisted upon two sticks which were fastned one to each side, so that they requird two ropes which answerd the purpose of sheets and were fastned to the tops of these sticks; Banks does not make this rig altogether clear, and he seems to be describing a square sail. But the author of the anonymous Journal of a Voyage round the World (1771), writing of a sailing canoe in the Bay of Plenty, describes ‘a sail of an odd construction, which was made from a kind of matting, and of a triangular figure, the hypotheneuse, or broadest part, being placed at the top of the mast, and ending in a point at the bottom’ (p. 82). The sole surviving Maori sail is in the British Museum. It is triangular (though certainly not a right-angled triangle, as ‘hypotheneuse’ would infer), 14 ft 6 in. long, 6 ft 4 in. wide at the base, and 12 in. wide at the apex. It was rigged on a vertical mast, the base at the top, the other long side attached to a sprit or boom, which was itself loosely attached at the bottom to the mast just above the thwart. This boom was manoeuvred by a rope tied to it near the top; the mast, the boom, and rope, together with the shrouds and stays of the masts, may have given Banks the impression he records of ‘two sticks … fastned one to each side’. The British Museum sail has been described and figured by Journal of the Polynesian Society, 40 (1931), pp. 129—35, with Additional Notes by
For the beauty of their carving in general I fain would say something more about it but find myself much inferior to the task. I shall therefore content myself with saying that their taste varied into two materialy different Stiles, I will call them. One was intirely formd of a number of Spirals diff[er]ently connected, the other was in a much more wild taste and I may truly say was like nothing but itself. Possibly Banks is here referring to the formalized human figure, or to such pieces as the figure-heads of war canoes—where indeed the spiral and double-spiral were much used, together with scroll-work and straight lines.
After having said so much of their workmanship it will be nescessary to say something of their tools. As they have no metal among them these are made of Stone of different kinds, their hatchets If Banks means ‘hatchet’ literally, and not ‘adze’, this is evidence for the existence among the ancient Maori of an axe-hafted implement with two bevels to its edge, the Greenstone or nephrite, By jasper he probably means obsidian. The process was long and complicated, and Banks certainly had no opportunity to observe it. The piece of stone or greenstone deemed suitable was reduced to something like its final shape by hammering, and sawing with a stone file, sand and water; then the inequalities were flaked, chipped, ‘pecked’ and ‘bruised’ off with further stone instruments; then it was ground with wet sandstone; then it was rubbed with a special polishing stone, or with green lacebark wood. Greenstone was polished with shark oil.toki titaha, about which there has been a good deal of enquiry and controversy. See The Stone Implements of the Maori (Dominion Museum Bulletin 10, Wellington 1912), Chap. VIII, esp. pp. 137 ff. Cook refers to ‘adzes or axes’ as the tools used in building canoes and houses.pounamu.patoo patoo, which are made of very hard stone, I must confess I am quite ignorant.
For their Cloths they are made exactly in the same manner as is usd by the inhabitants of South America, some of whose workmanship procurd at Rio de Janeiro I have on board: the warp or long threads are laid very close together and each crossing of the woof is distant from another an inch at least. But they have besides this several other kinds of cloth and work borders to them all, which I have before mentiond, but as to their manner of doing I must confess myself totaly ignorant. The reader will find an illuminating discussion of cloth-making technique in Buck, pp. 158 ff. Banks made a bad guess here: the bodkin was not to repair, but to fasten the garment when in use.
Netts for fishing they make in the same manner as ours, of an amazing size. A seine seems to be the joint work of a whole town and I suppose the joint property: of these I think I have seen as large as ever I saw in Europe. Besides this they have fish pots and
There was more than one sort of the circular net here described, of different sizes and names, depending on the sort of fish it was used for. Banks is rather unjust to the Maori fish hook.
In tillage they excell, as people who are themselves to eat the fruit of their industry and have little else to do but to cultivate nescessarily must. When we first came to Tegadu their crops were just coverd and had not yet began to sprout: the mould was as smooth as in a garden, and every root had its small hillock rangd in a regular Quincunx by lines which with the pegs still remaind in the feild. This seems to refer to He is describing the tool called the kumara cultivation.ko, only one (though an important one) of those used in tilling the ground.
Tillage, weaving and the rest of the arts of peace are best known and most practisd in the North Eastern parts; indeed in the Southern there is little to be seen of any of them. But War seems to be equaly known to all tho most practisd in the South West parts. The mind of man, ever ingenious in inventing instruments of destruction, has not been Idle here. Their weapons tho few are well calculated for bloody fights and the destruction of numbers, defensive weapons they have none and no Missive ones except stones and darts which
A spear of this sort seems to be described by no one besides Banks, and there appears to be no specific Maori name for it. As described it comes somewhere between the The The first shape drawn by Banks represents the stone The dart or Spears made of hard wood and pointed at both ends, sometimes headed with human bones; of these some are 14 or 15 feet long; they are graspd by the middle so that the end which hangs behind, serving as a balance to keep steady that which is before, makes it much more dificult to parry a push from one of them than it would be from one of a spear only half as long which was held by the end.huata or taoroa, the long spear (18—24 feet) used in the attack on or defence of the fortified pa, and the Ordinargy light fighting spear or tao, 6 to 9 feet long. Best (II, pp. 242—3) remarks that ‘Notched spear points of whale's bone (taraiwi pakake) were occasionally used, lashed to a shaft of ten feet or so in length’. The Maori in any case did not hold his spear ‘by the end’.Battle axes made likewise of a very hard wood about 6 feet long, the bottom of the handle pointed, and the blade which is perfectly like the blade of an axe but broader made very sharp; with these they chop at the heads of their antagonists when an opportunity offers.tewhatewha. The point was not very sharp or lethal, and the important blow was delivered not with the ‘sharp’ edge of the blade, as Banks assumed, but with the thick back of it—i.e. it was a club rather than an axe, and when made from the favourite root of the tree called Maire, extremely hard and strong, was a very efficient club.Patoo patoos as they calld them, a kind of small hand bludgeon of stone, bone or hard wood most admirably calculated for the cracking of sculls; they are of different shapes, some like an old fashiond chopping knife, others of this always however having sharp edges and a sufficient weight to make a second blow unnescessary if the first takes place; in these they seemd to put their cheif dependance, fastning them by a strong strap to their wrists least they should be wrenchd from them. The principal people seldom stirrd out without one of them sticking in his girdle, generaly made of Bone (of Whales as they told us) or of coarse black Jasper very hard, insomuch that we were almost led to conclude that in peace as well as war they wore them as a warlike ornament in the same manner as we Europeans wear swords.patu, which had the distinctive name onewa. He uses the term ‘Jasper’ rather loosely; he may here be referring to the baked argyllite much used in the kotiate, described by Buck (p. 278) as ‘somewhat fiddle-shaped owing to a notch on each side’. Whalebone clubs were generically called patu paraoa. The most beautiful of patu was of course the greenstone mere, and this in particular might be worn ‘as a warlike ornament’, in addition to its function as a deadly weapon.pere seems to have died out of use by the time of early European settlement in New Zealand. It was frequently stuck lightly in the ground at an angle and projected with a sort of throwing stick (Best refers to them as ‘whip-thrown’, II, pp. 273—5,) as well as flung down from a pa as recounted by Banks; so that it does not appear to have been particularly well adapted for offence at sea.Stones however they use much more dextrou[s]ly. Tho ignorant of the use of Slings they throw by hand a considerable distance; when they have pelted us with them on board the ship I have seen our people attempt to throw them back and not be able to reach the Canoes, tho they had so manifest an advantage in the hight of their situation.
These are all that can properly be calld arms. But besides these the cheifs when they came to attack us carried in their hands a kind of ensign of distinction in the same manner as ours, or spontoons: they were either the rib of a Whale as white as snow carvd very much and ornamented with dogs hair and feathers, This must have been the Possibly a wooden version of the hoeroa, which Best (II, pp. 276—9) describes as ‘the most peculiar weapon of the native armoury, and, moreover, one concerning which we have very little explanation to offer as to its use. Its extraordinary shape, its lack of a piercing point, render it an extremely puzzling form… . [It] is 5 ft. and upward in length, about two inches wide, flat, and about ¼ in. in thickness, or a little more. Neither end is brought to a piercing point, but merely slightly rounded. It carries its width throughout… . The rear end was adorned with carved designs, and a little carving may appear about the middle’. As a weapon it is said to have been thrown; but examples which were, in Banks's words, ‘carvd very much’ are more likely to have been simply the mark of chiefly rank and authority—an ‘ensign of distinction’. But it now seems certain that it was not a weapon at all. The literal meaning of hoeroa is ‘long paddle’: it was an ‘ensign of distinction’ purely, the mark of chiefly rank and authority.hoeroa; but probably the well-known taiaha, one end of which was carved into a grotesque face with a lengthened distended tongue, and eyes of pawa or haliotis. It was much used in ceremonial as well as being a favourite weapon; good examples of this long slim perfectly balanced shaft are matched in beauty only by a fine greenstone mere, with its austere purity of line and colour.haromai haromai harre uta a patoo patoo ’ogeHaere mai, haere mai, haere ki uta hei patu-patu ake: ‘literally ‘Come here, come here, come on shore to be patu-patued!’
The War Song and dance consists of Various contortions of the limbs during which the tongue is frequently thrust out incredibly far and the orbits of the eyes enlargd so much that a circle of white is distinctly seen round the Iris: in short nothing is omittd which can render a human shape frightful and deformd, which I suppose they think terrible. During this time they brandish their spears, hack the air with their patoo patoos and shake their darts as if they meant every moment to begin the attack, singing all the time in a wild but not disagreable manner and ending every strain with a loud and deep fetchd sigh in which they all join in concert. The whole is accompanied by strokes struck against the sides of the Boats &c with their feet, Paddles and arms, the whole in such excellent time that tho the crews of several Canoes join in concert you rarely or never hear a single stroke wrongly placd. Banks seems in this paragraph to be telescoping his impressions of haka or peruperu seen on land and some modified version of song and posture adapted to performance in the canoes. Although the haka was (and is) a posture dance it is difficult to reconcile some of its characteristic figures with a crowded canoe out at sea, even in a flat calm. But no doubt enough could be done to work up a sufficiently intimidating effect; and no doubt the chief himself, with taiaha or patu, could put on a terrifying display. Parkinson made a drawing of the crew of a canoe bidding defiance to the ship, as well as one showing them in more peaceful shape. The best description of the haka seen on land during the Endeavour's visit is by Monkhouse, in Cook I, p. 569.
This we calld the War song, for tho they seemd fond of using it upon all occasions whether in war or peace they I beleive never omit it in their attacks. ‘Tho they seemd fond of using it upon all occasions whether in war or peace’ is a perceptive remark. Probably this was the instrument known as The shell trumpet was not a musical instrument, but was used for signalling purposes, e.g. to bring people together or to announce visitors. The shell was that of the New Zealand Triton, Perhaps the Haka was a general term for the dance, and a perfectly peaceable, welcoming and fraternal haka might bear all the marks—to the uninitiated—of extreme fury and bloodthirstiness. The war-dance was properly called peruperu, and was a really formidable exhibition: as Banks says, nothing was omitted that could render a human shape frightful. But it still remained a masterpiece of co-ordination and rhythm.pu torino (pu to blow; torino, flowing smoothly), about 18 inches long on the average. Not a great deal is known about its use; Buck (p. 261) was ‘informed that it was in the nature of a speaking trumpet, the player singing or reciting words and chants into the instrument’. See also Best, II, pp. 150—2. It was blown into from the end, and was often beautifully carved. Or Banks may have been referring to the whio, another sort of slim flute.Charonia capax euclioides Finlay.koaauau, the shape of which however varied, and might be straight. If so, Banks does a grave injustice to its sound; in the famous legend of Tutanekai and Hinemoa it was the strains of the koauau played by Tutanekai on the island Mokoia that brought Hinemoa swimming across Lake Rotorua to him. But Banks does not appear ever to have heard the instruments played. See Pl. 9.
That they eat the bodies of such of their enemies as are killd in war is a fact which, tho universaly acknowledg'd by them from our first landing at every place we came into, I confess I was very loth to give credit to till I by accident found the bones of men well pick'd in the very baskets where these people keep their provision: so convincing a proof I could not withstand, so I proceeded to inquire as well as I could with the small knowledge of their language which I had and the Assistance of Tupia what were their customs upon this occasion. They told us that a few days before a canoe of their enemies had been surprizd by them and that out of her they killd 7 persons, to one of whoom the bones in the basket had belongd, that now all the flesh of these people was eat up and most
The heads of friends as well as enemies might be preserved, the former to be wept over, the latter to be reviled. They were first steamed to soften and dispose of interior matter, the eyes taken out and the eyelids sewn down, and then were smoke-dried and oiled. The ‘false eyes’ referred to by Banks were pieces of Quarter was given, and prisoners became slaves of the victors. Battles were not infrequently followed by the slaying and consumption of prisoners, and slaves were killed and eaten on ritual occasions, but it does not seem that the sort of stocking of a larder to which Banks refers was ever a matter of general practice.paua or haliotis shell, as used for the eyes of carved figures. It was these ‘smoked heads’ that were a popular article of Maori-European trade in the 1820’s and 1830’s, especially when the tattooing was good. The Maori however was not a ‘head-hunter’.
The state of war in which they live, constantly in danger of being surprizd when least upon their guard, has taught them not only to live together in towns, but to fortify those towns; which they do by a broad ditch and a pallisade within it of no despicable construction. For these Towns or Forts, which they call A very erroneous conclusion. Banks here seems to be reverting to the Heppas, they chuse situations naturaly strong; commonly Islands or Peninsulas where the sea or steep cliffs defend the greatest part of their works; and if there is any part weaker than the rest a stage is erected over
pa at Mercury Bay, cf. I, p. 433 above.
Of these Forts or towns we saw many, indeed the inhabitants constantly livd in such from the Westermost part of the Bay of Plenty to Queen Charlots Sound; but about Hawk's bay, Cf. I, p. 424, n. 2 above. Banks at ‘countrey’ refers to a note written by him later, Chieftainship came from birth, but a man naturally gifted would gain authority, particularly in times of war or other emergency. Age added to authority, as in most societies; and it seems that most of the leaders encountered by Banks were chiefs born. This is unlikely.Ms f. 220, as follows: ‘the People who mentiond Teratu to us pointed as we thought always in land, but since the countrey has been laid down upon paper it appears that over the land in that direction lays the Bay of Plenty; from hence it appears probable that this is the residence of Teratu and if so the Countrey in land will probably be found to be quite void of inhabitants’. ‘Inland’ from where the informants pointed was the west— te ra to—an added argument for the confusion of Teratu, the name of a person, with that of a direction. What Banks goes on to say about the ‘Indian Monarch’ adds nothing to what he has said already.
The Women are less regarded here than at the South Sea Islands, at least so Tupia thought who complaind of it as an insult upon the sex. They eat with the men however. How the sexes divide labour I do not know but I am inclind to beleive that the Men till the ground, fish in boats and take birds, the Women dig up Fern roots, If by this Banks means the aruhe, the bracken rhizomes, he must have seen something exceptional; for this laborious task was generally carried out by the men.
We saw few signs of religion among these people: they had no publick places of Worship among them as the inhabitants of the South Sea Islands, and only one private one came under my observation, which was in the neighbourhood of a plantation of their sweet potatoes. It was a small square, borderd round with stones; in the middle was a spade, and on it was hung a basket of fern roots, an offering (I suppose) to the Gods for the success of the Crop, so at least one of the natives explaind it. The ‘Gods’, in this case, would be Rongo, the god of agriculture (and also, logically enough, of peace). It does not seem likely that the ‘small square’ here described, was a place of worship, though no doubt suitably tapu.
The Burial of the Dead instead of being a Pompous ceremony as in the Islands is here kept secret. By ‘Burial of the Dead’ Banks must mean actual interment—or other disposal—of bodies, or of bones: for exhumation of the remains of important people and the scraping clean of their bones for final disposal was not infrequent. Earth, sand, swamp were all used for burial; caves provided natural vaults; bones were sometimes hidden in tapu trees; some tribes practised cremation. Mourning ceremonies—the tangi—however were highly public, and pompous enough in a savage way to figure in
Thus much for the manners and customs of these people as far as they have come to my knowledge in the few opportunities I had of seeing them; they differ in many things but agree in more with those of the inhabitants of the South Sea Islands. Their Language I shall next give a short specimen of which is almost precisely the same at least in fundamentals. It is true that they have generaly added several letters to the words as usd by the inhabitants of Otahite &c. He is thinking primarily no doubt of the consonantal changes which were characteristic of the variants of the Polynesian language-group: e.g. the Tahitian and This is an interesting list. Examples may be studied, as with Banks's Tahitian vocabulary, I, pp. 372—3 above. As with his Tahitian words, Banks frequently takes the indefinite article va'a (canoe) in New Zealand was waka; similarly ra'i (sky) was rangi; umete (bowl) was kumete. The southern dialects in New Zealand used k instead of ng. The Tahitian word for house, fare, became whare, but for many Europeans the Maori aspirate wh sound seemed equivalent to f. See for a short, clear discussion Buck, pp. 74—9.e or he as an inherent part of the word: e.g. his words for Forehead, Northern Erai, Southern Heai, Tahitian Erai=[e] rae, [he] rae. [e] rae. He was certainly more characteristic of the southern dialects than e. With his words for Chief we have evidence of consonantal ambiguity: Eareete, Eareete, Earee=[e] ariki, [e] ariki, [e] arii; similarly for Trees: Eratou=[e] rakau, Tahitian [e] rauu. With Yams we have the definite article te plus consonantal ambiguity: Tuphwe = [te] uhi; with Lobster the te only in the Tahitian word: Kooura=koura but Tooura=[te] oura. With Hair we have two different Maori words: Northern Macauwe=makawe; Southern Heoooo apparently=[he] huruhuru; Tahitian Roourou=rouru. With Ear we have two different words and probably some poor reporting for the Southern one: Terringa=taringa, but Hetaheyei may be [he] + [te] hoi (the lobe of the ear); Terrea=Tahitian taria. The Maori word Taata reported for Man has an interest of its own; for it suggests that the consonantal change from Tahitian taata to tangata was not yet made: Banks seems otherwise to pick up the ng sound—e.g. paparinga (cheeks), [he] ringaringa (arm).
I must remark that the greatest part of the southern Language was not taken down by myself and I am inclind to beleive that the person who did it for me made use of more letters in spelling the
There was no special practice of this sort in ‘the Southern parts’. The ‘Genius of the Language’ was just as much alive in the north. The Tahitian form was He, or Ko;He is the indefinite article (Tahitian c); ko (Tahitian o), a particle ‘used when the predicate is either a proper name, a personal pronoun, a local noun, or the interrogatives wai or hea [or whea]; also before a common noun with any of the definitives except he’.—Tregear, Maori Comparative Dictionary. Ko wai, who?—ko whea, where, what? The answer would begin also ko, he is, or it is (cf. O Tahiti).Oeiaaheiha, a word denoting acquiescence—‘yes, indeed’, ‘truly’.Motu Aro: some of our gentlemen askd the name of this from one of the Natives, Who answerd I suppose as usual Kemotu aro;Ko, Motu-aro, ‘It is Motu-aro’.Oeia to the end of the name which made it Kemotuaroeiea:Ko Motu-aro aheiha, ‘Truly, it is Motu-aro’.Cumattiwarroweia. The same is practisd by the inhabitants of the South Sea Islands only their Particle instead of He, or She, is To, or To;O, rather.oeiaoiha, meaning (according to Davies), ‘yes, it is so, spoken rather contemptuously’.
From the similarity of customs, the still greater of Traditions and the almost identical sameness of Language between these people and those of the Islands in the South Sea there remains little doubt that they came originaly from the same source: but where that Source is future experience may teach us, at Present I can say no more than that I firmly beleive that it is to the Westward and by no means to the East. The origin of the Polynesian peoples was no doubt discussed at large in the Endeavour. Cf. Cook, pp, 286–8: to him the common language was a sufficient proof that both the islanders and the New Zealanders ‘have had one Origin cr Source but where this is, even time perhaps may never discover. It certainly is neither to the Southward nor Eastward for I cannot preswaid my self that ever they came from America and as to a Southern Continent I do not believe any such thing exists unless in a high Latitude… .’ Parkinson, on the other hand (
Having now intirely circumnavigated New Zealand and found it, not as generaly has been supposd part of a continent, but 2 Islands: and having not the least reason to imagine that any countrey larger than itself lays in its neighbourhood, it was resolvd to leave it and Proceed upon farther discoveries in our return to England being determind to do as much as the state of the Ship and provisions would allow. In consequence of this resolution a consultation was held and 3 schemes proposd: One, much the most elegible, to return by The ‘Lands seen by Quiros in 1606’, and called by him Austrialia del Espiritu Santo, were the New Hebrides. Banks gives a rather different account of the plan from Cook's, which runs (p. 273), ‘upon leaving this coast to steer to the westward untill we fall in with the East Coast of New Holland and than to follow the deriction of that Coast to the northward or what other direction it may take untill we arrive at its northern extremity, and if this should be found impractical than to endeavour to fall in with the lands or Islands discover'd by Quiros’. Banks's ‘to the northward as far as seemd proper’ is not quite as thoroughgoing as Cook's phraseology. While Frézier's ship was looking for her consorts, on her homeward voyage, in lat. 58° 30′ S, long. 68° 22′ W, he says, ‘we discover'd a shoal of ice, which might be at least 200 foot high above the water, and above 3 cables long. It was at first sight taken for an unknown island, but the weather clearing up a little, it perfectly appear'd to be ice, whose blewish colour in some parts look'd like smoak; the small pieces of ice we immediately saw floating on both sides of the ship, left us no farther room to doubt’. This berg was followed by another, much higher, ‘which look'd like a coast four or five leagues long’. Ice had been seen by other ships, he added, but by very few.— Frézier has his own robust feeling over the matter being considered by Banks: ‘If it be true, as many pretend, that the ice in the sea is only form'd of the fresh water, which runs down from the land, it must be concluded that there is land towards the South Pole; but it is not true that there are [ The references to Juan Fernandez, Hermite, Quiros and Roggeveen, seem all to point to Banks's reading of Buccaneers of America (1685), describes his voyage round the Horn with Captain Bartholomew Sharp, from the Pacific to the Atlantic. In Chapter XXIV, in his entry for 17 November 1681, he writes, ‘At four this morning we saw two or three islands of ice to the S. of us. Soon after this we saw several others, the biggest of them being at least a leagues round. By observation lat. 58° 23′ S. We had now a vehement current to the S. At noon I saw many others of these islands of ice aforementioned, of which some were so long that we could scarce see the end of them, and extended about 10 or 12 fathom above-water’.r Frezier, in his return from the Coast of Chili, in the month of March 1714; he also mentions that it has been seen by other French Ships in the same place.Voyage, pp. 283–4.sic] any more to the northward than 63 degrees of latitude for the extent of above 200 leagues, from 55 of longitude to 80; for that space has been run over by several ships, which the S.W. and S.S.W. winds have obliged to stand far to the southward, to double the end of the lands. Thus those Southern Lands, or Terra Australis generally laid down in the old charts, are meer Chimeras, which have been justly left out of the new charts’.—ibid., p. 284.r 1769, we met with signs of land, sea weed, and a seal: which, tho both of them are often seen at large distances from Land, yet they are not met with in open oceans; and we were at that time to[o] far from the Coast of New Zealand, and much too far from that of South America, to have supposd them to have come from either of these. The Body of this land must however be situated in very high latitudes: a part of it may indeed come to the Northward, within our track; but as we never saw any signs of land, except at the time mentiond above, although I made it my particular business (as well as I beleive the most of us) to look out for such, it must be prodigiously
An Account of the Discoveries made in the South Pacifick Ocean, Previous to 1764; for he was not otherwise learned in the history of Pacific exploration. ‘The land seen by Juan Fernandes’ in 1563, and enlarged by imaginative writers into ‘a very fertile and agreeable continent’, was the island now known by his name. Jacob le Hermite was the admiral put in command of the ‘Nassau fleet’ which sailed round the world in 1623–6; one of its ships, the Orange, which had been blown astray, rejoined the fleet at Juan Fernandez in April 1624 with the news that it had seen the continent—probably cloud-banks-twice, in 50° and 41° S.
To search for this Continent then the best and readyest way by which at once the existence or nonexistence of it might be Provd appears to me to be this: Let the ship or ships destind for this service leave England in the Spring and proceed directly to the Cape of Good hope, where they might refresh their people and supply in some articles their expence of provision; This is followed by about 22 words deleted separately and very heavily, as if Banks were ashamed of what he had written and determined it should not be read; they rouse curiosity, but are certainly quite indecipherable. In the plan thus put forward we see again an indication of the discussions which went on in the great cabin of the ‘Station sloop’: a sloop based on, and in close contact with, some particular naval station, and hence constantly kept under repair. No doubt Banks is thinking of home service.Endeavour. Except for the final few words, ‘proceed home by the East Indies’, it is the plan advanced by Cook at the end of his journal, and the plan of his second voyage. We may, one fancies, attribute it to Cook rather than to Banks.
At the Cape of Good Hope might be procurd Beef, Bread, Flower, Pease, Spirit, or indeed any kind of Provision at Reasonable Rates. The Beef must be bought alive and salted, for which purpose it would be proper to take out salt from Europe; the general price which i[n]deed never varies is two pence a pound, it is tolerable meat but not so fat as ours in England. Pork is scarce and dear, of that therefore a larger proportion might be taken out. Bread, which varies in price, is of the Rusk kind, very good but rather brown. Spirit is Arrack from Batavia, the Price of which after having paid the Duties of Import and Export is 60 Rd, i.e. a Rix dollar, of conventional value 4s English. The conventional spelling is ‘leaguer’.
Should a ship upon this Expedition be obligd to go into False Bay, S has the note, ‘False Bay so call'd because Ships sometimes go into it (by mistake) instead of Table Bay’. Cf. p. 247, n. 1 below. Scoot, Banks's rendering of It is obvious from the contents that this and the preceding paragraphs were later additions to the journal, written after the call at Cape Town on the th of May, most of these articles might be got there at a small advance occasiond by the carriage which is very cheap; and any be wanted which could not, they might be brought from the Cape town either by Dutch Scootsschuit, a Dutch flat-bottomed boat used at home in the river-trade, and no doubt well suited for employment as lighters at the Cape.Endeavour’s homeward passage. Apart from the fact that the page on which this paragraph comes is not filled, there is no other sign of interpolation, as Banks, in making the addition, evidently went back and fair-copied a number of earlier pages leading up to this one.
31 [March]. Our rout being settled in the manner above mentiond we this morn weighd and saild with a fair breeze of wind inclind to fall in with Van Diemen's Land as near as possible to the place where Tasman left it.
1. Fresh breeze and fair all day.
2. Wind more to the westward but still fair. — Our malt having turnd out so indifferent that the Surgeon made little use of it a method was thought of some weeks ago to bring it into use, which was to make as strong a wort with it as possible and in this boil the wheat which is servd to the People for breakfast. It made a mess far from unpleasant which the people soon grew very fond of: myself who have for many months constantly breakfasted upon the same wheat as the people, either did or at least thought that I receivd great benefit from the use of this mess, it totaly banishd in me that troublesome Costiveness which I beleive most people are subject to when at sea. Whether or no this is a more beneficial method of administering wort as a preventative than the common must be left to the faculty, especialy that excellent surgeon Mr M'Bride whose ingenious treatise on the sea scurvy can never be enough commended.Experimental Essays (1764) and Historical Account of the New Method of Treating the Scurvy at Sea (1768)—probably the ‘ingenious treatise’ to which Banks refers—had recommended a boiled wort or infusion of malt as a preventative and cure. Cook had been directed to try MacBride's system during: the voyages and Hist. Rec. N.S.W., I, pt. I, pp. 339–42.
3. Wind as yesterday: we got fast on to the Westward but the Compass shewd that the hearts of our people hanging that way caus'd a considerable North variation which was sensibly felt by our navigators, who calld it a current as they usualy do every thing which makes their reconings and observations disagree. This is the first, though by no means the last, of Banks's gibes at those who wanted to see the voyage at an end and themselves home in the northern hemisphere. S has the further note, ‘They steer'd the Ship rather wrong in the night, inclining to the way they wished’. This seems a less persuasive explanation than a current.—‘hanging that way’: he means north, not west as the syntax implies.
4. Wind and weather precisely as yesterday.
5. Wind is rather abated and weather considerably milder. The Capth told me that he has during this whole vo[y]age observd that between the degrees of 40° and 37° South latitude the Weather becomes suddenly milder in a very great degree, not only in the temperature of the air but in the Strenght and frequency of the gales of wind, which increase very much in going towards 40 and decrease in the same proportion as you aproach 37.
6. Almost calm, the air very mild. Some dusky colourd birds In parentheses above the line here in the Ms is the figure (11) but whether it refers to the number of birds or to a note which has disappeared is uncertain. The birds might have been Sooty Shearwaters or Mutton-birds. See p. 45, n. 3.
7. Almost calm: the air both yesterday and today was damp so that many things began to mould. The sun today had greater power and heat than we had felt for some months past.
8. No swell today, Very light breezes, sun and air much as yesterday.
9. Fair breeze tho very little of it: the Sea both yesterday and today was as smooth as a millpool, no kind of swell ranging in any direction. In the Morn a red taild Tropick birdPhaethon rubricauda.
10. Another red taild tropick bird was seen today and a Flying fish. Weather as it has now been for several days rather troublesomly warm and the Sea most uncommonly smooth.
11. Calm: myself went out a shooting and killd This Wandering Albatross was classed by The Kermadec Petrel, Pterodroma neglecta. A gadfly petrel, Wilson's Petrel. See D. L. Serventy, The White-headed Petrel, The Grey-backed Storm Petrel, Probably Sooty Shearwaters, Pelagia Portuguese Man-of-War.Diomedea exulansPhysalia either by this bird or by D. melanophris. Murphy notes this remark (Oceanic Birds of South America, p. 563, 1936) but does not comment on the apparent immunity of the albatross to the nematocysts.impavida,Diomedea melanophris, the Black-browed Albatross. This was apparently the only specimen of this albatross taken on this voyage (Solander, p. 13).profuga,D. profuga was the Ms name given to the Grey-headed Albatross Diomedea chrysostoma by Solander (see 3 February 1769). The species is not uncommon in these waters, and this sight record may be accepted. The remaining species listed by Banks were apparently all taken on this day, since they are recorded by Solander, whose general practice was to note only the specimens he actually examined.Procellaria melanopus,Velox,Cookilaria group.Oceanica,Emu, 52, 1952, p. 105, for an account of transit movement of this species in the Tasman Sea area.VagabundaPterodroma lessonii.longipes,Garrodia nereis.Nectris fuliginosa,Puffinus griseus.th. Took up with dipping net Miimus volutator,Glaucus atlanticus.Medusa pelogica,Dagysa coruta, Thalia democratica.Phyllodoce velellaVelella velella.Holothuria obtusata,
12. Calm again: I again went out in my small boat and shot much the same birds as yesterday; took up also cheifly the same animals to which was added indeed This small sea anemone has not been identified; Parkinson painted it, III, pl. 26, and Solander described it, p. 481. This is one of the earliest observations on the action of the nematocysts which comprise the stinging organs of Actinia natans.Portugese men of War as the sea men call them. I had also an opportunity of observing the manner in which this animal stings. The body of it Consists of a bladder on the upper side of which is fixd a kind of Sail which he erects or depresses at pleasure; the edges of this he also at pleasure gathers in so as to make it Concave on one side and convex on the other, varying the concavity or convexity to which ever side he pleases for the conveniency of catching the wind, which moves him slowly upon the surface of the sea in any direction he pleases. Under the bladder hang down two kinds of strings, one smooth and transparent which are harmless, the other full of small round knobbs having much the appearance of small beads strung, these he contracts or extends sometimes to the lengh of 4 feet. Both these and the others are in this species of a lovely ultramarine blew, but in the more common one which is many times larger than this being near as large as a Gooses egg, they are of a fine red. With these latter however he does his mischeif, stinging or burning as it is calld if touchd by any substance: they immediately exsert millions of exceeding fine white threads about a line in lengh which peirce the skin and adhere to it giving very acute pain.Physalia. Trembley noticed the structures in Hydra in 1744, but no proper description of their mechanism was published until Ehrenberg discussed them in 1836. See R. Weil in Trav. St. Zool. Wimereux, 10, 1934. The other larger form to which Banks refers is a variety only and not a true species.
13. Calm and fine as Yesterday with the sun as powerfull as ever; last night a great dew fell with which in the morn all the rigging &c was wet. Myself shooting as usual but saw no new birds except a Nectophore of Probably Probably Gannet which came not near me: of those for these 4 or 5 days past killd a good many, indeed during this whole time they have been tame and appeard unknowing and unsu[s]picious of men, the generality of them flying to the boat as soon as ever they saw it which is generaly the case when at large distances from the land. Took up Dagysa vitreaDiphyes dispar.Gemma,Thalia democratica.Medusa radiataAequorea forskalia.Porpita,Porpita porpita.Helix JanthinaJanthina janthina.Doris complanataA planarian.Beroe biloba.Callianira bialata Delle Chiaje. See Parkinson III, pl. 61; Solander, p. 441.Esox ScombroidesScombresox forsteri Cuv. and Val., the Skipper or Saury. See Solander, Pise. Aust., p. 47.Bonitos.
The weather we have had for these Nine days past and the things we have seen upon the sea are so extrordinary that I cannot help recapitulating a little. The Weather in the first place which till the fifth was cool or rather cold became at once troublesomely hot bringing with it a mouldy dampness such as we have experiencd between the tropicks: the Thermometer at this time although it shewd a considerable difference in the degree of heat was not near so sensible of it as our bodies, which I beleive is generaly the case when a damp air accompanies warmth. During the continuance of this weather the inhabitants of the seas between the tropicks appeard: the Tropick bird, flying fish and Medusa Porpita are animals very seldom seen out of the influence of trade winds, several others also are such as I have never before seen in so high a latitude and never before in such perfection as now except between the tropicks. All these uncommon appearances I myself can find no other method of accounting for than the uncommon lengh of time that the wind had remaind in the Eastern quarter before this, which Possibly had all that time blown home from the trade wind, and at the same time as it kept the sea in a quiet and still state had brought with it the Produce of the Climates from whence it came.
14. A great dew this morn and Weather as calm as ever; in the afternoon however a small breeze sprang up and increasd gradualy till towards night when a large quantity of Porpoises were seen about the ship.
15. Little or no Dew this.morn: the Breeze freshned and came to WNW which soon raisd a sea. Several flying fish were seen today; tho I was not fortunate enough to see any of them yet they were seen by people who I am sure could not be mistaken. After dinner a small Bird of the Possibly an immature White-fronted Tern, Sterna kind came about the ship much like the Sterna of New Zealand but browner upon the back; Sterna striata (Gm.). Hindwood has discussed the status of this species on the Australian side of the Tasman Sea (
16. No dew this morn: weather moderate and cloudy. In the Morn Tupia saw a large float of sea weed and shewd it to one other man; it was however so far from the ship that no one else saw it. At noon Our second Lieutenant observd a small Butterfly as he thought. At night some Thunder and a fresh gale at Probably the Short-tailed Shearwater or Tasmanian Mutton-bird, Sw, with a heavy swell which seemd to keep rather to the Westward of the Wind. Many Albatrosses and black shearwatersPuffinus tenuirostris (Temm.), or the Wedge-tailed Shearwater, P. pacificus (Gm.).
17. During last night and this morn the weather was most Variable with continual squalls and wind shifting all round the compass; such weather is often met with in the neighbourhood of land so that with this and the former signs our seamen began to prophesy that we were not now at any great distance from it. A Gannet was seen which flew towards the The Australian Gannet, Nw with a steady uninterrupted flight as if he knew the road that he was going led to the shore.Sula bassana serrator (Gray). This is an interesting observation in view of the recent demonstration that many New Zealand-bred gannets migrate to the east Australian shore-line in the autumn, where they feed on the abundant winter shoals of pilchards (Stein and Wodzicki, Notornis, 6, 1955, p. 58).
18. Stiff gales and a heavy sea from the Westward. In the morn a The porpoises are unidentifiable.Port Egrnont hen and a Pintado bird were seen, at noon two more of the former. At night the weather became rather more moderate and a shoal of Porpoises were about the Ship which leapd out of the water like Salmons,
19. With the first day light this morn the Land was seen, The coast of New South Wales was first sighted at 6 a.m., this day by On the evening of this day the ship was off Cape Howe.Ne, naming the southernmost point of land then in sight Point Hicks.
20. The countrey this morn rose in gentle sloping hills which had the appearance of the highest fertility, every hill seemd to be cloth'd
21. In the morn the land appeard much as it did yesterday but rather more hilly; in the even again it became flatter. Several smoaks were seen from whence we concluded it to be rather more populous; at night five fires. On the morning of this day the ship was off Mount Dromedary and Cape Dromedary, in the afternoon passed Bateman's Bay, and in the evening Point Upright.
22. The Countrey hilly but rising in gentle slopes and well wooded. A hill was in sight which much resembled those dove houses which are built four square with a small dome at the top. Called by Cook the Pigeon House. Both in his Presumably he means Cape Dromedary, as Cook refers to Mount Dromedary as ‘a pretty high mountain’.New Voyage round the World (1697) and his Voyage to New Holland (1703) Dampier's Voyages, ed. Masefield, I, p. 453) he says, ‘The colour of their Skins, both of their Faces and the rest of their Body, is coal black, like that of the Negroes of Guinea’; and in the latter (ibid., II, p. 440) he refers to ‘the same black Skins’ as he had noted before. Presumably Banks had the volumes on board with him.
23. Calm today, myself in small boat but saw few or no birds.
Parkinson's drawing of an unidentified megalopa larva (III, pl. 11) was made this day and is labelled Portuguese Man-of-war. See 7 October 1768, and 3 March 1769. Solander records this ‘variety’ of Cancer Erythroptamus,Cancer cyapopthalmus; it is possibly the organism to which Banks refers here.Medusa radiata,Aequorea forskalia.pelagica,Pelagia sp.Dagysa gemma,Thalia democratica.strumosa,Thetys vagina.cornuta,Thalia democratica.Holothuria obtusata,Physalia physalis on four occasions (p. 395).Phyllodoce VelellaVeleila velella.Mimus voludator.Glaucus atlanticus.
The Master today in conversation made a remark on the Variation of the Needle which struck me much, as to me it was new and appeard to throw much light on the Theory of that Phenomenon. The Variation is here very small, he says: he has three times crossd the line of no variation and that at all those times as well as at this he has observd the Needle to be very unsteady, moving very easily and scarce at all fixing: this he shewd me: he also told me that in several places he has been in the land had a very remarkable effect upon the variation, as in the place we were now in: at 1 or 2 Leagues distant from the shore the variation was 2 degrees less than at 8 Lgs distance. What particular light Molyneux's remark threw on the ‘theory’ of the variation of the needle Banks does not say, apart from noting the facts. The essential thing to be learnt about the variation of the needle on shipboard was that it was affected by the iron on the ship itself, and the discovery of how to counteract that had to wait for Flinders.
24. The wind was unfavourable all day and the ship too far from the land for much to be seen; 2 large fires however were seen and several smaller. At night a little lightning to the Southward. This day Cook named Cape St George, and two leagues to the north of it noted the appearance of a bay, an appearance ‘not favourable enough to induce me to loose time in beating up to it’. This was Jervis Bay: he named its north point Long Nose.
25. Large fires were lighted this morn about 10 O'Clock, we supposd that the gentlemen ashore had a plentifull breakfast to prepare. The countrey tho in general well enough clothd appeard in some places bare; it resembled in my imagination the back of a lean Cow, coverd in general with long hair, but nevertheless where her scraggy hip bones have stuck out farther than they ought accidental rubbs and knocks have intirely bard them of their share of covering. In the even it was calm. All the fires were put out about 5 O'Clock. Several brown patches were seen in the sea
dagysas.
26. Land today more barren in appearance that we hade before seen it: it consisted cheifly of Chalky cliffs something resembling those of old England; within these it was flat and might be no doubt as fertile. Fires were seen during the day the same as yesterday but none so large.
27. The Countrey today again made in slopes to the sea coverd with wood of a tolerable growth tho not so large as some we have seen. At noon we were very near it; one fire only was in sight. Some bodies of 3 feet long and half as broad floated very boyant past the ship; they were supposd to be cuttle bones which indeed they a good deal resembled but for their enormous size. According to Cotton ( This attempt to land seems to have been not far from Bulli, perhaps a mile or two north of it. Cook gives the noon latitude as 34° 21′ and Bulli is just about 34° 20′. The ‘cabbage trees’ were probably S. Aust, Nat., 1931) the largest and most common Australian sepia is Amplisepia apama (Gray). He figures a cuttle bone from one of these measuring 280 × 100 mm., but a specimen exists in the British Museum which is no less than 460 × 150 mm.n proposd to hoist out boats and attempt to land, which gave me no small satisfaction; it was done accordingly but the Pinnace on being lowerd down into the water was found so leaky that it was impracticable to attempt it. Four men were at this time observd walking briskly along the shore, two of which carried on their shoulders a small canoe; they did not however attempt to put her in the water so we soon lost all hopes of their intending to come off to us, a thought with which we once had flatterd ourselves. To see something of them however we resolvd and the Yawl, a boat just capable of carrying the Captn, Dr Solander, myself and 4 rowers was accordingly prepard. They sat on the rocks expecting us but when we came within about a quarter of a mile they ran away hastily into the countrey; they appeard to us as well as we could judge at that distance exceedingly black. Near the place were four small canoes which they left behind. The surf was too great to permit us with a single, boat and that so small to attempt to land, so we were obligd to content ourselves with gazing from the boat at the productions of nature which we so much wishd to enjoy a nearer acquaintance with. The trees were not very large and stood seperate from each other without the least underwood; among them we could discern many cabbage trees but nothing else which we could call by any name.Livistona australis.
28. The land this morn appeard Cliffy and barren without wood. An opening appearing like a harbour was seen and we stood directly in for it. A small smoak arising from a very barren place directed our glasses that way and we soon saw about 10 people, who on our approach left the fire and retird to a little emminence where they could conveniently see the ship; soon after this two Canoes carrying 2 men each landed on the beach under them, the men hauld up their boats and went to their fellows upon the hill. Our boat which had been sent ahead to sound now aproachd the place and they all retird higher up on the hill; we saw however that at the beach or landing place one man at least was hid among some rocks who never that we could see left that place. Our boat proceeded along shore and the Indians followd her at a distance. When she came back the officer who was in her told me that in a cove a little within the harbour they came down to the beach and invited our people to land by many signs and word[s] which he did not at all understand; all however were armd with long pikes and a wooden weapon made something like a short scymetar. ‘Long pikes’ must be the ordinary native spear. The ‘wooden weapon made something like a short scymetar’ reminds one at once of a boomerang; but the ‘swords’ Banks mentions in his next sentence echoes the same word used by Cook and others, which has generally been taken to indicate throwing-sticks. Probably both articles were seen. Pipe clay. This was so. Banks seems again to be describing the boomerang.
After dinner the boats were mann'd and we set out from the ship intending to land at the place where we saw these people, hoping that as they regarded the ships coming in to the bay so little they would as little regard our landing. We were in this however mistaken, for as soon as we aproachd the rocks two of the men came down upon them, each armd with a lance of about 10 feet long and a short stick which he seemd to handle as if it was a machine to throw the lance. We have now clearly a throwing-stick. S has the note, ‘Lances from 15 to 6 feet: probably those dimensions were the two extremes: the general size was from 14 to 8 feet. See p. 396’ [i.e. p. 132 below]. This was a fish-spear; the gum that roused Banks's suspicion was merely resin or gum used to attach the fish-bones to the main part of the prongs. The Australians did not poison their spears. This is another reference to Dampier, who, in the passages already cited (p. 50, n. 3 above) remarks, ‘Their Hair is black, short and curl'd, like that of the Negroes; and not long and lank like the common Indians’—i.e. of Central and South America; and ‘Hair frizled’. This was good observation in neither case. There is nothing of the negro in the Australian aborigine, as Banks now begins to realize.
29. The fires (fishing fires as we supposd) were seen during the greatest part of the night. In the morn we went ashore at the houses, but found not the least good effect from our present yesterday: No signs of people were to be seen; in the house in which the children were yesterday was left every individual thing which we had thrown to them; Dr Solander and myself went a little way into the woods and found many plants, but saw nothing like people. At noon all hands came on board to dinner. The Indians, about 12 in number, as soon as they saw our boat put off Came down to the houses. Close by these was our watering place at which stood our cask: they lookd at them but did not touch them, their business was merely to take away two of four boats which they had left at the houses; this they did, and hauld the other two above high water mark, and then went away as they came. In the Evening 15 of them armd came towards our waterers; they sent two before the rest, our people did the same; they however did not wait for a meeting but gently retird. Our boat was about this time loaded so every body went off in her, and at the same time the Indians went away. Myself with the Captn &c were in a sandy cove on the Northern side of the harbour, where we hauld the seine and caught many very fine fish, more than all hands could Eat.
30. Before day break this morn the Indians were at the houses abreast of the Ship: they were heard to shout much. At su[n]rise they were seen walking away along the beach; we saw them go into the woods where they lighted fires about a mile from us. Our people went ashore as usual, D Bare islet, off La Pérouse Point.r Solander and myself into the woods. The grass cutters were farthest from the body of the people: towards them came 14 or 15 Indians having in their hands sticks that shone (sayd the Sergeant of marines) like a musquet. The officer on seeing them gatherd his people together: the hay cutters coming to the main body appeard like a flight so the Indians pursued them, however but a very short way, for they never came nearer than just to shout to each other, maybe a furlong. At night they came again in the same manner and acted over again the same half pursuit. Myself in the Even landed on a small Island on the Northern side of the bay
1. The Cap ‘Dragon's blood’: in earlier English parlance ‘gum-dragon’, the resinous tragacanth which exuded from the tragacanth shrub or its allied species. The likening of the gum to that of ‘sanguis draconis’ was due to the contemporary interest in the exudate of the Dragon Tree, Cook writes (p. 307), ‘D No doubt a kangaroo. Probably a dingo, the native Australian dog. Probably one of the native cats, Unidentifiable. There are no descriptions or plates of these; Parkinson says (tn Dr Solander, myself and some of the people, making in all 10 musquets, resolvd to make an excursion into the countrey. We accordingly did so and walkd till we compleatly tird ourselves, which was in the evening, seeing by the way only one Indian who ran from us as soon as he saw us. The Soil wherever we saw it consisted of either swamps or light sandy soil on which grew very few species of trees, one which was large yeilding a gum much like sanguis draconis,Dracaena draco. Philip Miller says the Dragon Tree was ‘very common in the Madeiras and the Canary Islands, where they grow to be large trees; from the Bodies of which it is supposed the Dragon's Blood doth flow’. This gum was once an article of export from the Canaries. There was another vegetable gum, gum-lac, common in the East Indies, and used there as a scarlet dye; it was the raw material of shellac. Tasman's men reported it at Van Diemen's Land. The suggestion has been made that Banks saw the gum of the Blackboy or Grass-tree, Xanthorrhoea sp., but most likely he had come across a variety of Eucalyptus—which seems to have been Kaikur, Eucalyptus alba Reinw., of which Britten published the drawing (pl. 116, 1905), made on the voyage. One sheet is labelled ‘N[ova] C[ambria] no. 5’. Nova Cambria=New South Wales; the number refers to the ‘drying book’ in which the specimens were brought back to England; in this instance, however, an error for ‘50’. For the eucalyptus cf. p. 66 below.r Solander had a bad sight of a small Animal some thing like a rabbit’. An outdoor Australian would probably be inclined to guess here a bandicoot or a kangaroo-rat; but in the absence of much better evidence than ‘a bad sight’ we are not entitled to identify.Dasyurus sp. See p. 117, n. 2 below.Journal, p. 136) that they were made into a pie.
Our second Leutenant went in a boat drudging: after he had done he landed and sent the boat away, keeping with him a midshipman with whoom he set out in order to walk to the Waterers. In his Way he was overtaken by 22 Indians who followd him often
tn Dr Solander and myself came to the waterers; we went immediately towards the Indians; they went fast away; the Captn Dr Solander and Tupia went towards them and every one else stayd behind; this however did not stop the Indians who walkd leasurely away till our people were tird of following them. The accounts of every one who saw the Indians near today was exactly Consonant with what had been obse[r]vd on the first day of our landing: they were black but not negroes, hairy, naked &c. just as we had seen them.
2. The morn was rainy and we who had got already so many plants were well contented to find an excuse for staying on board to examine them a little at least. In the afternoon however it cleard up and we returnd to our old occupation of collecting, in which we had our usual good success. Tupia who strayd from us in pursuit of Parrots, of which he shot several, told us on his return that he had seen nine Indians who ran from him as soon as they perceivd him.
3. Our collection of Plants was now grown so immensly large The genus These may have been the Brown Quail, This must have been Banksia was among this particularly rich collection; the basis for the medallion marking the books of the Department of Botany, British Museum (Natural History), is the Banksia serrata (Linn. f.), collected here. See Pl. III.Synoicus australis (Latham), which was abundant in this area in the early days of settlement. There are other Australian species.tn and Dr Solander employd the day in going in the pinnace into various parts of the harbour. They saw fires at several places and people who all ran away at their approach with the greatest precipitation, leaving behind the shell fish which they were cooking; of this our gentlemen took the advantage, eating what they found and leaving beads ribbands &c in return. They found also several trees which bore fruit of the Jambosa kind, much in colour and shape resembling cherries; of these they eat plentifully and brought home also abundance, which we eat with much pleasure tho they had little to recommend them but a light acid.Eugenia banksii or some related sp.
4. Myself in the woods botanizing as usual, now quite void of fear as our neighbours have turnd out such rank cowards. One of our midshipmen stragling by himself a long way from any one else met by accident with a very old man and woman and some children: they were setting under a tree and neither party saw the other till they were close together. They shewd signs of fear but did not attempt to run away. He had nothing about him to give to them but some Parrots which he had shot: these they refusd, withdrawing themselves from his hand when he offerd them in token either of extreme fear or disgust. The people were very old and grey headed, the children young. The hair of the man was bushy about his head, his beard long and rough, the womans was crop'd short round her head; they were very dark colourd but not black nor was their hair wooley. He stayd however with them but a very short time, for seing many canoes fishing at a small distance he feard that the people in them might observe him and come ashore to the assistance of the old people, who in all probability belongd
Nw side of the bay, where we went a good way into the countrey which in this place is very sandy and resembles something our Moors in England, as no trees grow upon it but every thing is coverd with a thin brush of plants about as high as the knees. The hills are low and rise one above another a long way into the countrey by a very gradual ascent, appearing in every respect like those we were upon. While we were employd in this walk the people hawld the Seine upon a sandy beach and caught great plenty of small fish. On our return to the ship we found also that our 2nd lieutenant who had gone out striking had met with great success: he had observd that the large sting rays of which there are abundance in the bay followd the flowing tide into very shallow water; he therefore took the opportunity of flood and struck several in not more than 2 or 3 feet water; one that was larger than the rest weigh'd when his gutts were taken out 239 pounds.1 Our surgeon, who had strayd a long way from the people with one man in his company, in coming out of a thicket observd 6 Indians standing about 50 yards from him; one of these gave a signal by a word pronouncd loud, on which a lance was thrown out of the wood at him which however came not very near him. The 6 Indians on seeing that it had not taken effect ran away in an instant, but on turning about towards the place from whence the lance came he saw a young lad, who undoubtedly had thrown it, come down from a tree where he had been Stationd probably for that purpose; he descended however and ran away so quick that it was impossible even to atempt to pursue him.
5. As tomorrow was fixd for our sailing D The rays taken at It was for this day that Cook (it was his 6 May) made the entry in his log, draft journal, and finally journal (p. 310), ‘The great quantity/number of these sort of fish found in this place occasioned my giving it the name of Sting Ray's harbour/Bay’, with the substitution in the final journal, ‘The great quantity of New Plants &cr Solander and myself were employd the whole day in collecting specimens of as many things as we possibly could to be examind at sea. The day was calm and the Mosquetos of which we have always had some more than usualy troublesome. No Indians were seen by any body during
Urolophus testaceus (Müller and Henle)—there is an Ms note by Spöring on the ‘200 pounder’; the Fiddler Ray, Trygonorhina fasciata (Müller and Henle); Banks's Shovelnose Ray, Aptychotrema banksii (Müller and Henle)—the description was based on this drawing which becomes the type; and an Eagle Ray, Myliobatis, probably australis Macleay, the length of which Spöring noted as 4 feet. Curiously enough this last fish was not described with the others by Solander in his Pisces Novae Hollandiae (MS Z 2). One of Spöring's drawings was previously thought to represent Dasyatis brevicaudatus (Hutton) and to be by Parkinson (Cook I, p. 310, n. 3), but further examination proved that both these conclusions were erroneous. That note must be regarded as superseded by the present one. See Pl. 36.nd Lieutenant went out striking and took several large Stingrays the biggest of which weighd without his gutts 336 pounds.a Mr Banks and Dr Solander collected in this place occasioned my giveing it the name of Botany Bay’. Cook came at this famous name not without trial and rejection: we have in his Ms journal at this place the quite clear scries, Sting-Rays Harbour, Botanist Harbour, Botanist Bay,
6. Went to sea this morn with a fair breeze of wind. The land we saild past during the whole forenoon appeard broken and likely for harbours; in the afternoon again woody and very pleasant. We dind to day upon the sting-ray and his tripe: the fish itself was not quite so good as a scate nor was it much inferior, the tripe every body thought excellent. We had with it a dish of the leaves of tetragonia cornutaTetragonia expansa Murr., introduced into England by Banks on his return from the voyage. Though generally reckoned inferior to spinach, it yields largely, grows where the common spinach fails, and in climates where this produces only late in the year supplies an earlier vegetable.
7. During last night a very large dew fell which wetted all our sails as compleatly as if they had been dippd overboard; for several days past our dews have been uncommonly large. Most part of the day was calm, at night a foul wind.
8. Very light breezes and weather sultry all day. We had lost ground yesterday so the land was what we had seen before; upon it however we observd several fires upon it. At night a foul wind rose up much at the same time and much in the same manner as yesterday.
9. Wind continued foul and we turnd to windward all day to no manner of purpose.
10. Last night a very heavy squall came off from the land which according to the seamens phrase made all sneer again; ‘"To make all sneer again" is to carry canvas to such an extent as to strain the ropes and spars to the utmost’.—Smyth, The Sailor's Word-Book (London 1 1867). Banks seems simply to mean not that Cook carried more canvas, but that the squall put considerable strain on the rigging.
11. Fair wind continued. Land today trended rather more to the Northward than it had lately done, look'd broken and likely for inlets. On the afternoon of the previous day Cook named one inlet Port Stephens. Called by Cook the Three Brothers.
12. Land much as yesterday, fertile but varying its appearance a good deal, generaly however well clothd with good trees. This evening we finishd Drawing the plants got in the last harbour, which had been kept fresh till this time by means of tin chests and wet cloths. In 14 days just, one draughtsman has made 94 sketch drawings, so quick a hand has he acquird by use. This was Parkinson.
13. Wind offshore today, it let us however come in with the land. Many porpoises were about the ship. At Noon several fires ashore, one very large which I judgd to be at least a league inland. Innumerable shoals offish about the ship in the afternoon and some birds of the Nectris kind. The common resident shearwater of this coast is Puffinus pacificus (Gm.).
14. For these three nights last much lightning has been seen to the Eastward. Early in the morn it was calm and some few fish were caught; after the weather became squally. The wind however after some time settled at South, the briskest breeze I think that the Endeavour has gone before during the voyage. In the afternoon the land was rather more hilly than it has been. Several fires were seen and one high up on a hill side 6 or 7 miles at least from the beach. On the afternoon of this day they passed the Solitary Islands.
15. Wind continued fair, a brisk breeze. The land in the Morning was high but before noon it became lower and was in general well wooded. Some people were seen, about 20, each of which carried upon his back a large bundle of something which we conjecturd to be palm leaves for covering their houses; we observd them with glasses for near an hour during which time they walkd upon the beach and then up a path over a gently sloping hill, behind which we lost sight of them. Not one was once observd
Mount Warning, so called by Cook as an indication of the position of shoals and breakers: ‘there situation may always be found by the peaked mountain before mentioned which bears SwBW from them… . The point off which these shoals lay I have named Point Danger’.—pp. 317–8. Banks goes on to mention the breakers in his next sentence.
16. In the morn we were abreast of the hill and saw the breakers which we last night escapd between us and the land. It still blew fresh; at noon we were abreast of some very low land which lookd like an extensive plain in which we supposd there to be a Lagoon, Cook does not mention this supposition of a lagoon. He merely remarks that to the northward of Point Danger the land ‘is low’, but for the following day he says (p. 319), ‘The land need only to be a[s] low here as it is in a thousand other places upon the coast to have made it impossible for us to have seen it at the distance we were off’ (variously 2 or 3 to 6 or 7 leagues).
17. Continued to blow tho not so fresh as yesterday. Land trended much to the westward; about 10 we were abreast of a large bay the bottom of which was out of sight. Cook: ‘… the shore forms a wide open Bay which I have named Cook: ‘… some on board was of opinion that there is a River there because the Sea looked paler than usual, upon sounding we found 34 fathom water a fine white sandy bottom, which a lone is sufficient [to] change the apparant colour of sea water without the assistance of Rivers’.—p. 319. There was a river at the south end of Moreton Bay, but that was unlikely to affect the water outside the islands at sea. The Glass Houses; cf. p. 102, n. 4 below.Morton bay, in the bottom of which the land is so low that I could but just see it from the top mast head’.—p. 318. But this is not the modern Moreton Bay; it was formed by the eastern coast of Moreton and Stradbroke islands, behind which Moreton Bay stretches north and south.
18. Land this morn very sandy. We could see through our glasses that the sands which lay in great patches of many acres each were moveable: some of them had been lately movd, for trees which stood up in the middle of them were quite green, others of a longer standing had many stumps sticking out of them which had been trees killd by the sand heaping about their roots. Few fires were seen. Two water snakes swam by the ship; they were in all respects like land snakes and beautifully spotted except that they had broad flat tails which probably serve them instead of fins in swimming. There are many species of water snakes in Australia. The Lesser Frigate Bird, Probably the Brown Booby, Possibly Audubon's Shearwater, All cuttle bones have a spine.Pelecanus aquilus)Fregata ariel (G. R. Gray) is the common species in these Australian seas; the Great Frigate Bird, Fregata minor (Gm.) is an occasional vagrant after cyclones.Pelicanus Sula)Sula leucogaster Boddaert, which Solander described (p. 23) as Pelecanus sula.Nectris munda,Puffinus l'herminieri. Solander does not record this specimen but notes one which he took to be a variety of his Nectris carbonaria, and was probably Puffinus pacificus, the Wedge-tailed Shearwater.
19. Countrey as sandy and barren as ever. Two snakes were seen, a man of war bird, and a small Turtle. At sun set the land appeard in a low bank to the sea over which nothing was seen, so that we imagind it was very narrow and that some deep bay on the other side ran behind it. This refers to the northern part of Great Sandy or Fraser Island.
20. At day break the land in sight terminated in a sandy cape Sandy Cape, the north-east point of Great Sandy Island. Hervey Bay, forty miles across at its opening. The breakers on Breaksea Spit, the name conferred by Cook. This grampus is unidentifiable.
21. Land seen only from the mast head. Innumerable bobies for near 2 hours before and after Sun rise flew by the ship comeing from The Bunker group seems likely, not far from Hervey Bay, to which they were probably flying for the day.Nnw and flying Sse, I suppose from some bird Island in that direction where they roosted last night.
22. In the course of the night the tide rose very considerably. In the morn we got under sail again. The land as last night fertile and well wooded; at noon the land appeard much less fertile, near the beach it was sandy and we plainly saw with our glasses that it was coverd with Palm nut trees, Bustard Bay. It is a little odd that neither in this entry nor in the next does Banks say anything of a matter that raised Cook to a very great height of indignation. On the night of Banks's 22 May Orton, the clerk, went to bed drunk, and ‘some Malicious person or persons in the Ship took the advantage of his being drunk and cut off all the cloaths from off his back, not being satisfied with this they some time after went into his Cabbin and cut off a part of both his Ears as he lay asleep in his bed’. Cook at first suspected the young man James Magra, though he later exonerated him.—Cook I, pp. 323–4, 347 n. 5. The breach of discipline was so outrageous, even in that rough age, that it could not be forgotten, and Cook and the officers (we learn from Parkinson) at Batavia offered a reward for the discovery of the wrongdoer. Suspicion then fell on a midshipman, Patrick Saunders, who deserted at that port.Pandanus Tectorius which we had not seen since we left the Islands within the tropicks. Along shore we saw 2 men walking along who took no kind of notice of us. At night we were working into a bay in which seemd to be good anchorage,
23. Wind blew fresh off the land so cold that our cloaks were very necessary in going ashore; as the ship lay a good way from the land we were some time before we got there; when landed however the sun recoverd its influence and made it sufficiently hot, in the afternoon almost intolerably so. We landed near the mouth of a large lagoon which ran a good way into the countrey and sent out a strong tide; here we found a great variety of Plants, several however
Probably Almost certainly a species of Ceriops candolleana Arnott and Bruguiera gymnorhiza Lam., specimens of both of which are noted as collected a few days later.Oecophylla smaragdina virescens (Fabr.). The type is in the Banksian collection at the British Museum (Natural History).Doratifera (Limacodidae), a ‘cup moth’.Sanguis draconis: they differd however from those seen in the last harbour in having their leaves longer and hanging down like those of the weeping willow,Eucalyptus crebra F. v. M. is the principal sp. alluded to. Britten published the drawing made at Thirsty Sound (pl. 117, 1905) labelled ‘Metrosideros salicifolia mscr.’, all the eucalypti being referred to that genus by Solander. See Pl. 22. Britten wrongly identified it as Eucalyptus terminalis F. v. M.Xanthorrhoea 〈JDH〉; but it is singular that Banks made no comment on the remarkable features of the ‘Grass Tree’, if, indeed, it was this; perhaps it was another sp. of Eucalyptus.
On the shoals and sand banks near the shore of the bay were many large birds far larger than swans which we judg'd to be
Pelecanus conspicillatus Temminck. This was confirmed by Parkinson (
The Eastern Bustard or Plains Turkey, Eupodotis australis (J. E. Gray). Solander, p. 105.
Malleus albus Linn. See Guy L. Wilkins, A Catalogue and Historical Account of the Banks Shell Collection (Bull. B. M. [N.H.] Hist. Series, I, No. 3, London 1955), pp. 75–6, for a note on a specimen brought back by Cook which went to the Duchess of Portland.
Pinctada margaritifera.
Those who stayd on board the ship saw about 20 of the natives, who came down abreast of the ship and stood upon the beach for some time looking at her, after which they went into the woods; we on shore saw none. Many large fires were made at a distance from us where probably the people were. One small one was in our neighbourhood, to this we went; it was burning when we came to it, but the people were gone; near it was left several vessels of bark which we conceivd were intended for water buckets, several shells and fish bones, the remainder I suppose of their last meal. Near the fires, for their were 6 or 7 small ones, were as many peices of soft bark of about the lengh and breadth of a man: these we supposd to be their beds: on the windward side of the fires was a small shade about a foot high made of bark likewise. The whole was in a thicket of close trees, defended by them from the wind; whether it was realy or not the place of their abode we can only guess. We saw no signs of a house or any thing like the ruins of an old one, and from the ground being much trod we concluded that they had for some time remaind in that place.
24. At day break we went to sea. The weather was fine; we however were too far from the land to distinguish any thing but that there were some fires upon it tho not many. At Dinner we eat the Bustard we had shot yesterday, it turnd out an excellent bird, far the best we all agreed that we have eat since we left England, and as it weighd 15 pounds our Dinner was not only good but plentyfull. In the evening it drop'd calm and we caught some fish tho not many.
25. Land in the morn rocky, varied here and there with reddish sand, but little wood was to be seen. In the evening it was calm, some few fish were caught. At night perceiving the tide to run very strong we anchord. No fires were seen the whole day.
We examind the orange juice and brandy which had been sent on board as prepard by Dr Hulmes directions: See his letter p. [291]. It had never been movd from the cag in which it came on board. About ½ of it had been usd or leakd out; the remainder was coverd with a whitish mother Apparently it had been fermenting: mother, ‘A ropy mucilaginous substance produced in vinegar during acetous fermentation by a mould-fungus called Mycoderma aceti’ (O.E.D.).
26. Standing into a channel with land on both sides of us and water very shoal, many rocky Islets, the main land very rocky and barren; at 1 the Water became so shallow that we came to an anchor. The previous day the ship had passed Cape Capricorn, and was now in the shoal-strewn channel between Great Keppel Island and the mainland. This verb is omitted in the Now Both the Cluster Fig, Sterna… .Sterna bergii Lichtenstein, the Crested Tern. This bird was recorded by Solander (p. 103) as Sterna nasuta; he refers to a vernacular name given to it by the Tahitians, but apparently had no specimen when he was there.hm) for any fish. This want was however in some degree [supplied]Ms and interpolated interlineally in this position by S.Cancer pelagicus Linn.Portunus pelagicus (Linn.).Portunus sanguinolentus (Herbst). Spöring made fine drawings of both these crabs (Parkinson III, pls. 6, 7); see Pl. 35a and b.Cynips sycomori Linn.Ficus glomerata, and the Moreton Bay Fig, F. macrophylla, have been suggested: the Moreton Bay Fig is more likely, for it is known to be pollinated by two wasps, Pleistodontes imperialis Saund. and P. frogatti Meyer; none is known to pollinate Ficus glomerata (Tarlton Rayment, the National Museum, Melbourne). Nine species of Australian wasps have been described, all endemic, effective in pollination of Ficus. The insects mentioned belong to the same family of chalcids as Blastophaga psenes Linn., which has now been introduced into some parts of Australia in connection with the cultivation of the Smyrna fig. Cynips sycomori Linn. was a name given to the species now known as Sycophaga sycomori (Linn.) found in Ficus sycamoris. See Pl. VI.Iter Palestinum;Mss, coins and Egyptian mummies. When he died prematurely at Smyrna, his collections and papers went to Linnaeus, who published his journal under the title Iter Palestinum (1757).
27. The boats who sounded yesterday having brought back word that there was no passage ahead of the Ship we were obligd to return, which we did and soon fell in with the main land again which was barren to appearance; on it were some smoaks. We passd by many Islands. Probably he refers to the Keppel Isles and Cook's ‘Two Brothers’, Flat and Peaked Islets; and there are other islets in the vicinity.
28. This morn at day break the water appeard much discolourd as if we had Passd by some place where a river ran into the sea; the land itself was high and abounded with hills. Soon after we came round a point into a bay in which were a multitude of Islands. We stood into the middle of them, a boat was sent a head to sound and made a signal for a shoal, on which the ship came too but before the anchor went she had less than 3 fath Cook (p. 330): ‘A little before noon the boat made the Signal for meeting with Shoal water, upon this we hauld close upon a wind to the Eastward but suddenly fell into 3¼ fathom water, upon which we immediately let go an Anchor and brought the Ship up with all sails standing… .’ She was on the Donovan shoal in Broad Sound Channel.m water;
29. Early this morn we got up our anchor and stood in for an opening in which by nine O'Clock we came to an anchor. The ship was in Thirsty Sound—named ‘by reason we could find no fresh water’.—Cook I, p. 332. These were almost certainly ‘sand burrs’ ( See I, p. 166, n. 3 above. Possibly There is still a good deal of work to do on the Australian ants, and this black ant—which may even have been a termite—does not at present seem to be identifiable. Almost certainly The Cenchrus australis R. Br.) of which a good coll. labelled by Solander but without locality, is preserved.r Hans Sloanes Hist of Jamaica Voll. II, p. 221, t. 258,Microcerotermes turneri Froggatt; or Eutermes graveolus Hill or E. walkeri Hill.Xanthoxiloides mite,Acronychia laevis Forst., the name inserted later in Banks's Journal by Zanthoxylum mite Willd., a synonym for the North American Z. americanum. The practice of adding the suffix ‘oides’ to a familiar name was general in this period, and a favourite of Banks and Solander (cf. I, p. 315 above, and Appendix I).P. Similis Linn.Danais melissa hamata Macleay.Euploea sylvester Fabr.Trochus perspectivus Linn.Architectonica perspectiva (Linn.).Ms has a later pencil addition in this blank, the first word of which seems to be ‘Gobius’. This was a Mud-skipper or Walking Goby (Gobiidae, Periophthalminae), and Banks's accurate observations on its habits seem to be the first to have been made. There are two genera and both occur in Australian waters.
30. Went again ashore in the same place as yesterday. In attempting to penetrate farther into the countrey it was necessary to pass a swamp coverd with mangrove trees; this we attempted chearfully tho the mud under them was midleg deep, yet before we had got half way over we heartily [repented of] Probably a kangaroo.repented of supplied from P; S inserts interlineally and almost illegibly wished ourselves well through.nd Lieutenant and one more man who were in very different places Declard that they heard the voices of Indians near them, but neither saw the People. The countrey in general appeard barren and very sandy; most of the trees were gum trees but they seemd not inclind to Yeild their gum, I saw only one tree which did. It was most destitute of fresh water, probably that was the reason why so few inhabitants were seen: it seemd to be subject to a severe rainy season, so at least we judgd by the deep gullys which we saw had been plainly washd down from hills of a small hight.
Whether the sea was more fruitfull than the land We had not an opportunity to try. It did not seem to promise much as we with our hooks and lines could catch nothing, nor were there any quantity of Oysters upon the shore. Cf. Cook (p. 333): ‘We found oysters sticking to most of the rocks upon the Shore which were so small as not to be worth the picking off’.
The Capt The ‘inlet’ which Cook had at first taken for a river, is a channel thirteen miles long, and 1000 to 3000 yards wide, separating Quail Island, Long Island (named by Cook) and the small Mangrove islands from the mainland. It runs into Broad Sound (also named by Cook), which in his journal (pp. 331–2) he describes as ‘a large lake which commun[i]cates with the sea to the NW; I not only saw the Sea in this direction but found the tide of flood coming strong in from the NW’.n and Dr Solander went today to examine the bottom of the inlet which appeard to go very far inland; they found it to increase in its width the farther they went into it, and concluded from that and some other circumstances that it was a channel which went through to the sea again.
31. Went out this morn, the weather misty and rainy and fresh breeze. As we had found by experience that many sands and shoals
They anchored in the lee of the Bedwell Islands; there are numerous islands not far away, the Northumberland Isles, the Percy Isles, and others. The Bedwell group is a south-western section of the Northumberland Isles.
1. In the night it raind and at times blew strong not much to our satisfaction who were in a situation not very desirable, as if our anchor should come home or cable break we had nothing to expect but going ashore on some one or other of the shoals which lay round us. The night passd however without the least accident, and at day light in the morn the anchor was got up and we proceeded, in hopes of getting out of our Archipelago. By noon we got in with the main land, which made hilly and barren; on it were some smoaks. In the Evening the weather settled fine and we saild along shore; at night came to an Anchor.
Tupia complaind this evening of swelld Gums; he had it seems had his mouth sore for near a fortnight, These were signs of scurvy.
2. Sailing along shore with fine weather, the countrey hilly and ill wooded. Some Islands were still in sight ahead of us; at noon the irregularity of the soundings made it necessary to send the boat ahead again. In the evening the countrey was moderately hilly and seemd green and pleasant; one smoak was seen upon it. At night we anchord, several large Islands being without us. Some of the Cumberland Islands.
3. At day break the anchor was weighd and we stood along shore till we found ourselves in a bay Repulse Bay. Whitsunday Passage, ‘as it was discoverd on the Day the Church commemorates that Festival’ (Cook, p. 337). The Cumberland Islands—‘Cumberland Isles in honour of His Roy Highness the Duke of Cumberland’ (Cook, p. 337).
4. Hills in the morn were high and steep but they soon fell into very low land to all appearance barren. The water began now to be discolourd and an appearance of Islands was seen ahead which made us look out for more sholes. At noon one smoak was seen behind some hills inland. At night we passd pretty near a head land which appeard miserably rocky and barren. Cape Upstart, ‘because being surrounded with low land, it starts or riseth up singley at the first making of it’ (Cook, pp. 337–8). Cf. Banks's next entry.Cystophyllum muricatum (Turner) J. Agardh is common along nearly the whole of the Queensland coast so it is quite possible, and even likely, that this was the weed seen. Banks's description would fit equally well some species of the related genus Sargassum which is also common on the Queensland coast. What is almost certainly the same alga was figured by Dampier (Voyages, ed. Masefield, II, Table 2, fig. 2) under the polynomial ‘Fucus foliis capillaceis brevissimis, vesculis minimis donatis’, teste A. B. Cribb, litt. of 16 February 1956.
5. Land near the sea very low and flat behind which the hills rose: in the countrey very little appearance of fertility however either on one or the other: at noon one large fire was seen. Several Cuttle bones and 2 Sea Snakes swam past the ship. In the Even the Thermometer was at 74 and the air felt to us hotter than we have felt it on the coast before. Many Clouds of a thin scum lay floating upon the water the same as we have before seen off Rio de Janiero; some few flying fish also.
6. Land made in Barren rocky capes; one in Particular which we were abreast of in the morn appeard much like Cape Roxent; ‘Cape Roxent’, which the reader will not find on any present-day chart, is Cabo da Roca, a little north-west of Lisbon, and is the most westerly point of the European mainland. Dutch sailing directions of the sixteenth century call it Cabo Roxo or Roxsent or Roxent; French forms were Rocque Cintre, Rocque de Sintes, &c. In Mount and Page's English Pilot (1761), Book III, Part I, the ‘Chart of the Sea Coast from England to the Streights [of Gilbraltar]’ names it Cape Roxen. Fielding, Journal of a Voyage to Lisbon, refers to ‘Cape Roxent; or, as it is commonly called, the rock of Lisbon’. It is a low projection of a mountainous clump called on another of these charts Serra de Cintra, at the base of which on the north-east lies the town of Cintra—whence the name. Banks must have become familiar with it on his visit to Portugal in 1766–7. The Australian cape which reminded him of it was Magnetic Island, the ‘Magnetical head or Isle’ which Cook (p. 338, n. 3) at first called ‘Barren Head’.nectris nugaxPuffinus l'herminieri Lesson, Dusky or Audubon's Shearwater. See Solander, p. 117. This solitary record for Australian seas has been discussed by W. B. Alexander, Emu, 27, 1928, p. 286.
7. Sailing between the main and Islands, The Palm Islands. Unidentifiable, if by flounders is meant flatfish: these are not known to behave like this. Cook—‘a small kind of Cabbage Palms’: Livistona australis again.
8. Still sailing between the Main and Islands; the former rocky and high lookd rather less barren than usual and by the number of fires seemd to be better peopled. In the morn we passd within 1/4 of a mile-of a small Islet or rock on which we saw with our glasses about 30 men women and children standing all together and looking attentively at us, This was on one of the Family Islands, off Rockingham Bay.
9. Countrey much the same as it was, hills near the sea high, lookd at a distance not unlike Mores or heaths in England but when you came nearer them were coverd with small trees; some few flatts and valleys lookd tolerably fertile. At noon a fire and some people were seen. After dinner came to an Anchor and went ashore, Cook showed the bay where they landed on his chart but neglected to name it. It was Mission Bay, three miles west of Cape Grafton. He says (p. 342), ‘My intention was to have stay'd here at least one day to have looked into the Country had we met with fresh water convenient or any other refreshment, but as we did not I thought it would be only spending time and looseing so much of a light moon to little purpose’. There was water, as Banks goes on to mention, but ‘difficult to get at’.
10. Just without us as we lay at an anchor was a small sandy Island laying upon a large Coral shoal, much resembling the low Islands to the eastward of us but the first of the kind we had met with in this part of the South Sea. Called by Cook Green Island. She had gone on to the Endeavour Reef. Cook was later accused by
11. In the mean time all kind of Preparations were making for carrying out anchors, but by reason of the time it took to hoist out boats &c. the tide ebbd so much that we found it impossible to attempt to get her off till next high water, if she would hold together so long; and we now found to add to our misfortune that we had got ashore nearly at the top of high water and as night
This, as a generalization, was a sailor's yarn picked up by Banks, but it happened, luckily, to be true for this place and time of year. The tides within the Great Barrier, as in the western Pacific generally, are subject to ‘diurnal inequality’: that is, there is a lower and a higher tide in each twenty-four hours, and the difference between the two may be great. When the sun is in north declination, between April and November, the higher tide is about midnight (and when in south, about mid-day). Cook had profited from the visibility of the reefs by day since he had entered the dangerous waters, towards the end of May, but this June night illustrated the reverse side of the phenomenon: the danger was invisible, even in broad moonlight. It was a phenomenon that aroused Cook's interest much more than it did that of Banks, who had little leaning towards the physical sciences.
In this situation day broke upon us and showd us the land about 8 Leagues off as we judgd; nearer than that was no Island or place on which we could set foot. It however brought with it a decrease of wind and soon after that a flat calm, the most fortunate circumstance that could Possibly attend people in our circumstances. The tide we found had falln 2 feet and still continued to fall; Anchors were however got out and laid ready for heaving as soon as the tide should rise but to our great surprize we could not observe it to rise in the least.
Orders were now given for lightning the ship which was began by starting our water and pumping it up; the ballast was then got up and thrown over board, as well as 6 of our guns (all that we had upon deck). All this time the Seamen workd with surprizing chear-fullness and alacrity; no grumbling or growling was to be heard throughout the ship, no not even an oath (tho the ship in general was as well furnishd with them as most in his majesties service). About one the water was faln so low that the Pinnace touchd ground as he lay under the ships bows ready to take in an anchor, after this the tide began to rise and as it rose the ship workd violently upon the rocks so that by 2 she began to make water and increasd very fast. At night the tide almost floated her but she made water so fast that three pumps hard workd could but just keep her clear and the 4th absolutely refusd to deliver a drop of water. The Endeavour's pumps were suction pumps, and meant desperately hard work. The interior wood of the defective one had rotted away.
The most critical part of our distress now aproachd: the ship was almost afloat and every thing ready to get her into deep water but she leakd so fast that with all our pumps we could just keep her free: if (as was probable) she should make more water when hauld off she must sink and we well knew that our boats were not capable of carrying us all ashore, so that some, probably the most of us, must be drownd: a better fate maybe than those would have who should get ashore without arms to defend themselves from the Indians or provide themselves with food, on a countrey where we had not the least reason to hope for subsistance had they even every convenence to take it as netts &c, so barren had we always found it; and had they even met with good usage from the natives and food to support them, debarrd from a hope of ever again seing their native countrey or conversing with any but the most uncivilizd savages perhaps in the world.
The dreadfull time now aproachd and the anziety in every bodys countenance was visible enough: the Capstan and Windlace were mannd and they began to heave: fear of Death now stard us in the face; hopes we had none but of being able to keep the ship afloat till we could run her ashore on some part of the main where out of her materials we might build a vessel large enough to carry us to the East Indies. At 10 O'Clock she floated and was in a few minutes hawld into deep water where to our great satisfaction she made no more water than she had done, which was indeed full as much as we could manage tho no one there was in the ship but who willingly exerted his utmost strengh.
12. The people who had been 24 hours at exceeding hard work now began to flag; myself unusd to labour was much fatigued and had laid down to take a little rest, was awakd about 12 with the alarming news of the ships ‘ships’ Cf. Cook (pp. 345–6): ‘A Mistake soon after happened which for the first time caused fear to operate upon every man in the Ship. The man which attend[ed] the well took yc depth of water above the ceiling [i.e. the inside planking over the floor-timbers of the ship], he being relieved by another who did not know in what manner the former had sounded, took the depth of water from the outside plank, the difference being 16 or 18 Inches and made it appear that the leak had gain'd this upon the pumps in a short time, this mistake was no sooner clear'd up than [it] acted upon every man like a charm; they redoubled their Vigour in so much that before 8 oClock in the Morning they gain'd considerably upon the leak’.sic. The word must be a slip; it was the leak that gained upon the pumps.
We now began again to have some hopes and to talk of getting the ship into some harbour as we could spare hands from the pumps to get up our anchors; one Bower ‘We now hove up the best bower [i.e. the starboard bow anchor] but found it impossible to save the small bower [the port bow anchor, which was however the same size and weight as the best bower] so cut it away at a whole Cable’.—Cook, p. 346.
One of our midshipmen now proposd an expedient Both Banks and Parkinson attribute the proposal of this expedient, that of ‘fothering’ the ship, to
During the whole time of this distress I must say for the credit of our people that I beleive every man exerted his utmost for the preservation of the ship, contrary to what I have universaly heard to be the behavior of sea men who have commonly as soon as a ship is in a desperate situation began to plunder and refuse all command. This was no doubt owing intirely to the cool and steady conduct of the officers, who during the whole time never gave an order which did not shew them to be perfectly composd and unmovd by the circumstances howsoever dreadfull they might appear.
13. One Pump and that not half workd kept the ship clear all night. In the morn we weighd with a fine breeze of wind and steerd along ashore among innumerable shoals, the boats keeping ahead and examining every appearance of a harbour which presented itself; nothing however was met with which could possibly suit our situation, bad as it was, so at night we came to an anchor. The Pinnace however which had gone far ahead was not returnd, nor did she till nine O'Clock, when she reported that she had found just the place we wanted, in which the tide rose sufficiently and there was every natural convenience that could be wishd for either laying the ship ashore or heaving her down. This was too much to be beleivd by our most sanguine wishes: we however hopd that the place might do for us if not so much as we had been told yet something to better our situation, as yet but precarious, having nothing but a lock of Wool between us and destruction.
14. Very fresh Sea breeze. A boat was sent ahead to shew us the way into the harbour, but by some mistake of signals we were obligd to come to an anchor again of the mouth of it without going in, where it soon blew too fresh for us to Weigh. We now began to consider our good fortune; had it blown as fresh the day before yesterday or before that we could never have got off but must inevitably have been dashd to peices on the rocks. The Captn and myself went ashore to view the Harbour and found it indeed beyond our most sanguine wishes: it was the mouth of a river
15. Blew all day as fresh as it did yesterday. We thought much of our good fortune in having fair weather upon the rocks when upon the Brink of such a gale. Our people were now however pretty well recoverd from their fatigues having had plenty of rest, as the ship since she was Fotherd has not made more water than one pump half workd will keep clear. At night we observd a fire ashore near where we were to lay, which made us hope that the necessary lengh of our stay would give us an oportunity of being acquainted with the Indians who made it.
16. In the morn it was a little more moderate and we attempted to weigh but were soon obligd to vere away all that we had got, the wind freshning upon us so much. Fires were made upon the hills and we saw 4 Indians through our glasses who went away along shore, in going along which they made two more fires for what purpose we could not guess. We may guess in our turn that these fires were made for signalling, and that the aborigines up and down the coast were well apprised of the Endeavour’s arrival.
17. Weather a little less rough than it was. Weighd and brought the ship in but in doing it ran her twice ashore by the narrowness of the channel; the second time she remaind till the tide lifted her off. ‘… but this was of no consequence any farther then giving us a little trouble and was no more than what I expected as we had the wind’.—Cook, p. 349. This was within the entrance of the
18. A stage was built from the ship which much facilitated our undertakings. Myself walking in the countrey saw old Frames of Indian houses and places where they had dressd shellfish in the same manner as the Islanders, but no signs that they had been at the place for 6 months at least. The countrey in general was sandy between the hills and barren made walking very easy; Musquetos there were some and but few, a peice of good fortune in a place where we were likely to remain some time. Mosquitoes are numerous in Australia, being chiefly represented by the genera Aedes and Culex.
19. Went over the Water today to spy the land which there was sand hills. On them I saw some Indian houses which seem'd to have been inhabited since those on this side, tho not very lately. There were vast flocks of Pigeons and crows; of the former which were very beautifull we shot several; Parkinson describes the Topknot Pigeon from here, Lopholaimus antarcticus Shaw (
The crow of this region is the Australian Crow Corvus cecilae Mathews. In Cook, p. 367, n. 10, it was erroneously identified as the North Australian Crow, Corvus coronoides bennetti North.
Probably Ceriops candolleana and Bruguiera gymnorhiza (cf. p. 66, n. 1).
20. Weather cleard up so we began to gather and Dry plants of which we had hopes of as many as we could muster during our stay. Observd that in many parts of the inlet were large quantities of Pumice stones which lay a good way above the high water mark, Probably carried there by freshes or extrordinary high tides as they certainly came from the Sea. They had probably drifted across the twelve hundred miles of Coral Sea from the volcanic New Hebrides.
21. Fine clear weather: began today to lay Plants in sand. By night the ship was quite clear and in the nights tide (which we had constantly observd to be much higher than the days) we hauld her ashore.
22. In the morn I saw her leak which was very large: in the middle was a hole large enough to have sunk a ship with twice our pumps but here providence had most visibly workd in our favour, for it was in great measure pluggd up by a stone which was as big as a mans fist: round the Edges of this stone had all the water come in which had so near overcome us, and here we found the wool and oakum or fothering which had releivd us in so unexpected a manner. The effects of the Coral rock upon her bottom is dificult to describe but more to beleive; it had cut through her plank and deep into one of her timbers, smoothing the gashes still before it so that the whole might easily be imagind to be cut with an axe. Myself employd all day in laying in Plants. The People who were sent to the other side of the water in order to shoot Pigeons saw an animal as large as a grey hound, of a mouse coulour and very swift; Possibly a young Great Grey Kangaroo, Macropus cangaru (Müller).
23. The people who went over the River saw the animal again and describd him much in the same manner as yesterday.
24. Gathering plants and hearing descriptions of the animal which is now seen by every body. A seaman who had been out in the woods brought home the description of an animal he had seen composd in so Seamanlike a stile that I cannot help mentioning it: it was (says he) about as large and much like a one gallon cagg, as black as the Devil and had 2 horns on its head, it went but Slowly but I dard not touch it. When Banks next mentions this beguiling animal he adds that it had wings; the description points to one of the large fruit-bats or flying-foxes, Pteropus sp.
25. In gathering plants today I myself had the good fortune to see the beast so much talkd of, tho but imperfectly; he was not only like a grey hound in size and running but had a long tail, as long as any grey hounds; what to liken him to I could not tell, nothing certainly that I have seen at all resembles him.
26. Since the ship has been hauld ashore the water that has come into her has of course all gone backwards and my plants which were for safety stowd in the bread room were this day found under water; nobody had warnd me of this danger which had never once enterd into my head; the mischeif was however now done so I set to work to remedy it to the best of my power. The day was scarce long enough to get them all shifted &c: many were savd but some intirely lost and spoild.
27. Some of the Gentlemen who had been out in the woods Yesterday brought home the leaves of a plant which I took to be ‘… so Acrid that few besides my self could eat them.’ — Cook, p. 353. The Sweet Plum or Burdekin Plum, Arum Esculentum, the same I beleive as is calld Coccos in the West Indies.Colocasia eseulenta, Taro, of which numerous varieties are recognized.Livistona australis.Musa banksii F. Muell. ‘Very like M. sapientum in stem and leaf, but totally different in fruit. It yields a fibre of poor quality.’—Kew Bull. 1894: 246. Bentham (Fl. Austral., 6: 262) found no record of Banks's and Solander's having seen Musa in Australia but Banks's ‘wild plantain’ is certainly that genus.Pleiogynium cerasiferum (F. Muell.) Domin (Syn. P. solandri). Solander's name was Spondias acida, patently to contrast with S. dulcis.
28. Tupia by Roasting his Coccos very much in his Oven made them lose intirely their acridity; the Roots were so small that we did not think them at all an object for the ship so resolvd to content ourselves with the greens which are calld in the West Indies Indian Kale. This is one of the few places in Banks's text where he deletes ‘Stingrays’ in favour of ‘Botany’. S has the note, ‘Memorandum. In this place and elsewhere, Botany is put in the place of Sting rays Bay; in others Stingrays alone: the meaning (of which different names,) is, that first the Bay was called Sting rays, and afterwards Mounds built by termites are a typical feature of the landscape in northern districts of Australia.Colocasia esculenta. The whole plant was called Coccos; when the leaves and not the root were eaten they were called Indian Kale, and this name could be transferred to the plant.
29. One of our Midshipmen an American James Maria Magra—later Matra. The Thylacine Wolf, Solander describes the following species of fish from Thylacinus cynocephalus, now confined to Tasmania, has been suggested; but scientific opinion is against its existence on the mainland in historical times. It is a marsupial, and its resemblance to a wolf is merely superficial. Magra could hardly have made a close examination: perhaps what he saw was a dingo.Urogymnus asperrimus (Bloch and Schneider), the Rough-skinned Stingaree; Hemiscyllium ocellatum (Bonnaterre), the Epaulette Shark (see Spöring's drawing, pl. 56 in Parkinson I), which is common in shoal water in the vicinity of the Barrier Reef; Drepane punctata (Linn.), the Concertina Fish, widespread in the tropical Indo-Pacific and West African seas (see Parkinson II, pl. 21); Eleutheronema tetradactylum (Shaw), a good food fish and one which was painted at the time (Parkinson II, pl. 111); also a toad fish and one or two others which have not been identified. (Solander Ms Z2, Pisces Novae Hollandiae).
30. The second lieutenant saw 2 animals like dogs but smaller, they ran like hares and were of a straw colour. Probably Dingoes.
1. Being Sunday all hands were ashore on liberty, many animals were seen by them. The Indians had a fire about a league off up the river. O[u]r second Lieutenant found the husk of a Cocoa nut full of Barnacles cast up on the Beach; probably it had come from some Island to windward, From Terra del Espirito Santo Espiritu Santo, one of the islands of the New Hebrides. Banks at first writes ‘New Jerusalem’, which was the name given by Quiros to the city he founded, on paper, on Espiritu Santo.
The ship was now finishd and tomorrow being the highest spring tide it was intended to haul her off, so we began to think how we should get out of this place, where so lately to get only in was our utmost ambition. We had observ'd in coming in innumerable shoals and sands all round us so we went upon a high hill to see what passage to the sea might be open. When we came there the Prospect was indeed melancholy: the sea every where full of innumerable shoals, some above and some under water, and no prospect of any streight passage out. To return as we came was impossible, the trade wind blew directly in our teeth; most dangerous then our navigation must be among unknown dangers. How soon might we again be reducd to the misfortune we had so lately escapd! Escapd indeed we had not till we were again in an open sea.
2. A great dew, which is the first we have had, and a Land breeze in the morn the first likewise. The Wild Plantain trees,paepae meia, baskets woven of banana leaves.Papa Mya. Our Plants dry better in Paper Books than in Sand, with this precaution, that one person is intirely employd in attending them who shifts them all once a day, exposes the Quires in which they are to the greatest heat of the sun and at night covers them most carefully up from any damps, always carefull not to bring them out too soon in a morning or leave them out too late in the evening. Tide rose not so high as was expected so the ship would not come off.
3. The Pinnace which had been sent out yesterday in search of a Passage returnd today, having found a way by which she past most of the shoals that we could see but not all. This Passage was also to windward of us so that we could only hope to get there by the assistance of a land breeze, of which we have had but one since we lay in the Place, so this discovery added little comfort to our situation. He had in his return landed on a dry reef where he found vast plenty of shell fish so that the Boat was compleatly loaded, cheifly with a large kind of Cockles ( The Giant Clam, Probably the Estuarine Crocodile, There are numerous species of garfish in Australia, belonging to the genera Chama Gigas)Tridacna gigas, the largest of bivalves.Crocodilus porosus Schneider.Belone and Strongylura.
4. The ship has been a good deal straind by laying so long as she has done with her head aground and her stern afloat; so much so that she has sprung a plank between decks abreast the main chains. At night however she was laid ashore again in order if possible to examine if she had got any damage near that place.
5. Went to the other side of the harbour and walkd along a sandy beach open to the trade wind. Here I found innumerable fruits, many of Plants I had not seen in this countrey; among them were some Cocoa nuts that had been open'd (as Tupia told us) by a kind of Crab, calld by the Dutch The Coconut-opening Crab, The New Hebrides. It is interesting that Banks, like Cook (or did Cook simply follow Banks in this?) refers to the distribution of coconut by self-sown drift, not by man (cf. Merrill, pp. 266–7 Beurs Krabbe (Cancer Latro)Birgus latro.et passim, 1954.)
Tupia, who parted from us and walkd away a shooting, on his return told us that he had seen 2 people who were digging in the ground for some kind of roots; on seeing him they ran away with great precipitation.
6. Set out today with the second lieutenant resolvd to Go a good way up the river and see if the countrey inland differd from that near the shore. We went for about 3 leagues among Mangroves, then we got into the countrey which differd very little from what we had seen. From hence we proceeded up the river which contracted itself much and lost most of its mangroves; Canks were steep and coverd with trees of a Beautifull verdure particularly what is calld in the West Indies Mohoe or Bark tree ( Mahoe, the West Indian Cf. p. 86, n. 4 above. Presumably one of the flying-foxes, Hibiscus tiliaceus);Sterculia caribaea; but the name was also used for more than one sort of Hibiscus.Pteropus sp.
Between the hardness of our beds, the heat of the fire and the stings of these indefatigable insects the night was not spent so agreably but that day was earnestly wishd for by all of us; at last
7. it came and with its first dawn we set out in search of Game. We walkd many miles over the flats and saw 4 of the animals, 2 of which my greyhound fairly chas'd, but they beat him owing to the lengh and thickness of the grass which prevented him from running while they at every bound leapd over the tops of it. We observd much to our surprize that instead of Going upon all fours this animal went only upon two legs, making vast bounds just as the Jerbua ( Jerboa, Mus Jaculus)Dipus sagitta; it is the size of a rat, but like the kangaroo has short fore legs, very long hind legs, and a long tail, and is a powerful jumper; it inhabits the African deserts. It is a rodent and not a marsupial.
The land about this place was not so fertile as lower down, the hills rose almost immediately from the river and were barren, stony and sandey much like those near the ship. The river near us abounded much in fish who at sun set leapd about in the water much as trouts do in Europe but we had no kind of tackle to take them with.
8. At day light in the Morn the tide serving we set out for the ship. In our passage down met several flocks of Whistling Ducks According to Storr (1953) two kinds of ducks with a shrill whistling call occur here: the Whistling Tree Duck, Cf. p. 88, n. 1 above. Presumably a Green Turtle, Dendrocygna arcuata Horsfield, and the Plumed Tree Duck, D. eytoni (Eyton).Chelonia sp. Cf. p. 94, n. 3 below.
9. Myself went turtling in hopes to have loaded our long boat, but by a most unacountable conduct of the officer not one turtle
10. Four Indians appeard on the opposite shore; they had with them a Canoe made of wood with an outrigger in which two of them embarkd and came towards the ship but stop'd at the distance of a long Musquet shot, talking much and very loud to us. We hollowd to them and waving made them all the signs we could to come nearer; by degrees they venturd almost insensibly nearer and nearer till they were quite along side, often holding up their Lances as if to shew us that if we usd them ill they had weapons and would return our attack. Cloth, Nails, Paper, &c &c. was given to them all which they took and put into the canoe without shewing the least signs of satisfaction: at last a small fish was by accident thrown to them on which they expressd the greatest joy imaginable, and instantly putting off from the ship made signs that they would bring over their comrades, which they very soon did and all four landed near us, each carrying in his hand 2 Lances and his stick to throw them with. Tupia went towards [them]; they stood all in a row in the attitude of throwing their Lances; he made signs that they should lay them down and come forward without them; this they immediately did and sat down with him upon the ground. We then came up to them and made them presents of Beads, Cloth &c. which they took and soon became very easy, only Jealous if any one attempted to go between them and their arms. At dinner time we made signs to them to come with as and eat but they refusd; we left them and they going into their Canoe padled back to where they came from.
11. Indians came over again today, 2 that were with us yesterday and two new ones who our old acquaintance introduc'd to us by their names, one of which was Yaparico. Tho we did not yesterday Observe it they all had the Septum or inner part of the nose bord through with a very large hole, in which one of them had stuck the bone of a bird as thick as a mans finger and 5 or 6 inches long, an ornament no doubt tho to us it appeard rather an uncouth one. They brought with them a fish which they gave to us in return I suppose for the fish we had given them yesterday. Their stay was but short for some of our gentlemen being rather too curious in examining their canoe they went directly to it and pushing it
12. Indians came again today and venturd down to Tupias Tent, where they were so well pleasd with their reception that three staid while the fourth went with the Canoe to fetch two new ones; they introduc'd their strangers (which they always made a point of doing) by name and had some fish given them. They receivd it with indifference, signd to our people to cook it for them, which was done, and they eat part and gave the rest to my Bitch. They staid the most part of the morning but never venturd to go above 20 yards from their canoe. The ribbands by which we had tied medals round their necks the first day we saw them were coverd with smoak; I suppose they lay much in the smoak to keep off the Musquetos. They are a very small people or at least this tribe consisted of very small people, in general about 5 feet 6 in hight and very slender; one we measurd 5 feet 2 and another 5 feet 9, but he was far taller than any of his fellows; I do not know by what deception we were to a man of opinion, when we saw them run on the sand about ¼ of a mile from us, that they were taller and larger than we were. Their colour was nearest to that of chocolate, not that their skins were so dark but the smoak and dirt with which they were all casd over, which I suppose servd them instead of Cloths, made them of that colour. Their hair was strait in some and curld in others; they always wore it croppd close round their heads; it was of the same consistence with our hair, by no means wooly or curld like that of Negroes. Their eyes were in many lively and their teeth even and good; of them they had compleat setts, by no means wanting two of their fore teeth as Dampiers New Hollanders did. This refers to a passage in Dampier's i.e. with pipeclay and ochre; the ochre was burnt and mixed with emu-fat. The material commonly used in this part of the country for such armlets was pandanus fibre. Elsewhere they were often made of kangaroo sinews. A rendering, spelt in various ways by the journal-keepers, of the word ‘Stingrays’ deleted.New Voyage round the World, which gives an unflattering picture of the Australians: ‘The two Fore-teeth of their Upper jaw are wanting in all of them, Men and Women, Old and Young; whether they draw them out, I know not… .’—Dampier's Voyages, ed. Masefield (1906), I, p. 453. Dampier was eagerly consulted by both Banks and Cook, as the only Englishman who had had contact with the aborigines, while Cook of course was interested also in his geography. It was a very common, though not universal, practice among the aborigines to knock out one or two incisors as part of the ritual of ‘initiation’ into adulthood.Chircau,yir-ké, an expression of surprise.
After having staid with us the greatest part of the morning they went away as they came. While they staid 2 more and a young woman made their appearance upon the Beach; she was to the utmost that we could see with our glasses as naked as the men.
13. Two Indians came in their Canoe to the ship, staid by her a very short time and then went along shore striking fish. Our Boat returnd from the reef with one turtle and one large Sting ray.
14. Our second lieutenant who was a shooting today had the good fortune to kill the animal that had so long been the subject of our
This moment of triumph must be annotated: the mysterious animal was of course the kangaroo—‘Kill Kanguru’ is Banks's running head. This animal and the others obtained at the The Identity of Captain Cook's Kangaroo (Bull, of B.M. [N.H.], Zoology, I, No. 3, 1950). This one was possibly the young Great Grey Kangaroo, Macropus cangaru (Müller), the skull of which was given by Banks to ganguru as the local name. See also E. E. Morris, Austral English (London 1898), pp. 230–1.
15. The Beast which was killd yesterday was today Dressd for our dinners and provd excellent meat. In the evening the Boat returnd from the reef bringing 4 Turtles, so we may now be said to swim in Plenty. Our Turtles are certainly far preferable to any I have eat in England, which must proceed from their being eat fresh from the sea before they have either wasted away their fat, or by unatural food which is given them in the tubs where they are kept given themselves a fat of not so delicious a flavour as it is in their wild state. Most of those we have caught have been green turtle from 2 to 300 lb weight: these when killd were always found to be full of Turtle Grass Banks's ‘turtle grass’ may have been any one, or more than one, of three possible genera: Banks's Green Turtles were Cymodocea isoetifolia, or possibly C. serrulata; or Zostera capricorni, known as ‘Dugong grass’; or Thalassia hemprichii, which F. R. Fosberg says is often referred to as ‘turtle grass’ in the Marshall Islands. Thalassia testudinata is the well known neotropical ‘turtle grass’. Thalassia hemprichii is recorded from Low Island in North Queensland, and it seems likely that this was the marine phanerogam that Banks encountered.Chelonia sp. Some herpetologists maintain that there is but a single species of Green Turtle with a world-wide tropical and sub-tropical distribution; on this view the name would be C. mydas (Linn.). There are two drawings by Parkinson of a specimen from Lepidochelys and Caretta, the former is usually vegetarian, at least in the Carella. The Caretta of the Indo-Pacific region has been recognized as a subspecies different from that of the Atlantic Ocean, under the name Caretta caretta gigas Deraniyagala.
16. As the ship was now nearly ready for her departure Dr Solander and myself employd ourselves in winding up our Botanical Bottoms, i.e. in finishing the botanical tasks they had set themselves; cf. I, p. 463, n. 1.
17. Tupia who was over the water by himself saw 3 Indians, who gave him a kind of longish roots about as thick as a mans finger and of a very good taste. . Colocasia esculenta, Taro.
18. Indians were over with us today and seemd to have lost all fear of us and became quite familiar; one of them at our desire threw his Lance which was about 8 feet in Lengh — it flew with a degree of swiftness and steadyness that realy surprizd me, never being above 4 feet from the ground and stuck deep in at the distance of 50 paces. After this they venturd on board the ship and soon became our very good freinds, so the Captn and me left them to the care of those who staid on board and went to a high hill about Six miles from the ship; here we overlookd a great deal of sea to Leward, which afforded a melancholy prospect of the dificulties we were to encounter when we came out of our present harbour: in which ever direction we turnd our eyes shoals innumerable were to be seen and no such thing as any passage to sea but through the winding channels between them, dangerous to the last degree.
19. Ten Indians visited us today and brought with them a larger quantity of Lances than they had ever done before, these they laid up in a tree leaving a man and a boy to take care of them and came
For the salt so gained.
We had great reason to thank our good Fortune that this accident happned so late in our stay, not a week before this our powder which was put ashore when first we came in had been taken on board, and that very morning only the store tent and that in which the sick had livd were got on board. I had little Idea of the fury with which the grass burnt in this hot climate, nor of the dificulty of extinguishing it when once lighted: this accident will however be a sufficient warning for us if ever we should again pitch tents in such a climate to burn Every thing round us before we begin.
20. Yesterday evening the ship was hauld off from the shore ready for her departure. In the night by some unlucky accident she taild ashore during the Ebb, and as the tide settled brought such a strain upon her rudder as alarmd us all greatly; the Tiller which was in the most danger beat hard under some strong sheep pens which had been built in a Platform over it; as the tide settled still more it came to the Point whether the tiller or Platform would Break, for one must, which the Platform fortunately did and made us at once easy. No Indians came near us but all the hills about us for many miles were on fire and at night made the most beautifull appearance imaginable. The Pinnace returnd which had been sent to Leeward in search of a Passage: the officer in her had met with
i.e. to the northward.
21. No signs of the Indians to day nor indeed any thing else worthy note.
22. The Turtle which was killd this morn had an Indian turtle peg in it which seemd to have laid there a long time. It was in the breast across the fore finns, having enterd at the soft part near the finns but the wound it had made in going in was intirely grown up; the peg itself was about 8 inches in lengh and as thick as a mans little finger. Cook describes it (p. 363) as ‘a wooden harpoon or turtle peg 15 Inches long bearbed [bearded?] at the end such as we have seen among the natives’.
23. In Botanizing today on the other side of the river we accidentaly found the greatest part of the clothes which had been given to the Indians left all in a heap together, doubtless as lumber not worth carriage. May be had we lookd farther we should have found our other trinkets, for they seemd to set no value upon any thing we had
24. The blowing weather which had hinderd us from getting out several days still lasted, not at all to our satisfaction who had no one wish to remain longer in the place, which we had pretty well exhausted even of its natural history. The Dr and me were obligd to go very far for any thing new; to day we went several miles to a high hill where after sweating and broiling among the woods till night we were obligd to return almost empty. But the most vexatious accident imaginable befel us likewise: traveling in a deep vally, the sides of which were steep almost as a wall but coverd with trees and plenty of Brush wood, we found marking nuts ( Marking Nuts are the fruit of the tree anacardium orientale)Semecarpus sp., in this case S. australiensis Engler; their juice makes an indelible black mark or stain on linen or other cloth.
25. The Captn who was up the river today found the Canoe belonging to our freinds the Indians, which it seems they had left tied to some mangroves within a mile of the ship: themselves we could see by their fires were 5 or 6 miles off from us directly inland.
26. In botanizing to day I had the good fortune to take an animal of the Opossum ( Banks's opossum was probably the Grey Queensland Ring Tail, Didelphis) tribe: it was a female and with it I took two young ones. It was not unlike that remarkable one which De BufonHistoire naturelle (1749-1804) is one of the intellectual monuments of the eighteenth century.Elenchus Zoophytorum and the Miscellanea Zoologica (to which Banks refers), both produced in 1766, made his name widely known, and set foreign governments competing for his services. He accepted from Catherine the Great a place in her Academy of St Petersburg, and went with the Russian observers of the transit of Venus in 1769 to Siberia to work on natural history. This led to his famous memoir on the bones and fossils of the great quadrupeds found in that country, and to his travels all over it, and from the Caspian Sea to Lake Baikal and Mongolia, an arduous journey from which he returned white-haired only in 1774. Pallas published a large number of writings on his travels, and on geography, ethnography, zoology and other branches of natural history. As a field-scientist he was one of the most pre-eminent men of his day.Zoologia, the Phalanger itself is a native of the East Indies, as my animal and that agree in the
Pseudocheirus peregrinus (Boddaert), which was described from a specimen taken at Elenchus Animalium, 1785, p. 78). It was true, as Pallas said, that the Phalanger was native to the East Indies; but it was also true (to do justice to Buffon) that the didelphid ‘tribe’ was confined to the Americas. As Banks noticed, the two groups are distinguished partly by a difference in the digits of the hind feet.
27. This day was dedicated to hunting the wild animal. We saw several and had the good fortune to kill a very large one which weighd 84 lb. This was shot by Gore. It is thought to have been a Wallaroo, Macropus robustus. A drawing of a skull by Nathaniel Dance, bound up with Parkinson's zoological drawings (I, pl. 5) in the Library of the British Museum (Natural History), may possibly be the last remains of this animal. See again Morrison-Scott and Sawyer, The Identity of Captain Cook's Kangaroo. See Pl. 34.
28. Botanizing with no kind of success. The Plants were now intirely compleated and nothing new to be found, so that sailing is all we wish for if the wind would but allow us. Dind today upon the animal, who eat but ill, he was I suppose too old. His fault however was an uncommon one, the total want of flavour, for he was certainly the most insipid meat I eat.
29. Went out again in search of the animals: our success today was not however quite so good as the last time, we saw few and killd one very small one which weighd no more than 8½ lb. This small kangaroo or wallaby was possibly an immature specimen of a Macropus.
30. Ever since the ship was hawld off for sailing we have had Blowing weather till today, when it changd to little wind and rain which gave us some hopes; in the evening however the wind returnd to its old Byas.
31. Morning cloudy and Boisterous enough; even clear with less wind which supplyd hopes at least for tomorrow.
1. During the Night it Blew as hard as ever; the Day was rainy with less wind but still not moderate enough for our undertakings.
2. Moderate and very rainy; great hopes that the Rain is a presage of approaching moderate weather.
3. In the morn our people were dubious about trying to get out and I beleive delayd it rather too long. At last however they began
This is a passage that reflects Banks's impatience to get away rather than justice to the seamen. Cook's entry (pp. 364–5) reads, ‘Strong breezes and hazy untill 6 oClock in the Am when it Moderated and we unmoord, hove up the anchor and began to warp out, but the Ship tailing up on the sand on the north side of the River, the Tide of Ebb makeing out and a fresh breeze seting in we were obliged to desist and Moor the Ship again just within the barr’.
4. Fine calm morn. Began early and warp'd the ship out, after which we saild right out till we came to the turtle reef where our turtlers took one turtle. Myself got some few shells but saw many Beautifull sea insects &c. At night our people who fishd caught abundance of sharks.
5. The Turtlers were again out upon the shoal and took one turtle. At 2 we weighd, resolvd to stand out as well as we could among the shoals, but before night were stoppd by another shoal which lay directly across our way.
6. Blew so fresh that we could not move but lay still all day, not without anxiety least the anchor should not hold.
7. During last night the gale had freshned much and in the morn we found that we had Drove above a League. Fortunately no shoal had in that distance taken us up but one was in sight astern and the ship drove fast towards it, on this another anchor was let go and much cable verd out but even this would not stop her. Our prospect was now more melancholy than ever: the shoal was plainly to be seen and the ship still driving gently down towards it, a sea running at the same time which would make it impossible ever to get off if we should be unfortunate enough to get on. Yards and Topmasts were therefore got down and every thing done which could be thought of to make the ship snug, without any effect: she still drove and the shoal we dreaded came nearer and nearer to us. The sheet anchor our last resource was now thought of and prepard, The sheet anchor was the largest of a ship's anchors, generally stowed on the starboard side behind the best bower. Cook says he had both bowers out, a whole cable on the small bower and two cables on the other; even after this the ship kept driving slowly until the yards and topmasts were struck, ‘then she rid fast’. This is Banks's summary of what must have been a considerable discussion amongst the officers about this time. It was plain that the reef had closed in, and that quite independently of the gale the ship was in a very difficult position. Cook is quite frank about his own perplexity: ‘After having well View'd our situation from the mast head I saw that we were surrounded on every side with Shoals and no such thing as a passage to Sea but through the winding channels between them, dangerous to the highest degree in so much that I was quite at a loss which way to steer when the weather would permit us to get under sail; for to beat back to the Se the way we came as the Master would have had me done would be an endless peice of work, as the winds blow now constantly strong from that quarter without hardly any intermission—on the other hand if we do not find a passage to the north[war]d we shall have to come [back] at last’.— pp. 369–70.
8. The night Dark as pitch passd over not without much anxiety: whether our anchors held or not we could not tell and maybe might when we least thought of it be upon the very brink of destruction. Day light however releivd us shewd us that the anchors had held and also brought us rather more moderate weather, so that towards evening we venturd to get up Yards and top masts.
9. Night and morning still more moderate so that one anchor was got up and we had great hopes of sailing on the next morn.
10. Fine weather so the anchor was got up and we saild down to leward, convincd that we could not get out the way we had tried before and hoping there might be a passage that way: in these hopes we were much encouraged by the sight of some high Islands The Islands of Direction, now called South Direction, North Direction, and Lizard.
The point we went upon Cape Flattery. Cook (p. 371): ‘We now judged our selves to be clear of all danger having as we thought a clear open sea before us, but this we soon found otherwise and occasiond my calling the headland above mentioned Cape Flattery… .’ i.e. a building for the manufacture of glass, not a greenhouse; cf. the names the Glass Houses and Glass House Bay conferred further south.
11. As propos'd yesterday the Captn went today to the Island, Lizard Island.
12. Great Part of yesterday and all this morn till the Boat returnd I employd in searching the Island. On it I found some few plants which I had not before seen; One of these was No specimens of these lizards have been traced, nor has any description been found. No subsequent visitor to the island appears to have mentioned them and a collection made there in 1901 by A. E. Finckh (Johnston, There are three species of Sea-eagles in Australia. This was probably the nest of an osprey, Calipash, the upper shell or carapace of the turtle.Blepharocarya involucrigera F. Muell., collected on Lizard Island, named and renamed by Solander, unaccounted for by Bentbam, but not published until 1878.Proc. Linn. Soc. N.S.W., 26, p. 214) contained only three very small lizards, three skinks and one gecko. It has been suggested that the island may have been inhabited by the monitor Varanus semirex Kinghorn, at present restricted to Coquet Island.Se, contrary to those of the main which are commonly placd under the shelter of some bushes or hill side to break off the wind. The officer who went in the Boat returnd with an account that the sea broke vastly high upon the reef and the swell was so great in the opening that he could not go into it to sound. This was sufficient to assure us of a safe passage out, so we got into the boat to return to the ship in high spirits, thinking our danger now at an end as we had a passage open for us to the main Sea. In our return
Pandion haliaetus; see Mathews, Birds of Australia, V (1915-16), pp. 296–7.
13. Ship stood out for the opening we had seen in the reef and about 2 O'Clock passd it. This opening through the reef is now called Cook's Passage. It is in latitude 14° 31′ S.
14. For the first time these three months we were this day out of sight of Land to our no small satisfaction: that very Ocean which had formerly been look'd upon with terror by (maybe) all of us was now the Assylum we had long wishd for and at last found. Satisfaction was clearly painted in every mans face: the day was fine and the trade wind brisk before which we steerd to the Northward; the well grown waves which followd the ship, sure sign of no land being in our neighbourhood, were contemplated with the greatest satisfaction, notwithstanding we plainly felt the effect of the blows they gave to our crazy ship, increasing her leaks considerably so that she made now 9 inches water every hour. This however was lookd upon as a light evil in comparison to those we had so lately made our escape from.
15. Fine weather and moderate trade. The Captn fearfull of going too far from the Land, least he should miss an opportunity of
The charts referred to here are probably those in de Brosses's Histoire des Navigations aux Terres Australes, to which Cook refers more than once, and Dalrymple's ‘Chart of the South Pacifick Ocean’. I have discussed these maps, and the question as it presented itself to Cook, at some length in my Introduction to Cook I, pp. clvii-xiv.
16. At three O'Clock this morn it dropd calm on a sudden which did not at all better our situation: we judgd ourselves not more than 4 or 5 1’gs from the reef, maybe much less, and the swell of the sea which drove right in upon it carried the ship towards it fast. We tried the lead often in hopes to find ground that we might anchor but in vain; before 5 the roaring of the Surf was plainly heard and as day broke the vast foaming billows were plainly enough to be seen scarce a mile from us and towards which we found the ship carried by the waves surprizingly fast, so that by 6 o'Clock we were within a Cables lengh of them, driving on as fast as ever and still no ground with 100 fathm of line. Every method had been taken since we first saw our danger to get the boats out in hopes that they might tow us off but it was not yet acomplishd; the Pinnace had had a Plank strippd off her for repair and the longboat under the Booms was lashd and fastned so well from our supposd security that she was not yet got out. We get the impression from this and the next reference to the long boat that the sailors were unconscionably slow, and perhaps inefficient, about their business. No sailor seems to have thought so; indeed Cook, in one of the versions of his journal, says the boat was ‘hoisted out very expeditiously’. The carpenter also was making a quick job of repairing the pinnace. The psychological point is that we are now reading a layman's journal: Banks had nothing to do on board the ship at this juncture but to wait and look on, and he may be excused for feeling that time passed very fast and that the actions of men were very slow. It was just when the ship was nearest the reef that Green the astronomer, assisted by Forwood the gunner, was taking observations; Green's remark on the situation (having remarked first that the observations were good) was merely that ‘We were about a 100 Yards from a Reef where we expected the Ship to strike every minute it being Calm and no soundings the swell heaving us right on’. —Cook, p. 378 n. So does professional habit conduce to fortitude. Cook called this passage Providential Channel.
17. As we were now safe at an anchor it was resolvd to send the boats upon the nearest shoal to search for shell fish, turtle or whatever else they could get. They accordingly went and Dr Solander and myself accompanied them in my small boat. In our way we met with two water snakes, one 5 the other 6 feet long; we took them both; they much resembled Land snakes only their tails were flatted sideways, I suppose for the convenience of swimming, and were not venomous. There can be no doubt that these two snakes are the same two that Solander called Cook refers to this shoal (p. 381) as a ‘low small Sandy Isle’, and implies that it was different from the reef, to which he sent the boats; he adds that ‘Mr Banks landed upon it and shott several small birds, call'd Nodies’. It is impossible to identify, and (to reconcile Banks with Cook) must have been part of the whole reef system. This name still remains the same. Cf. p. 20, n. 1 above.Boa pelagica (p. 129); This name was subsequently used by Hermann, who received details of the specimens from the British Museum. Hermann ascribes the name to Gray, but so far as can be ascertained Gray's use of it must have been in manuscript only, and presumably borrowed from Solander. Hermann's publication in 1804 fulfils the requirements of the Rules of Zoological Nomenclature, but the name Boa pelagica was not used subsequently and has hitherto not been associated with any recognized species of sea-snake. Although the type specimens are lost, the details of them recorded by Solander in his Ms make it seem likely that they belonged to some species of Aipysurus, perhaps the one named A. duboisi by Bavay in 1869.Tubipora musica.
18. Weighd and stood along shore with a gentle breeze, the main still 7 or 8 Leagues-from us. In the even many shoals were ahead; we were however fortunate enough to find our way through them and at night anchord under an Island. One of those Cook called Forbes's Isles, after the
19. Weighd anchor and steerd as yesterday with a fresh trade wind. All morn were much entangled with Shoals, but so much do great dangers swallow up lesser ones that these once so much dreaded shoals were now look[ed] at with much less concern than formerly. At noon we passd along a large shoal on which the boats which were ahead saw many turtle but it blew to[o] fresh to catch them. We were now tolerably near the main, which appeard low and barren and often interspersd with large patches of the very white sand spoke of before. On a small Island which we passd very near to were 5 natives, 2 of whoom carried their Lances in their hands; they came down upon a point and lookd at the ship for a little while and then retird. Cook (p. 384) mentions seeing ‘many hutts or habitations of the Natives’ upon this island, ‘only a small spot of sand with some trees on it’ but no natives themselves. It was the southernmost of the Boydong Cays. The low barren shore Banks notes was that of Shelburne Bay.
20. Steering along shore as usual among many shoals, Luffing up for some and bearing away for others. We are now pretty well experiencd in their appearances so as seldom to be deceivd and easily to know asunder a bottom colourd by white sand from a coral rock, the former of which, tho generaly in 12 or 14 fathom water, some time ago gave us much trouble. The reef was still supposd to be without us from the smoothness of our water. The mainland appeard very low and sandy and had many fires upon it, more than we had usualy observd. We passd during the day many low sandy Islands every one of which stood upon a large shoal; The Cairncross and other islets, off Newcastle Bay.
21. Running along shore with charming moderate weather, as indeed we have had ever since our second entering the reef. We observd both last night and this morn that the main lookd very narrow, so we began to look out for the Passage we expected to find between new Holland and From the description given it seems unlikely that these ‘Indians’ were Australian aborigines, who did not use the bow and arrow or have mother of pearl shell ornaments of this kind. They must have been Melancsians. Cook says (p. 387), ‘I did not doubt but what there was a passage’. They were on Possession Island, and it is curious how casually Banks records what was one of the great moments of the voyage. Cook again (pp. 387–8): ‘I now once more hoisted English Coulers and in the Name of His Majesty King George the Third took posession of the whole Eastern Coast [of New Holland] … by the name of New South Wales, together with all the Bays, Harbours Rivers and Islands situate upon the said coast, after which we fired three Volleys of small Arms which were Answerd by the like number from the Ship’—and, we learn from other journals, there was suitable cheering. But the significant thing is not so much the incorporation of New South Wales within the possessions of King George III as the safe completion of the most hazardous piece of navigation of the voyage, and the discovery of Endeavour Strait, a double achievement which might well be cheered.
22. In the morn 3 or 4 women appeard upon the beach gathering shellfish: we lookd with our glasses and to us they appeard as they always did more naked than our mother Eve. The Ebb ran out so strong that we could not weigh till near noon. We had the Wind variable from N to W, the first time since we got the trade. Before we had proceeded far we met with a shoal which made us come to an anchor. The ship seems to have been upon the Rothsay Banks, the edge of which is the northern limit of Endeavour Strait.
23. In the morn calm: at nine however a small breeze sprang up on which we weighd and saild through a channel which had been found during the calm. At noon we were abreast of an Island which was white with the Dung of Birds; as we had little wind the
Hence the name Cook gave,
24. Swell continued and in the morn the Best bower cable was broke in weighing by it. The whole day was spent in fruitless attempts to recover the anchor tho there was no more than 8 fathm water.
25. This morn by the first sweep the anchor was recoverd and we soon got under sail and lost sight of land with only 9 fathm water. At dinner met shoals which made us anchor again; The Cook Shoal.
26. Fine weather and clear fresh trade. Stood to the W and deepned our water from 13 to 27. At night many Egg birds coming from the W.
Having now I beleive fairly Passd through between New Holland and Banks's ‘oo’ is a token figure. They had run about 2000 miles along the Australian coast. Dampier was mistaken in reporting the aborigines to have woolly hair—or, to use his own words, ‘short and curl'd, like that of the Negroes’, and to be ‘coal black, like … the Negroes of Guinea’. He seems to have been ‘a faithfull relater’ of what he himself saw; but what did he in fact see? According to his printed accounts, he touched on the coast of Australia at four places on two separate voyages. The first occasion was in the Cygnet, from 5 January to 12 March 1688, in Cygnet Bay on the north coast; see his New Voyage round the World, Chap. XVI (Voyages, ed. Masefield, I, pp. 451–8). The second was in the Roebuck at Shark Bay on the west coast, 6–14 August 1699; the third at Rosemary Island in Dampier's Archipelago, 22 August; the fourth at Roebuck Bay, 31 August —5 September 1699.—Voyage to New Holland, Chap. III (ibid., II, pp. 424. ff.). It was from the first and last visits, both on the north coast, that he describes his natives, and two visits should have kept an accurate observer from so elementary a mistake. Apart from passages already quoted, he says (New Voyage), ‘The Inhabitants of this Country are the miserablest People in the world. The Hodmadods of Monomatapa, though a nasty People, yet for Wealth are Gentlemen to these… . They are tall, straitbodied, and thin, with small long Limbs. They have great Heads, round Foreheads, and great Brows. Their Eye-lids are always half closed, to keep the Flies out of their Eyes… . They have great Bottle noses, pretty full Lips, and Wide Mouths… .’ In the Voyage to New Holland he remarks, ‘we had not the opportunity to see whether these, as the former, wanted two of their Fore-teeth’; a passage which Banks evidently ignored. Banks anyhow took the New Voyage at its face-value, and he was not in a position to do less. It is probable, however, that the time has now come for a really critical scrutiny of Dampier.
For the whole lengh of coast which we saild along there was a sameness to be observd in the face of the countrey very uncommon; Barren it may justly be calld and in a very high degree, that at least that we saw. The Soil in general is sandy and very light: on it grows grass tall enough but thin sett, and trees of a tolerable size, never however near together, in general 40, 50, or 60 feet assunder. This and spots sometimes very large of loose sand constitutes the general face of the countrey as you sail along it, and indeed of the greatest part even after you have penetrated inland as far as our situation would allow us to do. The Banks of the Bays indeed are generaly clothd with thick mangroves sometimes for a mile or more in breadth; the soil under these is rank mud always
Water is here a scarce article or at least was so while we were there, which I beleive to have been in the very hight of the Dry season; some places we were in where we saw not a drop, and at the two places where we filld for the ships use it was done from pools not brooks. This is not altogether just to Australia. Cook mentions ample running water (though not immediately found) at
A Soil so barren and at the same time intirely void of the helps derivd from cultivation could not be supposd to yeild much towards the support of man. We are rather hard put to it then to account for Banks's enthusiastic recommendation, in 1799, of ‘which only was not poisonous’—i.e., as long as it was not poisonous. Banks's distinction of ‘red-flowered purslane’ was to contrast the plant with the yellow-flowered H. C. Journal, xxxvii, p. 311. He did make the proviso that any body of settlers going to the country must take a full year's allowance of victuals, raiment and drink, tools, seeds, stock &c.Arum Esculentum),Colocasia esculenta.Sesuvium Portulacastrum), Portulaca oleracea.
Canavalia maritima Thouars.
Apium prostratum.
Tetragonia expansa.
Eugenia banksii Britten and Moore. Though no mention of Banks's brief note was made at the publication of this species 132 years after its collection, this is very likely the fruit in question.
Cluster Fig, Ficus glomerata, according to F. M. Bailey. See Pl. VI.
Sweet plum or Burdekin plum, Pleiogynium cerasiferum, syn. P. solandri. Cf. p. 590, n. 5 above.
Most likely Planchonella obovata (R.Br.) Pierre, the type of which was collected by Banks and Solander at the
Musa banksii. See p. 85, n. 4 above.
For the article of timber, there is certainly no want of trees of more than the midling size and some in the valleys very large, but all of a very hard nature; our carpenters who cut them down for fire wood complaind much that their tools were damagd by them. Some trees there were also to the Northward whose soft bark, which easily peels off, is in the East Indies applyd to the use of calking ships in Lieu of Oakum. It seems likely that Banks here refers to the tree called in Queensland Tea-tree, and in New Caledonia, where it is very common, Niaouli (Melaleuca leucadendron). Like the eucalypts, it belongs to the family of Myrtaceae. It is very like a eucalypt in appearance, but underneath the outer ‘skin’ are layers of a thin soft brownish inner bark, which could quite well be used for caulking. It is found in both Australia and the East Indies; and possibly Banks read of its use in Rumphius. Cook on his second voyage, describing New Caledonia (II, p. 543), refers to the tree as identical with one in New Holland, and to its East Indian use—perhaps a reminiscence of Banks? See Britten, pl. 112, 1905.
Palms here were of three different sorts. The first which grew plentifully to the Southward had leaves pleated like a fan; the Cabbage of these was small but exquisitely sweet and the nuts which it bore in great abundance a very good food for hogs.Livistona australis.Areca monostachya Mart.Cycas media R. Br. 〈JDH〉; but judging from J. H. Maiden's remarks in his ‘Australian indigenous plants providing human foods and food adjuncts’, 525: 1889, this might as well be Macrozamia spiralis Miq., whose nuts were relished by the natives.
Other usefull plants we saw none, except perhaps two might be found so which yeild resin in abundance: the one a tree tolerably large with narrow leaves not unlike a willow which was very plenty-full in every place into which we went; One of the Eucalypts, of which there are a large number of species: probably An abbreviated version in English, under the title Eucalyptus crebra (cf. p. 66, n. 4 above). See Pl. 22.Sanguis draconis, indeed as Sanguis draconis is the produce of several different plants this may perhaps be one of the sorts. This I should suppose to be the gum mentiond by Dampier in his voyage round the world p.,New Voyage (1697, p. 463; ed. Masefield, I, p. 452): ‘Most of the Trees that we saw are Dragon-trees, as we supposed; and these too are the largest Trees of any there. They are about the bigness of our large Apple-trees, and about the same heigth; and the Rind is blackish, and somewhat rough. The Leaves are of a dark colour; the Gum distils out of the Knots or Cracks that are in the Bodies of the Trees. We compared it with some Gum Dragon, or Dragon's Blood, that was aboard, and it was of the same colour and taste’. This was at Cygnet Bay. Cf. p. 57, n. 1 above. Dampier's gum seems to have been that of Dracaena draco; Banks's clearly that of a eucalypt.sanguis draconis, as possibly also that which Tasman saw upon Diemens Land, where he says he
An Account of several late Voyages and Discoveries …, of Dirk Rembrantszoon van Nierop's Eenige Oefeningen (1674), in which an abstract of Tasman's voyage appeared. The relevant sentence is, ‘They saw the footing of wild Beasts having Claws like a Tiger, and of other Beasts: They found also Gum of the Trees, and Gum-Lac of the Ground’. ‘Gum-Lac of the Ground’ would simply be gum that had fallen to the ground.Xanthorrhoca 〈JDH〉;, the Blackboy or Grass tree.
Of Plants in general the countrey afforded a far larger variety than its barren appearance seemd to promise. Many of these have no doubt properties which might be usefull, but for Physical and œconomical purposes which we were not able to investigate, could we have understood the Indians or made them by any means our freinds we might perchance have learnt some of these; for tho their manner of life, but one degree removd from Brutes, does not seem to promise much yet they had a knowledge of plants as we plainly could percieve by their having names for them.
Thus much for plants: I have been rather particular in mentioning those which we eat hoping that such a remembrance might be of use to some or other into whose hands these papers may fall. For quadrupedes, Birds, fish &c. I shall say no more than that we had some time ago learnd to eat every identical species which came in our way: a hawk or a crow was to us as delicate and perhaps a better relishd meal than a partridge or Pheasant to those who have plenty of dainties: we wanted nothing to reccomend any food but its not being salt, that alone was sufficient to make it a delicacy. Shaggs, Sea gulls and all that tribe of sea fowl which are reccond bad from their trainy ‘trainy’: like train-oil, i.e. whale- or fish-oil.
Quadrupeds we saw but few and were able to catch few of them that we did see. The largest was calld by the natives pp. 89, 100 above. A Dasyure or Native Cat, See p. 100, n. 1 above. One of the Horse-shoe bats. Probably a Flying Fox. Possibly the reference is here to the Dingo, improbably to the Thylacine Wolf; cf. p. 86, n. 4 above. See p. 84, n. 3 above.Kangooroo. It is different from any European and indeed any animal I have heard or read of except the Gerbua of Egypt, which is not larger than a rat when this is as large as a midling Lamb; the largest
Je-Quoll: it is about the size and something like a polecat, of a light brown spotted with white on the back and white under the belly.Dasyurus quoll (Zimmermann) 1777. There is a pencil sketch of this animal by Parkinson (I, pl. 2). Zimmermann described it from Hawkes-worth's edition of Cook (Specimen Zoologiae Geographicae, 1777, p. 489). The native name is Dekol.Fer de cheval;Roupette or Rougette of the same author.Roupette or Rougette were names given to a bat from Madagascar and Bourbon or Reunion island.
Birds there were Several Species of — sea fowl, Gulls, Shaggs, There are several species of Australian shags; Parkinson described one of these in his list of Australian birds (loc. cit.) but says that it came from Tasmano ( In Northern Queensland one would expect these to have been the Red-footed Gannet, Probably the Australian Crane, Four species now occur there, including the widely distributed In the absence of more detailed description identifications of the birds listed by Banks are almost impossible. Two species of Stone Curlew are found here: sic) Bay with a pigeon; it seems clear that the compiler of his Journal confused his notes and included two New Zealand birds with these Australian ones. See Lysaght and Sowerby, Emu, 56, p. 129.Sula sula (Linn.), and the Masked Gannet, Sula dactylatra Lesson.Pclecanus conspicillatus.Grus rubicunda (Perry), which used to occur in the swampy area four miles south of Cooktown.Anas superciliosa to which reference has already been made.Orthorhamphus magnirostis (Vieillot), and Burhinus magnirostris (Latham). The Eastern Curlew, Numenius madagascariensis is often seen at Cooktown from September to May, so that Banks may have seen stragglers; but the Whimbrel,
The Australian Crow, Corvus cecilae.
There are many Australian parrots and parakeets.
The White Cockatoo, Kakatoë galerita (Latham) is widespread and abundant, and large noisy flocks of the Red-tailed Black Cockatoo, Calyptorhynchus magnificus (Shaw) are common in the open forest of the upper Endeavour. The latter species is the only Australian land bird depicted by Parkinson (I, pl. 10); Latham says (Supplement to the General Synopsis of Birds, 1787, p. 63) that Banks brought one of these birds back to England, but whether it was alive or dead is not clear—one presumes dead. See Pl. 33.
Parkinson listed some other birds, but his list has to be treated with caution owing to the confusion of localities noted above. For further particulars of the birds of Cooktown and the Endeavour River see the paper by Storr to which reference has already been made, p. 83, n. 4 above.
The Topknot Pigeon, Lopholaimus antarcticus, referred to in his entry of 19 June above, at
The ‘Indians’ were indeed cunning hunters, ‘very clever in deceiving’ birds, in spite of Banks's scepticism. See Herbert Basedow, The Australian Aboriginal (Adelaide 1925), pp. 137–9. Basedow says (p. 137), ‘It is astounding how adroitly an aboriginal can project the light reed spears; to fell a dove at a distance of from forty to fifty paces is child's play for an experienced thrower’.
Of insects here were but few sorts and among them only the Ants were troublesome to us. Musquetos indeed were in some places tolerably plentyfull but it was our good fortune never to stay any time in such places, and where we did to meet with very few. The ants however made ample amends for the want of them, 2 sorts in particular: one green as a leaf and living upon trees where he built his nest, in size between that of a mans head and his fist, by bending the leaves together and glueing them with a whiteish papery substance which held them firmly together. In doing this their man[a]gement was most curious: they bend down leaves broader than a mans hand and place them in such a direction as they chose, in doing of which a much larger force is necessary than these animals seem capable of. Many thousands indeed are employd in the joint work; I have seen them holding down such a leaf, as many as could stand by one another each drawing down with all his might while others within were employd to fasten the glue. How they had bent it down I had not an opportunity of seeing, but that it was held down by main strengh I easily provd by disturbing a part of them, on which the leaf bursting from the rest returnd to its natural situation and I had an opportunity to try with my finger the strengh that these little animals must have usd to get it down. But industrious as they are their courage if possible excells their industry; if we accidentaly shook the branches on which such nest[s] were hung thousands would immediately throw themselves down, many of which falling upon us made us sensible of their stings and revengefull dispositions, especialy if as was often the case they got posession of our necks and hair. Their stings were by some esteemd not much less painfull than those of a bee, the pain however lasted only a few seconds. Cf. p. 71, n. 5. Banks did not fill in this blank; perhaps To be accurate as a natural historian, he should have denounced not ants but termites, of which there were many East Indian species.Oecophylla smaragdina virescens; see p. 66, n. 2 above.Acronychia laevis. Cf. p. 71, n. 4 above.Herbarium Amboinense Vol. II. p. 257; his tree however does not at all resemble ours. A third sort nested in the inside of the root of a Plant which grew on the Bark of trees in the same manner as Miseltoe;Myrmecodia beccarii Hook. f. According to ‘Britten no specimen was sent home, but the artist J. F. Miller made the drawing in 1773, Pl. 27 in the present volume.Microcerotermes turneri has both types of nest. See p. 71, n. 3 above.
The sea however made some amends for the Barreness of the Land. Fish tho not so plentyfull as they generaly are in higher latitudes were far from scarce; where we had an opportunity of haling the Seine we generaly caught from 50 to 200 lb of fish in a tide. There sorts were various, none I think but Mullets See p. 60, n. 1 above. This is merely a token figure. See p. 94, n. 3 above.Mugil sp.Chama Gigas) such as Dampier describes Vol III, p. 191.Tridacna gigas; see pp. 87–8 above. The reference to Dampier is to the four volume 1729 edition. At Cockle Island (the name given by Dampier himself) off the north-west coast of
Upon the whole New Holland, tho in every respect the most barren countrey I have seen, is not so bad but that between the productions of sea and Land a company of People who should have the misfortune of being shipwreckd upon it might support themselves, even by the resources that we have seen. Undoubtedly a longer stay and visiting different parts would discover many more.
This immense tract of Land, the largest known which does not bear the name of a continent, as it is considerably larger than all Europe, is thinly inhabited even to admiration, at least that part of it that we saw: we never but once saw so many as thirty Indians together and that was a family, Men women and children, assembled upon a rock to see the ship pass by. At Sting-Rays bay where they evidently came down to fight us several times they never could muster above 14 or 15 fighting men, indeed in other places they generaly ran away from us, from whence it might be concluded that there were greater numbers than we saw, but their houses and sheds in the woods which we never faild to find convincd us of the smallness of their parties. We saw indeed only the sea coast: what the immense tract of inland countrey may produce is to us totaly unknown: we may have liberty to conjecture however that they are totaly uninhabited. The Sea has I beleive been universaly found to be the
Whatever may be the reason of this want of People is dificult to guess, unless perhaps the Barreness of the Soil and scarcity of fresh water; but why mankind should not increase here as fast as in other places unless their small tribes have frequent wars in which many are destroyd; they were indeed generaly furnishd with plenty of weapons whose points of the stings of Sting-Rays seemd intended against nothing but their own species, from whence such an inference might easily be drawn.
That their customs were nearly the same throughout the whole lengh of the coast along which we saild I should think very probable. Tho we had Connections with them only at one place yet we saw them either with our eyes or glasses many times, and at Sting Rays bay had some experience of their manners; their Colour, arms, method of using them, were the same as we afterwards had a nearer view of; they likewise in the same manner went naked, and painted themselves, their houses were the same, they notchd large trees in the same manner and even the bags they carried their furniture in were of exactly the same manufacture, something between netting and Knitting which I have no where else seen in the intermediate places. Our glasses might deceive us in many things but their colour and want of cloths we certainly did see and wherever we came ashore the houses and sheds, places where they had dressd victuals with heated stones, and trees notchd for the convenience of climbing them sufficiently evincd them to be the same people.
The tribe with which we had connections consisted of 21 people, 12 men 7 women a boy and a girl, so many at least we saw and there might be more, especialy women, who we did not see. The men were remarkably short and slender built in proportion; the tallest we measurd was 5 feet 9, the shortest 5–2; their medium hight seemd to be about five feet six, as the tall man appeard more disproportioned in size from his fellows than the short one. What their absolute colour is is difficult to say, they were so compleatly coverd
‘The aboriginal is no more black than the average modern European is white… . Under normal conditions, the colour of the Australian is a velvety chocolate-brown, somewhat lighter or more coppery in the female than in the male.’—Basedow, p. 40. A ‘chocolate-brown skin which appears black when sun-burnt or unwashed; wavy to curly hair’.—A. P. Elkin, The Australian Aboriginals (Sydney 1938), p. 4. Banks has added to his passage on the South Sea islanders a later marginal note, ‘Bourgainvile 2 species’, a reference to Bougainville's observation that there seemed to be two races in Tahiti, one tall and impressive who, ‘if they lived less in the sun, would be as white as we are’; and the other shorter and as dark as mulattos—though they had the same language, the same customs, and mixed without distinction. The taller men, Bougainville thought, were in the majority. His Ahutoru belonged to the darker, shorter people.—Voyage, p. 214.
Of Cloths they had not the least part but naked as ever our general father was before his fall, they seemd no more conscious of their nakedness than if they had not been the children of Parents who eat the fruit of the tree of knowledge. Whether this want of what most nations look upon as absolutely necessary proceeds from idleness or want of invention is difficult to say; in the article of ornaments however, useless as they are, neither has the one hinderd them from contriving nor the other from making them. Of these the cheif and that on which they seem to set the greatest value is a bone about 5 or 6 inches in lengh and as thick as a mans
It was Kaolin or pipe-clay. Cf. pp. 53, 92–3 above.
Dirty as these people are they seem to be intirely free from Lice, a circumstance rarely observd among the most cleanly Indians, and which here is the more remarkable as their hair was generaly Matted and filthy enough. In all of them indeed it was very thin and seemd as if seldom disturbd with the Combing even of their
On their bodies we observd very few marks of cutaneous disorders as scurf, scars of sores &c. Their spare thin bodies indicate a temperance in eating, the consequence either of necessity or inclination, equaly productive of health particularly in this respect. On the fleshy parts of their arms and thighs and some of their sides were large scars in regular lines, which by their breadth and the convexity with which they had heald shewd plainly that they had been made by deep cuts of some blunt instrument, a shell perhaps or the edge of a broken stone. These as far as we could understand by the Signs they made use of were the marks of their Lamentations for the deceasd, in honour to whose memory or to shew the excess of their greif they had in this manner wept for in blood. This deduction from ‘large scars in regular lines’ was wrong, and seems, we may guess, to have been determined more by what had been seen in Tahiti and New Zealand than by any information gathered from the Australians. Like the gap in the upper teeth described by Dampier, they were marks of initiation into adulthood. The scars, made by a stone ‘knife’ or strip of flint, often extremely sharp, were sometimes enlarged by rubbing with ashes or clay while the cuts were still fresh; hence the ‘breadth and the convexity’ which Banks noticed. The ‘Spartan’ aspect of initiation seems to have been mingled with cosmetic and tribal reasons—i.e. the scars served also for personal adornment and for tribal identification, they were both ‘beauty-scars’ and totemistic. Quite savage scarification was also used in mourning, but with less regularity; the favourite places for this being the head and the back.
For Food they seem to depend very much tho not intirely upon the Sea. Fish of all kinds, Turtle and even crabs they strike with their Lances very dextrously. These are generaly bearded with broad beards and their points smeard over with a kind of hard resin which makes them peirce a hard body far easier than they would do without it. In the southern parts these fish spears had 4 prongs and besides the resin were pointed with the sharp bone of a fish; to the Northward again their spears had only one point; yet both I beleive struck fish with equal dexterity. For the Northern ones I can witness who several times saw them through a glass throw their Spear from 10 to 20 yards and generaly succeed; to the Southward again the plenty of Fish bones we saw near their fires provd them to be no indifferent artists.
For striking of Turtle they use a peg of wood well bearded and about a foot long: this fastens into a socket of a staff of light wood as thick as a mans wrist and 8 or 9 feet long, besides which they are tied together by a loose line of 3 or 4 fathoms in lengh. The use of this must undoubtedly be that when the Turtle is struck the staff flies off from the peg and serves for a float to shew them where the
Besides these things we saw near their fire places plentifull remains of lobsters, shell fish of all kinds, and to the Southward the skins of those Sea animals which from their property of spouting out water when touchd are commonly calld sea squirts. These last, howsoever disgustfull they may seem to an European palate, we found to contain under a coat as tough as leather a substance like the guts of a shell fish, in taste tho not equal to an oyster yet by no means to be despisd by a man who is hungrey.
Of Land animals they probably eat every kind that they can kill which probably does not amount to any large number, every species being here shy and cautious in a high degree. The only vegetables we saw them use were Yams of 2 sorts, the one long and like a finger the other round and coverd with stringy roots, both sorts very small but sweet; Probably the cush-cush yam, i.e. bitterness, cf. p. 85 above. Probably Dioscorea triphylla, the size of the ordinary potato; ‘of two sorts’: white and red, the tubers of the latter purplish within. Or possibly D. transversa R. Br., long yam, the small young tubers of which according to Maiden are eaten by the aborigines without any preparation.Pyn appel Boomen (Pandanus);Pandanus pedunculatus R. Br., though the taxonomy of the pandans is not at present well understood.Moeskruidige Calappus (Cycas circinalis)Cycas media 〈JDH〉;.
Their victuals they generaly dress by broiling or toasting them upon the coals, so we judg'd by the remains we saw; they knew however the method of baking or stewing with hot stones and sometimes practis'd it, as we now and then saw the pits and burnd stones which had been made use of for that purpose.
We observd that some tho but few held constantly in their mouths the leaves of an herb which they chewd as a European does tobacca or an East Indian Betele. What sort of plant it was we had not an opportunity of learning as we never saw any thing but the chaws which they took from their mouths to shew us; it might be of the Betele kind and so far as we could judge from the fragments was so, but whatever it was it was usd without any addition and seemd to have no kind of effect upon either the teeth or lips of those who usd it. It was the leaf of Duboisia hopwoodi, a tobacco-like plant with different aboriginal names in different tribes, but now commonly known as Pitjuri. It had narcotic properties, and was chewed by both men and women; and as it was greatly valued, it was obtained by barter when it did not grow in a tribal area. We may add, however, that four leaves of Piper bctle, noted as coming from Cape Grafton, were preserved;
Naked as these people are when abroad they are scarce at all better defended from the injuries of the weather when at home, if that name can with propriety be given to their houses—as I beleive they never make any stay in them but wandering like the Arabs from place to place set them up whenever they meet with one where sufficient supplys of food are to be met with, and as soon as these are exhausted remove to another leaving the houses behind, which are framd with less art or rather less industry than any habitations of human beings probably that the world can shew.
At Sting-Ray's Bay, where they were the best, each was capable of
The only Furniture belonging to these houses, that we saw at least, was oblong vessels of Bark made by the simple contrivance of tying up the two ends of a longish peice with a withe which not being cut off serves for a handle, these we imagind serv'd for the purpose of Water Buckets to fetch water from the springs which may sometimes be distant. This was so. More than one sort of ‘bucket’ or water-trough was made of bark; the ‘bucket’ might also be used as a basket for carrying any sort of belongings. There is an interesting account in Basedow, op. cit., pp. 91–4.
The men again maybe constantly carry their arms in their hands, 3 or 4 lances in one and the machine with which they throw them
Thus live these I had almost said happy people, content with little nay almost nothing, Far enough removd from the anxieties attending upon riches, or even the possession of what we Europeans call common necessaries: anxieties intended maybe by Providence to counterbalance the pleasure arising from the Posession of wishd for attainments, consequently increasing with increasing wealth, and in some measure keeping up the balance of hapiness between the rich and the poor. From them appear how small are the real wants of human nature, which we Europeans have increasd to an excess which would certainly appear incredible to these people could they be told it. Nor shall we cease to increase them as long as Luxuries can be invented and riches found for the purchase of them; and how soon these Luxuries degenerate into necessaries may be sufficiently evincd by the universal use of strong liquors, Tobacco, spices, Tea &c. &c. In this instance again providence seems to act the part of a leveler, doing much towards putting all ranks into an equal state of wants and consequently of real poverty: the Great and Magnificent want as much and may be more than the midling: they again in proportion more than the inferior: each rank still looking higher than his station but confining itself to a certain point above which it knows not how to wish, not knowing at least perfectly what is there enjoyd.
Tools among them we saw almost none, indeed having no arts which require any it is not to be expected that they should have many. A stone made sharp at the edge and a wooden mallet were the only ones we saw that had been formd by art; Stone hatchets were common enough with the aboriginals, but ‘wooden mallets’ do not seem to have survived, as a class of tool, for ethnographers to study. Stones were generally used for purposes of pounding. Banks may have seen some isolated example, if he did see a real artifact. W. E. Roth, in his North Queensland Ethnographic Bulletin No. 3, The so-called ‘dilly-bags’. See Roth, Flints, as used for cicatrization, could be exceedingly sharp. The guess was good, though not as it touched on unwary animals passing beneath the trees. The aboriginal climbed after opossums and other small animals, honey, birds’ nests, tree grubs, and also to seize birds as they came in to roost. Basedow, pl. xix, opp. p. 144, has an illustration of a man climbing by notches, and making them as he goes.Ficus Radulo) which bites upon wood almost as keenly as our European shave grass usd by the Joiners.Ficus opposita, a tall shrub or small tree, or perhaps F. aspera Forst. The leaves were used like emery paper. Ficus spp. were favourite abrasives with various aboriginal peoples. Banks's radulo should be radula.Food: its Search, Capture & amp; Preparation (Brisbane 1901), says these fishing-lines were made of the fibre of the cabbage-tree, Livistona australis. The aboriginal had recourse to a large number of different vegetable fibres for his twine—e.g. the bark of the tree called Currajong, Sterculia spp., pandanus, hibiscus, the reed Juncus spp. as well as Livistona. Human hair, kangaroo hair, opossum hair were also used. There is a full and interesting discussion in Roth's Bull. No. 1, String and other forms of strand… . (Brisbane 1901).String … again.Kanguru, which we found to be so much afraid of fire that
Their Weapons, offensive at least, were precisely the same where ever we saw them except that at the very last view we had of the countrey we saw through our glasses a man who carried a Bow and arrows; in this we might but I beleive we were not mistaken. cf. p. 110, n. 1 above. A bulrush, Typha angustifolia, does grow in Australia, with stalks up to eight feet long; but the aboriginal lance was ordinarily made from the stem of the reed Phragmites communis, with sharp wooden points of the pea-bush, Sesbania aegyptica.
That they are a very pusilanimous people we had reason to suppose from every part of their conduct in every place where we were except Sting Rays bay, and there only the instance of the two people who opposd the Landing of our two boats full of men for near a quarter of an hour and were not to be drove away till several times wounded with small shot, which we were obligd to do as at that time we suspected their Lances to be poisned from the quantity of gum which was about their points; but upon every other occasion both there and every where else they behavd alike, shunning us and giving up any part of the countrey which we landed upon at once: and that they use stratagems in war we learnt by the instance in Sting-rays bay where our Surgeon with another man walking in the woods met 8 Indians; they stood still but directed another who was up in a tree how and when he should throw a Lance at them, which he did and on its not taking effect they all ran away as fast as possible.
Their Canoes were the only things in which we saw a manifest difference between the Southern and the Northern people. Those to the Southward were little better contrivd or executed than their Houses: a peice of Bark tied together in Pleats at the ends and kept extended in the middle by small bows of wood was the whole embarkation, which carried one or two, nay we once saw three people, who movd it along in shallow water by setting i.e., punting.
To the Northward again their canoes tho exceeding bad were far superior to these. They were small but regularly hollowd out of the trunk of a tree and fitted with an outrigger to prevent them from oversetting; in these they had paddles large enough to require both hands to work them. Of this sort we saw only and had an opportunity of examining only one of them which might be about 10 or 11 feet long but was immensely narrow; the sides of the tree were left in their natural state untouch'd by tools but at each [end?] they had cut off from the under part and left part of the upper side overhanging; the inside also was not ill
This was the only peice of workmanship which I saw among the New Hollanders that seemd to require tools. How they had hollowd her out or cut the ends I cannot guess These canoes were burned and gouged out, and the shaping done with stone tools; but it is a moot question whether the workmanship was Australian aboriginal or Melanesian, from the northern islands—probably the latter. Some of the Queensland tribes were certainly acquainted with the outrigger.
I am inclind to beleive that besides these Canoes the Northern People know and make use of the Bark one of the South, and that from having seen one of the small paddles left by them upon a small Island where they had been fishing for Turtle; it lay upon a heap of Turtle shells and bones, Trophies of the good living they had had when there, and with it lay a broken staff of a Turtle pegg and a rotten line, tools which had been worn out I suppose in the service of Catching them. We had great reason to beleive that at some season of the year the weather is much more moderate than we found it, otherwise the Indians never could have venturd in any canoes that we saw half so far from the main Land as Islands were on which we saw evident marks of their having been, such as decayd houses, fires, the before mentiond Turtle bones &c. May be at this more moderate time they may make and use such Canoes, and when the Blustering season comes on may convert the bark of which they were made to the purposes of covering houses, making Water buckets &c. &c. well knowing that when the next season returns they will not want a supply of bark to rebuild their vessels. Another reason we have to imagine that such a moderate season
S. has here the note, ‘It is probable they have very blustering West Winds at some time of the Year: and at another Season (may be) very mild East Winds; tho’ they were rather blustering (in the East) when they* [*The Crew of the Endeavour] were there’. This is followed by another note explaining that such passages were not in the original, ‘But are only occasional memorandums and conjectures: consequently not to be depended on for Facts’.
Of their Language I can say very little. Our acquaintance with them was of so short a duration that none of us attempted to use a single word of it to them, consequently the list of words I have given could be got no other manner than by signs enquiring of them what in their Language signified such a thing, a method obnoxious to many mistakes: for instance a man holds in his hand a stone and asks the name of [it]: the Indian may return him for answer either the real name of a stone, one of the properties of it as hardness, roughness, smoothness &c, one of its uses or the name peculiar to some particular species of stone, which name the enquirer immediately sets down as that of a stone. To avoid however as much as Possible this inconvenience Myself and 2 or 3 more got from them as many words as we could, and having noted down those which we though[t] from circumstances we were not mistaken in we compard our lists; those in which all the lists agreed, or rather were contradicted by none, we thought our selves moraly certain not to be mistaken in. Of these my list cheefly consists, some only being added that were in only one list such as from the ease with which signs might be contrivd to ask them were thought little less certain than the others.
They very often use the article Banks's caution in collecting this vocabulary was well-repaid. His list was printed, with the addition of some words from Cook's list, by Hawkesworth, III, pp. 242–3, where it was studied by Ge which seems to answer to our English ‘a’ as Ge Gurka a rope.The Structure of the Koko-Yimidir Language (North Queensland Ethnography Bull. No. 2, Brisbane 1901), pp. 6–7. If we take Ling Roth as the standard, we have Banks in many cases exact, and in most cases pretty accurate: as for instance, beard, Ling Roth walar, Banks wallar; hands, mangal, mangal; rope, gurka, gurka; man, bama, bama; nails, gulgi, kulke; thighs, kuman, coman; knees, bunggo, pongo; ears, milka, melcea; sun, ngalan, gallan. In some words there is a slight remove—e.g. a female, mami-ngu, mameingo; hair, moari, morye; sit down, dakaya, takai. Some show a slight misunderstanding—e.g. Banks's neck, doomboo represents dumu, the chest; nipples, cayo represents guyu, the breast, milk; sole (of the foot) chumal represents jammal, the foot and smaller toes; sand, yowall represents yual, a beach; a bag, charngala represents dan-gara, a parcel rolled up in tea-tree bark. In wageegee for head (properly kambago) we have a more complicated misunderstanding: it is probably derived, thinks Ling Roth, from bai-tchir-tchir, to cover—the action of laying the hand on the head, and not the head itself, being rendered. Of yarcaw and tut, tut, tut as ‘expressions of admiration’ he says, ‘the former is the modern yir-ké, a note of exclamation indicative of surprise, while the latter is still used as exclamatory of swift motion, e.g. a fish shooting along in the water’.
27. Lay too all last night. In the morn fresh trade and fine clear weather made us hope that our dificulties were drawing to a period: it was now resolvd to hawl up to the Northward in order to make the coast of Probably Trichodesmium scoboideum Lucas, described in 1919 by A. R. McCulloch, who collected it at the Hope Islands, off Cooktown, as follows: ‘it covered the sea like sawdust everywhere, and formed long streaks or waves across the wind. It was so abundant as to cause smooth patches unbroken by wavelets where it occurred, and was of a light brown colour, the tint apparently varying according to its stage of development. On the Hope Islands it had blown up on the wave-line, and formed felt-like flakes which could be picked up in pieces a foot square and 3–5 mm. thick; the flakes were very dark in colour, and stained the sand-grains settling on them a rich violet. The alga is very buoyant, and causes a muddy appearance in the water as the boat disturbs it. An old hand up that way assured me that its presence was a sign of good weather, and it certainly seems to disappear at the approach of wind and clouds’. McGulloch suggested that this was the alga met with by the Endeavour. I owe this reference to Mr A. B. Cribb.sterna) kind hoverd much about the ship and at night settled on the rigging where he was taken, and provd exactly the same bird as Dampier has describd and given a rude figure of under the Name of a Noddy From New Holland; See his voyages Vol III, p. 98, tab. of Birds fig. 5.Sterna anaethetus Scopoli, the Brown-winged or Bridled Tern.
28. Still Standing to the Northward the water shoaling regularly. Vast quantities of the little substances mentiond yesterday floating
29. During the whole night our soundings were as irregular as they had been in the even, but never less than 7 and never so shoal for any time. In the morn the land was seen from the Deck which was uncommonly low but coverd very thick with wood. The island ‘laid down in the Charts’, says Cook, ‘by the name of St Bartholomeo or Wleermoysen’—Habeeke or Habe Island, about thirty miles cast of Prines Marianne Strait. The New Guinea coast here is still very much unvisited, and is guarded by a wide mud-bank.
30. In the morn tho the ship was in less than 7 fathom water the land was but just seen from the Deck; we saild along shore however in and about that depth, the Bank as regular as usual. In the Even a large Fire was seen ashore. At Night of a sudden went away to the Northward; we now judgd ourselves to be about the place calld in the Draughts False Cape, the south-western point of Frederik Hendrik Island, which is separated from the main of Valche Caep and supposd this to be it.
31. 5½ fathm and the Land not seen even from the mast head: the regularity of the bank which was soft mud made us very little regard the shoalness of the water which was still as muddy as the Thames at Gravesend. At night we anchord in 4½ fathm the Land being then but just seen from the deck.
1. Distant as the land was a very Fragrant smell came of from it realy in the morn with the little breeze which blew right off shore, it resembled much the smell of gum Benjamin; The corrupt form of gum benzoin, the odoriferous gum of the ‘Benjamin tree’, Styrax benzoin, a native of Malacca, Sumatra and Java.
2. Fresh breeze again at E. In the morn the sweet smell of yesterday was observd tho in a much smaller degree. In the even it was almost calm and again intensely hot.
3. After having saild all night along shore with a brisk breeze we found ourselves in the morn not far from it: It appeard as it had done whenever we had seen it before, uncommonly flat and low, not having so much as a slope in any part, the whole one grove of trees very thick and pleasant to all appearance. This was the sixth day we had now coasted along still upon the same bank of mud, which by its shoalness prevented our approaches near enough to make going ashore convenient. This delay and the loss of so many days fair wind when we well knew the The ship, having turned False Cape, was now in the large bight on the western coast of Cook refused to have the trees cut down—‘nothing but the utmost necessity would have oblige'd me to have taken this Method to come at refreshments’—in spite of later suggestions from his officers.—p. 410. On the ship this activity was at first taken for the discharge of fire-arms, as Banks later notes; ‘by what means this was done or what purpose it answer'd we were not able to guess’, says Cook (p. 409). ‘I thought the Combustible matter was containd in a Reed or peice of small Bamboo which they gave a swing round in the hand and caused it to go off.’ This was accurate observation: the natives carried smouldering tinder in hollow canes for their fire-making, utilization of which was no doubt part of their demonstration of force. The technique of carrying fire was a sort of refinement on the live firebrands carried about by other Se Monsoon was nearly at an end was irksome to us all: it was therefore resolvd to run the ship in as near the shore as possible and then send off the pinnace, which might go ashore while the ship ply'd off and on and learn whether the produce of the countrey or the usage she might meet with from the inhabitants would be such as might induce us to search farther. We accordingly stood right in shore and at ½ past 8 had less than 3 fathm water 5 or 6 miles from the shore. The Captn Dr Solander and myself with the Boats crew and my servants, consisting in all of 12 men well armd, went in her and rowd directly towards the shore but could not get nearer than about 200 yards on account of the shallowness of the water; we quickly however got out of the boat and waded ashore leaving two in her to take care
Histoire des Navigations aux Terres Australes, with the present-day chart, though Banks and Cook describe the nature of the country and its seaward approaches accurately enough.
The place where we landed we judgd to be near These charts were those drawn by the well-known cartographer, Robert de Vaugondy, for de Brosses. It is impossible to identify this cape with real confidence, but I think it was De Jong's Point, to the north-eastward of the opening of Prinses Marianne Strait. ‘Colta’ is a corruption of ‘Costa’, found on older charts. I have discussed these maps in my introduction to Cook I, pp. clvii-xi, and in the notes to pp. 409–11; but the subject still needs some clarification. This was a name conferred on an indentation in the coast—I think probably Flamingo Bay—and dates from Carstenz's expedition of 1623 with the yachts Cabo de la Colta de Santa Bonaventura, as it is calld in the French charts,Keer Weer.Arnhem and Pera, the main result of which was the discovery of the Australian Arnhem Land. See Wieder, Monumenta Cartographica, pl. 126. Keer Weer: ‘blind alley’ or ‘turn about’.
The Soil had all the appearance of the highest fertil[it]y but was coverd with a prodigious quantity of trees which seemd to thrive
The only st and 2nd may prove upon comparison to be different from any of the many Species of Cyperus we have still undetermind from New Holland. Had we had axes to cut down the trees or could we have venturd into the woods we should doubtless have found more, but we had only an opportunity of examining the beach and edge of the wood. I am of opinion however that the countrey does not abound in variety of species, as I have been in no one before where I could not on a good soil have gatherd more by far with the same time and opportunity. Here follows the list:Coix lacrymi-jobi, which coll. was also noticed by Britten, who pencilled the fact in the Banks Catalogue (p. 20, Ms). Perhaps such well known strand spp. were not preserved by Banks since they had been observed and collected earlier on the voyage.
The people as well as we could judge were nearly of the same colour as the New Hollanders, some thought rather lighter, they were certainly stark naked. Their arms that they made use of against us were very light ill made darts of Bamboo cane pinted with hard wood in which were many barbs; they may be shot them with bows but I am of opinion that they threw them with a stick something in the manner of the New Hollanders; This opinion is probably correct: these Papuans have now the bow and arrow, but it seems to have been a comparatively late acquisition, and some variety of throwing stick to have been used earlier.
The house or shed that we saw was very mean and poor. It consisted of 4 stakes drove into the ground, 2 being longer than the other two: over these were layd cocoa nut leaves loose and not half enough to cover it. By the cutting of these stakes as well as of the arrows or darts which they threw at us we concluded that they had no Iron among them.
As soon as ever the boat was hoisted in we made sail and steerd away from this land to the No small satisfaction of I beleive thre[e] fourths of our company, the sick became well and the melancholy lookd gay. The greatest part of them were now pretty far gone with the longing for home which the Physicians have gone so far as to esteem a disease under the name of Nostalgia; This is an early use of the word in non-technical writing. The O.E.D. gives it the date 1678 as a modern Latin translation of the German heimweh, and 1780 as its entrance into literature (‘Homesickness’ is dated 1756). It is of course precisely the sort of word that Banks, with his ranging scientific mind, would pick up, though he was by no means a good Latinist. The 1780 example is from James Thacker's Military Journal during the American war, 1775–83 (London 1823): ‘many perplexing instances of indisposition, … called by Dr. Cullen nostalgia’. The Scotsman
4. Brisk trade and fine weather. The alterd Countenances of our common people were still more perceivable than they were yesterday. Two thirds allowance had I beleive made the cheif difference with them, for our provisions were now so much wasted by keeping that that allowance was little more than was necessary to keep life and soul together.
5. During last night a low Island was seen and in the morn another, of a flat appearance but tolerably high. We supposd that these might be the Arow Isles as the latitude agreed very well, but if they were these Isles must be far nearer the Coast of New Guinea than any of our draughts place them. Probably Karang and Enu, the most southerly of the Aru Islands. Probably Wilson's Petrel, This is a puzzling record, as shearwaters are apparently completely absent from this area nowadays (D. L. Serventy, personal communication). There appears to be no note or description that tallies with this specimen.medusas) were seen, also Egg Birds, Bonitos and one Turtle. In the Eve we deepned our water to 50 fathm and saw then some small
Proc. Fregata)Oceanites oceanicus, which occurs commonly here (see Emu, 52, 1952, p. 105).Fregata sp. The commonest here is F. ariel.Pel) settled on our rigging and was caught, the first we have met with in the voyage.
6. Pleasant trade: our water deepned to 180 fathm. A tropick bird Probably the Red-tailed Tropic Bird. Both the Blue-faced and the Red-footed Booby occur in this region. Banks distinguished Timorlaut, now called the Tanimbar islands, east of Timor. Dampier visited Timor in September 1699 and May 1700, on his voyage in the Sula species with brown upper parts as boobies, and the mainly white birds as gannets.Roebuck.
7. Trade as brisk and pleasant as ever. Infinite flying fish about the ship, some nectris's and Man of War Birds, many Gannets also seen; at Night 2 Bobies were caught.
8. Much less wind today; many Gannets and Bobies were seen. At Night 2 of the latter were taken.
9. Light breezes and almost calm. Myself in my small boat a shooting killd 3 dozn. of Bobies and gannets; the last provd to be the Pelicanus Piscator of Linnæus.Sula piscator was a valid name for the Red-footed Booby (Townsend and Wetmore, Bull. Mus. Comp. Zool. Harvard, 63, No. 4, p. 167, 1919); Solander's brief description (p. 21), although undated, clearly refers to this species, as he gives the page and date of the revision of the species by Linnaeus himself, which is discussed by the above authors.
10. Quite calm. The appearance of Land to the West was again seen and most of the seamen by it Convincd that it realy was such;
11. By day Break in the morn another shark was caught: the two together weighing 126 lb were servd to the ships company and every man in her, I may venture to affirm, from the Captn to the Swabber dind heartily upon it. Many smoaks ashore.
12. As soon as the light was pretty clear the Land again appeard 5 or 6 Lgs off; by 7 the Wind came to west so we stood in for it. It was very high rising in gradual slopes from the hills which were in great measure coverd with thick woods; among them however we could distinguish bare spots of a large extent which at least look's as if cleard by art; many fires were also seen on all parts of the hills, some very high up. At night fall we were within 1 and ½ miles of the Beach just abreast of a little inlet. The countrey seemd to answer very well the description which Dampier has given of Timor, In his Continuation of a Voyage to New Holland, Chap. I (Voyages, ed. Masefield, II, pp. 464–5). Banks goes close to quoting him. He writes, ‘the low land bounds the sea hath nothing but red Mangroves [Bruguiera], even from the Foot of the Mountains till you come within a hundred and fifty or two hundred paces of the Sea: and then you have Sandbanks, cloath'd with a sort of Pine; so that there is no getting Water on this side, because of the Mangroves’. His illustration of Casuarina, 1729 ed. III (Masefield, II at p. 448), pl. 4, fig. 1, is unmistakable. Mrs H. N. Clokie has kindly examined the Dampier specimen (labelled as from Australia, not Timor) in the Sherardian Herbarium, at Oxford, and writes: ‘A note in Professor Osborn's hand says "this is probably the actual specimen used in drawing the figure referred to". The specimen is identified as C. equisetifolia by C. A. Gardner. There can therefore be no doubt about it’. Cf. T. G. B. Osborn and C. A. Gardner, ‘Dampier's Australian plants’, Proc. Linn. Soc., Session 151: 44–50. 1939.Casuarina) behind which was great appearance of Salt water creeks and many mangroves; in Parts however were many Cocoa nut trees close down to the Beach. The flat land seemd to reach in some places 2 or 3 miles before the rise of the first hill. We saw no appearance of Plantations or houses near the sea but the land lookd most fertile, and from the many fires we had seen in different parts we could not help having a good opinion of its population.
13. With the wind as foul as ever we continued to ply along shore, not gaining much and being too far off to see any thing but large fires of which were several ashore. Our Croakers began now to talk of the westerly monsoon, and say that they had sometime
i.e., the ship having had a favourable wind over a long period, the professional grumblers were now sure it had betrayed them before they could reach a port for refreshment. Cook's great fear at the
14. Our Westerly wind still continued and we plyd with our usual success. Infinite albecores and bonetos The most plentiful shoaling tunnies in this area are Dampier describes this noddy at length in his Kishinoella tonggol (Bleeker) and Euthynnus alletteratus (Rafinesque) which are commonly attended by terns; other species include Nethunnus macropterus and Katsuwonus pelamis (Sterna; these were Dampiers New Holland NoddiesVoyage to New Holland (Masefield ed., II, p. 437), and gives a cut of it. Possibly these were not Brown-winged or Bridled Terns (cf. p. 660, n. 2 above) but the Wide-awake or Sooty Tern, Sterna fuscata, which breeds in Java and
15. Wind came fair today and left our melancholy ones to search for some new occasion of sorrow. There was much less of it than we could have wishd and yet enough to alter the appearance of the countrey very sensibly. The Island was now Hilly tho not near so high as it had been; the Hills in general came quite down to the sea and where they did not, instead of flats and mangrovy land, were immense groves of Cocoa nut trees; about a mile up from the Beach began the plantations and houses almost innumerable standing under the shade of large grovesof Palms appearing like the Fan Palm ( Lontar, Borassus);Borassus flabellifer, the widely distributed Palmyra or Fan palm.
16. Trade rather fresher than yesterday. Soon after breakfast the small Island of Rotte Roti is a small island off the south-west end of Timor. i.e., between Roti and Timor—Roti Strait. According to Professor C. G. G. J. van Steenis, these ‘brushy trees’ were Semau or Samau, north of Roti and lying off Kupang, the old Concordia, Dutch capital of Timor; it is separated from Timor by the narrow Semau Strait. Tebui.Schleichera oleosa Merr.
About 10 O'Clock a Phænomenon appeard in the heavens in many things resembling the Aurora Borealis but differing materialy in others: it consisted of a dull reddish light reaching in hight about 20 degrees above the Horizon: its extent was very different at different times but never less than 8 or 10 points of the compass. Through and out of this passd rays of a brighter colourd light tending directly upwards; these appeard and vanishd nearly in the same time as those of the Aurora Borealis, but were entirely without that trembling or vibratory motion observd in that Phænomenon. The body of it bore from the ship The description here given can fit nothing but a display of the Aurora Australis. Auroral displays are seldom observed in low latitudes, and as the latitude of Timor is only about 10° S, this particular display must have been tremendous indeed. There can be no doubt about it, because Parkinson (p. 161) also gives a short description, and the possibility is attested by the record of the display seen from Samoa in 1921. The cause of the aurora seems to be some form of electrical discharge, attested otherwise by rapid and sometimes (when the display is not brilliant) violent variation of the magnetic needle, and linked with the appearance of sun-spots. There was light solar activity in 1770 and in September of that year. It is perhaps odd that nothing of the sort was seen earlier in the year by the Sse: it lasted as bright as ever till near 12 when I went down to sleep but how much longer I cannot tell.Endeavour’s company, or in 1769, a year of sun-spot maximum, when the ship was in much higher latitudes.
17. In the morn an Island in sight The island of Savu. S has here the note, ‘cleared of wild Woods. The Palms being what they encouraged much as possible’. It was Gore that Cook sent on this reconnaissance. Banks has had some difficulty with his adverb here: he first writes a word now indecipherable, superimposes on it ‘humanely’, and then crosses that out heavily in favour of the conventional ‘politely’.Ne point, and saw on the beach a large flock of sheep, but still no people: the North side of the Isle appeard scarce at all cultivated, but like that of Rotte coverd with thick brush wood almost or quite destitute of Leaves: among these as we pass'd along we saw numerous flocks of sheep, but no houses or plantations. At last however one was discoverd in a grove of Cocoa nut trees, and it was resolvd to send a boat in order to attempt a commerce with people who seemd so well able to supply our many Necessities. The ship ply'd off and on and a Lieutenant went:
After a very short stay he returnd bringing word that he had seen Indians in all respects as colour, dress &c. much resembling the Malays; that they very civily invited him ashore and conversd with him by signs but neither party could understand the other; they were totaly unarmd except the knives which they wore in their girdles and had with them a Jackass, a sure sign that Europeans had been among them.
In Plying off and on we had had no ground tho very near a Coral shoal which ran off from the Island, so had no hopes of anchorage here; it was therefore resolvd that we should go to the lee side of the Isle in hopes there to find a Bank; Presumably a sand-bank or shelf giving good anchorage.
After a stay of about an hour and a half the boat made a signal of having had intelligence of a harbour to Leeward and we in consequence bore away for it. The boat following soon came on board and told us that the people had behavd in an uncommaly civil manner; that they had seen some of their principal people who were dressd in fine linnen and had chains of gold round their necks; that they had not been able to trade, the owner of the Cocoa nut trees not being there, but had got about 2 dozn of Cocoa nuts given as a present by these principal people, who accepted of Linnen in return and made them plainly understand by drawing a map upon the sand that on the Lee side of the Island was a bay in which we might anchor near a town and buy Sheep, hogs, fruits, fowls &c; they talkd much of the Portugese and of Larntuca on the Island of Ende, This is very confused. Both Larantuka and Ende are on the large island of Flores, midway in the chain of islands (the Lesser Sunda Islands) between Timor and Java. Ende was a bay and village on the south coast, and Larantuka on the easternmost point. Savu is due south of Flores, about halfway between Roti and Sumba. The phrase ‘somewhere on the Island’ seems to refer to Savu, where the ship now was, and not to the ‘Island of Ende’. This was a bad guess on
We saild along shore and after having passd a point of Land found a bay shelterd from the trade wind in which we soon discoverd a large Indian town or village, on which we stood in hoisting a Jack on the foretopmast head. This seems to have been the roadstead of Seba, inland a little distance from which, at Seba village, the rajah of Savu still has his residence.
18. In the morn the Boat with the 2nd Lieutenant went ashore and was receivd by a guard of 20 or 30 Indians armd with musquets,
We landed and walkd up to the town which consisted of a good many houses, some tolerably large, each being a roof of thach covering a boarded floor supported by Pillars 3 or 4 feet from the ground. Before we had been long there it began to grow dark and we returnd on board, having only just tasted their Palm wine which had a very sweet taste and suited all our palates very well, giving us at the same time hopes that it might be servicable to our sick, as being the fresh and unfermented juice of the tree it promisd antescorbutick virtues.
19. In the morn we went ashore and proceeded immediately to the house of assembly, a large house which we had yesterday mistaken for the Kings Palace. This as well as 2 or 3 more in the Town or Malay S has the note, ‘A Basket made of Palm leaves.’Negreenegeri, country but used loosely of any settlement, town or land. Below, pp. 158–9, Banks calls them ‘principalities’. Presumably if the island were divided into several independent rajahdoms, each would be a negeri.th made a sign of the mark by which we were to know the town by crossing his fingers, which our Catholick Portugese interpreted into a cross, from whence cheifly we were assur'd that the settlement was originaly Portugese. In this house of Assembly we met My[n]heer Lange and the Radja A Madocho Lomi Djara attended by many of the Principal people: we told them that we had in the boat an assortment of what few goods we had to truck with and desird leave to bring them ashore which was immediately granted and orders given accordingly. We then attempted to settle the Price of Buffaloes, sheep, hogs, &c. which were to be payd in money, but here Mynheer Lange left us and told us that we must settle that with the natives who would bring down large quantities to the Beach. By this time the morning was pretty far advanc'd and we, resolving not to go on board and eat salt meat when such a profusion of fresh was continualy talkd of, petitiond his majesty that we might have liberty to purchase a small Hog, some rice &c. and employ his subjects to cook them for our dinner. He answerd that if we could eat victuals dressd by his subjects, which he could hardly
Before dinner Mynheer Lange had mentiond to us a letter which he had in the morn receivd from the Governor of Timor: the particulars of it were now discussd. It acquainted him that a ship had been seen off that Island and had Steerd from thence towards that which we were now upon: in case such ship was to touch there in any distress she was to be supplied with what she wanted but was not to be allowd to make any stay more than was necessary, and was particularly requird not to make any large presents to the inferior People, or to leave any with the Principal ones to be distributed among them after he was gone. This we were told did not at all extend to the Beads or small peices of cloth which we gave the Natives in return for their small civilities, as bringing us palm wine &c. Some of our Gentlemen were of opinion that the whole of this Letter was an imposition but whether it was or not I shall not take upon myself to determine.
In the Evening we had intelligence from our trading place that No Buffelloes or hogs had been brought down, a few sheep only, which were taken away before our people who had sent for money could procure it; some few fouls however were bought and a large quantity of a kind of Syrup made from the Juice of the palm tree, A number of different palms were used to produce palm-wine or toddy and the syrup derived from it—the Sugar-palm, the Coconut, and what is probably meant here, to judge from Banks's later description, p. 162 below, the Fan palm, Borassus flabellifer.n went immediately down but could see no cattle. While he was gone Mr Lange complaind that our people had yet offerd no gold for any thing; this he said the Islanders were dis-pleasd at who had expected to have gold for their stock.
20. In the morning early the Cap Cook, whose account of Savu is briefer and less circumstantial than Banks's, is here a little more dramatic: ‘There happen'd to be an old Raja at this time upon the beach whose Intrest I had secure'd in the Morning by presenting him with a Spy glass, this man I now took by the hand and presented him with an old broad sword, this effectually secure'd him in our Intrest for the Moment he got it he began to flourish it over the old Portuguese and made him and the officer that commanded the party to set down at his backside’.—pp. 420–1.tn went ashore himself to purchase Buffeloes. He was shewn two, one of which they valued at five guineas the other a musquet; he offerd 3 guineas for the one and sent for a musquet to give for the other. The money was flatly refus'd and before the Musquet could be brought off Dr Solander, who had been up at the town in order to speak to Mr Lange, returnd followd by 86 Spearmen and 20 musqueteers sent by the King to tell us that this day and no more would be allowd us to trade, after which we must be gone. This was the message that Dr Solander had from the Radja by Mr Lange's interpretation, but a Portugese Indian who came from Timor, probably Next in command to Mr Lange, carried it much farther, telling us that we might stay ashore till night if we pleasd but none of the natives would any more be allowd to trade with us; after which he began to drive away those who had brought hens, syrup &c. To remedy this an old sword which lay in the Boat was given to the Prime minister as I have calld him, Mannudjame, who in an instant restord order and severely chid the officer of the guard, an old Portugese Indian, for haveing gone beyond their orders.r Solander met with in the Town.
In the morn when he arriv'd there it was a long time before he could find the Radja; at last however he did and receivd many civilities from him. Mr Lange was however not to be found so no conversation could pass for want of an interpreter. After some time a number of men came and taking their arms rangd themselves in the yard; the Radja then appeard cross but shewd nothing but civility to the Dr.
One of our servants who was trading now came into the yard, having a garter tied over his shoulder for which he askd a cock: the Radja went to him and askd him for it: he, ignorant of his quality, refusd unless he had a Cock on which he was orderd to be turnd out of the yard, as were all our people but the Dr who still was in the assembly house totaly ignorant of what was going on. The Radja however now told him that Mr Lange was at such a house, a hint to be gone but which was not taken as such, for the Dr wanted nothing so much as to see Mr Lange and consequently went directly to him. Mr Lange returnd to the Radjas with him and told him that the People were almost in rebellion on account of the Radjas permitting us to trade with goods instead of money, and that this day was positively the last on which we could be allowd to do so, that he was much offended also at the servant who had refus'd the garter. These storys were too ridiculous to be taken much notice of therefore he still stayd in hopes of learning something more. The guards were orderd to exercise which they did clumsily enough with their spears: the Dr pleasd with the sight desird he might see the excersise of their Sabres also. You had better not desire it, said the duch man, the People are very much enrag'd. Now the Dr found Mr Lange's intention which was to frighten him and us: it however had no part of the design'd effect, we were too well convinc'd that both King and people desird nothing so much as to trade with us to regard these political menaces.
The Dr However set out for the Beach in order to tell us who were there the state of the Case and with him came this formidable troop who behavd as before mentiond. The state of the case appeard now Plain: Mr Lange was to have a share of what the Buffeloes were sold for and that share was to be paid in money; the Captn therefore, tho sore against his will, resolvd to pay 5 guineas apeice for one or 2 Buffeloes and try to buy the rest for musquets. Accordingly no sooner had he hinted his mind to the Portugese Indian than a Buffeloe was brought down but a very small one, and five guineas given for it; 2 more larger followd immediately for one of which a musquet and for the other 5 guineas was given. There was now no
In the Evening Mr Lange came down to the Beach softned by the money which no doubt he had receivd: he who was in the morn as sour as verjuice was now all sweetness and softness. The Dr who spoke German but little was loth to mention to him any of the transactions of the morning, he however took frequent occasions of letting us know that if we pleasd we might come ashore the next day. Our business was However quite done, so to fullfill a promise we had made he was presented with a small cagg of Beer and we took our leave as good freinds as possible.
The refreshments we got consisted of 8 Buffeloes, 30 Dzn of fowls, 6 sheep, 3 hogs, some few but very few limes and cocoa nuts, a little garlick, a good many eggs above half of which were rotten, an immense quantity of Syrup which was bought for trifles, several hundred gallons at least—upon the whole more than live stock enough to carry us to Batavia and syrop for futurity.
I have been very diffuse and particular in mentioning every trifling circumstance which occurd in this transaction, as this may perhaps be the only opportunity I shall ever have of visiting an Island of great consequence to the Duch and scarce known to any other Europaeans even by name. I can find it in only one of the Draughts and that an old one printed by Mount and Page Mount and Page were a well-known firm of stationers and map and chart publishers, c. 1733–86. Their shop was on Tower Hill. Sandel Bosch, Sandalwood Island, a name given to Sumba, many times the size of Savu, and to the west of it.Sou but confounds it with Sandel BoschSaow and say[s] it is that which is calld by the Duch Sandel Bosch, but no chart that I have seen lays either that, Timor or Rotte, or indeed any Island that we have seen hereabouts in any thing near its right place.
While we were here an accident hapned by the imprudence of M We can well believe this anecdote of the conscientious but in this case tactless Parkinson. He would naturally have roused suspicion, for the Dutch were most jealous of their control of spice production and trade, and Lange was evidently a faithful servant in this respect.r Parkinson my Draughtsman which might alone have alterd our intended and at first promisd reception very much, indeed I am of opinion that it did. He desirous of knowing whether or not this Island producd spices carried ashore with him nutmeg, cloves
r Lange's ears. He complaind to the Dr that our people were too inquisitive, particularly says he in regard to spices, concerning which they can have no reason to wish for any information unless you are come for very different purposes than those you pretend. The Dr not well vers'd in the German language in which they convers'd, immediately conceivd that Mr L. meant only the questions which he himself had askd concerning the cinnamon, nor did we ever know the contrary till the day after we had left the place, when Mr Parkinson boasted of the knowledge he had got of these people certainly having a knowledge of the spices as they had in language names for them.
I shall proceed now to give such an account of the Island as I could get together during our short stay, which short as it was was so taken up with procuring refreshments, in which occupation every one was obligd to exert himself, that very little I confess is from my own observation; almost every thing is gatherd from the Conversation of M S has the note, ‘The Dutch keep the Spices upon small Islands, that they may be able to defend them easily: and keep other Islands in the Neighbourhood, to furnish those Spice Islands with Provisions.’r Lange who at first and last was very free and open and I am inclind to beleive did not deceive us in what he told us, how much soever he migh[t] conceal, except perhaps in the strengh and warlike disposition of the Islanders, which account seems to contradict itself, as one can hardly imagine those people to be of a warlike disposition who have continued in peace time out of mind. As for the other Islands in this neighbourhood his information alone was all we had to go upon; I would not however neglect to set it down, tho in general it was of little more consequence than to confirm the policy of the duch in confining their spices to particular Isles, which being full of them cannot furnish themselves with provisions.
The little Island of Savu, which trifling as it is appears to me to be of no small consequence to the The position of Tanjong (cape) Merebu, a few miles from the western extremity of the island, has been fixed as lat. 10° 37′ S, long. 121° 50′ E. There are in fact two islands: Rai Jua, separated from Savu by a channel 2½ miles wide, and Dana, about 18 miles south-westward of Rai Jua. Banks no doubt refers to Rai Jua. NigriesNegeri; cf. p. 153, n. 5 above.Se point of the Isle; the next Seba where we anchord, situate round the Nw point; the third we learnt neither the name or situation of, only guess it to be somewhere on the South side. Off the West end of the Island is another calld Pulo with some additional name which in the hurry of business was forgot and never again askd for.Pulo or pulau simply means island.
The appearance of the Island especialy on the windward side where we first made it was allowd by us all to equal in beauty if not excell any thing we had seen, even parchd up as it was by a drought which M Areca, a sort of palm; the name is also given to its fruit or nut. It is the nut of r Lange informd us had continued for seven months without a drop of Rain interveening, the last rainy season having intirely faild them. Verdure indeed there was at this time no signs of, but the gentle sloping of the hills which were cleard quite to the top and planted in every part with thick groves of the fan Palm, besides woods almost of Cocoa nut trees and ArecasAreca cathecu, the betel palm or Pinang, which is rolled up in betel-leaves and chewed; S has the note, ‘Areca Tree which bears the Nut they are so fond of chewing with Betle etc.’ The binomial is often spelt Areca catechu, which Merrill and others accept as intended orthography, but Moore and Fosberg retain the original spelling (cf. Gentes Herbarum 8: 449, 1956).Borassus flabellifer.
The productions of this Island are Buffaloes, sheep, hogs, fowls, Horses, Asses, Maize, Guinea corn, Rice, Calevanses, Pulse or small beans, The text, with its deletions and alterations, displays some uncertainty over this fruit, hesitating between sweet sops ( Bilimbi, Dolichos spp.annona squamosa),Anona squamosa) and custard apples (Anona reliculata), finally settling for the former.Averhoa Bilimbi),Averrhoa bilimbi, the acid fruits of which are used in a variety of dishes.
nuts and Fan palm which last is in sufficient quantities should all other crops fail to support the whole Island, people, stock and all, who have been at times oblig'd to live upon its sugar Syrup and wine for some Months. We saw also a small quantity of European garden herbs as Cellery, Marjoram, Fennel and garlick and one single sugar cane. Besides these necessaries it has for the supply of luxury BetelPiper betle, the leaf of which, with the red fruit of the betel palm, makes the favourite masticatory.r Lange; indeed I almost doubt whether or not it was genuine cinnamon as the Duch have been always so carefull not to trust any spices out of their proper Islands. Besides these were possibly many other things which we had not an opportunity of seeing and Mr Lange forgot or did not chuse to inform us of.
All their Produce is in amazing abundance, so we judgd at least from the Plantations we saw, tho this year every crop had faild for want of Rain. Most of them are well known to Europeans. I shall however spend a little Ink in describing such only as are not, or as differ at all in appearance from those commonly known. To begin then with Buffaloes of which they have good store, these beasts differ from our Cattle in Europe in their ears which are considerably larger, their skins which are almost without hair, and their horns which instead of bending forwards as ours do bend directly backwards, and also in their total want of Dewlaps. We saw of these some as big as well sizd European oxen and some there must be much larger, so at least I was led to beleive by a pair of horns which I measurd; they were from tip to tip 3 feet 9½; across their widest diameter 4 ft 1½; the whole sweep of their semicircle in front 7 ft 6½. One caution is however exceedingly necessary in buying these beasts, which is that one of them of any given size does not weigh above half as much as an ox of the same size in England; by this we who were ignorant of the fact were very much deceivd, those which we guessd at 400 1b, the larger sort that were bought, not weighing above 250, and the smaller which we guessd at 250 not above 160. This vast difference proceeded first from total want of fat, of which there was not the least sign, but more especialy from the thinness of the flanks and thin peices which were literaly nothing but skin and bone. Their flesh notwi[th] standing this was not bad, it was well tasted and full of gravy, not that I can put it upon a footing with the leanest beef in England yet I should suppose it better than a lean ox would be in this burnt up climate.
M Horses were not endemic here but possibly some had been brought from India or China before Europeans arrived.r Lange told us that when the Portugese first came to this Island there were horses upon it, an opinion from which I confess I rather apostatize,
Their sheep are of that kind which I have seen in England under the name of Bengall sheep; they differ from ours in having hair instead of wool, in their ears being very large and flapp down under their horns almost streight, and in their noses which are much more arch'd than those of our European sheep. These sheep are I beleive very frequently calld Cabritos from their resemblance to goats, which tho I cannot say appeard to me at all striking yet had such an effect upon the whole ships company, officers and seamen, that not one would beleive them to be sheep till they heard their voices, which are precisely the same as those of European ones. Their flesh was like the Buffaloes, lean, and void of flavour, to me the worst mutton I have ever eat. Their fowls are cheifly of the game breed and large but the eggs the smallest I have ever seen.
Besides these animals here are vast plenty of dogs, some cats and rats and a few Pidgeons—I saw 3 or 4 pair—nor are any of these animals exempted from furnishing their part towards the support of Polyphagous man except the Rats which alone they do not eat.
Fish appeard to us to be scarce, indeed it was but little valued by these Islanders, none but the very inferior people ever eating it and these only at the times when their duty or business requird them to be down upon the sea beach. In this case every man was furnishd with a light Casting net which was girt round him and servd for a part of his dress; with this he took any small fish that might happen to come into his way. Turtles are scarce; they are esteemd a good food but are taken only seldom.
Of the vegetables most are well known. The sweet Sop is a pleasant fruit Altered from ‘the custard apple is a delicious fruit’: this uncertainty argues that Banks may not have been writing from personal experience. See p. 159, n. 5 above. Rumpf mentioned its use in Bali, and before him Jacob de Bondt, in Java.Borassus flabellifer). Large groves of these trees are to be seen in all parts of the Island, under which other crops as Maize, indigo &c are planted, so that in reality they take up no room tho the[y] yeild the treble advantage of fruit, Liquor and sugar, all but especialy the two last in great profusion; besides which the leaves serve to thatch their houses and to make baskets, umbrellas or rather conical bonnets, Cups, Tobacca-pipes &c &c.
The Fruit, which is least esteemd, is also in the least plenty. It is a nut about as big as a childs head coverd like a cocoa nut with a fibrous coat, under which are 3 Kernels which must be eat before they are ripe, otherwise they become to[o] hard to chew; in their proper state they resemble a good deal in taste the kernel of an unripe Cocoa nut and like them probably afford but a washy nutriment. The excellence of the Palm wine or Toddy which is drawn from this tree makes however ample amends for the poorness of the fruit: this is got by cutting the buds which are to produce flowers soon after their appearance and tying under them a small basket made of the leaves of the same tree, into which the liquor drips and must be collected by people who climb the trees for that purpose every morning and evening. This is the common drink of every one upon the Island and a very pleasant one. It was so to us even at first only rather too sweet; its antescorbutick virtues as the fresh unfermented juice of a tree cannot be doubted.
Notwi[th] standing that this Liquor is the Common drink of both Rich and poor, who in the morning and evening drink nothing else, a much larger quantity is drawn off daily than is sufficient for that use; of this they make a Syrop and a coarse sugar both which are far more agreable to the taste than they appear to the sight. The Liquor is calld in the Language of the Island Dua or Duac, the
Gula. It is exactly the same as the Jagara Sugar on the Continent of IndiaJagara, an Indo-Portuguese word, whence the English ‘jaggery’, for a coarse dark brown sugar made by evaporation from the sap of palms—e.g. Borassus flabellifer; but principally (in India) the wild date Phoenix sylvestris, in part of the Ganges valley north of Calcutta. Elsewhere the received importance for the purpose of Borassus flabellifer is witnessed by its alternative name, Toddy tree, used by Banks. Both the words jagara and sugar are derived from the Sanskrit
Fire wood is very scarce here. To remedy therefore that inconvenience as much as possible they make use of a contrivance which is not unknown in Europe tho seldom practisd but in camps. It is a burrow or pipe dug in the ground as long as convenient, generaly about 2 yards, and open at each end: the one opening of this into which they put the fire is large, the other which serves only to cause a draught is much smaller. Immediately over this pipe circular holes are dug which reach quite down into it: in these the earthen pots are set, about 3 to such a fire, which are large in the middle and taper towards the bottom by which means the fire acts upon a large part of their surface. It is realy marvelous to see with how small a quantity of fire they will keep these pots boiling, each of which Contains 8 or 10 gallons, a palm leaf or a dry stalk now and then is sufficient; indeed it seemd in the part of the Island at least where we were that the palms alone supplyd sufficient fuel not only for boiling this sugar but for dressing all their victuals beside, all which are cookd by this contrivance. How many parts of England are there where this contrivance would be of material assistance to not only the poor but the better sort of people who daily complain of the dearness of fuel, a charge which this contrivance alone would doubtless diminish at least one third: but it is well known how averse the good people of England, especialy of those degrees that may be supposd to be not above want, are to adopt any new custom which savours of Parsimony. I have been told that this very
Gentlemans Magazine Vol. p. 1 many years ago but have not the book on board. Frezier in his Voyage to the South Sea describes a contrivance of the Peruvian Indians upon much the same principles, planch[e] 31. p. 273; but his drawing and plan are dificult to understand if not actualy very faulty and his description is nothing; the drawing may serve however to give an Idea to a man who has never seen a thing of the kind.
The Syrup or Gula which they make in this manner is so nourishing that Mr Lange told us it alone fed and fatned their hogs, dogs and fouls, and that even the men themselves could and had sometimes livd upon it alone for a long time when by bad seasons or their destructive feasts which I shall mention by and by they have been deprivd of all other nourishment. We saw some of the swine upon this Island whose uncommon fatness surprizd us much, which very beasts we saw one evening serv'd with their suppers consisting of nothing but the outside husks of Rice and this syrup disolvd in water, and this they told us was their constant and only food. How far it may be found consonant to truth that sugar alone should have such nourishing qualities I shall leave to others to determine; I have only accounts not experience to favour that opinion.
The people of this Island are rather under than over the midling size, the women especialy most of whoom are remarkably short and generaly squat built. Their colour is well ting'd with brown, in all Ranks and conditions nearly the same, in which particular they differ much from the inhabitants of the South sea Isles where the better sort of people are universaly almost whiter than their inferiors. The men are rather well made and seem to be active and nimble; among them we observd a greater variety of features than usual; the women on the other hand are as I said before generaly low and clumsey, are far from hansome and have a kind of sameness of features among them which might well account for the chastity of the men for which virtue this Island is said to be remarkable. The Hair of Both sexes is universaly Black and lank; the men wear it long and fastned upon the tops of their heads with a comb, the women have theirs also long and tied behind into a kind of club, not very becomeing.
Both men and women dress in a kind of Blew and white clouded cotton cloth which they manufacture themselves: of this two peices about 2 yards long each serve for a dress. One of these is worn round the middle: this the men wear pretty tight, it covering no lower than their backsides but above making a kind of loose belt
I have looked in vain through the Gentleman's Magazine for the article referred to.
The distinction of the womens dress except only the head consists merely in the manner of wearing their cloths, which are of the same materials and in the same quantity as the mens: their waist cloths reach down below their knees and their body cloths are tied under their arms and over their breasts Keeping up the strictest decency. Both sexes eradicate the Hair from under their armpits, a custom in these hot climates almost essential to cleanliness; the men also pluck out their beards, for which purpose the better sort carry always a pair of silver pincers hanging round their necks. Some however wear a little hair on their upper lips but that they never suffer to grow long.
Ornaments they had many: some of the better sort wore gold chains round their necks but these were cheifly made of Platted wire of little value, others had rings which by their appearance seemd to have been worn out some generations ago. One had a silver headed Cane on the top of which was engravd The monogram of the For this word S substitutes ‘petticoat’; no doubt Sophia (or should one refer to her as Sarah ?) thought she had superior knowledge on the garb of women.Vereenighde Oost-Indische Compagnie.
Almost all the men had their names tracd upon their arms in indelible characters of Black; the women had a square ornament of flourishd lines on the inner part of each arm just under the bend of the elbow. On enquiring into the antiquity of this custom, so consonant with that of Tattowing in the South Sea Islands, Mr Lange told us that it was among these people long before the Europeans came here but was less us'd in this than in most Islands in the neighbourhood, in some of which the people usd to mark circles round their necks, breasts &c.
Both Sexes are continualy employd in chewing Betle and Arec, the consequence of which is that their teeth as long as they have any are dyed of that filthy black colour which constantly attends the rotteness of a tooth; for it appears to me that from their first use of this custom which they begin very young their teeth are affected and continue by gradual degrees to waste away till they are quite worn to the stumps which seems to happen before old age. I have seen men in appearance between 20 and 30 whose fore teeth were almost intirely gone, no two being of the same lengh or the same thickness but every one eat into unevenesses as iron is by rust. This loss of the teeth is attributed by all whose writings upon the subject I have read to the tough and stringy coat of the Areca nut but in my opinion is much easier accounted for by the well known corrosive quality of the lime, which is a necessary ingredient in every mouthfull and that too in no very insignificant quantity. This opinion seems to me to be almost put out of dispute by the manner in which their teeth are destroyd: they are not loosned or drawn out as they should be by the too frequent labour of chewing tough substances but melt away and decay as metals in strong acids, the stumps always remaining firmly adhering to the jaws just level with the gums. Possibly the ill effects which sugar is beleivd by us Europeans to have upon the teeth may proceed from the same cause as it is well known that refin'd or loaf sugar contains in it a large quantity of lime. S has here a reference foward to the remarks on the chewing habits of the Bat-avians (p. 222 below) and their use of slaked lime: ‘which shows that at Batavia at least, Arec is not prejudicial to the teeth. I can hardly suppose the difference of climate, and food, etc. makes its qualities so totaly opposite: but think (without a doubt) that at Savu the decay of their teeth is owing to their using unslacked Lime. Don't know whether at Savu they could prevent if they pleased the blackness of their teeth, but at Batavia they can clean it off at pleasure.’
To add flavour I suppose to the Betel and Arec some use with it a small quantity of tobacco, adding the nauseous smell of that herb
A side-light on the personal habits of Banks—it appears that he was no smoker. The reader who can tolerate any other viewpoint on ‘betel-chewing’ is recommended to the delightful pages of Abinger Harvest, pp. 309–14.
Their houses are all built upon one and the same plan differing only in size according to the rank and riches of the proprietors, some being 3 or 400 feet in lengh and others not 20. They consist of a well boarded floor raisd upon posts 3 or 4 feet from the ground; over this is raisd a roof shelving like ours in Europe and supported by pillars of its own independent of the floor; the Eaves of this reach within 2 feet of the floor but overhang it as much; this openSic; he may have meant ‘opening’, but ‘open’ makes sense. S and P open. The word could still be used as a substantive in this sense in the eighteenth century, though rather archaic.
The shortness of our stay and few opportunities we had of going among these people gave us no opportunities of seing what arts or manufactures they might have among them. That they spin, weave and dye their cloth we however made a shift to learn for tho we never saw them practise any of these arts yet the instruments of them accidentaly fell in our way: first a machine for clearing cotton of its seeds which was made in miniature much upon the same principles as ours in Europe, it consisting of 2 cylinders about as thick as a mans thumb the one of which was turnd round by a plain wynch handle, and that turnd the other round by an endless worm at their extremities. The whole was not above 7 inches high and about twice as long; how it answerd I know not but know that it had been much workd and that there were many peices of cotton hanging on different parts of it, which alone inducd me to beleive
r Lange; we likewise saw them dye womens girdles of a dirty reddish colour. Their Cloth itself was universaly dyed in the yarn with blue, which being unevenly and irregularly done gave the cloth a Clouding or waving of colour not unelegant even in our eyes.
One Chirurgical operation of theirs Mr Lange mentiond to us with great praises which indeed appears sensible: it is a method of curing wounds which they do by first washing the wound in water in which Tamarinds have been steepd, then pluging it up with a pledget made of fat of fresh pork; in this manner the wound is thouroughly cleans'd and the pledget renewd every day: he told us that by this means they had a very little while ago curd a man in three weeks of a wound of a lance which had peircd his arm and half through his body. This is the only part of either their medicinal or chirurgical art which came to our knowledge, indeed they did not seem to outward appearance to have much occasion for either, but on the contrary appeard healthfull and did not shew by scarrs of old sores or any scurvyness upon their bodies a tendency to disease. Some indeed were pitted with the small pox which Mr Lange told us had been now and then among them; in which case all who were seizd by the distemper were carried to lonely places far from habitations where they were left to the influence of their distemper, meat only being daily reachd to them by the assistance of a long pole.
How the police of their villages is carried on I cannot say I saw,
Their religion according to the account of Mr Lange is a most absurd kind of Paganism, every man chusing his own god and also his mode of worshiping him, in which hardly any two agree. Notwithstanding this their morals are most excellent, Mr Lange declaring to us that he did not beleive that during his residence of ten years upon the Island a theft had been committd. Polygamy is by no means permitted, each man being allowd no more than one wife to whoom [he] is to adhere during life; even the Radja himself has no more. In favour of their chastity he also said that he did not beleive that a Duch man had ever receivd a favour from a woman of this Island.
The Duch boast that they make many converts to Christianity, 600 sayd M Hawkesworth gives the name as Craig. P r L. in the township of Seba where we were: what sort of christians they are I cannot say as they have neirther clergyman nor church among them. The Company have however certainly been at the expence of Printing versions of the New Testament, cathechism &c. &c. in this and several other Languages, and actualy keep a Duch Indian or half bred Duchman whose name is Fredrick CraayCraay, S Craaig.r Solander was at his house and saw not only the Testaments and Catechisms before mentiond but also the copy books of the scolars, about 50 in number, many of whoom wrote a very fair and good hand.
The Island is divided into 5 Principalities each of which has its respective Radja or King. What his power may be we had not an opportunity of Learning: in outward appearance he had little respect shewd him yet every kind of Business which was done seemd to center in him and his cheif councelor, so that in reality he seemd to be more regarded in essentials than shewy useless ceremonies. The Reigning Radja while we were there was calld This has nothing to do with the Black Prince, as one might infer: ‘prince's stuff’ was a corded textile material, used for academic gowns or other such civil uniforms, and would therefore have for Banks an appearance of formality.Madocho Lomi Djara; he was about the age of 35, the fattest man we saw upon the whole Island and the only one also upon whose body grew any quantity of hair, a circumstance very unusual among Indians. He
Mannu djame who was belovd by the whole principality. Both these were dis-tinguishd from the rest of the natives by their dress which was always a nightgown generaly of coarse Chintz; once indeed the Radja receivd us in form in one of Black Princes stuffr L. always with the strictest justice. So excellent is the disposition of these people that if any dispute arises between any two of them they never, if it is of consequence, more than barely mention it to each other, never allowing themselves to reason upon it least heat should beget ill blood but referr it immediately to this court.
After the Radja we could hear of no ranks of People but Landowners, respectable according to their quantity of land more or less, and slaves the property of the former, over whoom however they have no other power than that of selling them for what they will fetch when convenient, no man being able to punish his slave without the concurrence and approbation of the Radja. Of these slaves some men have 500, others only 2 or 3; what was their price in general we did not learn, only heard by accident that a very fat hog was of the value of a slave and often sold and bought at that price. When any great man stirs out he is constantly attended by 2 or more of these slaves, one of whoom carries a sword or hanger whose hilt is comm[o]nly of Silver and ornamented with large tassels of horse hair; the other carries a bag which contains Beetle, Areca, Lime, Tobacco &c. In these attendants all their Idea of Shew and grandeur seems to be centerd for the Radja himself had on no occasion which we saw any more.
The pride of descent, particularly of being sprung from a family which has for many generations been respected is by no means unknown here. Even the living in a house which has been for generations well attended is no small honour: in consequence of this it is that few articles either of use or luxury bear so high a price as those stones which by having been very much set upon by men have contracted a bright polish on their uneven surfaces; those who can purchase such stones or who have them by inheritance from their ancestors place them round their houses where they
Every Radja during his life time sets up in his capital town or Nigrie a large stone which serves futurity as a testimony of his reign—in the Nigrie Seba where we lay were 13 such stones, besides many fragments the seeming remains of those which had been devourd by time. Many of these were very large, even so much so that it would be dificult to conceive how the strengh of man alone unassisted by engines had been able to transport them to the top of a hill where they now stand, were there not in Europe so many far grander instances of the Perseverance as well as strengh of our own forefathers. These Stones serve for a very peculiar use. Upon the Death of a Radja a general feast is proclaimd throughout his dominions and in consequence all his subjects meet about these stones. Every living Creature that can be caught is now killd and the feast lasts a longer or shorter number of weeks or months according to the stock of Provisions the kingdom happens to be furnishd with at the time, the stones serving for tables on which the whole, Buffaloes &c, are servd up. After this madness is over the whole kingdom is obligd to fast and live upon syrup and water till the next crop, nor are they able to eat any flesh meat till some years after when the few animals that escapd the general slaughter, were preserv'd by policy, or acquird from the Neighbouring kingdoms have sufficiently Encreasd their species.
The five kingdoms say'd M ‘Bill’ in the sense of knife, for pruning or cutting wood; its edge was concave. He may also have had a bill-hook in mind.r Lange of which this Island consists have been for time immemorial not only at peace but in strict alliance with each other, notwithstanding which they are of a warlike disposition, Constant freinds but implacable Enemies and have always courageously defended themselves against foreign invaders. They are able to raise on a very short notice 7300 men armd with musquets, Lances, spears and Targets: of these the different kingdoms bear their different proportions: Laai 2600, Seba 2000, Regëeuä 1500, Timo 800, and Massara 400. Besides the arms before mentiond every man is furnishd with a large chopping knife like a streigh[t]ned wood Billr L upon another occasion took an opportunity of telling us that they heave their Lances with surprizeing dexterity, being able at the distance of 60 feet to strike a mans heart and peirce him through.
How far these dreadfull accounts of their martial prowess might be true I dare not take upon myself to determine: all I shall say is that during our stay we saw no signs either of a warlike disposition or such formidable arms. Spears and Targets indeed there were in the Duch house about 100, the greatest part of which Spears servd to arm the people who came down to intimidate us; but so little did these doubty heroes think of fighting or indeed keeping up apearances that instead of a Target each was furnishd with a cock, some tobacco or something of that kind which he took this opportunity of bringing down to sell. Their spears seemd all to have been brought to them by Europeans, the refuse of old armories, no two being of any thing near the same lengh, the whole verying in that particular from 6 feet to 16; as for their Lances not one of us saw one of them; their musquets tho clean on the outside were honey-combd with rust on the inside; few or none of their Cartridge boxes had either powder or ball in them and to compleat, all the swivels and patereroes A version of a word more often spelt in English ‘pederaro’, from the Spanish pedrero; it was a small gun mostly used on ships, originally to discharge stones (hence the name) but also any sort of small or broken iron, and to fire salutes.
The Duch however use these Islanders as auxiliaries in their wars against the inhabitants of Timor where they do good service, their lives at all events not being S here has a note, ‘to Europeans’.
This Island had been setled by the Portugese almost from their first coming into these seas. When the Duch first came here they were however very soon wormd out by the machinations of these artfull new comers, who content with that did not attempt to settle themselves in the Island but only sent Sloops occasionaly to trade with the Natives, by whoom they were often cut off, as often I suppose as they cheated them in too great a proportion. This However and the probably increasing value of the Island at last temptd them to try some other way of securing it and running less risques, which took place about ten years ago when a treaty of Alliance was signd between the five Radjas and the Duch Company; in consequence of which the Company is yearly to furnish each of these kings with a certain quantity of fine linnen and silk, Cutlery
Arrack, distilled from rice, sugar and coconut-juice. The Endeavour was supplied with too gallons, at Cook's request, as part of her stores when she left England.
In return for this each Radja agrees that neither he nor his subjects shall trade with any person except the company unless they had the permission of their resident; that they should yearly supply a certain quantity of Rice, Maize and Calevanses, so many sloop loads. The Maize and Calevances are sent off to Timor in sloops which are kept on the Island for that purpose, each navigated by ten Indians; the Rice is taken away by a ship which at the time of that harvest comes to the Island annualy bringing the companies presents and anchoring by turns in each of the three bays.
In consequence of this treaty Mr Lange, a Portugese Indian who seems to be his second, and a Duch Indian who serves for schoolmaster, are permitted to live among them. Mr Lange himself is attended by 50 Slaves on horseback, attended by whoom he once every two months makes the tour of the Island visiting all the Radjas, exhorting those to plant who seem Idle, and observing where the Crops are got in which he immediately sends Sloops for, Navigated by these same slaves, so that the crop proceeds im-mediately from the ground to the Duch storehouses at Timor. In these excursions he always carries certain bottles of Rack which he finds of great use in opening the hearts of the Radjas with whoom he is to deal; but notwithstanding the boasted honesty of these people it requires his utmost diligence to keep it from his slaves who notwithstanding all his care often ease him of a great part of it. During the ten years that he has resided on this Island no European but himself has ever been here, except at the time of the arrival of the Duch ship which had saild about 2 months before we came here. He is indeed distinguishable from the Indians only by his colour—like them he sets upon the ground and chews his Beetle &c. He has been for some years married to an Indian woman of the Island of Timor who keeps his house in the Indian fashion, and he excusd himself to us for not asking us to his house, telling us that he was not able to entertain us any other way than the rest of the Indians whoom we saw; he speaks neither german his native Language nor dutch without frequent hesitations and mistakes, on the contrary the Indian language seems to flow from him with the utmost facility. As I forgot to mention their language in its proper place
In the course of conversation M Rai Jua. Cf. p. 159, n. 1 above.r Lange gave us little accounts of the neighbouring Islands: these I shall set down just as they came to me merely upon his authority. First then beginning with the small Island to the westward of Savu calld Pulo…,
Timor is the cheif Island in these parts belonging to the Duch, The Dutch made good their ownership only of the western part of Timor, the eastern part remaining to the Portuguese, who had settled early in the sixteenth century. The first Dutch landing was in 1613, and the Raja of Kupang allowing them to settle, their presence has been continuous since 1616. Kupang, at the south-west end of the island, remained the Dutch capital. Kupang or Koepang, is the present name of the old Dutch fortified town of Concordia. Banks seems here to be speaking of it as a district.r L's account would have supplyd our ship with every article we could have got at Batavia, even salt Provisions and Arrack. The Duch are however very frequently at war with the natives even of Copang
About two years ago a French ship was wreckd upon the East coast of Timor; she lay some days upon the shoal when a sudden gale of wind coming on broke her up at once and drown'd most of the Crew among whoom was the Cap See previous note. Concordia remained the name of the Dutch fort.tn. Those who got ashore among whoom was one of the lieutenants made the best of their way towards Concordia,
We enquird much for the Island of Cook, ’Seman as it is call'd in the Charts’. Banks has a marginal note, ’the real name is Seman’. See p. 149, n. 3 above.Anabao or Anamabao mentiond by Dampier. He assurd us that he knew of no Island of that name
Selam which is probably the real name of it.Solor laying to the eastward of
The Solor Islands, Adunara, Solor and Lomblen.
On the name Ende see p. 151, n. 1 above.
Larantuka.
The inhabitants of each of these different Islands speak different languages and the cheif Policy of the Duch is to prevent them from learning each others language, as by this means they keep each to their respective Island, preventing them from entering into trafick with each other or learning from mutual intercourse to plant such things as would be of greater value to themselves than their present produce tho at the same time less beneficial to the Duch East Indian Company; and at the same time secure to themselves alone the benefit of supplying all their necessities at their own rates, no dout not very moderate. This may possibly sufficiently account for the expence they must have been at in printing Prayer books, catechises &c. at their expence and teaching them to each Island in its own language rather than in Duch, which in all probability they might have as easily done, but at the risque of Dutch becoming the common language of these Islands and consequently the natives by its means gaining an intercourse with each other.
21. Notwithstanding our Freind Mr Lange invited us very kindly last night to come ashore again in the morn and we saw divers Jarrs of Syrup and sheep &c. waiting for us upon the Beach, a sure
The island was Rai Jua, already mentioned. I do not know what other name Banks was guessing at, if any other. Dana.Pulo Samiri, or some thing like it may be.
22. Still but little wind. Many very large Albecores were leaping about the ship at night; some bobies but none were fools enough to settle on the Rigging.
23. Weather, Bobies and Albecores much as Yesterday. These light winds which would have been almost intolerable to empty stomachs sat pretty easily on our full ones. This sentence has nothing to do with sea-sickness, but refers to the ship's speed: if they had been short of food her slow progress would have been intolerable.
24. Breeze freshning by very gradual degrees together with a long swell heaving in from the Southward, sure sign that there was now no more land to interrupt us in that direction, was an agreable subject of conversation. Infinite flying fish and bobies; some Gannets seen.
25. Trade, fish, Gannets, bobies and Conversation much as yesterday.
26. Trade rather slacker than it had been. Eat today a buttock of Buff- aloe which had been 3 days in salt: it eat so well and had so thouroughly taken salt that it was resolvd to Salt meat for the ships company when our biggest Buffaloes who would weigh above 300 1b were killd.
27. Trade fresher and more to the S. Men of War birds, Gannets and Black Shearwaters Possibly the Wedge-tailed Shearwater, Puffinus pacificus (Gm.).
28. Squally in the night with rain and fine fresh trade shov'd us on Merrily. Our beef experiment was this day tried and succeeded
29. Fresh trade. More Gannets and Man of War birds than usual were seen, and one tropick bird which seemd to be of a brownish or buff colour but stayd a very short time about the ship.
30. Two more Buff colourd Tropick birds were about the ship in the morn in company with a white one which was one third at least larger than they were; From thence I am inclind to think that they may be the This ’buff’ tinge is well known in tropic birds, particularly in the White-tailed. Brisson's bird is considered to be one of these. A description too vague for the purpose of identification. J. B. N. D. d'Après de Mannevillette, A slip for 14Paille-en-cul fauve of Brisson, Vol. VI, p. 489 and realy a distinct species.La Neptune OrientalLe Neptune Oriental, ou routier général des côles des Indes Orientales et de la Chine (ed. 1, 1745; ed. 2, 1775). This was freely copied by British hydrographers, e.g. in A New Directory for the East Indies, by William Herbert (1758 and later editions), The East India Pilot or Oriental Navigator (c. 1780), etc0. In fact, Cook's longitudes were erroneous; he had been unable to check by astronomical observation since leaving Savu, and the westerly current had put his dead reckoning out. Hence the uneasiness which prevailed.
1. Thunder and lightning with heavy rain all night; about 12 Land was seen by the flashes which in Morn provd to be Java Head and
Java Head is the western extremity of the island of Java, and Princes Island lies just north of it. Weathering them, the ship had to pass through the Straits of Sunda to reach Batavia— a short distance, but a process much delayed by calms and contrary winds, as we shall see.La Neptune Oriental 7 or 8 miles too far to the Northward and in the English East India Pilot or Quarter Waggoner 21 or 22; which extrordinary difference in the latter seems owing to some mistake in his particular Draught of the Streights, all parts of which are laid down 14" at least different from the rest of his draughts as well as his own sailing directions. The breeze was fresh and tolerably favourable so that at night we had Passd Crocata
This seems to be a reference to The English Pilot, The Third Book, describing the Seacoasts …. in the Oriental Navigation (ed. 1,1711; later eds. 1734, 1750, 1761). A ’waggoner’ was a book of charts and sailing directions, from Spieghel der zeevacrt of 1584 (an English translation, The Mariners Mirrour, was published by Anthony Ashley in 1588). The English Pilot now referred to was divided into four parts, and it is possible that Banks's ’Quarter Waggoner’ was a familiar term on shipboard for one of them taken singly.
Krakatau, the high volcanic island which blew itself up in 1883.
2. Several lights were seen abreast of the ship the greatest part of the night which in the morn provd to be made by fishermen in small canoes. At day light we were abreast of the 4th point and stood forward with but little wind having sent a boat ashore for grass for the Buffaloes, who during their stay on board had not had more victuals than any one of them could have eat in a day and that the remainder of some bad hay which the goat had dungd upon time immemorial almost. Before noon she returnd bringing some with her which the Indians had not only given to our people but even assisted them to cut; she brought also a few Plantains and Cocoa nuts, but they were bough[t] excessive dear. The Countrey lookd from the ship hilly and very pleasant tho almost one continued wood; Bantam hill On the north-west tip of Java. William Herbert, This refers to the famous riots over John Wilkes's election for Middlesex and expulsion from the House of Commons— but which particular riot or which particular incident in the long-drawn struggle it is hard to say. The reference here is to the train of events which led up to the first partition of Poland in 1772. The ’late election’ was the election of Stanislas Poniatowski, Catherine the Great's favourite, to the Polish crown in 1763. The Poles revolted and Turkey (the ’Grand Signior’ was the Sultan), instigated by France, intervened as the liberator of Poland in 1768. There were Russian victories, and Turkey appealed in 1770 to Frederick the Great and the Emperor Joseph II— whose response was to arrange with Catherine for the partition. Russia was able to dictate the treaty of Kuchuk Kainarji to Turkey in 1774.New Directory for the East Indies (ed. 4, 1776), pl. 35, shows ’Anger Pt apparently in the position of the present Tanjong Leneng. Anger== Anjer (cf. the settlement, Anjer Kidul).
3. Saild all night, in the morn were past the Cap; The Cap, or Brabandshoedje (’Brabant bonnet’) is a small round islet off the Java shore, east-south-east of Thwartway island, which lies right in the middle of the narrowest part of the strait; the ship's passage lay between these two islands. The Malay prahu; it has a pointed bow and stern with an outrigger, about 30 ft long. The Polynesian canoe was often compar to it. The Java Sparrow, i.e rice birds; paddy oryzivora.padda oryzivora.
4. Lightning in the night. In the morn calms and light breezes not sufficient to stem the current which was very strong. To make our situation as tantalizing as possible innumerable Proas were sailing about us in all directions. A boat was sent ashore for grass and landed at an Indian town where by hard bargaining some Cocoa nuts were bought at about three halfpence a peice and rice in the straw at about 5 farthings a gallon; neither here or in any other place where we have had connections with them would they take any money but Spanish dollars. Large quantities of that floating substance which I have often mentiond before under the name of Sea Saw dust had been seen ever since we came into the streights and more particularly today; among it were many leaves, fruits, old stalks of Plantain trees, Plants of Pistia Stratiotes and such like trash, from whence we almost concluded that it came out of some river. At noon by a good Observation we found Pulo Pissang
Pistio straiotes, water lettuce, a pantropic floating aroid of rivers in particular.
Pulau Pisang, ’Banana Island’. This is an island that Cook does not mention. According to him (p. 429), they were anchored off Bantam (St Nicholas) point, the nearest island being pulo Morock (Merak), ’which lies Close under the Shore 3 Miles to the westward of Bantam Point’, and bore SeBS 1½ miles from the ship. The two islands are probably identical.
5. Early in the morn a Proa came on board bringing a Duch man who said that his post was much like that of him who was on board on the 3 i.c. as the breeze came and went; a very tedious and wearing employment.d; he presented a printed paper of which he had Copies in English, French and Duch regularly signd in the name of the governor and council of the Indies by their Secretary. These he desird we would give written answers to which he told us would be sent express to Batavia where they would arrive tomorrow at noon. He had in the boat turtle and eggs of which latter he sold a few for somewhat less than a penny apeice and then went away. The day was spent as usual in getting up and letting down the anchor;
6. Saild all night; in the morn were almost up with an Island calld Pulo Babi or Pulo Tounda but were so far without it that it was thought best to go the outer passage. The land breeze however left us as usual about O'Clock and we came to an anchor
The two names, Babi and Toenda, are still alternative.
’… the Current obliged us Again to anchor’ at 10 a.m., says Cook, p. 430.
7. Got the Land breeze in the Night as usual and saild with it till morn, when we were almost up with Wapping Isle calld by the Malays Great Tidung, the westernmost of the three Hoorn islands, which lie north-west of the Batavia roadstead. Payung, south-east of Great Tidung and Little Tidung. The Thousand Islands number in fact about 80, all low and wooded, plus reefs, rocks, and drying banks; the southern end of the group is about 14 miles off the northern coast of Java, and they stretch north and south for about 23 miles. With the other islands mentioned, they form a sort of screen which a ship turning east from the Strait of Sunda must penetrate to get to Batavia. For Bedroe, see n. 5 on this page.Pulo TidongBedroe or Les Milles Isles
8. Breezes were very uncertain all night attended with Thunder, lightning and heavy rain, so that tho we got out from our Last nights disagreable situation and saild all night we were not in the morn at all ahead, so we anchord at 6. At 8 Dr Solander and myself went ashore on a small Islet belonging to the Milles Isles not laid down in the Draught, laying from Pulo Bedroe NbE 5 miles. The whole was not above 500 yards long and 100 broad yet on it was a house and a small plantation, in which however at this time was no plant from whence any profit could be derivd except Ricnus palma Christi, of which the Castor oil is made in the West IndiesRicinus communis or Palma Christi, the ‘physick nut’ of sailors; the oil is made from the seeds.(Vesp. Vampyrus) and 4 plovers exactly like our English golden plover
A large fruit-bat, Pteropus sp.
The Asiatic Golden Plover, Pluvialis dominica fulva Gm., breeds in Siberia and Alaska and winters in eastern India, southern China, the Malay Archipelago and across to Hawaii.—The Ms has here, interlineally, not in Banks's hand, the word ‘cherooting’ —which looks like a vile pun on the method by which the birds were obtained; especially vile as Banks did not smoke.
Pulo Pajocng, a little south of the Thousand Islands, and cast of Pulo Babi or Toenda. It might be taken for one of the large group.
Pulo Pari is the easternmost and largest of the Agenicten islands, a group of five low islands three miles south-east of the Hoorn islands. Banks apparently applies the name to the whole group.
9. A fine Land breeze which held the greatest part of the night ran us by morn abreast of the Island of Edam so that we saw the vessels at anchor in Batavia road and Onrust Island. At 10 it left us and we anchord; by 11 it cleard up towards Batavia so much that we saw distinctly the Dome of the great church; at ½ after sea breeze set in and before 4 we were at anchor in Batavia Road. A boat came immediately on board us from a ship which had a broad Pendant flying, the officer on board her enquird who we were &c and immediately returnd. Both himself and his people were almost as Spectres, no good omen of the healthyness of the countrey we were arrived at; our people however who truly might be calld rosy and plump, for we had not a sick man among us, Jeerd and flouted much at their brother sea mens white faces. By this time our boat was ready which went ashore with the first lieutenant who had orders to acquaint the commanding officer ashore of our arrival. At night he returnd having met with a very civil reception from the Shabandar Persian Private traders were ships not subject to the English East India Company. Cook refers to them as ‘country ships’—i.e. a ship under the English flag from a port in an English possession abroad. These therefore were very likely ships from Bengal or Madras.shah-bandar, ‘king of the port’. Cook said he had the direction of ‘the Town, port &c’; but that seems as if it unduly extended the powers of one who was essentially a port officer or harbour-master.tn Paul and 2 English Private traders
10. After breakfast this morning we all went ashore in the Pinnace and immediately went to the house of M Hawkesworth gives the name as Leith. Banks first wrote Leigh, and then added a ‘t’. S and P r Leigth,Leigth.
his uncle a Mr Burnet in his Business which was pretty considerable, more so we were told than our New Comer had either money or credit to manage. He soon gave us to understand that he could be of very little service to us either in introductions, as the Duch people he said were not fond of him, or in Money affairs as he had began trade too lately to have any more than what was employd in getting more. He however after having kept us to dine with him offerd his assistance in shewing us the method of living in Batavia and Assisting us in setling in such a manner as we should think fit. In order to this here were two alternatives; either to go to the Hotel, a kind of Inn kept by order of goverment where it seems all Merchant strangers are obligd to reside, Paying ½ PC. for warehouseroom for their Goods which the master of the house is Obligd to find for them: we however having come in a King's Ship were free from that Obligation and might live where ever we pleas'd after having ask'd leave of the Council which was never refus'd. We might therefore if we chose it take a house in any part of the town and bringing our own servants ashore keep it, which would be much Cheaper than living at the Hotel provided we had any body on whoom we could depend to buy in our provisions; but this not being the Case as we had none with us who understood the Malay Language we concluded that the Hotel would be the best for us, certainly the least troublesome and may be not vastly the most expensive. Accordingly we went there, bespoke beds and slept there at night.
The next Morning we agreed with the keeper of the House whose name was Van Heys the Rates we should pay for living as follows: Each persòn for Lodging and eating two Rix dollars or 8 i.e. consume.s pr Diem; for this he agreed as we were five of us who would probably have many visitants from the Ship to keep us a seperate table: for each stranger we were to pay one Rix dollar 4s for dinner, and another for supper and bed if he staid ashore: we were to have also for selves and freinds Tea, Coffee, Punch, and Pipes and tobacco as much as we could destroy,
Besides this we were to pay for our Servants ½ a rupee ⅓ a day each.
For these rates, which we soon found to be more than double the common charges of Boarding and lodging in the town, we were furnishd with a Table which under the appearance of Magnificence was wretchedly coverd; indeed Our dinners and suppers consisted of one course each, the one of fifteen the other of thirteen dishes, of which when you came to examine seldom less than 9 or 10 were of Bad Poultrey roasted, boild, fryd, stewd &c.&c. and so little concience had they in serving up dishes over and over again that I have seen the same identical roasted Duck appear upon table 3 times as a roasted duck before he found his way into the fricassee, from whence he was again to Pass into forcemeat.
This treatment however was not without remedy: we found that it was the constant custom of the house to supply strangers at their first arrival with every article as bad as possible, which if they through good nature or indolence put up with it was so much the better for the house; if not it was easy to amend their treatment by degrees till they were satisfied. On this discovery we made frequent remonstrances and amended our fare considerably, so much that had we had any one among us who understood this kind of wrangling I am convinc'd we might have liv'd as well as we could have desird.
Being now a little settled I hird a small house next door to the hotel on the Left hand for which I paid 10 Rixd 26/ a month; here Our books &c were lodg'd but here we were far from private, Every Duchman almost that came by running in and asking what we had to sell, for it seems that Hardly any individual had ever been at Batavia before who had not something or other to sell. I also hird 2 Carriages which are a kind of open Chaises made to hold two people and drove by a man setting on a Coachbox, for each of these I paid 2 Rxr 8s/ a day by the Month; and now being fairly settled we sent for Tupia ashore to us who had till now remaind on board on account of his Illness which was of the Bilious kind, and for which he had all along refusd to take any medecines. On his arrival his spirits which had long been very low were instantly raisd by the sights which he saw, and his boy Tayeto who had always been perfectly well was allmost ready to run mad. Houses,
Ever since our arrival at this place Dr Solander and myself had apply'd to be introduc'd to the General or Governor on one of his Publick or Council days. We had been put off by various foolish excuses and at last were plainly told that as we could have no business with him we could have no reason to desire that favour. But as we had often press'd the thing this as an excuse did not satisfie us so I went myself to the Shabandar, who is also master of the Ceremonies, in order to ask his reasons for refusing so trifling a request; but was surprizd at being very politely receivd and told that the very next morning he would attend us, which he did and we 20.] were introduc'd and had the honour of conversing for a few minutes with his high Mightiness who however was very polite to us.
Ever since our first arrival here we had been universaly told of the extreme unwholesomeness of the place which we, they said, should severely feel on account of the freshness and heal[t]hiness of our countenances. This threat however we did not much regard thinking ourselves too well season'd to variety of Climates to fear any, and trusting more than all to an invariable temperance in every thing, which we had as yet unalterably kept during our whole residence in the warm latitudes so had small reason to doubt our resolutions of keeping for the future. Before the end of this month however we were made sensible of our Mistake. Poor Tupias broken constitution felt it first and he grew worse and worse every day. Then Tayeto his boy was attackd by a cold and i[n]flammation on his lungs; then my Servants Peter and James and myself had Intermitting fevers and D It seems to have been tertian malaria that chiefly affected them. Batavia, as we see from Banks's description, was a sovereign breeding-place for mosquitoes.r Solander a constant nervous one; in short every one on shore and Many on board were ill, cheifly of
Some days before this as I was walking the streets with Tupia a man totaly unknown to me ran out of his house and eagerly acosting me askd if the Indian whoom he saw with me had not been at Batavia before. On my declaring that he had not and asking the reason of so odd a question he told me that a year and a half before M Bougainville had formed a settlement at Berkeley Sound in the Falklands at his own expense in 1764; this annoyed the Spanish, who laid claim to the islands, and were further annoyed when the English settled at Port Egmont in 1765. To keep the peace it was agreed that Bougainville should abandon his settlement, which he did formally at Madrid in 1766. He was given a money grant as compensation, and permission to make a voyage across the Pacific, over which Spain then claimed exclusive jurisdiction. This was misinformation. Bougainville had called at no Spanish port on the Pacific. After visiting the Falklands to hand over his colony in April 1767 he had called at Rio de Janeiro in the frigate r r De Bougainville who was sent out by the French to the Malouine or Fauklands Islands (in order, as they said here, to sell themBoudeuse to pick up his store-ship, the Etoile; but he and his people, far from collecting ‘an immense deal of money’ there, met with a good deal of incivility from the viceroy.
This at once cleard up the account given us by the Indians of Otahite of the two ships which had been there ten Months before us, V.I, p. 164 of this Journal. These were undoubtedly the ships of M Ahutoru, the brother of Ereti, or O Reti, Sec I, p. 287, n. 6 above; and 249, n. 1 below. Bougainville, in the second edition of his This was not so. The plates in Bougainville's book are far from adequate as a pictorial record of the South Seas.r De Bougainville, and the Indian Otourrou the Brother of Rette Cheif of Hidea.arii of Hitiaa.r De Bougainville if he had traded in the S. Sea under Spanish colours might chuse to go quite across with them.Voyage autour du monde (1772) denied having flown any other colours than the French, and it would have been very odd if he had done otherwise.
21. After Petitioning and Repetitioning the Council of the Indies our affairs were at last settled and orders given to heave down the Ship with all expedition, so she this Day went down to Kuyper calld by the English Coopers Island where a warehouse was allotted for her to lay up her stores &c.
We now began sensibly to feel the ill Effects of the unwholesome climate we were in: our appetites and spirits were gone but none were yet realy sick except poor Tupia and Tayeto, both of which grew worse and worse daily so that I began once more to despair of poor Tupias life. At last he desird to be removd to the ship where he said he should breathe a freeer air clear of the numerous houses which he beleivd to be the cause of his disease by stopping the free draught.
28. Accordingly on the 28th I went down with him to Kuyper and on his liking the shore had a tent pitch'd for him in a place he chose where both sea breeze and land breeze blew right over him, a situation in which he expressd great satisfaction. The Seamen now fell sick fast so that the tents ashore were always full of sick.
30. After a stay of two days I left Tupia well satisfied in Mind but not at all better in body and returnd to town where I was immediately seizd with a tertian, the fits of which were so violent as to deprive me intirely of my senses and leave me so weak as scarcely to be able to crawl down stairs.
My servants Peter and James were as bad as Myself, and Dr Solander now felt the first attacks of his fever but never having been in his life time once ill resisted it in a manner resolvd not to apply to a physician. But worst of all was Mr Monkhouse the ships surgeon; he was now confind to his bed by a violent fever which grew worse and worse notwithstanding all the Efforts of the Physician.
4. At last after many delays causd by Duch ships which came alon[g]side the wharfs to load Pepper the Endeavour was this day got down to Onrust Onrust, like Kuiper, was a low wooded islet in Batavia road. The Dutch had their shipyards there (see p. 200 below); it is now a quarantine station.
delay, most welcome news to us all now heartily tired of this unwholsome countrey.
Poor Mr Monkhouse became worse and worse without the intervention of one favourable symptom so that we now had little hopes of his life.
5. In the afternoon of this day poor Mr Monkhouse departed the first sacrafice to the climate and the next day was buried.
7.sic. Banks's 5 was originally a 6, and having corrected it he forgot to alter 7 to 6. Monkhouse, according to the muster books, died on 5 November, which date is verified from other documents. ‘He was succeeded by Mr Perry his mate, who is equally well if not better skilled in his profession.’—Cook, p. 437. Hist. Rec. N.S.W., I, Pt I, pp. 339–42.r Solander attended his funeral, and I should certainly have done the same had I not been confind to my bed by my fever. Our case now became melancholy, neither of my Servants were able to help me no more than I was them, and the Malay Slaves who alone we depended upon, naturaly the worst attendants in nature, were render'd less carefull by our incapacity of scolding them on account of our ignorance of the language. When we became so sick that we could not help ourselves, they would get out of Call, so we were oblig'd to lie still till able to get up and go in search of them.
9. This day we receivd the disagreable news of the death of Tayeto, Banks's journal for this distressing period must have been written up later, with dates supplied rather vaguely from memory. ‘Tayeto’ died on 17 December.
10. Dr Solander and myself still grew worse and worse, and the Physician who attended us declard that the countrey air was necessary for our recovery, so we began to look out for a countrey house, tho with a heavy heart as we knew that we must there commit ourselves intirely to the care of the Malays, whose behavior to sick people we had all the reason in the world to find fault with. For this reason we resolvd to buy each of us a Malay Woman to Nurse us, hoping that the tenderness of the sex would prevail even here, which indeed we found it to do for they turnd out by no means bad nurses.
11. We receivd the news of Tupias death. Tupaia died on 20 December. His excitement over Batavia naturally ceased with his sickness; according to Parkinson (p. 182) he bitterly regretted that he had ever left his own country, ‘and, when he heard of Taiyota's death, he was quite inconsolable, crying out frequently, Taiyota! Taiyota! They were both buried in the island of Eadam.’ Bougainville's Ahutoru, it may be noted, also died far away from home, at Madagascar, on his return voyage with Marion du Fresne. The introduction to foreign travel for Tahitians was melancholy.
12. D Mustard plasters.r Solander, who had not yet intirely taken to his bed, returnd from airing this even extreemly ill; he went to bed immediately, I sat by him, and soon observd symptoms which alarmd me very much. I sent immeddiately for Our Physician Dr Jaggi, who apply'd sinapisms
13. As D ‘Our writer’: this argues that r Jaggi had all along insisted on the Countrey air as necessary for our recovery, I immediately agreed with my Landlord Vn Heys for his countrey house, which he immediately furnishd for us, and agreed to supply us with provisions and give us the use of 5 slaves who were there, as well as three we were to take with us at a dollar a day, 4s/ more than our common agreement. This countrey house tho small and very bad was situate about 2 miles out of town in a situation that preposest me much in its favour, being situate on the banks of a briskly running river and well open to the sea breeze, two circumstances which must much contribute to promote circulation of air, a thing of the utmost consequence in a countrey perfectly resembling the low part of my native Lincolnshire. Accordingly, Dr Solander being much better and in the Drs opinion not too bad to be removd, we carried him down to it this day, and also receivd from the ship Mr Sporing our writer,r Sporing. This night however the Dr was extreemly ill, so much so that fresh blisters were applyd to the inside of his thighs which he seemd not at all sensible of; nevertheless in the morn he was something better and from that time recoverd tho by extreemly slow degrees till his second attack. Myself, either by the influence of the Bark of which I had all along taken quantities or by the anziety I sufferd on Dr Solanders account, Miss'd my fever, nor did it return for several days till he became better.
14. This day we had the agreable news of the repairs of the ship being compleatly finishd and that she was returnd again to Coopers Island, where she provd to be no longer at all leaky. When examind she had provd much worse than any body expected, her main plank being in many places so cut by the rocks that not more than one eighth of an inch in thickness remaind, and here the worm had got in and made terrible havock; her false keel intirely gone, and her main keel much wound'd. These damages were now however intirely repaird, and very well too in the opinion of Every body who saw the Duch artificers do their work.
This completion of our repairs gave us hopes that our stay here would be of no very long duration, as we had now nothing to do but to get on board our stores and provisions; but our hopes were not a little dampd by the accounts we every day had from the ship, where the people were so sickly that not above 13 or 14 were able to stand to their work.
Dr Solander grew better tho by very slow degrees; myself soon had a return of my ague which now became quotidian, the Captain also was taken ill on board and of course we sent his servant to him, soon after which both Mr Sporing and our seaman were seizd with intermittents, so that we were again reduc'd to the melancholy necessity of depending intirely upon the Malays for nursing us, all of whoom were often sick together.
24. We had for some nights now had the wind on the western board, generaly attended with some rain, thunder and lightning; this night blew strong at Sw and raind &c. harder than ever I saw it before for 3 or 4 hours; Our house raind in in every part, and through the lower part of it ran a stream almost capable of turning a mill. In the morn I went to Batavia, where the quantities of Bedding that I every where saw hung up to dry made a very uncommon sight; for every house that I was acquainted with, and I was told almost every house in the town and neighbourhood, sufferd more or less. This was certainly the shifting of the Monsoon, for the winds which had before been con[s]tantly to the Eastward Remaind ever after on the western bord; the people here however told us that it did not commonly shift so suddenly, and were loth to beleive that the westerly winds were realy set in for several days after.
Dr Solander was recovered enough to be able to walk about the house but gatherd strengh very slowly. Myself was given to understand that curing my ague was of very little consequence while the
The rainy season was now set in and we had generaly some rain in the night; the days were more or less cloudy and sometimes wet; this however was not always the case, for after this time we had once a whole week of dry clear weather. The Frogs in the diches, whose voices were ten times louder than those of European ones, made a noise on those nights when rain was to be expected almost intolerable; Possibly these were Mosquitoes are gnats, like Banks's Lincolnshire acquaintance. Among the No doubt he is thinking of his experience in Newfoundland.Kaloula pulchra (Gray), a species notorious for the noise it makes at night when rain is about to fall.Anopheles branch of the family, so many of which are malarial, Anopheles maculipennis was active in England as a carrier of the disease in the eighteenth century—and indeed well into the nineteenth century.
1. About this time Dr Solander had a return of his fever which increasd gradualy for 4 or 5 days, when he became once more in imminent danger.
7. We receivd the agreable news of the ships arrival in the road, having compleated all her rigging &c. &c. and having now nothing to take in but provisions and a little water. The people on board however were extremely sickly and several had dyed, a circumstance necessarily productive of delays; indeed had the ships company been strong and healthy we should have been before now at Sea.
Dr Solander had chang'd much for the better within these two last days, so that our fears of losing him were intirely dissipated, for which much praise is due to his ingenious Physician Dr Jaggi who at this Juncture especialy was indefatigable.
14. Arrivd the Earl of Elgin Indiaman Cap ‘Lost her passage’: i.e., because of contrary winds and other misfortunes she was unable to complete her passage to China that season.te Cooke, having lost her passager Solander continued to mend tho slowly.
16. Arrivd the Phoenix Capt ‘Decoction of bark’—quinine; the bark was that of the Cinchona tree.n Black, a private trader from India. Our departure being now very soon to take place, I thought it would be very convenient to cure the ague which had now been my constant companion for many weeks; accordingly I took decoction of bark
24. The 25th Xmas day by our account being fixd for sailing, we this morn hird a large countrey Praw, which came up to the door and took in Dr Solander, now tolerably recoverd, and carried him on board the ship where in the evening we all joind him.
Batavia, the capital of the Duch Dominions in India, and Generaly esteemd to be by much the finest town of those in the possession of Europeans in these parts, is situated in a low fenny plain Batavia was founded in 1619 in what seemed an admirable situation for a trading capital, but one result of a terrible earthquake in 1699 was to choke the streams with mud from the volcano Gunong Salak; they overflowed the surrounding country and turned it into a swamp. It was alleged that the climate was affected, but certainly the swamp was ideal for the breeding of mosquitoes, which with the general lack of sanitation, as Banks goes on to describe it, made the town one of the deadliest places on the face of the earth. Between 1730 and 1752 1,100,000 deaths were recorded.Blaes Berg, about 40 miles inland, empty themselves into the sea. This situation seems to have been pitchd upon by the Duch (always true to their commercial interests) intirely for the convenience of water carriage, which indeed few if any towns in Europe enjoy in a higher degree than this place. Few streets in the town are without canals of a considerable breadth running through, or rather stagnating in them, which canals are continued for several miles round the town, and with 5 or 6 rivers, some of which are navigable 30, 40, or maybe many more miles into, the inland countrey, make the carriage of every species of its produce inconceiveably cheap.
It is very dificult to judge of the size of the town; the size of the houses, in general large, and the breadth of the streets increasd by their canals, makes it impossible to compare it with any English
The streets are broad and hansome and the Banks of the canals in general planted with rows of trees; a stranger on his first arrival is very much struck with these, and often led to observe how much the heat of the climate must be temperd by the shade of the trees and coolness of the water. Indeed as to the first, it must be convenient to those who walk on foot, but a very short residence will shew him that their inconveniencies far overbalance any convenience he can derive from them in any but a mercantile light. Instead of cooling the air they contribute not a little to heat it, especialy the stagnating ones of which sort are by far the greatest number, by reflecting back the fierce rays of the sun; in the dry season these stink most intolerably, and in the wet many of them overflow their banks, filling the lower stories of the houses near them with water. Add to this that when they clean them, which is pretty often as some are not more than 3 or 4 feet deep, the black mud taken out is sufferd to lie upon their banks, that is in the middle of the street, till it has accquird a sufficient hardness to be conveniently laden into boats; this mud stinks most intolerably, as indeed it must, being cheifly formd from human ordure of which (as there is not a necessary house in the whole town) the Canals every morning receive their regular quota, and the more filthy recrements of housekeeping, which the uncommon police of the countrey suffers every body to throw into them. Add to this that the running ones, which are in some measure free from the former inconveniences, have every now and then a dead horse or hog stranded in the shallow parts of them, a nuisance which as I was inform'd no particular person was apointed to remove—which account I am inclind to beleive, as I remember a Dead Buffaloe laying in one of the principal streets of thoroughfare for more than a week, which was at last carried away by a flood.
The houses are in general large, well built, and conveniently
a is the street
door, b the back door, c a room where the master of the house does his business, d a court to give light to the room as well as increase the draught, and e the stairs for going upstairs where the rooms are generaly large tho few in number. Such in general are their town houses, differing however in size very much and sometimes in shape; the principles however on which they are built universaly the same—two doors opposite each other, and one or more courts between them to cause a draught, which they do in an eminent degree, as well as dividing the room into alcoves in one of which the family dine, while the female slaves (who on no occasion set any where else) work in another.
Shewy however as these large rooms are to a stranger at his first seeing them, his eye has scarce measurd round him before he is sensible of the thinness Not structural thinness; the word is used in the obsolete sense of scarcity.
Publick buildings they have several, most of them old and executed in rather a clumsey taste; their new church however, which is Built with a dome (that is seen very far out at sea) is certainly far from an ugly building on the outside, tho rather heavy, and on the inside is a very fine room. Its organ is well proportiond, being large enough to fill it, and it is so well supplied with Chandeliers that few churches in Europe are so well lighted.
From buildings I should make an easy transition to fortifications was it not a subject which I must confess myself totaly ignorant of;
In the Ne corner of the town stands the Castle or citadel, the walls of which are higher and larger than those of the town, especialy near the Landing place for boats which it compleatly Commands, and where are mounted several very large and well looking Gunns. The neighbourhood however of the Ne Corner on both sides seems sufficiently weak, especialy on the east side.
Within this Castle, as it is call'd, are apartments for the Governor general and all the members of the council of India, to which they are enjoind to repair in case of a seige; here are also large storehouses, where are kept great quantities of the companies i.e. the Netherlands East India Company.
Besides the fortifications of the town, there are numerous forts up and down the countrey, some between 20 and 30 miles from the town; most of these seem to be very poor defences and are probably intended for little more than to keep the natives in awe. They have also a kind of houses which mount about 8 Guns apeice, and seem to me to be the best defences against Indians I have ever seen; these are generaly plac'd in such situations as will command the navigation of three or four Canals, and at the same time as many roads upon their banks. Some there are in the very town, and one
In 1740 the Dutch had suddenly altered a policy of extreme laxity towards the Chinese within their dominions to one of extreme harshness. The effect of this was to cause one or two small Chinese risings, which were transformed by rumour into general rebellion; whereon the Dutch, alarmed beyond all reason, fell on the Chinese in Batavia, burnt out their district, and massacred them all—ten or twelve thousand. This ‘Batavian Fury’, beginning on 8 October, lasted for eight days.—See E. S. de Klerck, History of the Netherlands East Indies (Rotterdam 1938), I, pp. 363–6. Valckenier, the governor-general of the time, was recalled in disgrace in 1743, but was arrested at the Cape on his homeward passage and sent back for trial to Batavia, where he died in prison nine years later, the trial still not over.
If the Dutch fortifications should be even quite as weak and difenceless as I [imagine,] The Ms omits this word, which is supplied from P, where it has been inserted in a blank space left for the purpose. S adds ‘suppose’ at the end of a line.Mardijker, a Dutch transformation of Malay merdeheka, freedom (as opposed to servitude) or free: apparently assimilated to the Mardijker of Mardijk, a small port near Dunkirk, from which Spanish privateers in the seventeenth century made themselves a great nuisance to Dutch shipping. The Mardijkers, descendants of former slaves, mostly imported from the coast of India, were Christians and therefore not compelled to wear a national costume, as were other Asiatics at Batavia. ‘They wear so-called European costume, but without shirt, socks or shoes. They parade, dressed up like a quack's monkey at a country fair, and are the shrewdest and most self-conceited of Batavia's inhabitants.’—Chastelein, the humanitarian Batavian estate-owner (d. 1714), quoted by B. H. M. Vlekke, Nusantara (Cambridge, Mass. 1944), p. 173.
Thus much for the land: By Sea it is impossible to attack Batavia on account of the shallowness of the water, which will scarce suffer even a longboat to come within Canon shot of the walls unless she keep a narrow channel walld on both sides by strong piers and running about ½ a mile into the harbour, which channel terminates exactly under the fire of the strongest part of the Castle, where is a large wooden boom which is shut every night at 6 o clock and not opend again till the morn upon any pretence. It is said that before the earthquake in, 1699; cf. p. 194, n. 3 above.
The Harbour of Batavia is generaly accounted the finest in India; and indeed it answers that character, being large enough to contain any number of ships, and having such good holding ground that no ships ever think of mooring but ride with one anchor, which always holds as long as the cable. How it is shelterd is dificult to say, the Islands without it being not by any means sufficient, but so it is that there never in it runs any sea to be at all troublesome to shipping. Its greatest inconvenience is the shoal water between the ships and the mouth of Batavia river, which when the sea breeze has blown pretty fresh, as it often does, makes such a cockling sea as is very dangerous for boats. Our longboat once, in attempting to come off, struck two or three times and with dificulty regaind
Round the outside of the harbour are many small Islands, some of which the Duch make use of: as Edam, to which they transport all Europeans who have been guilty of Crimes not worthy of death—some of these are sentenc'd to remain there 99, others 40, 20, 5, &c. years, according to their deserts, during which time they work as Slaves making Ropes &c. &c; Purmerent, where they have a hospital, in which people are said to recover much faster than at Batavia; Kuyper, where are warehouses belonging to the company, in which are storehouses in which are kept many things belonging to the Company, cheifly such as are of small value as Rice, &c; here also all foreign ships who are to be hove down at Onrust discharge their cargoes at wharves very convenent for the purpose. Here the Guns, Sails &c. of the Falmouth, a gun ship which was condemnd here in the Year on her return from the Manilla, were kept, and she herself remaind in the harbour with only her warrant officers on Board, who had remittances most regularly from home but no notice ever taken of the many memorials they sent desiring to be recalld. The Dutch however, for reasons best known to themselves, thought fit about Six months before our arrival to sell her and all her stores by publick auction, and send her officers home in their ships. From the Navy Board papers at the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, we learn that the Falmouth, Captain Brereton, was condemned at Batavia as unseaworthy in 1764. She had been one of the fleet that effected the reduction of Manila in 1762. Brereton shipped his company home in four detachments, as well as the shotguns, small arms, and iron ballast. He ran the ship on to soft mud under a Dutch fort and had the stores locked up ashore. He wanted to sell both them and the hull, but the Dutch authorities making difficulties, he hauled down his pendant and sailed home, leaving the boatswain, gunner and carpenter in charge. The East India Company was asked to arrange a sale: it had no agent and suggested that the Dutch company be asked to do so. The carpenter wrote home, 6 December 1767—no doubt one of the ‘many memorials’ to which Banks refers; his letter was received in May 1768, and as a result the British minister in Holland, Sir Joseph Yorke, was asked to take the matter up with the Dutch. A contemporary slip of paper in the records has the note, ‘This is all I can find about the Falmouth’; but possibly an approach by Yorke was the remote cause of the Dutch action in 1770. One gathers from Banks that the delay seemed extreme, even in the eighteenth century.
The next Island, which indeed is of more consequence to the Dutch than all the rest, is Onrust. Here they heave down and repair all their shipping, and consequently keep a large quantity of Naval stores. On this Island are artificers of almost all kinds that are employd in the Ship building way, and very clever ones, so at least all our most experienc'd seamen allowd, who said they had seen ships hove down in most parts of the world, but never
Cf. Cook's opinion, p. 438: ‘In Justice to the Officers and workmen of this Yard I must say that I do not believe that there is a Marine Yard in the world where Work is done with more alertness than here or where there are better conveniences for heaving ships down both in point of safety and dispatch’—and more to the same effect.
It is generaly said in Europe that the Dutch keep a strong fleet in the East Indies, Ready and able to Cope with any European power which might attack them there. This is true thus far and no farther, their Indiamen, which are all very large ships, are peercd for 50 or 60 guns each; now should they be attackd when all these were in India, or indeed a little before the Sailing of the Europe fleet, they might if they had sufficient warning to Get in their guns &c &c. raise 40 or 50 sail, but how it would be possible for them to man this fleet, if they kept any body at all on shore, is to me a mystery; again, should they be atackd when the fleets are saild, they have very few ships and those terribly out of Condition; for they keep no ships even in tolerable repair in India except those Employd to go to Ceylon and the Coast, which places indeed are generaly taken in the way to or from Europe; as for the Eastern Islands, no ships of any force are employd there but all the trade carried on in small vessels, many of which are Brigs and Sloops.
The countrey round about Batavia for some miles is one continued range of Countrey houses and gardens, some of which are very large, and all universaly planted with trees as thick almost as they can stand by each other, so that the countrey enjoys little benefit of being cleard, the woods standing now almost as thick as when they grew there originaly, with only this difference, that one is of usefull, the other was of useless trees; but usefull as these trees are to their respective owners who enjoy their fruits, to the community they are certainly highly detrimental in preventing the Sea breeze from penetrating into the countrey as it ought, or at best loading it with unwholesome vapours, collected and stagnating under their branches. This, according to our modern theory, should be the reason why thunder and lightning are so frequent and mischeivous here Precisely what Banks means by this it is hard to say. Cook recounts this incident as of October 12: ‘About 9 oClock in the Evening we had much Rain with some very heavy Claps of Thunder, one of which carried away a Dutch Indiaman's Main Mast by the Deck and split it, the Main Topmast and Topgallant mast all to shivers, she had had a Iron spindle at the Main Topgallant Mast head which had first Attracted the Lightning. This Ship lay about two Cables lengths from us and we were struck with the Thunder at the same time and in all probability we should have shared the same fate as the Dutchman, had it not been for the Electric Chain which we had but just before got up, this carried the Lightning or Electrical matter over the side clear of the Ship, the Shock was so great as to shake the whole ship very sencibly. This instance alone is sufficient to recommend these Chains to all ships whatever, and that of the Dutchman ought to caution people from having Iron spindles at their Masts heads.’—p. 433. The Dutch lightning conductor may have been dangerously rigged, or it may simply have had the effect of concentrating the discharge at a vulnerable point. There was still plenty of scope for controversy over the practical application of lightning conductors: cf. I, p. 116 above.
Besides these frugiferous forests, the countrey has all the appearance of unwholsomeness imaginable. I may venture to call it for some miles round the town one universal flat, as I know few exceptions to it; this flat is intersected in many directions by rivers, in still more by Canals navigable for small vessels, but worst of all is the Ditches, which as in the marshes of Lincolnshire are the universal fences of feilds and gardens, hedges being almost totaly unusd here; nor are filthy fenny bogs and morasses, as well fresh and salt, wanting even in the near neighbourhood of the town, to add their banefull influence to the rest and compleat the unhealthyness of the countrey, which much as I have said of it I beleive I have not exagerated. The people themselves speak of it in as strong terms as I do, while the pale faces and diseasd bodies of those who are said to be inurd to it, as well as the preventive medicines &c &c. and the frequent attacks of disease they are subject to, abundantly testifie to the truth of what they assert. The very church yards shew it by the number of graves constantly open in them, far disproportionate to the number of people; the inhabitants themselves talk of death with the same indifference as people in a Camp—it is hardly a peice of news to tell any one of the death of another unless the dead man is of high rank or somehow concer[n]d in money matters with the other; if the death of any acquaintance is mentiond it commonly produces some such
So much for the neighbourhood of Batavia. As far round it as I had an oportunity of going I saw only two exceptions to this general description: one, where the Generals countrey house is situated, which is a gradualy rising hill of a tolerable extent, but so little raisd above the common level that you are hardly sensible of being upon it by any mark but the canals leaving you and the ditches being changd into bad Hedges; the Governor himself has however straind a Point to enclose his own garden with a ditch, to be in fashion I suppose. The other is the place where a famous market calld Passar TanabankPasar Tanah Abang (Red earth market). The market at Tanah Abang still exists, but is now well within the city limits; and the hill is still noticeable as a slight eminence on the plain.
Few parts of the world I beleive are better furnish'd with necessaries, as well as Luxuries of life, than the Island of Java. The unhealthyness of the countrey about Batavia is in this particular rather an advantage to it, for the very cause of it, a low flat situation,
The Tame quadrupeds are Horses, Cattle, Buffaloes, Sheep, Goats and Hogs. The horses are small, never exceeding in size what we call a stout Gallaway, but nimble and spirited; they are said to have been found here when the Europeans first came round the Dewlap. A long-legged hairy sheep, but without drooping ears, was common to Africa from lower Guinea down to the Cape. The lop-eared breed seems to have originated in Guinea, inheriting drooping ears and throat wattles from an infusion of blood from the hornless and Roman-nosed Theban goat.Palearia,6/58 apeice for four which we bought for sea stock, the heavyest of which weighd only 45lb. Their Goats are much of a par with their sheep, but their hogs are certainly excellent, especialy the Chinese, which are so immensely fat that no one thinks of Buying the fat with the Lean; the Butcher when you buy it cuts off as much as you please and sells it to his countrey men the Chinese, who melt it down and eat it instead of Butter with their rice. Notwithstanding the excellence of this Pork, the Duch are so prejudic'd in favour of every thing which comes from Fatherland that they will not at all eat it but use intirely the Dutch Breed, which are sold
Besides these Domestick animals their woods afford some wild Horses and Cattle, But these only in the distant mountains and there very scarce. Buffaloes are not wild upon Java, tho they are upon Macassar and several of the Eastern Islands plentifully; the Neighbourhood of Batavia however is pretty plentifully supplyd with Deer of two kinds There are three species of deer in Java: the Mouse Deer, Tragulus kanchil Raffles; the Sambar, Cervus unicolor Müller and Schlegel, which is very similar to the well known Indian deer; and the Muntjak or Barking Deer, Muntiacus muntjak Zimmermann.
On the mountains and in the more desert part of the Island are Tygers, Java is at the southern limit of their range; the tigers here are smaller than those in India. The Lesser One-horned Rhinoceros used to range from Bengal through Burma and Malaya to Java but is now almost extinct.
Fish are in immense plenty, many sorts of them very excellent, and inconceiveably cheap, But the Dutch, true to the dictates of Luxury, buy none but those which are scarce. We who in the course of our long migration in the warm latitudes had learnd the real excellence of many of the cheapest sorts, wonderd much at seeing them the food of none but Slaves; on enquiry however of a sensible housekeeper he told us that he as well as us knew that for 1 shilling he could purchase a better dish of fish than he did for 10; but said he I dare not do it, for should it be known that I did, I should be look'd upon in the same light as one in Europe who coverd his table with offals fit for nothing but Beggars or dogs. Turtle is also here in abundance, but despisd by Europeans, indeed for what reason I know not: it is neither so sweet or so fat as our West India Turtle even in England. They have also a kind of Large Lizards or Iguanas some of which are said to be as thick as a mans thigh; I shot one about 5 feet long and it provd very good meat.
Poultrey is prodigiously plentifull; very large fowls, Ducks also and Geese are cheap, pidgeons are rather dear, and Turkies extravagant; in general what we eat at Batavia were lean and dry, but
Wild Fowl in General is here scarce, I saw during my stay one wild duck in the feilds There are several species of resident wild ducks here; occasional visits of northern species have also been recorded. The Common Snipe, There are many thrush-like species here and it is impossible to tell which species Banks was referring to.Capella gallinago, and two other species occur here. Over 'one' in the MS is written very lightly, not in Bank's hand, the name 'Kandeedee'
Nor is the earth less fruitfull of vegetables that she is of animals. Rice, which every body knows is to the inhabitants of these countreys the Common corn which serves instead of Bread, is very plentifull. One kind of it is planted here and in many of the Eastern Islands which in the western parts of India is totaly unknown; it is calld by the Natives Banks has a marginal note here, 'paddy is Rice. Identification is uncertain in the absence of herbarium colls., but doubtless the hyacinth bean, Paddy gunang,Padi gunung, dry rice.Cadjang,Cajanus cajan, pigeon pea, the immature beans eaten like green peas and the mature beans after thorough cooking.Cytissus Cajan),Cajanus cajan.Dolichos chinensis and Lignosus),Dolichos lablab, is one of the two ‘kidney beans’. Banks mentions four beans, Dolichos spp., however, in his Ms catalogue, p. 7. Merrill provides a good brief account of this subject (Plant Life of the Pacific World, 148, 1945).solanum
Melongena)
The Egg Plant, Brinjal or Terong, Solanum melogena, is a native vegetable of Southeast Asia, carried by the Persians to Africa and known to Theophrastus. The Arabs took it to Spain.
Ipomoea reptans (L.) Poir.
The fruits of the East Indies are in general so much cryd up by those who have eat of them, and so much prefer'd to our European ones, that I shall give a full list Banks must have been familiar with Dampier's list for Timor and was possibly encouraged to amplify it to a ‘full list’.
Besides these, they have several fruits which the natives only eat, as Kellor Guilindina, ‘Pods’ of the horseradish tree, Banks's vernacular name has not been positively identified; Calamus ornatus Bl.Moringa SuccumMoringa oleifera, are culinary and the leaves and tender twigs are eaten as a cooked vegetable.Bilinju (Gnetum Gnemon)Gnelum gnemon, ‘Belindjo-kernen’ or Boa BuneAnona reticulata is known as ‘Boeah nona’.the pine apple Calld here Nanas, will always appear. These are here very large, and so plentifull that in cheap times I have been told
2. It is rather odd that Banks makes no attempt to discriminate between these. This seems a very peculiar way to eat this delectable fruit; presumably the Batavia climate was not propitious to flavour in the ripe fruit; else how could Banks make the blasphemous statement? He must have tried a poor one, and omitted the lime. The fruit is the nut, a kidney-shaped fruit, which is placed on the end of a fleshy pear-shaped receptacle, popularly taken for the fruit. Cf. I, p. 201, n. 1 above.Oranges are tolerably good but while we were here were very dear, seldom less than 6 pence apeice. 3. Pumplemoeses, calld in the West Indies Shaddocks, were well flavourd but had no juice in them, which we were told depended upon the season. 4. Lemons were very scarce but the want of them was amply made up by the plenty of 5. Limes, of which the best were to be bought for about 12 pence a hundred. Seville Oranges I saw 2 or 3 only, which were almost all peel; besides these there are many sorts of oranges and lemons, none of which are at all esteemd by Europeans or indeed by the natives themselves. 6. Mango; this fruit during our stay was so infested with maggots, which bred in the inside of them, that out of 10 scarce 4 would be free, nor were those which were by any means so good as those of Brazil. Europeans commonly compare this fruit with a melting peach, to which in softness and sweetness it certainly aproaches, but in flavour as certainly falls much short of any that can be calld good. The Climate as I have been told here is too hot and Damp for them, and on the Coast of India they are much better. Here are as many sorts of them almost as of Apples in England, some much superior to others; some of the worse sorts are so bad that the natives themselves can hardly eat them when ripe, but use them as an acid when just full grown. One sort Calld by them Mangha Cowani has so strong a smell that a European can scarce bear one in the room; these however the natives are fond of. The best sorts for eating are first, Mangha Doodool, incomparably better than any other, next Mangha Santock and Mangha Gure, and besides these three I know no other which a European would at all be pleasd with. 7. Of Bananes here are likewise innumerable kinds, 3 only of which are good to eat as fruit, viz. Pissang Mās, Pissang Radja, and Pissang Ambon, all of which
Mas, gold; pisang mas, a small golden-yellow banana; p. rajah, a large ruddy-skinned variety; p. Ambon (it gets its name from the island Amboina), a large green variety.Pissang Batu or Pissang Bidjis;Batu, a rock, stony, hard; biji, a seed or pip.Grapes are here to be had but in no great perfection; they are however sufficiently dear, a bunch about the size of a fist costing a shilling or 18 pence. 9. Tamarinds are prodigiously common and as cheap; the people however either do not know how to put them up as the West Indians do, or do not practise it, but cure them with Salt, by which means they become a black mass so disagreable to the sight and taste that few Europeans chuse to meddle with them. 10. Water melons are plentifull and good, as are also 11. Pumkins, which are certainly almost, or quite, the most usefull fruit which can be carried to sea, keeping without any care for several months, and making with Sugar and lemon juice a pye hardly to be distinguishd from Apple pye, as well as with Pepper and salt a substitute for Turnips not to be despisd. 12. Papaws. This fruit when ripe is full of seeds and almost without flavour, but while green if par'd, the Core taken out, and boild is also as good or better than turnips.Guiava is a fruit praisd much by the inhabitants of our West Indies, who I suppose have a better sort than we met with here, where the smell of them alone was so abominably strong that Dr Solander, whose stomack is very delicate, could not even bear them in the room; nor did their taste make any amends, partaking much of the Goatish rankness of their smell. Baked in pyes however they lost much of this rankness and we less nice ones eat them very well. 14. Sweet Sop, Also a West Indian fruit, is nothing but a vast quantity of large kernels, from which a small proportion of very sweet pulp may be suckd, but almost totaly devoid of flavour. 15. Custard Apple likewise is common to our West Indies, where it has got its name which well enough expresses its qualities, for certainly it is as like a Custard, and a good one too, as can be imagind. 16. Casshew apple is seldom
Cocoa nut is well known Every where between the tropicks, of it are infinite different sorts; the best we met with for drinking is calld Calappa Edjou,Kelapa hidjau, green coconut, not a distinct kind; only green nuts are used for drinking.Mangostan. As this and some more are fruits peculiar to the East Indies I shall give short descriptions of them. This is about the size of a Crab apple and of a deep red wine Colour; at the top of them is a mark made by 5 or 6 small triangles, joind in a circle, and at the bottom several hollow green leaves, the remains of the flower; when they are to be eat the skin or rather flesh, which is thick, must be taken of, under which are found 6 or 7 white kernels placd in a circular figure; the pulp with which these are invelopd is what is eat and few things I beleive are more delicious; so agreably is acid mixd with sweet in this fruit that without any other flavour it comes in competition with, if not excells the finest flavourd fruits. So wholesome also are these Mangostans that they, as well as sweet oranges, are allowd without stint to people in the highest fevers. 19. Jambu is esteemd also a most wholesome fruit; it is of a deep red and oval shape, the largest as big as a small apple; it has not much flavour but is certainly very pleasant on account of its Coolness; there are several sorts of it, but without much reference to kinds the Largest and reddest are always the best. 20. Jambu Ayer. Of these are two sorts, alike in shape, resembling a bell, but differing, one red and the other white; in size they a little exceed a large cherry, in taste they are totaly devoid of flavour or even sweetness, being nothing more than water a little acidulated, and yet their Coolness recommends them very much. 21. Jambu Ayer Mauwar is more pleasant to the smell than the taste, in the latter resembling something the Conserve of Roses, as in the former the fresh scent of those flowers.Ayer mawar, rose-water.Pomegranate is the same fruit in England and every where else that I have met with it, in my opinion but ill repaying any one who takes the trouble of breaking its tough hide. 23. Durion in shape resembles something a small Melon, but has a skin coverd over with sharp conical spines, whence its name Dure, signifying in the Malay language a spine; this fruit when ripe divides itself longitudinaly into 7 or 8 compartments, each of which contain 6 or 7 Nuts, not quite so large as chestnuts, coated over with a substance both in colour and consistence
Nanca, calld in some parts of India Jack, has like the Durion a smell very disagreable to strangers, like very mellow apples with a little gar lick; the taste however in my opinion makes amends for the smell, tho I must say that among us English I beleive I was single in that opinion. Authors tell strange Stories of the immence size to which this fruit grows in some countries which are favourable to it: Rumphius says that they are sometimes so large that a man can not easily lift one of them; the Malays told me that at Madura they were so large that two men could but carry one of them; at Batavia however they never exceed the size of a large melon, which in shape they resemble, but are coated over with angular spines like the shootings of some Chrystals, which however are soft and do not at all prick any one who handles them. 25. Tsjampada differs from Nanka in little else than size. 26. Rambútan is a fruit seldom mentiond by Europeans; it is in appearance much like a Chestnut with the husk on, being like it coverd with soft prickles, but smaller and of a deep red colour; when eat this skin must be cut, and under it is a fruit the flesh of which indeed bears but a small proportion to the stone, but makes rich amends for the smallness of its quantity by the elegance of its acid, superior to any other (maybe) in the whole vegetable kingdom. 27. Jambolan is in size and appearance not unlike a Damson in England, but has always rather to[o] astringent a flavour to Allow it to be compard even with that fruit. 28. Boa Bidara is a round yellow fruit about the size of a musquet Bullet; in flavour it is compard to an apple but like the former has too much astringency to be compard with any thing but a Crab. 29. Nam Nam is shapd something like a kidney, very rough and rugged on the outside and about 3 inches long; it is seldom eat raw, but fryd with batter makes very good fritters. 30. Catappa, 31. Canari are both nutts, the kernels of which are compard to almonds, and indeed are full as sweet, but the difficulty of getting their kernels from out of their tough rinds and hard shells is so great that they are no where publickly sold, nor did I taste any others than those which for curiosity sake I gatherd from the tree, and had opend under it. 31. Madja, under a hardish brittle shell Contains a lightly acid pulp, which is not eat unless mixd with sugar, nor is it then to be calld pleasant. 33. Suntul is by far
Blimbing, 35. Blimking Bessi, 36. Cherrima are all three species of one genus, which tho they differ much in shape agree in being equaly acid, too much so to be usd without dressing, except only Blimbing Bessi which is sweeter than the other two; they make however excellent sour sauce and as good pickles. 37. Salack is the fruit of a most prickley bush; itself is as big as a walnut and coverd over with scales like those of a lizzard or snake; these scales however easily strip off and leave two or three soft and yellow kernels, in flavour to me resembling a little Strawberries; in this however I was particular, for no one but myself likd them. In short I beleive I may say that bad as the Character is that I have given of these fruits, I eat as many of them as any one, and at the time thought as well and spoke as well of them as the Best freinds they had. My opinions were then as they are now; whether my shipmates may change theirs between here and home I cannot tell.
Besides they no doubt have many more which were not in Season during our stay. We were told also that several kinds of European fruits, as apples, strawberries &c had been planted up in the mountains where they came to great perfection, but this I can only advance upon the credit of Report. Several other fruits they have also which they preserve in Sugar as Kingkit, Perhaps Kimkit,Tribhasia aurantiola Lour., a relative of Citrus used as a conserve.Boa Atap,Sauropus androgynus Merr., ‘Geconfijte boeah katoek’.
Batavia consumes a quantity of fruits hardly to be beleivd, the greatest part of which before they are sold are over ripe or otherwise bad, nor can a stranger easily get any that are good unless he goes to a street cald Passar Pissang,Pasar Pisang, Banana market.Passar Sineen, and the other on Saturdays calld Passir Tanabank,Pasar Tanah Abang, Saturday market. Both still exist, now inside the city limits, each comprising several streets of shops and stalls, which sell almost anything every day of the week, many of them on Sundays as well.
Thus much for meat. In the article of Drink nature has not been quite so bounteous to the inhabitants of this Island as she has to some of us sons of the Less abundant north; they are not however totaly devoid of strong liquors tho their religion, Mahometanism, forbids them the use of such, by this means driving them from liquid to solid intoxicators, as Opium, tobacco &c &c.
Besides their Arrack, which is too well known in Europe to need any description, they have Palm wine made from a species of Palm cald in the Malay and Javan Language The Sugar-palm, Tuak manis.Aren ().Arenga saccharifera Labill., which produced the most highly-esteemed toddy, called generally tuak kabong, from the Malay name for the palm. Aren or Nau were the Javanese names.Tuackmanise.Tuack cras, and the other Tuack cuning,Tuak keras, hard or strong palm wine. Keras, hard, and used in the same sense here as in English. The first vowel is hardly sounded, hence Banks's version. Kuning, yellow.
Next to eating and drinking and one more delicious as well as less blameable luxury, the inhabitants of this part of India seem to place their cheif Delight in sweet smells, of Burning rosins &c. and sweet scented woods; but more than all in sweet flowers, of which they have several sorts very different from ours in Europe, of which I shall give a short account, confining myself however to such as were in season during our stay here, beginning with a list of them.
All these sorts were sold about the streets every night at sunset, either strung upon strings in wreaths of about 2 feet (a Duch ell) long, or made up into different sorts of nosegays, either of which cost about a halfpenny apeice. But I shall now proceed to give a short description of each. 1. then, Michelia champaca is a sort of magnolia. According to O.E.D., the name ‘champac’ came into English about 1770—apparently from India. Banks's description—certainly one of the earliest in our language—appeared in Hawkesworth in 1773. Cf. Shelley's Indian Serenade: ‘The Champac odours fail Like sweet thoughts in a dream… ’. This is a charmingly poetic version of the more literal meaning of the words: Champacca. It grows upon a tree as large as an apple tree, and like it spreading; the flower itself consists of 15 longish narow petala, which gives it the appearance of being double tho in reality it is not; its colour is yellow, much deeper than that of a Jonquil, which flower however it somewhat resembles in Scent only is not so violently strong.Cananga is a
Mulatti is well known in English hot houses under the name of Arabian Jasmine; it is here in prodigious abundance and certainly as fragrant as any flower they have, but of this as well as all the Indian flowers it may be said that tho full as sweet as any European ones even of the same sorts, they have not that overcoming strengh, in short their smell tho very much the same, is much more delicate and elegant than any we can boast of. 4 and 5. Combang Caracnassi and Combang Tonquin are much alike in shape and smell, small flowers of the dogs bane kind, hardly to be compard to any in our English gardens, but like all the past most elegant in their fragrance. 6. Sundal Malam, the same as our English Tuberose, this flower is less in size considerably as well as more mildly fragrant than ours in Europe. The Malay name signifies intriguer of the night, from an Idea rather pretty: the heat of the climate here allows few or no flowers to smell in the day, and this especialy from its want of smell and modest white array seems not at all desirous of admirers, but when night comes its fragrance is diffusd around and attracts the attention as well as gains the admiration of every passer by.malam, any time after the fall of darkness; sundal, prostitute.Bonga Tanjong is shapd quite like a star of 7 or 8 rays, about ½ an inch in diameter; it is of a yellowish colour, and like its fellows a modest agreable smell, but its cheif use is contrasting the Mulatti on the wreaths which the ladies here wear in their hair, and this it does very prettily.
Besides these there are in private gardens many other sweet flowers which are not in sufficient plenty to be brought to market, as Cape Jasmine, several sorts of Arabian Jasmine, tho none so sweet as the Common &c. &c. They have also a mixture of several of these flowers and leaves of a plant Calld Pandang (Pandanus)Pandanus odorus Ridl. Rumpf described the scent of a freshly cut leaf as that of new hay or new rice, but the scent is not due to any volatile oil. The potpourri which Banks goes on to describe, made of petals and chopped leaves, is called in Malaya bunga rampai, and in Java kembang ramping (Burkill).
Before I leave the Productions of this countrey I cannot help saying a word or two about spice, tho in reality none but pepper is a native of the Island of Java, and but little even of that. Of pepper however I may say that large as the quantities of it are that are annualy imported into Europe, little or none is usd in this part of the Indies; Capsicum or Cayan pepper as it is call'd in Europe has almost totaly supplyd its place. As for Cloves and Nutmegs, the monopoly of the Duch has made them too dear to be plentifully usd by the Malays, who are otherwise very fond of them. Cloves, tho said to be originaly the Produce of Machian or Bachian, Makian, a volcanic islet off the west coast of Halmahera, a short distance south of the fabulous ‘Spice Islands’ of Ternate and Tidore in the Moluccas. It was of course itself one of the Spice Islands. Bachan or Batjan is a different island, larger, still farther south (lat. 0° 25′ S, long. 127° 32′ E). Amboina, off the south-east end of Ceram. Tanjong Alang on its west coast is in lat. 3° 47′ S, 128° 32′ E. The endemic none is supplied from P, where it is inserted in a blank space; S reads left them not any right… .Myristica argentea Warb., Long Nutmeg, is evidently the only one of the some 35 spp. now known from
The town of Batavia, tho the Capital of the Duch Dominions in India, is so far from being peopled with Dutch men that I may safely affirm that of the Europeans inhabiting it and its neighbourhood not one fifth part are Dutchmen; besides these are Native, Portugese, Indians, and Chinese, the two last many times exceeding the Europeans in Number. Of Each of these I shall speak seperately, beginning with the Europeans, of which there were some especialy
Banks first wrote ‘Englishman’. This may possibly have been The word means both council and councillor. i.e. corps, of which, in the sense of a body or company of people, it was an earlier spelling.Resolution on Cook's second voyage, tried to desert at Tahiti, and obtained the notoriety of a surreptitious history of that voyage, published by Newbery in 1775. There was also a James Joyce taken on at Batavia, of origin unknown, but a man of that name could hardly, one would suspect, pass as a Dane; while Marra was quite capable of getting into a scrape.n convinc'd by the mans Language what countrey man he was, refus'd to give him up so resolutely that they soon ceasd their demands. Notwithstanding the very great number of other Europeans the Duch are political enough to keep all or near all the Great posts, as Raads
Women may come out without any of these restrictions, or indeed any others, be they of what nation they will. We were told that there were not in Batavia 20 women born in Europe, the rest of the white women, who were not very scarce, were born of white parents, possibly through three or four families, as many generations distant from their European mothers. These imitate the Indian in every particular: their dress except in form is the same, their hair is worn in the same manner, and they chew Betele as plentifully as any Indians, notwithstanding which I never saw a white man chew it during my whole stay.
Merchandise is carried on in an easier and more indolent way here I beleive than in any other part of the world. The Chinese carry on every manufacture of the place and sell the produce to the resident merchants, for indeed they dare not sell to any foreigner; consequently when a Ship comes in and bespeaks 100 Leggers English ‘leaguer’ from Dutch ligger, a tun or large cask or barrel. As an English measure a tun equalled four hogsheads, 252 old wine-gallons. Leaguer was in the eighteenth century a measure of arrack, but also a water-cask holding 159 imperial gallons. Banks probably uses the word in a rather vague sense. On p. 41 above he refers to ‘a Legger of 150 Galls’.
To give a character of them in their dealings, I need only say that the Jewel known to English merchants by the name of fair dealing is totaly unknown here — they have joind all the art of trade that a Dutchman is famous for to the deceit of an Indian. Cheating by false weights and measures, false samples, &c, &c. are lookd upon only as arts of trade: if you do not find them out tis well; if you do, Well they say, then we must give you what is wanting, and refund without a blush or the least wrangle, as I myself have seen in matters relating to the ship. But their great fort is asking one price for their commodities and charging another, so that a man who has laid in 100 pecol S has the note, ‘Pecul (at Japan, Java, &c.) is 100 Catty, or 132 lb. Averdupois. v: Bailey's Dictionary’.
Next to the Dutch are the Portugese, who are calld by the Native Arab Oran serane, Orang serani (a corruption of Arabic Capir or Cafir,
The Duch, Portugese and Indians here are intirely waited upon by Slaves whoom they purchase from Sumatra, Malacca, and almost all their Eastern Islands; the natives of Java only have an exemption from slavery, enforc'd by strong penal laws, which I beleive are very seldom broke through. The price of these slaves is from 10 to 20 pound Sterling apeice, excepting young girls who are sold on account of their beauty, these sometimes go as high as 100 but I beleive never higher. They are a most lazy set of people, but contented with a little boild rice with a little of the cheapest fish, is the food which they prefer to all others. They differ immensely in form of Body and disposition, consequently in Value according to the countries they come from: African negroes calld here On the surface this is a curious name for African negroes: it was perhaps derived from the fact that the people of Papua or These were both Celebes people, Mahometans, speaking distinct languages. The Bugis occupied the eastern coast and a great deal of the interior of the southwest peninsula; they are known today as a race of expert sailors having their own characteristic type of ships, with tripod masts and overhanging sterns. The Macassars inhabited the southern and western extremity of the island. Nias is on the western side of Sumatra, the second large island from the north. It is not a ‘small’ island, as small islands go in the East Indies. The tradition of beautiful women still persists; girls are said to be preferred to boys there because a marriageable daughter brings a high price to her father.PapuaBougis and the Macassars,
The laws and customs regarding the punishment of Slaves are these: A master may punish a slave as far as he thinks proper by stripes, but should death be the consequence he is calld to a very severe account, if the fact is provd very rarely escaping with life. There is however an officer in every quarter of the town, calld Marineu,Merinyu (from Portuguese marinho), municipal officer, police inspector or bailiff.s, and a severe one about a ducatoon, 6s 8d. For their encouragement however and to prevent them from stealing, the master of every slave is obligd to give him 3 dubbelcheys, 7½d a week.
Extrordinary as it may seem there are very few Javans, that is descendants of the original inhabitants of Java, who live in the neighbourhood of Batavià. But as many countries as the Dutch import slaves from, so many sorts of Indians are there, who are either slaves made free or the desendants of such; they are alltogether calld by the name of Oran Slam or Isalam,Orang Islam, man of Islam.
Many of these employ themselves in cultivating gardens and selling fruits and flowers; Betele and Arec, calld here An astringent extract from Cardamoms are spices, the seed capsules of species of Siri and Pinang, is all grown by them, of which an immense qua[n]tity is chewd by Portugese, Chinese and Slams, slaves and free men. The lime that they use here is however slackd, by which means their teeth are not eat up in the same manner as the Savoo people, who use it unslackd; they mix with it also a substance calld GambirUncaria gambir, otherwise used in the west in tanning and dyeing, under the name of Gambier.Amomum and Elettaria, natives of both the East Indies and China.
In the article of food no people can be more Abstemious than they are. Boild rice is of Rich as well as poor the principal part of the subsistence, this with a small proportion of fish, Buffaloe or fowl, and sometimes dryd fish and dry shrimps brought here from China, is the cheif of their food; every thing however must be highly seasond with Cayan pepper. They have also many pastry dishes made of Rice flower and other things I am totaly ignorant of, which are very pleasant, fruit also they eat much of especialy plantanes.
Their feasts are plentifull and in their way magnificent, tho they consist more of shew than meat; artificial flowers &c. are in profusion and meat plentifull tho of no great variety of dishes. Their religion of Mahometanism denies them the use of strong liquors, nor I beleive do they trespas much in that way, having always Tobacco, Betele and opium to intoxicate themselves. Their weddings are carried on with vast form and shew, the families concernd borrowing as many Gold and silver ornaments as possible to adorn the Bride and bride groom, so that their dresses are always costly; the feasts and ceremonies relating to them last in rich mens families a fortnigh[t] or more, all which time the man, tho married the first day, is by the women kept from his wife.
The language spoke among them is intirely Malay or at least so calld, for I beleive it is a most corrupt dialect of that Language, for notwistanding that Java has two or three, and almost every little Island beside its own language distinct from the rest, yet
The native inhabitants of Java were divided into three nations, all Malay, speaking distinct though allied languages—none of them a ‘corrupt dialect’. These were the Sundanese of western Java; the ‘true’ Javanese, of the centre and the east; and the Madurese, of the island of Madura, off Surabaya on the north-east coast and h e adjacent parts of Java itself.
Their women, and in imitation of them the Dutch also, wear as much hair as ever they can nurse up on their heads, which by the use of oils &c. is incredibly great; it is universaly black, and they wear it in a kind of circular wreath upon the tops of their heads fastned there with a Bodkin, in a taste inexpressibly elegant. I have often wishd that one of our ladies could see a malay womans head dressd in this manner, with her wreath of flowers, commonly Arabian Jasmine, round that of hair, for in that method of dress there is certainly an Elegant simplicity and unafected shew of the beauties of nature, incomparably superior to any thing I have seen in the Labourd head dresses of my fair countrey women. S has the note, ‘No Fashion half so pleasing, as simple Elegance’. Presumably this was
Both sexes bathe themselves in the river constantly, at least once a day, a most necessary custom in hot climates where the profuse perspiration attracts and retains dirt of all kinds in a high degree. Their teeth also, disgustfull as they must appear to an European from their blackness occasiond by their continual chewing of Betele, are a great object of their attention; every one must have them fil'd into the fashionable form, which is done with whetstones by a most troublesome and painfull operation. First both the upper and under teeth are rubbd till they are perfectly even and quite blunt, so that the two jaws lose not less than ½ a line The ‘line’ in old measurement was the twelfth of an inch. Cf. I, p. 157 above.
No one who has ever been in these countries can be ignorant of the practise here which is calld i.e. Amoc,amok. The word first came in to our language via translation from the Portuguese, 1663; Marvell used the phrase ‘runs a mucke’ as early as 1672; but Banks's use of the word seems to mark its earliest independent appearance in English as a noun. O.E.D. dates it 1772, apparently for Hawkesworth, which of course is a year too early.Marineu or Constable whose business it is to apprehend such people himself, told me that there was scarce a week when either himself or some of his brethren were not calld upon to seize or kill them. So far however from being an accidental madness which drove the people to kill whoomsoever they met without distinction of persons, the three that I knew of—and I have been told all others — had been severely Injurd, cheifly in love affairs, and first revengd themselves on the party who had Injurd them. It is true they had made themselves drunk with opium before they committed this action, and when it was done rushd out into the streets, foaming at the mouth like mad dogs, with their drawn Crise or Dagger in their hands; but they never attempted to hurt any one except those who attempted, or appeard to them to attempt to stop or seize them, whoever ran away or even went on the other side of the street was safe. To prove that these people distinguishd persons, mad as they are with the use of Opium, there is a famous story in Batavia, of one who run Amoc on account of stripes and ill usage which he had receivd from his mistress and her elder daughter, but on the contrary had been always well usd by the younger; he stabbd first the eldest daughter, the youngest hearing the bustle ran to the assistance of her mother and placd herself between him and her, attempting to persuade him from his design, but he repeatedly pushd her on one side before he could get at her mother, who when he had killd he ran out as usual. These people are generaly slaves, who indeed are by much the most subject to insults which they cannot revenge. Freemen however sometimes do it: one of them who did it while I was there was free, and of some substance; the cause was Jealousy of his own brother, whoom he killd with two more that attempted to oppose him before he was taken; he however never came out of his house, which he attempted to defend, but so mad was he
The Marineu as he is calld, a petty officer of Justice somewhat resembling our constable, who regulates all riotous proceedings &c. &c., has also these Amoc's committed to his charge; if he takes them alive his reward is great, if he kills them that reward is lost. Notwithstanding which 3 out of 4 are killd, so resolute and active is their resistance when attacked, and that they have contrivances like large tongs or pincers to catch them and hold them till disarmd; those who are taken are generaly wounded severely, for the Marineus assistants, who are all armd with hangers, know how to lame the man if once they can get within reach of him. The punishment of this crime is always breaking upon the wheel, nor is that ever relaxd, but so strictly adheerd to that if an amoc when taken is Judgd by the Physicians to be in danger from his wounds, he is executed the very next day, as near as possible to the place where he committed his first murther.
Among their absurd opinions proceeding from their original Idolatry, of which they have some, is certainly the custom of Consecrating Meat, money &c, to the Devil, whoom they call Satan; this is done either in cases of dangerous sickness, when they by these means try to appease the devil who they beleive to be the cause of all sickness, and make him spare the diseasd mans life, or in consequence of Dreams. If any man is restless and dreams much for two or three nights, he immediately Concludes that Satan has taken that method of laying his Commands upon him, which if he neglects to fullfill he will certainly suffer sickness or death as a punishment for his inattention; consequently he begins to Labour over in his brains all the circumstances of his dream, and try his utmost to put some explanation or other upon them; in this if he fails, he sends for the The CawinMs is ambiguously ‘Cawm’ and ‘Gawin’; P Cawm, S Cawin. Probably Cawin is intended, from Arabic
But what is much more difficult to reconcile to the rules of human reason, is the beleif which these people have that women who bring forth children sometimes bring forth at the same time young Crocodiles, as twins to the Children; these creatures are receivd by the midwives most carefully and immediately carried down to the river, where they are turnd lose, but have victuals supplyd them constantly from the family, especialy the twin, who is necessitated to go down to the river every now and then and give meat to this SudaraSaudara, brother, or more vaguely, relative. This belief is not confined to crocodiles, and Mr T. R. Smith tells me of a recent report from East Borneo of a snake saudara.
A Slave girl who was born and bred up among the En[g]lish at Bencoulen on the Island of Sumatra, by which means she had learnt a little English, told me that her father when on his Death bed told her that he had a Crocodile for his sudara, and chargd her to give him meat &c. after he was gone, telling her in what part of the river he was to be found. She went she said constantly, and calling him by his name Radja poutiRaja puteh.Saudara orang, ‘brothers of men’.
The Bougis, Macassars and Boetons, Cf. p. 220, n. 4 above. The Boetons were a Mahometan people inhabiting the island of Boeton off the end of the south-east peninsula of Celebes. They spoke a language of their own.
Next come the Chinese, who in this place are very numerous but seem to be people of small substance. Many of them live within the walls and keep shops, some few of which are furnishd with a pretty rich shew of European as well as Chinese goods; but far the greatest number live in a Quarter by themselves without the walls calld Malay Camponkampong, village.China. Besides these there are others scatterd every where about the Countrey, where they cultivate gardens, sow rice and sugar, or keep Cattle and buffaloes whose milk they bring daily to town.
Nor are the inhabitants of the town and Campon China less industrious; you see among them Carpenters, Joiners, smiths, Taylors, Slipper Makers and dyers of Cottons, Embroiderers &c; in short the general character of Industry given to them by all authors who have wrote upon them is well exemplified here, tho the more genteel parts of their customs cannot, on account of the
There is nothing be it of what nature it will, clean or dirty, honest or dishonest (provided there is not too much danger of a halter) which a Chinese will not readily do for money; they work diligently and laboriously, and loth to lose sight of their main point, money getting. No sooner do they leave of work than they begin to game, either at Cards, dice or some one of the thousand games they have which are unknown to us in Europe; in this manner they spend their lives working and gaming, scarce allowing themselves time for the necessary refreshments of food and sleep; in short it is as extrordinary a sight to see a China man Idle, as it is to see a Dutchman or Indian at work.
In manners they are always civil or rather obsequious, in dress always neat and clean in a high degree, from the highest to the lowest. To atempt to describe either their dresses or persons would be only to repeat some of the many accounts of them that have been publish'd, as every one has been wrote by people who had much better opportunities of seeing them and more time to examine them than I have had. Indeed a man need go no farther to study them than the China paper, Banks seems to mean by this the wall-paper imported from China, much admired in England at this period, and part of the current Chinese craze in interior decoration.
In Eating they are easily satisfied, not but that the richer have many savoury dishes; Rice however is the cheif food of the poorer with a little fish or flesh as they can afford it. They have a great advantage over the Malays, not being taught by their laws or religion to abstain from any food that is wholesome, so that besides Pork, Dogs, cats, Frogs, Lizzards and some kinds of snakes, as well as many sea animals lookd upon by other people to be by no means Eatable, are their Constant food. In the vegetable way they also eat many things which Europeans would never think of even if starving with hunger, as the young leaves of many trees, that lump of Bractea and flowers at the end of a Bunch of Plantains, the flowers of a tree calld by the Malays Later altered to Blite, a general name for spinach. Taraté, Combang Ture (Eschinomine grandiflora),Aeschinomene speciosa and so entered in Solander's Ms Insulae Oc. Pac., p. 291. Britten identifies this entry as Sesbania coccinea Poir.Kellor (Guilandina Moringa),Calamus ornatus Bl.Amaranthus)Amaranthus spinosus and A. oleraceus were entered in the Banks and Solander Ms Catalogue, p. 9.Taratti (Nympha Nelumbo)Nelumbium nelumbo Druce.
In their Buryings the Chinese have an extrordinary superstition, which is that they will never more open the ground in the place where a man has been buried, by which means it happens that their burying grounds in the neigbourhood of Batavia cover many hundred acres; on which account the Dutch, grudging the quantity of ground laid waste by this method, will not sell them ground for it but at enormous prizes, notwithstanding which they will always raise money to purchase Grounds whenever they can find the Duch in a Humour to sell it, and actualy had while we were there a great deal of land intended for that purpose but not yet began upon. Their funerals are attended with much purchasd and some real lamentations, the relations of the deceasd attending as well as women hird to weep. The Corps is Naild up in a large thick wooden Coffin, not made of Plank but hollowd out of the trunk of a tree; this is let down into the Grave and then surrounded 8 or 10 inches thick with their mortar or chinam A variant of chunam, a word with a Sanskrit derivation, for a cement or plaster made of shell lime and sea sand. It was largely used as a building material in India.
Of the Goverment here I can say but very little, only that an uncommonly great subordination is kept up, every man who is able to keep house having a certain rank acquird by the lengh of his services to the Company, which ranks are distinguishd by the ornaments of the Coaches and dresses of the Coachmen of such as have them: as for instance, one must ride in a plain Coach, another Paints his Coach with figures and gives his Coachman a lacd hat, another gilds his Coach &c.
The Governor General as he is calld who resides here, is superior over all the Dutch Governors and other officers in the East Indies, who to a man are obligd to come to him at Batavia to have their
Raaden van Indïë or members of the Councel, calld here Edele Heeren and by the corruption of the English Idoleers, in respect to whoom every one who meets them in a carriage is obligd to drive on one side of the Road and stop there till they are past, which distinction is expected by their wives and even children, and commonly paid to them; nor can the coachmen who are hird be restraind from paying this slavish mark of respect by any thing but the threats of instant death, as some of our captains have experiencd, who thought it beneath the dignity of the rank they held under his Britannick majestys service to submit to any such a humiliating Ceremony.
Justice is administerd here by a parcel of gentlemen of the law, who have ranks and dignities among themselves as in Europe. In civil matters I know nothing of their proceedings, but in criminal they are rather severe to the natives, and too Lenient to their countreymen, who whatever crime they have committed are always allowd to escape if they chuse it, and if brought to tryal very rarely punishd with death; while on the other hand, the Poor Indians are floggd, hangd, Broke upon the wheel, and even impald without mercy. While we were there 3 remarkable Crimes were committed by Christians. 2 duelists killd each his antagonist and both fled; one took refuge on board our ship, bringing with him so good a character from the Batavians that the Captian gave him protection, nor was he ever demanded; the other I suppose went on board some other as he was never taken. The other was a Portugese, who by means of a false key had robbd an office to which he belongd of 14 or 15 hundred pounds; he however was taken, but instead of death Condemnd to a publick whipping and banishment to Banda A small group of islands in the Banda Sea about 65 miles south-west of the southeastern extremity of Ceram. Groot Banda, the largest, is in approximately lat. 4° 30′ S, long. 130° E.
The Malays and Chinese have each proper officers of their own, a Captain and lieutenants as they are calld, who administer Justice among them in Civil cases, liable to an appeal to the Dutch court, which however rarely happens. Before the Chinese Rebellion as the Dutch, or Massacre as the Chinese themselves and most Europeans Call it, in 1740, when the Dutch upon may be too slight an information
The taxes paid by these people to the Company are very considerable, among which that commonly said to be paid for the liberty of wearing their hair is not inconsiderable; it is however no other than a kind of head money or Poll tax, for no Chinese can wear his hair who has ever been in China, it being a principle of their religion never to let their hair grow again when once it has been shavd off. These taxes are paid monthly, when a flag is hoisted at a house in the middle of the town appointed for that purpose.
The money current here is Ducats worth 118/- sterling, Ducatoons 6/8, Imperial Rixdollars 5/, Rupees 2/6, scellings /6, Dubblecheys /2½, and doits 1/4. Spanish dollars were when we were there at 5/5 and we were told were never lower than 5/4 even at the Companies warehouse. For English guineas I could get no more than 19/, for tho the China men would give 20/ for some of the Brightest they would for those at all worn give no more than 17/. Strangers must however be cautious in receiving money, as there are of several kinds two sorts, milld and unmilld. Ducatoons for example when milld are worth 6/8, unmilld only 6/-. All accounts are kept in Rixdollars and Stivers, both imaginary Coins, at least here: the first worth 4/ the other /1. It must also be remar[k]d that this valuation of their coin is rated on the supposition of a Stiver being worth a penny which is realy worth more, a current Rixdollar of 48 stivers being worth 4/6.
25. There was not I beleive a man in the ship but gave his utmost aid to getting up the Anchor, so compleatly tird was every one of the unwholesome air of this place. We had buried here 8 This is an error. Seven men died at Batavia: Green the astronomer,
While we were at work a man was missd who it was supposd did not intend to stay ashore, Banks does not say whether the man was brought back; he probably refers to Patrick Saunders, who deserted on this day. Saunders began as a midshipman and was demoted to A.B., on 23 May 1770, apparently as a result of the horseplay which deprived Orton of part of his ears. See above, p. 65, n. 3; Cook I, pp. 323–4. This desertion seems to have been taken as a confession of his guilt.—Parkinson, p. 207.
26. Weighd and having very faint land breeze got no farther than to the Island of Edam.
27. Sea breeze was faint again today so that we got but little on our way.
28. We had a good sea breeze which carried us to Maneaters Island An islet—‘Menscheneter’—lying just west of the outer point of the reef of the same name, which runs off the coast a few miles west of the western point of the Batavia roadstead; or, as Cook puts it (p. 444), ‘a small Island laying under the Main midway between Batavia and Bantam’.
29. We were again fortunate and at night anchord under Pulo Babi.
30. This day in Entering the Narrows we found some dificulty, and at night came to an anchor under some small Islands on the Coast of Sumatra almost abreast of Thwart the Way, Thwart-the-Way or Thwartway Island, in the Straits of Sunda; cf. p. 180, n. 3 above.
Sumatra in this place was very woody and seemd but thinly inhabited; there were however some cleard spots and a few fires seen.
31. Workd all day against the wind hoping to see some boat come off to us which might sell us fruits or greens, but none came.
1. Workd all night and today likewise. At night Anchord under a high Island call[d] in the draughts Cracatoa and by the Indians Pulo Racatta.
I had been unacountably troubled with Musquitos ever since we left Batavia, and still imagin'd that they increasd instead of decreasing, although my opinion was universaly thought improbable; today however the mystery was discoverd, for on getting up water today, Dr Solander who happned to stand near the scuttle cask observd an infinite number of them in their water state in it, who as soon as the sun had a little effect upon the water began to come out in real Effective mosquetos incredibly fast.
2. This morn when we rose we saw that there were many houses and much Cultivation upon Cracatoa, so that probably a ship might meet with refreshments who chose to touch here in preference to Princes Island. The wind was so foul and balkd us so often that after having saild the whole day we were glad at night to come back again to our old Birth under Cracatoa.
3. Tho we had again got under way in the night, Yet this morn we had gaind but little, nor did we much more all day; at night however a breeze sprung up at Se and we saild on Chearily.
4. Soon after Dinner time today we anchord under Princes Island and went ashore. The People who met us carried us immediately to a man whoom they told us was their king, with whoom after a few Compliments we proceeded to business, that was to settle the price of Turtle, in which we did not well agree. This however did not at all discourage us, as we doubted not but that in the morn we should have them at our own price, so we walkd a little way along shore and the Indians dispersd. One Canoe however remaind and just as we went off sold us three turtle on a promise that we should not tell the king.
5. Ashore today trading; the Indians dropd their demands very slowly but were very civil, towards noon however they came down to the offerd price, so that before night we had bought up a large quantity of Turtle. In the Evening I went to pay my respects to his majesty the king, who I found at his house in the middle of a rice feild cooking his own supper; he receivd me however very politely.
6. Many People were down at the trading place with fowls, fish, Monkeys, small Deer, &c. &c. but few or no Turtle, they said that we had bought them all the day before.
8. Banks adjusts this date from 7, which he had first written. Since leaving Batavia his dates have become unhinged, perhaps because of a lapse in the entering of his journal, followed by somewhat random dating—e.g. he anchors off Maneaters Island on December 28, but Cook not till the 30th, which should have been Banks's 29th. According to Cook the ship anchored off Princes Island and he ‘went a shore to look at the watering place and to speak with the Natives some of whome were upon the beach’ on the afternoon of January 6—properly Banks's 5th. Banks makes this January 4.—Cook has no reference to the danger recounted by Banks in this entry.
9. Fine weather today and rather more trade than usual. Early in the morn 8 guns were heard within Pepper point, The point to the south of Peper bay, Derde punt. William Herbert, New Directory for the East Indies (ed. 4, 1776), pl. 35, calls this ‘3a or Pepper Pt’.
10. Little trade; the people brought down a deer of a kind weighing about 40 lb; Presumably a Muntjak, Muntiacus sp.
11. My Servant Sander who I had hir'd at Batavia Entered on the muster-roll as ‘Alexander’, 6 November 1770.d a head undertook to transport us over the river, which he did in two very small Canoes which we prevented from oversetting by laying them alongside each other and holding them together; in this manner we safely went through our navigation and arrivd at the new town, where the kings and all the nobilities houses were which the inhabitants very freely shewd to us. The most of them were shut up, the people in general at this time of the year living in their rice feilds to defend the Crop from Monkies, Birds &c. When our curiosity was satisfied we hird a large sailing boat for which we gave 2 Rupees 4s/, which carried us home time enough to dine upon the deer we had bought the day before, which provd very good and savoury meat.
In the Evening when we went ashore we were acquainted that an axe had been stole from one of our people; this as the first theft we thought it not proper to pass over, so immediate application was made to the king, who after some time promisd that it should be returnd in the morn.
12. The hatchet was brought down according to promise, the theif they said afraid of conviction had in the night conveyd it into the house of the man who brought it. Trade as usual, 2 or 300 weight of Turtle in a day with fowls &c. Myself was this day seizd with a Return of my Batavia Fever, which I attributed to being much exposd to a burning sun in trading with the Natives.
13. It was resolvd to sail tomorrow, which the natives had been informd of yesterday, so they brought down rather more turtle than usual. My Fever returnd, but I resolvd not to atempt to cure it till in the main Ocean I should meet with a better air than this uncleard Island could possibly have.
In the Eve after my fit I went ashore to the king, to whoom time after time I had made small presents altogether not of 5 shillings value, carrying 2 Qrs of Paper, which as he had done every thing else he most thankfully receivd. We had much conversation, the purport of which was his asking why the English ships did not touch here as they had usd to do; I told him that as they had not on the Island Turtle enough to supply one ship the[y] could not expect many, but advisd him to breed Cattle, Sheep and Buffaloes, which advise however he did not seem much to approve.
Princes Island as it is calld by the English, in Malay Panaitan. A mistake for Mew Bay, on the Java shore of the strait.Pulo Selan, and in the language of its inhabitants Pulo paneitan
Its cheif produce is water, which is situated in such a manner that if you are not carefull in filling high enough up the Brook it will inevitably be brackish, from which circumstance alone I beleive it has got a Bad name with almost all nations; Turtle, of which however its supplys are not great, so that if a ship comes second or third in the season she must be contented with small ones, and no great plenty of them — as indeed was in some measure our case; we bought at very various prizes according to the humour of the people, but altogether I beleive they came to about 1 halfpenny or 3/4 a pound. They were of the Green kind, but not fat or well flavourd in any degree as they are in most other parts, which I beleive is in great measure owing to the people keeping them sometimes very long in crawls of Brackish water, where they have no kind of food given to them. Fowls are tolerably cheap, a dozen of large ones sold when we were there for a Spanish Dollar which is /5 A Mouse Deer, Muntjak, Jakfruit, d a peice. They have also plenty of Monkeys and small deer (moschus pygmaeus)Tragulus kanchil.Munchack about the size of a sheep;Muntiacus muntjakd, the larger, of which they brought down only 2, a rupee or 28/. Fish they have of many various kinds which are sold by hand as you can bargain, we found them however always tolerably cheap. Vegetables they have, Cocoa nuts a dollar for 100 if you chuse them or 130 if you take them as they come; Plantanes Plenty, some water melons, pine apples, Jaccas,Artocarpus integra, or the related sp., A. champeden. Portuguese jaca, from Malayan chakka; it is a kind of large coarse breadfruit, often 2 to 2½ feet in length.
also Rice cheifly of the mountain sort which grows on dryland, Yams and several other vegetables all which are sold reasonably enough.
The inhabitants are Javans whose Radja is subject to the Sultan of Bantam, from whoom they receive orders and to whoom they possibly pay a tribute, but of that particular I am not certain. Their customs I beleive are very much like those of the Indians about Batavia, only they seem much more jealous of their women, so much so that I never saw one the whole time of our stay except she was running away full speed to hide herself in the woods. Their Religion is Mahometanism but I beleive they have not a Mosque upon the Island; they were however very strict in the observance of their Fast (the same as the Ramdan of the Turks) during which we hapned to come: not one would touch victuals till sun set or even chew their Betele, but 1/2 or an hour before all went home to cook the kettle nor would they stay for any thing but view of extrordinary profit.
Their food was nearly the same as the Batavian Indians, adding only to it the nuts of the Palm calld Banks seems to be mistaken here. Cycas circinalis with which on the Coast of New Holland some of our people were made ill and some of our hogs Poisond outright.Cycas circinalis is widespread in S. E. Asia, and the seeds are very poisonous before being suitably treated; but the Cycas media which did the damage on the Australian coast is a distinct species.
Their Town which they calld Samadang consisted of about 300 houses; great part of the old town however was in ruins. Their houses were all built up on pillars 4 or 5 feet above the ground. The Plan of that of Gundang, a man who seemd to be next in riches and influence to the king, will give an Idea of them all: it was walld with boards, a luxury none but the king and himself had, but in no other respect differd from those of the midling people except being a little longer.
The walls were made of Bamboo platted on small perpendicular sticks fastned to the Beams; the floors were also of Bamboo, Each stick however laid at a small distance from the next so that the air had a free passage from below, by which means these houses were
When we were at the town there were very few inhabitants there; the rest livd in Ocasional houses built in the rice feilds where they watchd the crop to prevent the devastations of Monkies, birds, &c. These occasional houses are smaller than those of the town; the posts which support them also instead of being 4 or 5 feet in hight are 8 or 10, otherwise the divisions &c. are quite the same.
Their dispositions as far as we saw them were very good, at least they dealt very fairly with us upon all occasions: Indian like however, always asking double what they would take for whatever they had to dispose of. This however producd no inconvenencees to us who were us'd to this kind of trafick.
In making out Bargains they were very handy and supplyd the want of small money reasonably well by laying together a quantity of any thing, and when the price was settled dividing it among each other according to the proportion each had brought to the general stock. They would sometimes change our money, giving 240 doits for a Spanish dollar, that is 5 S has a note, ‘fancy it should have been’ 96 doits to 2 shillings.8/ sterling, and 92, that is 28/ sterling
Their Language is different both from the Malay and Javan; they all however speak Malay.
These specimens of Languages so near each other in situation I chose to give together and selected the words without any previous choise as I had wrote them down on a paper, that the similar and dissimilar words might Equaly be seen. As for the parts of the Body which I have made the subject of this and all my specimens of Language, I chose them in preference to all others as the names of them are easily got from people of whose Language the enquirer has not the least Idea. What I call the Javan is the Language spoke at Samarang, Semarang, half way along the north coast of Java to the east. The language spoken in the central part of Java is Javanese; Sundancse is spoken in the west, and Madurese in the east. of. pp. 222–3 above.Catta Gunung,Kata gunong.
Specimens Of Language
The Madagascar language has also som[e] words similar to Malay words, as ouron the nose, in Malay Erung Lala, the tongue Lida Tang, the hand Tangan Taan, the ground Tanna.
From this similitude of language Between the inhabitants of the Eastern Indies and the Islands in the South Sea I should have venturd to conjecture much did not Madagascar interfere; and how any Communication can ever have been carried between Madagascar and Java to make the Brown long haird people of the latter speak a language similar to that the Black wooly headed natives of the other is I confess far beyond my comprehension — unless the Egyptian Learning running in two courses, one through Africa the other through Asia, might introduce the same words, and what is still more probable Numerical terms, into the languages of people who never had any communication with each other. But this point requiring a depth of knowledge in Antiquities I must leave to Antiquarians to discuss. The ‘Antiquarians’ have from time to time had a good deal of discussion over the part played by the ‘Egyptian Learning’ in the diffusion of culture, and some of them have had it running in many more courses than two. The Egyptian theories are not at present thought highly of; and Banks, we may suspect, makes about the same use of Egypt as—shall one say?—Mozart makes of Isis and Osiris in the Magic Flute. It was a sort of vague background for eighteenth century speculation or fantasy. Banks's speculation, so shrewd about Polynesian origins, did not take into account the possibility of the spread of a fundamental language in opposite directions through the spread of a people in opposite directions. His ignorance of Madagascar led him to suppose that its inhabitants were an African negro race (‘Black wooly headed’) whereas in fact the Malagasy—though living on what was geographically an African island—had their origin in a migration at some unknown distant date of dark-skinned Indonesians, followed by another, sixteenth century, migration of Malays—movements of peoples neither black nor woolly-headed. There was a little mixture of both African and Arab elements; but the Malagasy tongue was one of the Austronesian group, with dialectal differences within itself. Its affinities with Malay were noted as early as the sixteenth century, and comparative vocabularies were printed in the first two decades of the seventeenth century.
14. Our intention of sailing this morn was delayd by want of wind, it being calm till 11 O'Clock when a gentle breeze sprang up which was favourable; the morning however was not thrown away for the Indians seeing us not gone brought fish and some Turtle which were bought. Our breeze tho favourable was however so slack that by night we had got no farther than abreast of the town where we anchord.
15. Weighd again and stood out to sea with a breeze so gentle that at night we were still in sight of Land.
16. This Morn we wakd in the open Ocean, nothing in sight but sea and sky. The winds, tho fair continud yet so gentle that we hardly knew whether we went on or stood still. At night a booby made us
17. Calms and light breezes still detaind us till eve when a pleasant breeze sprung up and gave us hopes of soon gaining the trade wind, which we impatiently longd for especialy myself who had my fever every day; nor was I the only sick man, many began to complain of purgings. Some tropick birds and Gannets (Pelecanus pisc) were seen.
18. In the Morn Rain with light breezes. Several Man of war birds and some shearwaters were about the ship.
19. Light breezes all day. A ship in sight but too far off to distinguish her colours.
20. Weather as usual. 2 ships in sight who shew'd us Dutch Colours and then saild ahead of us, letting us know that sure as our ship might be she was too slow to outsail even a Dutchman. Several tropick birds were seen. In the Even the wind came foul.
Myself who had began with the Bark Yesterday miss'd my fever today, the people however in general grew worse and many had now the dysentery or bloody flux.
21. The Wind remaind as it was but one of the Duchmen had so far outsaild us as to be intirely out of sight; the other however was not so much ahead but that we sometimes flatterd ourselves with thinking that we could sail as fast as her. Some few Gannets and porpoises were about the ship.
22. Our freind the slow Dutchman was this morn out of sight: the wind still foul. Almost all the Ships Company were now ill with either fluxes or severe, purgings; myself far from well, Mr Sporing very ill and Mr Parkinson very little better, his complaint was a slow fever.
23. Myself was too ill today to do any thing; one of our people died of the flux in the Evening.
24. My distemper this day turnd out to be a flux attended (as that disease always is) with excrutiating pains in my bowels, on which I took to my bed. In the Eve Mr Sporing died.
25. One more of the People died today. Myself endurd the pains of the Damnd almost; at night they became fixd in one point in my bowels on which the surgeon of the ship though[t] proper
26. Tho better than yesterday my pains were still almost intolerable. In the Evening Mr Parkinson died and one of the ships crew.
28. Self something easier but still in great pain. This day Mr Green our astronomer and two of the people died, all of the very same complaint as I labourd under, no very encouraging circumstance.
29. Self still Bad; three more of the people died this day.
30. For the first time I found myself better and slept some time, which my continual pains had never sufferd me to do before notwistanding the opiates which were constantly administerd. One person only died today, but so weak were the people in general that, officers and men included, not more than 8 or nine could keep the deck so that 4 in a watch was all they had.
31. This day I got out of my bed in good spirits and free from pain but very weak. My recovery had been as rapid as my disease was violent, but to what cause to attribute either the one or the other to we all were equaly at a loss.
The wind which came to E and Se yesterday blew today in the same direction so we had little reason to doubt its being the true trade, a circumstance which raisd the spirits of even those who were most afflicted with the tormenting disease, which now ragd with its greatest violence.
Fine brisk trade kept up our spirits and helpd to raise me fast. Two of the people died today Nevertheless.
Breeze continued today: the Surgeon began to think that the rapid progress of the disease was checkd by it but declard at the same time that several people were still without hopes of recovery.
Some of the people who were the least affected began now to shew signs of amendment but two of the bad ones died notwithstanding.
Weather fine: as no one had been taken ill since we got the trade wind we were now well convin[c]d of its salutary effects.
Weather as usual but tho’ it prevented it could not cure intirely our disease, one more dying of it today.
Our people who were not very bad before the Ist of this month were now almost universaly recoverd, but there were still several
A large Dutch ship in sight but she soon outsaild us as her fellows had done before her.
One more of the people died.
Another died.
A third died today; neither of these people had grown either better or worse for many days.
An uncommonly large Number of Tropick birds were about the ship this day.
Lost another man.
An Albatross seen, the first sign we have had of approaching the South again which we have for some days done pretty fast.
Lost 3 more people today, Cook writes (27 February, p. 452), ‘In the Am Died of the Flux Henry Jeffs, Emanuel Pharah and Peter Morgan Seamen, the last came Sick on Board at Batavia of which he never recoverd and the other two had long been past all hopes of recovery, so that the death of these three men in one day did not in the least alarm us; on the contrary we are in hopes that they will be the last that will fall a Sacrefice to this fatal desorder, for such as are now ill of it are in a fair way of recovering’. But these were not the last. One more died on the following day, and three at the Cape, and Molyneux the master just after sailing from the Cape. It may be remarked that there are some extraordinary discrepancies over the dates of death recorded in different sources—e.g. in the ship's muster books, Jeffs and Pereira are noted as dying on 6 March, and Morgan on 7 March.Ne for the first time it has varied from the true trade.
At 4 this morn we were taken aback by a strong breeze of wind at Sw, not without some danger as our people yet only recovering from their late Illnesses had scarce strengh to get the ship before the wind. All morn it blew fresh from the same point but at night veerd round to South. Many Albatrosses and sheer-waters were about the ship all day.
Wind still at south, blew fresh but weather dry and clear; in the Even came to Se. Several fish were about the ship.
1. Light winds and variable all day.
2. Winds and weather much as yesterday. At night a Bank of Clouds were seen to the Wrd which had very much the appearance of Land.
3. Wind at Sw with dirty foggy weather. In the evening some of the people thought that they saw Land but that opinion was rejected almost without examination, as the journals in the ship which had been kept by the Log were still above a hundred leagues and those which had been corrected by Observations of the sun and moon full 40. The night was cheifiy calms and light breezes with fog and mist.
4. Day broke and shewd us at its earliest dawn how fortunate, we had been in the Calms of last night: what was then supposd to be land provd realy so and not above 5 miles from us, so that another hour would have infallibly have carried us upon it. But fortunate as we might think ourselves to be yet unshipwreckd we were still in extreme, danger, the wind blew right upon the shore and with it a heavy sea ran which broke mountains high on the rocks with which it was every where lind, so that tho some in the ship thought it possible the major part did not hope to be able to get off. Our anchors and cables were accordingly prepard but the sea ran too high to allow us a hope of the Cables holding should we be drove to the Necessity of making use of them, and should we be drove ashore the Breakers gave us as little hope of saving even our lives: at last however after 4 hours spent in the vicissitudes of hope and fear we found that we got gradualy off and before night were out of Danger. Either Banks made far too much of this peril or Cook made far too little. Cook writes (p. 453), ‘In the evening some people thought they saw the appearence of land to the Northward, but this appear'd so improbable that I who was not on deck at this time was not acquainted with it untill dark when I order'd them to sound but found no ground with 80 f Going on Cook's description and the position he gives, the ship was off Port St Johns, into the m upon which we concluded that no land was near, but day light in the Morning proved this to be a Mistake by shewing us the land at the Distance of a bout 2 Leagues off. We had now the wind at Se blowing fresh right upon the land. When we made the land we were standing to the westward, but thinking the other the best tack to get off on we wore and hauld off to Eastward and by now had got an offing of a bout 4 Leagues, the land at this time extending from NeBN to WSW’Sw part of which the St John or Umzimvubu river discharges. This is south of the present limits of Natal. Banks's rivers Sangue and Fourmis (properly des Fourmis) appear on the French Carte Parliculiere de la Côte d'Afrique depuis le Cap des Courans, jusqu’à la Baye de S te Helene par Mr d'Aprés de Mannevillette, c. 1755—the former perhaps the Umzinto or Ant river, the latter probably the Umzimkulu.
5 For this day or two we have thought it rather colder than we should chuse; at noon today the Thermometer in the shade was at 70. Land today in sight and no more.
6. Foul wind and cloudy weather all day.
7. Fair wind accompanied with clear weather. Over the land however, at least in that direction, hung clouds and appearances of rain as indeed was generaly the case. For these some days past the seamen have found the ship to be Drove hither and thither by currents in a manner totaly unacountable to them.
8. Calmish. Many Birds were observd such as Albatrosses, black and grey Shearwaters Both the Pediunker, Adamastor cinereus and the Cape Hen, Procellaria aequinoctialis are common here, and several other species of petrels occur.
9. Struck soundings today on the Cape Bank, ‘From Cape Good Hope, along the south coast of Africa to Algoa Bay, a bank of soundings projects out a considerable distance from the land; from Cape Lagullas this bank extends a great way to S.S. Eastward, and is generally called the Cape Bank, or Bank of Lagullas. The southern extremity of the bank is nearly… in longitude 22° E. and is said to extend to about 37½ S. latitude in this part… .’— The Cape Gannet is Directions for Sailing to and from the East Indies… . Pt I [1809], p. 72.Sula capensis (Lichtenstein).
10. In the morn the Water was clear and blue very unlike the muddy complexion it had yesterday. At 10 the Land was seen which provd to be to the Eastward of Cape Das Aguillas: Cape Agulhas, the southernmost tip of Africa.
11. All last night the wind was foul, the Current however assisted us a little. In the morn the water was clear but we saw Gannetts and Albatr[o]sses; S has a note, ‘Seeing the Birds a sign of being near Land, notwithstanding the water was clear’. False Cape. The ship was coming towards False Bay, on the eastern side of the Cape peninsula; the
12. In the morn saw Cape Falso and soon after the This is one of the hills to the northward of Table Mountain, i.e. on the northern end of the Cape peninsula. On its northwest side Table Mountain at first falls nearly perpendicularly and then slopes steeply to the base of the Lion's Head, a conical hill or mountain of 2193 feet. From the northern side of this, in turn, a rounded ridge stretches north-eastward for about 1½ miles to the Lion's Rump, 1153 feet.
13. Wind so fresh at There was no John Thomas on board the Se that we could not attempt to go ashore; no boat indeed in the whole Harbour attempted to Stir — the Dutch Commodore Hauld down his broad Pennant a signal for all Boats belonging to him to keep on board. Jno Thomas died.Endeavour and Banks's date again seems at fault. (Below, at 28 April, he refers to ‘my irregular journal at the Cape’.) Nobody died on 13 March. Richard Thomas, entered at Batavia as A.B., according to Hicks died on 14 March (the last entry in Hicks's journal), and according to the muster books on 21 March.
14. In the Morn moderate so that the Ship was got under way and steerd into the Harbour to her proper birth. A Dutch boat came on board to enquire from whence we came, and brought with her a Surgeon who examind our Sick and then gave leave for them and us to come ashore, which we accordingly did at Dinner time.
16. Capt Of the n RiddleAdmiral Pocock, ‘by whome’, says Cook, ‘I sent letters to the Admiralty and
17. Dr Solander who had been on board the Indiaman last night was this Morn taken violently ill with a fever and pain in his Bowels. A Countrey Physician i.e. a physician from on shore.r would be much worse and would for some time
18. The Houghton Indiaman Captn Smith came into the road.
30. The Duke of Gloucester Indiaman Captn Lauder came into the Road.
31. Dr Solander after having been confind to his Bed or chamber ever since the 17 of this month with an irregularly intermitting fever and violent pains in his bowels, which alarmd me very much at several different times, this day came down stairs for the first time, very much emaciated by his tedious Illness.
3. Theodosio seaman died very suddenly; No one is elsewhere recorded as dying on 3 April. According to the muster book John Dozey, a native of ‘the Brazils’, died on 7 April.
7. The Europa Indiaman Captn Pelley came into the Bay.
Of the four French vessels which we found in this Harbour 3 are now saild and the fourth is ready for sea. Of them two were 64 Gun ships, the other a large Snow The largest two-masted vessels in the eighteenth century were rigged as snows— i.e. square rigged, but having close behind the mainmast a sort of supplementary small mast which carried a trysail. There were small snows, however—smaller than a large brig.
M The name given to Tahiti by Bougainville was The Isle-de France was Mauritius. The ‘Person… in the character of Natural Historian’ was a person for whom Banks would presumably have shown greater respect had he known his name; for he was the celebrated botanist Bougainville was known as Putaveri. This seems to be advance information of the voyage of Marion du Fresne (1729–72), a wealthy man who set out to return Ahutoru at his own expense, and incidentally to make discoveries. Ahutoru died at Madagascar. Marion did, roughly, follow Tasman's track; calling at the Cape in December 1771, he then sailed south and east, discovering the Prince Edward Islands and Crozet Islands and visiting Prince Henry Bay in Tasmania; but his New Zealand landfall was Mount Egmont and not any part of the South Island. He therefore missed Banks is unjust to the French. There was no account published of the second voyage of the r De Bougainville pleasd with the Bea[u]ty of the Ladies of Otahite gave that Island the Name of Cypre.la nouvlle Cythée, New Cythera. Cyprus as well as cythera had close associations with Venus in classical myth, and this report which Banks picked up from the French may indicate either a divided mind over names on Bougainville's part, or (more likely) some confusion of mind on the part of Banks's informant.Mss, and Forster named a genus of plants Commersonia. His epistolary style is so enthusiastic that his lack of literary production may be the less regretted—see for example his letter to Lalande on Tahiti, printed in Mercure de France, November 1769, and reprinted by Bolton Glanvill Corney, The Quest and Occupation of Tahiti, II, pp. 461–6.Tootavee, a plain corruption of Bougainville,Mascarin reached home in 1773 via Tonga and Manila.r De Bougainvilles voyage before that of the second Dolphin how infallibly will they claim the Discovery of Cypre or Otahite as their own, and treat the Dolphins having seen it as a fiction, which we were enabled to set forth with some shew of truth as the Endeavour realy did See it, a twelvemonth however after Mr De Bougainville; which if England chuses to exert her Prior Claim to it, as she may hereafter do, if the French settle it may be productive of very disagreable consequences.Dolphin, under Wallis, till Hawkes worth's volumes of 1773. Bougainville published his Voyage autour du monde in 1771, and naturally enough paid no attention to Wallis.
Notwistanding Hydrographers limit the Sw end of Africa which is not the Southermost part of that immense continent I shall under that name speak of the Southern parts of Africa in general as far as Lat. 30.. 00 at least, which countrey was originaly inhabited by the Hottentots alone but is now settled by the Dutch, and from its conveniency of situation as a place of refreshment for ships sailing to and from India is visited perhaps by Europeans oftener than any other distant part of the Globe.
This tract of Land, vast as it is, is settled by the Dutch who have also people much farther in land if their accounts can be credited; they have upon the whole of it however only one town which is generaly known by the Name of the Cape Town. It is situated on the Atlantick side, about 20 miles to the Northward of the Real Cape, on the Banks of a bay shelterd from the Se wind by a large mountain level at the top, from whence both itself and the bay have got the name of Tafel or Table. It is of late years very much increasd in size and consists of about a thousand houses neatly built of Brick and in general whited over; the Streets in general are broad and commodious all crossing each other at Right angles; in the Cheif of them is a Canal on each side of which is a row of Oak trees which flourish tolerably well and yeild an agreable shade to walkers. Besides this there is another Canal running through the town, but the slope of the Ground is so great that both are obligd to be furnishd with sluices at the intervals of little more than 50 yards.
In the Houses the same poverty of inventions exists here as at Batavia: they are almost universaly built upon one and the same plan whether small or large; in general they are low and universaly they are coverd with thatch, precautions said to be necessary against the violence of the Se winds which at some seasons of the year come down from the Table mountain with incredible violence.
Of the Inhabitants a far larger proportion are real Dutch than of those of Batavia. But as the whole town in a manner is supported by entertaining and supplying strangers, each man in some degree imitates the manners and customs of the Nation with which he is therein; but there was no disposition on the French side to deny any English achievement when known. Banks's anxiety reflected the sort of journalism current in those years rather than reality; any Pacific fish that either the French or the English government just then gathered into its net would have to be a good deal bigger than Tahiti. The French did take over Tahiti, but not till 1843. There were disagreeable consequences, but in the Tahitian, not the international, sphere. Banks's use of ‘sooterkin’ is very odd. Wright's One is forced to conclude that the spell of Miss Blosset had faded.Dictionary of Obsolete and Provincial English (London 1904) defines it as ‘A moon-calf. It was pretended to be engendered in Dutchwomen, by the foot-stoves they were in the habit of putting under their petticoats’. See also O.E.D. Banks transfers the name of the result to the effective agent. Chaufferette, a sort of portable stove or iron box in which charcoal was burnt as a footwarmer. The Dutch ladies took their home comforts abroad with them. Travels in Europe, Africa, and Asia, made between the years 1770 and 1779 (London, 2nd ed., 1795), I, p. 112.
Their servants are in general Malay slaves who are brought here from Batavia. To these they behave much better than the Batavians in consequence of which these Malays are much quieter, honester, more diligent and less wicked than those in that place, in instance of which I need only say that there was never known an instance of running Amoc in this place.
The Town is governd by a Governor and Council who are quite independent of Batavia. The Present Governor is Ryck Tulback. The incorruptible, just and humane A History of South Africa, p. 85. It was during his governorship that the Company first allowed foreign ships to provision at the Cape.
The Climate tho not at all too hot for those who come from India would doubtless appear sufficiently warm could any one be transported immediately from England to this place; upon the whole it seems much of the same temperature as the Island of Madera tho scarce quite so hot, this I judge from the productions in general. During the whole Summer the air is frequently fannd by Se winds which come off the hills above the town with vast violence and during the time of their blowing, especialy at the beginning, are very troublesome to such as are obligd to be abroad in them by raising the Sand with which the whole countrey abounds and filling their eyes with it; nor are the houses quite free from its effects however close they are shut up, the Sand will find an entrance and in a short time cover every kind of furniture with a thick dust.
Inconvenient as this certainly is it however does not seem to have any effect beyond the present moment, tho the inhabitants must in the course of a summer inspire an immence quantity of this sand, which has been thought by some Physicians to be productive of Ulcers in the Lungs &c &c; yet Consumptions are diseases scarcely known here and the healthy countenances, fresh complexions and above all the number of Children with which all ranks of people here are blessd abundantly prove that the Climate in general is very freindly to the human constitution.
Diseases brought here from Europe are said to be almost immediately cur'd but those of the Indies not so easily, which latter we ourselves experiencd, our sick recovering very little for the first fortnight and after that very slowly, so that after a months stay several of them were far from recruited.
The industry of the Dutch, so well known and so constantly exerted in all foreign settlements, has supplyd this place with a profusion of all kinds of European provisions. Wheat S has here a note in Banks's hand: ‘They had the comfort of raising the most usefull and beneficial European productions. Wheat, Barley: and (see p. 654) Cabbages, Turnips, Potatoes, etc. etc.’ (Page 654 is the following page of S) This is a detail about the sheep Banks has not mentioned before. The fat-tailed sheep were a Malagasy breed, no doubt brought to the Cape from the East Indies by the Dutch themselves.
Besides these they have Goats in plenty which however they never Eat, and hogs but these are less plentifull. Poultrey as Fowls, ducks, Geese &c are in tolerable plenty; besides they have wild game, as hares exactly like ours in Europe, A form of the Brown Hare, Banks may have meant the Cape Pheasant, The African form of the common European Quail, and also the Harlequin Quail Several species of bustard are still found inland from the Cape, and in the eighteenth century they no doubt occurred nearer Cape Town than they do now.Lepus europaeus saxatilis, does in fact occur in South Africa, but other species of the genus do so also. The Cape Hare is Lepus capensis.Francolinus capensis (Gm.) and the Greywing, Francolinus afer Latham.Coturnix delegorguei Delegorgue, both occur here in large numbers from time to time.
As their feild[s] produce European Wheat and barley, so their Gardens produce the same kinds of vegetables as we have in Europe — Cabbages, turnips, potatoes, Asparagus, Brocoli &c. &c. are all plentifull and excellent in their kinds. Their fruits are also the same, Apples, Pears, oranges, Peaches, apricots and figgs &c. Of Indian fruits they have plantains, Guavas and Jambu but neither of these in any kind of perfection. Besides these their vineyards produce a great quantity of Wine which they range into many sorts, calling one Madera another Frontiniac &c. None of these are comparable to the wines which we commonly drink in Europe yet they are all light, well cur'd and far from unpalatable in taste, not unlike some of the light French and Portugese white wines. The famous Constantia, so well known in Europe, is made genuine only at one vineyard which is about 10 miles distant from the Cape town; near that however is another vineyard which likewise is calld Constantia, where a wine not much inferior to it is made which is always to be had at an inferior price.
The common method of living is to lodge and board with some one of the inhabitants, many of whose houses are always open for the reception of Strangers; the prizes are 5, 4, 3, or 2 shillings a day for which all necessaries are found you according as your situation leads you to chuse a more or less expensive method of living, in what may truly be calld a profusion in proportion to the price you give. Besides this there is hardly an expence in the Place. Coaches are seldom or never usd but may be hird at the rate of 6
lb 4
At the farther end of the high street is the Companies garden which is near 2/3 of an English mile in lengh; the whole is divided by walks intersecting each other at right angles planted with Oaks which are clippd into wall hedges, except in the center walk where they are sufferd to grow to their size. This walk therefore at all times of the day furnishes an agreable shade no doubt highly beneficial to the sick, as the Countrey is not furnishd with the least degree of shade nor has nature given one tree to the soil capable of producing it at least within several miles round the town.
Infinitely the largest part of this Garden is employd in producing Cabbages, Carrots &c. Two small squares however are set apart for Botanical plants which are well taken care of and neatly kept. The Dutch East India Company's garden was evidently chiefly devoted to vegetables from its establishment in 1652. It was c.1805), the master gardener, who ‘raised the Company's garden above its original cabbage growing into something like a botanic garden. Actually the garden was to become the precursor of the National Botanic Gardens, established in 1913 at Kirstenbosch on the eastern slopes of Table Mountain’.—Mia C. Karsten, Old Company's Garden at the Cape and its Superintendents involving an historical account of early Cape Botany (Cape Town, 1951), p. 131. But Dampier admired the ‘stately Garden’ as it existed in 1691 (ed. Masefield, I, p. 515). Thunberg, who visited it exactly a year after Banks, describes it as ‘always open to the public. It is nine hundred and ninety-six paces long, two hundred and sixty-one broad, and has forty-four quarters, which are separated from each other by hedges, consisting, for the most part, of oaks or bays (Laurus nobilis), several yards in height’.— Travels, I, p. 114. On a return visit in 1774, Thunberg reported that ‘in the Company's garden there was a very beautiful covered walk, formed of chesnut-trees, which were now very thick and large. It was this year cut down root and branch by order of the governor, for the purpose of making different kinds of furniture of its elegant wood; and in its stead were planted oaks’.—ibid., II, p. 128.Catalogi duo plantarum Africanarum, appeared in Thesaurus Zeylanicus, 1737. Many of his plants ultimately came to the British Museum (Nat. Hist.) with the Sloane collection, via James Petiver (cf. Karsten, op. cit., p. 72).
At the farther end of the Garden is a vivarium or Menagerie, supported also at the expence of the Company, where rare Beasts
Cassowaries used to be widely distributed in Malaysia. The Kudu, Coedoe whose beautifull spiral horns are often brought over to Europe. This animal who was as large as a horse died while we were there but not before I had had time to get a description and drawing of him.Traglaphus strepsceros Pallas, a large vertically striped antelope, does not live well in captivity. The drawing Banks refers to has not been traced.
Near this enclosure is another for birds, in which were the Crownd Pidgeons of BandaGoura cristata Pallas. These, the largest pigeons extant, come from western Voyages, ed. Masefield, II, opposite p. 515), as ‘A Stately Land Fowl found on the Coast of New Guinea’. Governor Loten had taken some to England and one had been presented to the Dowager Princess of Orange. The Forsters made drawings and descriptions of a number of the birds and mammals in this Cape vivarium on Cook's second "oyage.
It remains now after having describd the town and its environs to say a little of the Countrey about it: of this indeed I can say but little and even for that little am obligd to depend intirely upon hearsay, not having had an opportunity of making even one excursion owing in great measure to Dr Solanders illness.
The Dutch say that they have settled the Countrey inland as far as 2200 miles, at least so far it is to the most distant habitations of Europeans; how far it may be however upon a straight line north and south is hard to say nor do they pretend to guess. Supposing it however the shortest distance possible, it is sufficient to prove the infinite and indeed to an European almost inconceivable barrenness of the Countrey in general, that the mere supplys of food should make it necessary for men to spread themselves over such an immense tract of countrey in order to find fertile spots capable of producing it. How far distant such spots are from each other may be concluded from what one farmer told us while there, on being askd why he brough[t] his young children with him to the Cape from whence he livd 15 days journey, and told that he had better have left them with his next neighbour. Neighbour? said he, my nearest neighbour lives 5 days Journey from me.
Nor does the Countrey immediately in the neighbourhood of the Cape give any reason to Contradict the idea of immense barrenness which must be formd from what I have said. The Countrey in general is either bare rock, shifting sand or grounds coverd with heath &c. like the Moors of Derbishire, Yorkshire &c. except
As their distant settlements are directly inland and the whole coast either is or is thought to be totaly destitute of Harbours their whole Communication is carried on by Land carriage. Waggons drawn by Oxen are employd in that service; they are however very light and the Cattle so much more nimble than ours in Europe that they assurd us that they sometimes traveld at the rate of 8 miles an hour. Traveling is also very cheap: as there are no inns upon the road every one must carry his own provision with him, and the Oxen must live upon the Heath or ling which they meet with upon the road and this indeed they are accustomd to do. But great as these conveniencies are the people who come from afar must do little more than live, as there is no trade here but for a few articles of provision which are sent to the East Indies, and curiosities, so they can bring nothing to market but a little butter, such skins of wild beasts as they have been able to procure, and some of them a few kinds of Drugs.
There remains nothing now but to say a word or two concerning the Hottentots so frequently spoken of by travelers, by whoom they are generaly represented as the outcast of the Human species, a race whose intellectual faculties are so little superior to those of Beasts that some have been inclind to suppose them more nearly related to Baboons than Men. All this is extremely libellous, and seems to be the fruit of the fine old principle of giving a dog a bad name because you want to hang him. The Hottentots (the name was apparently conferred by the Dutch with some reference to the sound of their language—Hüttentüt, stammerer or stutterer—cf. Banks on the ‘Click or Cluck with their tonges’ below, p. 257)—were a nomadic pastoral race, not very warlike, apparently a mixture of a Hamitic people, forced down like the Bushmen towards the Cape by the general movement of African peoples, and themselves displacing and driving into the mountains to the eastward the ‘pure’ Bushmen, the aboriginal inhabitants in historic times of southernmost Africa. They in turn (and the remnants of the Bushmen) suffered from the ingression of the Dutch. They were a primitive race; but under different circumstances we might have had Banks lauding their life as he did that of the Australians, certainly no farther advanced in the scale of human perfectibility. He had not, as he goes on to say, any chance of meeting them in their original state; but he does not repeat the conventional travellers’ tales to which he refers. Cf. n. 1 on p. 20 above on the ‘chain of nature’.
Notwistanding I very much desird it I was not able to see any of their habitations, there being none as I was universaly informd within less than four days journey from the Cape in which they retaind their original Customs. Those who come to the Cape, which are in number not a few, are all servants of the Dutch farmers whose cattle they take care of and generaly run before their waggons; these no doubt are the lowest and meanest of them and those alone I can describe.
These were in general slim in make and rather lean than at all plump or fat, in size equal to Europeans, some as tall as 6 feet and more; their eyes not expressive of any liveliness but rather dull and unmeaning; the colour of their skins nearest to that of soot owing in great measure to the Dirt which by long use was ingraind into it, for I beleive that they never wash themselves; their hair curld in very fine rings like that of Negroes or a Persian Lambs skin, but hanging in falling ringlets 7 or 8 inches long. Their Cloths consisted of a skin, generaly of a sheep, under which for decency sake the men wore a small pouch and the women a broad leather flap fastned round their wastes by a belt, which in both Sexes was richly ornamented with beads and small peices of Copper; besides this both sexes wore necklaces and sometimes bracelets likewise of beads, and the women had round their legs certain rings made of Leather very hard which they said servd to defend them from the thorns with which the countrey every where abounds; under their feet some wore a kind of Sandal of wood or bark but the greatest number went intirely unshod. For bodily qualifications they were strong and appeard nimble and active in a high degree.
Their language which appears to an European but indistinctly articulated has this remarkable singularity, in that in the pronouncing a sentence they Click or Cluck with their tonges at very frequent intervals, so much so that these cliks do not seem to have any particular meaning except possibly to divide words or certain combinations of words. How this can be effected unless they can click with their tongues without inspiring their breath appears mysterious to a European, and yet I am told that many of the Dutch Farmers understand and speak their language very fluently. The sounds which puzzled Banks were consonantal. ‘The reversed or implosive consonants, "in the production of which the whole or a portion of the movement of the speech organs reverses or draws the air inwards", are the famous and much-discussed "clicks". They are produced by rarefying the air between some outer closure or point of tongue articulation and an inner closure formed either at the velum or the glottis, and then releasing the outer closure so that the air is sucked in sharply. The inner closure is subsequently released for the following vowel.’—The Khoisan Peoples of South Africa (London 1930), p. 421.
In general they have more false shame (Mauvais Honte) than any people I have seen, which I have often had occasion to experience when I have with the greatest dificulty persuaded them to dance or even to speak to each other in their own Language in my presence. Their songs and dances are in Extremes, some tolerably active consisting of brisk musick and quick motions generaly consisting of distortions of the body with unnatural leaps, crossing the legs backwards and forwards &c. and then again as dull and spiritless as can be imagind, one of which consists intirely of Beating the earth first with one foot and then with the other without moving their place at all, to the Cadences of a tune furnishd with little more variety than the Dance.
Smoaking is a custom most generaly usd among them, in doing which they do not as the Europeans admit the smoak no farther than their mouths but like the Chinese suck it into their Lungs, where they keep it for near a minute before they expire it. They commonly mix with their Tobacco the leaves of Hemp which they cultivate for that purpose or Within the boundaries of the Dutch settlements are many different nations of Hottentots differing from each other in customs very materialy. Of these some are far superior to others in arts in general, however all live peaceably with each other seldom fighting, except those who live to the Eastward who are much infested with people calld by the Dutch Strictly Phlomisleonurus which they call Dacha.Bosch men, who live intirely upon plunder, stealing the Cattle of the Hottentots but never openly attacking them.boschjesman, Bushmen, the aborigines of the Cape—apart from peoples for whose existence the evidence is archaeological. Their reputation for plunder was founded upon their only means of fighting back, as they were gradually squeezed out of existence. Cf. p. 256, n. 1 above. At the present time they survive in the Kalahari Desert and the northern half of South-West Africa.Cannabis sativa. This is a shrub with narcotic and intoxicating effects, still smoked either mixed with tobacco or by itself. ‘When taken in slight quantities the herb has no visible ill-effects, but excessive indulgence is most deleterious to the health, and if persisted in sometimes causes mental aberration and frenzy.’—Schapera, Khoisan Peoples, p. 102. The cultivation and sale are now officially restricted.
This little and no more of the customs of this much spoke of people Had I myself an opportunity of seeing. From the Dutch indeed I heard much, of which I select the following.
They are armd however with Lances or Assagays, arrows which they know how to poison, some with the juice of herbs others
Cobra di Capelo,Cobra-di-capello (snake with hood), a Portuguese name applied to the ‘hood’-spreading cobras of the genus Naja. When irritated or alarmed, the snake spreads the skin of its neck outwards by the elongation of the ribs.Kraal, village. The word is not Hottentot but colonial Dutch, from the Portuguese corral.
Some Nations know how to melt and prepare Copper, which is found among them probably native, and make of it broad plates with which they ornament their foreheads; others again, indeed most, know how to harden bitts of Iron which they procure from the Dutch and make of them knives of a temper superior to any the Dutch can sell them. The Hottentots smelted iron as well as copper.
Their cheif people, many of whoom have a large quantity of Cattle of their own, are generaly clad in the skins of Lions, Tygers or Zebras &c. which they know how to fringe and ornament very prettily, especi[a]ly the Women who as in all other Countreys are fond of dress. Both sexes grease themselves very frequently but never use any stinking grease if they can possibly get either fresh mutton suet or sweet butter, which last made by shaking the milk in a bag made of skin is generaly usd by the richer sort.
The Ceremony of the Preist giving his Matrimonial benediction by a plentifull sprinkling of Urine often repeated I heard confirmd. The Dutch however universaly denied their having seen women whose legs were wrappd round with Sheeps gutts, which it has been supposd were to be a part of their food. Possibly the story Banks refers to here was founded on the Hottentot women's fashion (already noted by him) of sewing strips of raw hide round their legs as rings; when dry these rattled against one another, producing a favoured noise. Schapera, Khoisan Peoples, pp. 71–2, discusses this, with reference to Kolbe the early eighteenth century traveller (Caput Bonae Spei Hodienum … 1719), and other authorities. He remarks, ‘Circumcision, as in the case of the Bushmen, was altogether unknown to the Hottentots. Kolb and several other early writers on the Cape Hottentots, however, state that at or before puberty the left testicle of every boy was excised. It is difficult todecide how much truth there is in this statement… . Certainly in more recent times the custom of excision, if ever it did exist (and one is inclined to believe that the older writer may be trusted in this respect), has completely disappeared… .’
In regard to the Sinus Pudoris, that grand Quæere of Natural historians, Many whoom I askd both Dutch and Malays declard positively that it did not at all exist, and several of these Assurd me that they had during intrigues with Hottentot women had an opportunity of knowing which they had made use of. One however declard that something he had met with but what it was he could not tell; and above all a physician of the place declard that he had curd many Hundred Hottentot women of venereal Complaints, and that he never saw one without what he describd to be fleshy or rather skinny appendages proceeding from the upper part of the Labia, in appearance somewhat like Cows teats but flat which hung pendulous; these were very various in lengh, in some scarce half an inch, in others three or four; that those, which were the only particularities he knew of in those women, he apprehended to be what a[u]thours have calld Many Hottentot women do in fact have an elongation or hypertrophy of the sinus pudoris, tho some have describd it as a large skin equal to a garment for all purposes of decency, and others have thought it to be no more than an elongation of the Clytons in those women, which does not exist in those women at all more remarkable than in Europeans.labia minora, on which this ‘grand Quaere’ was no doubt founded.
A table of the Value of Money Supposing a Styver Dutch equal to a penny Sterling
14. Saild from the Road but having very little wind were obligd to anchor abreast of Robben Island.
15. In the Morn it was quite calm so a boat was hoisted out in order to Land on the Island in hopes of purchasing some refreshments, especialy of Garden stuff and salletting ‘Salading’, i.e. the materials of salads or sallets.
This Island which is named after the Seals that formerly usd to frequent it, Galld in Dutch Robben, is low and sandy, situate in the mouth of Table bay. Here are confind such criminals as are judgd not worthy of Death for terms of Years proportiond to the heinou[s]ness of their Crimes; they are employd as Slaves in the Companies Service, cheifly in digging for Lime Stone which tho very scarce upon the Continent is plentifull here. Their reason for not letting foreigners land here is said to be this: formerly a Danish ship which by sickness had lost the greatest part of her crew came into the Cape and askd for assistance, which being refusd she came down to this Island, and sending her boats ashore securd the Guard and took on board as many of the Criminals as she thought proper to navigate the ship home.
In the evening we had a fair breeze of wind with which we put to sea. This night died Mr Molineux Master of the ship.
16. In the Course of this day we took our final leave of the table land, having a pleasant breeze and fair.
17. Many Birds such as Albatrosses and some shearwaters were about the ship, also many peices of Trumpet weed ()Ecklonia maxima (Osbeck) Papenf. (Ecklonia buccinalis (L.) Hornem.). ‘Trombas’ or ‘Trompetgras’ from the use of the stipe for trumpets. When the Swedish explorer Indian cane, and commonly some stalks were joined together: it formed as it were fly-flaps at the tops. My company on the ship thought it came from the islands west of the Cape of Good Hope. When the sailors see Trumpet-weed on their voyage, they are pretty certain that the Cape is not above ten Swedish miles off’.—A Voyage to China and the East Indies (London 1771), II, p. 73. For Osbeck cf. p. 270, n. 1 below.
18. Moderate weather but a great rolling sea from the Southward.
19. Got the Wind at Nw right in our teeth, not strong however.
20. Wind and weather continuing just as yeste[r]day.
21. Got the Wind again astern with pleasant weather which already alterd much for the warmer.
23. Foul wind again very veerable.
25. Grossd the tropick this day with a fresh breeze of Wind at Sw. So far we are unlucky, not having as yet met with the trade wind which ships in general meet about Lat. 30 at this time of the year as we have been told.
26. Saw two Sternas, probably blown off from the Coast of Africa tho they seem little to regard the ship but flew towards the sea. In the even Dr Solander and several more heard a noise rumbling like distant thunder which was in general supposd to be a gun from some ship not in sight; the Dr however thought that its duration was considerably Longer than that of a gun fird in the open Sea where there is no Eccho.
27. A large Shoal of Whales passd us today Who seemd to keep a pretty regular course nearly in the same direction as the ship.
28. This day we crossd our first meridian and Compleated the Circumnavigation of the Globe, ‘Our first meridian’ was that of Greenwich. By ‘crossed our first meridian’ he means sailed over 360 degrees of longitude. Cook for noon on the 28th gives the longitude as 358° 54′ W, on the 29th o° 50′ W. He adds to this last observation, ‘In the Hence his journal proceeded straight from 28 April to 1 May.Am cross'd the line of our first Meredean, viz. that of Greenwich having now circumnavigated the Globe in a west direction.’—p. 467.
1. In the Morn at daybreak saw the Island of S One of the things that bedevilled international politics in the second half of the 1760’s were claims and counter-claims to the t Helena about six Leagues ahead; consequently before noon arrivd in the Road where we found his Majesties ship Portland Capt Elliot, sent out to convoy home the India men on account of the likeleyhood of a breach with Spain, also his Majesties sloop Swallow which had the day before brought word of the Pacifick measures adopted by that Court,
2. As the fleet was to sail immediately and our ship to accompany it, it became necessary to make as much of a short time as possible, so this whole day was employd in riding about the Island, in the course of which we made very nearly the Compleat Circuit of it visiting all the most remarkable places that we had been told of.
3. Spent this day in Botanizing on the Ridge where the Cabbage trees grow, Five endemic ‘cabbage trees’, all Compositae, occur on St Helena: (1) red or ‘she cabbage tree’, also called Sparwood by Solander, Senecio prenanthifolia Benth. & amp; Hook. f.; (2) white or ‘he cabbage tree’, S. leucadendron Benth. & amp; Hook. f.; (3) black, Melano dendron integrifolium DC; (4) whitewood, Petrobium arboreum R. Br. and (5) Psiadia rotundifolia Hook, f., without a folk name.r Maskelyne, who was sent out to this Island by the Royal Society for the Purpose of Observing the transit of Venus in the Year [1761].Endeavour’s, voyage. Sent to St Helena to observe the transit of 6 June 1761, he had been disappointed, as the phenomenon was concealed by clouds, but remained on the island for ten months keeping tidal records and making other scientific observations. On his voyage home he experimented in taking longitudes by lunar distances, and on his return published The British Mariner's Guide (1763). This, and his subsequent Nautical Almanac of 1767, provided the foundation for the accurate work in determining longitudes carried out by Cook and Green in the Endeavour.
This small Island, which is no more than twelve miles long and seven broad, is situated in a manner in the Middle of the Vast Atlantick Ocean being 400 Lgs. distant from the Coast of Africa and above 600 from that of America. It appears to be or rather is the summit of some immence mountain which towering far above the level of the Earth (in this part of the Globe very much depressd) elevates itself even considerably above the surface of the Sea, which covers its highest neigbours with a body of water even to this time unfathomable to the researches of Mankind. The researches of mankind have been active since Banks's time. St Helena lies towards the western edge of what oceanographers call the West African depression, in which the depths vary from between 16,000 and 17,000 feet to between 19,000 and 20,000.
The higher parts of all Countreys have been observd almost without exception to be the seats of Volcanoes while the lower parts are much seldomer found to be so. Etna and Vesuvius have no land higher than themselves in their neigbourhood; Heckla is the highest hill in Iceland; in the highest part of the Andes in South America volcanoes are frequent; and the Pike of Teneriffe still is on fire. A few years later the Forsters, who enjoyed contradicting Hawkesworth, fell on his rendering of this passage. See, e.g., Voyage, II, p. 562, n. ‘These [i.e. the Forster] observations do not agree with those in Dr. Hawkesworth's Compilation, vol. III. p. 795. That volcanos are always seated in the highest mountains of the country where they are found, is an opinion contradicted by many facts; and the correspondence of angles in opposite mountains, is not more evident to critical observers, than landscapes on Florentine marbles. Dr.
That this has been the Case with S Banks was perfectly correct on the obviously volcanic nature of St Helena—Diana's Peak is the northern rim of a great crater; but the gorges are water-cut. The Cornish miners’ name for pyrites.t Helena and that the great inequalities of the ground there have been originaly causd by the sinking of the ground, easily appears to an observing eye who compares the opposite ridges, which tho seperated always by deep and sometimes by tolerably broad Valleys, have such a perfect similarity in appearance as well as direction as scarce leaves room for a doubt that they formerly made a part of a much less uneven surface; and that this sinking in of the Earth has been occasiond by subterraneous fires the stones Abundantly testifie, as they universaly shew marks of having been some time or other exposd to the effects of a great degree of heat.
Thus much for these Suggestions, fit only for those who can beleive a Babilonian Chronology. ‘Babylonian’, I take it, in the sense of huge or vast; aeons of time are needed for such changes.
Making it as we did and indeed most ships do on the windward side it is a rude heap of Rocks bounded by precipecis of an amazing height, composd of a kind of half friable rocks which however shew not the Least sign of vegetation, nor does a nearer view apear more promising. In sailing along the shore ships come uncommonly near it so that the huge Glifts seem almost to overhang and threaten destruction by the apparent probability of their giving way: in this manner they Sail till they open Chappel Valley where stands the small town. Even that valley resembles a large trench, in the bottom of which a few plants are to be seen, but its sides are as bare as the cliff next the Sea. Such is the apparent barrenness of the Island in its present cultivated state, nor do you see any signs of fertility till you have penetrated beyond the first hills; then the Vallies begin to be green and tho every where inconceivably steep produce a great deal of good herbage. Among these are the planters houses, near each of which is a small plantation of Gocos, the only vegetable they seem to labour much in the Cultivation of.
The Town stands just by the sea side, very small and except a few houses ill built. The Church which originaly has been a very-poor building is now almost in ruins, and the Market house is advancing by quick steps to the same situation.
The White inhabitants are almost to a man English, who as they are not allowd to have any trade or commerce of their own live intirely by supplying such ships as touch at the Place with refreshments, of which however to their Shame be it spoken they appear to have by no means a supply equal to the extent as well as fertility of their soil, as well as the fortunate situation of their Island seem to promise. Situate in a degree between temperate and warm their Soil might produce most if not all the vegetables of Europe together with the fruits of the Indies, Yet both are almost totaly neglected. Cabbages indeed and garden stuff in general is very good, but so far from being in plenty so as to supply the ships who touch here a scanty allowance only of them are to be got, cheifly by favour from the greater people who totaly monopolize every article producd
tn Elliot the Commanding Officer who was furnishd by order of the Governor out of his own garden.
Here are Plantains, Peaches, Lemons, Apples, Guavas and I beleive scarce any other fruits, tho probably very few kinds exist in either Indies which might not be cultivated here and brought to at least a great degree of perfection. But while their Pastures lay as they realy do as much neglected as their Gardens there can be little hopes of Amendment; in short the Custom of the Indias Captains, who always make very hansome presents to the families where they are entertaind besides paying any extravagant prizes for the few refreshments they get, seem to have inspird the People with a degree of Lazyness: were refreshments cheap they would probably upon the whole receive not much more money for them by the year and the present would be the same, so at least they seem to think. In short the
Small as this Island is and not raisd very much above the surface of the Sea it enjoys a varity of Climates hardly to be beléivd. The Cabbage trees, as they are calld, which grow on the highest ridges can by no art be cultivated on the lower ones where the red wood Hemsley says this grass is common on the island; Banks and Solander evidently did not preserve a coll. of it from St Helena.Melhania erythroxylon Ait.Commidendron robustum DC., once the most abundant plant on the island.Voyage, II, p. 563, n.Anthoxanthum odoratumUlex Europeus, the seeds of which were brought over in the beginning of this Century, Thrives wonderfully and is highly praisd by the Islanders as a great improvement, tho they make no use of it except heating their ovens.
Barley has been sown upon this Island about 40 years ago. It producd sufficient to supply itself without any being sent from home; its cultivation was however suddenly drop'd, for what reason I could not find out, and since that time has never been atempted. Yams, the same as are calld Cocos in the West Indies, is what they cheifly depend upon to supply their numerous slaves with provision: these however are not cultivated in half the perfect[i] on that I have seen in the South Sea Islands, nor have they like the Indians several sorts many of which are very palatable, but are confind to only one and that one of the Worst.
All kinds of Labour is here performd by Man, indeed he is the only animal that works except a few Saddle Horses nor has he the least assistance of art to enable him to perform his task. Supposing the Roads to be too steep and narrow for Carts, an objection which lies against only one part of the Island, yet the simple contrivance of Wheelbarrows would Doub[t]less be far preferable to carrying burthens upon the head, and yet even that expedient was never tried. Their slaves indeed are very numerous: they have them from most parts of the World, but they appeard to me a miserable race worn out almost with the severity of the punishments of which they frequently complaind. I am sorry to say that it appeard to me that far more frequent and more wanton Cruelty were excercisd by my countrey men over these unfortunate people than even their neighbours the Dutch, fam'd for inhumanity, are guilty of. One rule however they strictly observe which is never to Punish when ships are there. Banks does not seem ever to have been held to account for his criticisms of St Helena; but they got Cook into trouble. Hawkesworth, writing in the first person in Cook's name, incorporated them in his final pages, and in due course the damning print reached the island. When Cook in his turn reached it again, on the home stretch of his second voyage in May 1775, he was treated to a very good view of wheeled vehicles. He writes, ‘The next day [18 May] the two Mr Forsters and my self dined with a party at the Country house of one Mr Masons, at a remote part of the island which gave me an oppertunity to see the greatest part of it, and I am well convinced that the island in many particulars has been misrepresented. It is no wonder that the account which is given of it in the narrative of my former Voyage should have given offence to all the principle Inhabitents. It was not less mortifying to me when I first read it, which was not till I arrived now at the t Helena are charged with exercizing a wanton cruelty over their Slaves, they are also charged with want of ingenuity in not having Wheel Carriages, Wheel Barrow's and Porters Knotts to facilitate the task of the labourer… . How these things came to be thus missrepresented, I can not say, as they came not from me, but if they had I should have been equally open to conviction and ready to have contridicted any thing, that upon proof, like this, appeared to be ill-founded, and I am not a little obliged to some people in the isle for the obligeing manner they pointed out these Mistakes’. He also conscientiously points out that ‘Within these three years a new Church has been built, a neat edifice and sufficiently large’. Cook's own criticism, made on this second visit, was that more crops might well be planted, ‘articles that are always wanting to Shipping, and where they would meet with a good market and reward the Planter for his industry’.—II, pp. 661–3. Cf. Voyage, II, p. 560, n. Also, ‘Mrs. Skottowe, the sprightliest lady on the island, displayed to advantage her witty and satirical talents, from which there was no other escape left, than to lay the blame on the absent philosophers whose papers had been consulted’.—ibid., pp. 560–1.
Nature has blessd this Island with very few Productions either usefull for the support or conducive to the Luxury of Mankind. Partriges and Doves Partridges: according to Ibis, 1870, p. 170) the Indian Chukar, Alectoris gracca chukar (J. E. Gray) had been introduced into St Helena and had become abundant as early as 1588, when Cavendish mentioned it in his Travels. Sclater (Syst. Av. Aethiop. 1924) also records it as an introduced species. The doves may have been the European Rock Dove, Columba livia Gm., also recorded in St Helena by Melliss as both a wild and domestic species, probably introduced.
Melhania melanoxylon Ait.
Melliss saw the last living Ebony trees in 1850, and in 1875 ornaments made of its wood were fetching good prices. He remarks, ‘That this tree once formed a considerable portion of the vegetation clothing the Island in those parts that are now quite barren, is strongly evidenced by the many references to it in the local records’. St. Helena (London 1875), p. 245. Ebonywood was used to burn lime with. Its bark and that of the related redwood were both used in tanning leather. Melliss quotes an Ms record of 1709 that their destruction was hastened ‘by the Tanners, that for lasieness never took the paines to barke the whole trees but only the bodys, leaving the best of the bark on the branches, by which means has [sic] destroyed all those trees, at least three for one …’ .—ibid., pp. 226–7 n.
Milbert (Voyage pittoresque à l'Ile de France (1812), II, p. 127), describes the Mauritius ebony under Diospyros ebeneum, distinguishing four principal ‘species’ under that name. Cyclopedia.
J. D. Hooker recognized ‘about’ 50 indigenous spp., of which 40 were endemic ‘with scarcely an exception [lacking] very close specific allies of any other plants at all’. Seventeen genera were endemic. Once one of the most singular insular floras of the world, it is now, through its destruction by vandals, fuel-gatherers and goats, a mere vestige.
It does not seem possible to identify this snail. Melliss (St. Helena, p. 121) remarks on ‘The great extinct Land Snail of St. Helena’, Chilonopsis aurisvulpina (Chemnitz), as a ‘true native’, found only in a semi-fossil condition at an altitude of 1611 feet. But in Banks's next paragraph he talks of ‘a little Snail’. No specimens from St Helena are in the Banksian shell collection discussed by Wilkins, and we do not know whether Banks found a living or a fossil snail. E. A. Smith (Proc. Zool. Soc. Lond., 1892: 258–70) lists 27 species of endemic snails, 18 of which have become extinct since the destruction of the forests.
Had our stay upon the Island been Longer we should in all probability have discoverd some more natural productions but in all likelyhood not many. Secluded as this rock is from the rest of the World by seas of immence extent it is dificult to imagine how any thing not originaly created in that spot could by any accident arrive at it; for my part I confess I feel more wonder in the finding a little Snail on the top of the Ridges of St Helena than in finding people upon America or any other part of the Globe.
As the benefits of the Land are so limited the Sea must often be applied to by the natives of this little rock, nor is she unmindfull of their necessities which she constantly supplies with immence plenty and no less variety of Fish. She indeed would be culpable did she do otherwise: she never met with a calamity equal to that of the earth in the General Deluge, and her sons have moreover the advantage of a free intercourse with all parts of the globe Habitable to them without being driven to the Necessity of tempting the dangers of an element unsuited to their natures — a fatal necessity under which too many even of us Lords of the Creation Yearly perish, and of all others through the wide bounds of Creation how vast a proportion must. The seed of a thistle supported by its down, the Insect by its weak and the Bird by its more able wing, may tempt the dangers of the sea, but of these how many milions
Money of all nations passes here according to its real intrinsick European value, therefore there is no kind of trouble on that head as in all the Dutch Settlements.
4. Saild after dinner in company with 12 Indiamen and his Majesties ship Portland, resolvd to steer homewards with all expedition in Order (if possible) to bring home the first news of our voyage, as we found that many Particulars of it has transpird and particularly that a copy of the Latitudes and Longitudes of most or all the principal places we had been at had been taken by the Captns Clerk from the Captns own Journals and Given or Sold to one of the India Captns. War we had no longer the least suspicion of: the India men being orderd to sail immediately without waiting for the few who were not yet arrivd was a sufficient proof that our freinds at home were not at all apprehensive of it.
6. Pleasant breeze but our ship very far astern; she certainly sails worse than any one of the fleet yet as she keeps up with [them] at least in sight hope they will not get home much before us.
7. Still kept company and today were abreast of the headmost ship. Many flying fish were seen and some few Birds.
10. This day we saw the Island of Ascencion which is tolerably high Land; Our Capt 15. Our trade begins now to slacken very much. A man of war bird Possibly the Ascension Frigate Bird, n however did not chuse to anchor unwilling to give the fleet so much start of him. Those who have been ashore upon this Island say that it is little more than a heap of Cinders, the remains of a Volcano which burnt even since the discovery of the Indies. OsbeckDagbok öfwer en ostindinsk Resa med anmärkn. uti Naturkun digheten … (Stockholm 1757), p. 298. Solander must have had a copy of this on board. Osbeck followed the rules laid down by Linnaeus for reporting on every aspect of a foreign people, but natural history was his strong point. His book appeared in 1765 in a German translation; from this Osbeckia.Cactus Opuntia, a plant not seen by that gentleman.Fregata aquila (Linn.).
11. Pleasant weather. Saw Holothuria Physalis which our seamen call Portugese man of war for the first time since we left these seas in going out.
12. Rainy misty weather, the air very damp and unwholesome, the breeze however continues. was seen.
16. Caugh[t] a small Shark.
17. Struck one bonito weighing near 20 pounds.
18. Our trade wind gone to day, the winds variable and very light.
19. Squally with frequent calms, such weather as ships never fail to meet with in passing from one trade wind to the other: to make the most however of this disagreable weather we went on Board the Portland and spent the day with Cap Banks's dates have now again become quite unreliable, and he ignores one or two events which we should have thought him naturally susceptible to, such as the fate of Hicks. Cook records no visit to the tn Elliot.Portland on this day, but says (p. 470), ‘Hoisted a boat out and sent on board the Houghton for the Surgeon Mr Carret in order to look at Mr Hicks who is so far gone in a Consumption that his Life is despaired of’. The visit to the Portland, according to Cook, was in a calm on the 21st, to inspect a ‘Machine’ which excited his curiosity. It is possible of course that Banks experienced Captain Elliot's hospitality more than once—see his next entry for the 23rd; but on the 23rd the two ships do not seem to have been in touch.
23. Calms still continued. Dind on board the Portland with Captn Elliot; while on board her saw a common house martin flying about the Ship.
26. Heavy rain and frequent squalls from the Ne gave us great reason to expect the trade very quickly. During the day we were very much ahead of the Fleet, at night however they came up with us fast.
27. In the night the wind settled at Word omitted in Cook's entry corresponding to this is for the 24th. His entry for the 26th, ‘about one oClock in the pm’, records the death of Hicks; and for the 27th, the promotion of Clerke, who had become very friendly with Banks. An immature Ne and in the morn to our great [surprize]Ms, and supplied from S and P.Sula sp.
29. Banks is now back again to the correct dates.
30. Trade very fresh indeed with a heavy sea, so that the Ship pitchd and tumbled very disagreably to us whoom a continuance of fine weather has made almost unfit for a Gale.
1. Trade more moderate and pleasant weather.
2. Saw some Gulph-weed Any one of several species of Sargassum, a most prolific species being S. natans (L.) Meyen, a species known only in the free-floating condition and one which has never been found with reproductive organs. Peter Osbeck noted that ‘the Grass-Sea is that part of the ocean in which the East India sailors meet with seaweed (Fucus natans) swimming in greater or less quantities; though all sorts of Fucus are called sea-weeds’.—Voyage, II, p. 109. Osbeck entered the Grass-Sea in lat. 17½° N and long. 22½° from Ascension Island, and 37° 21′ W from London; the algae lasted to lat. 24½° N and long. 24½° W from Ascension, and 39° 9′ W from London.
3. This day passd under the Sun and were for the last time Ascii. A rather high-flown way of signifying that the ship had passed the Tropic of Cancer. Cook gives the latitude for June 3 as 22° 21′ N, and for June 4 as 23° 40′. Ascius, a not very common word in Latin, from the Greek askios, shadowless. Pliny, Natural History, Bk II, chap. 75, attributes to Onesicritus, the Greek historian and geographer, the information that the constellation of the Bears ‘is not visible at the places in India where there are no shadows, and that these places are called Shadeless (ascia), and no reckoning is kept of the hours there’. (Loeb ed., 1938, H. Rackham, I, p. 319). The word is also used by St Ambrose. It is unlikely that Banks was acquainted with either Onesicritus or the early Christian Fathers, but it is quite probable that he had picked up some Pliny in his general scientific reading, and, passing ‘under the sun’, extended the term ascii to mean dwellers in the tropics generally.—I owe light on this rather recondite allusion to my colleague,
4. Gulph-Weed rather increasd.
5. Less Gulph weed than yesterday, so least we should leave its station we began to catch it by means of a pole with 6 large hooks fastned to its end. Out of it we took A nudibranch mollusc given this scientific name by Linnaeus. Probably Scyllæa pelagica,Medusa PorpitaPorpita porpita. See 30 September 1768.Syngnathus pelagicusSyngnathus pelagicus Linn. This fish is still known by the same name.Lophius pelagicusHistrio histrio, a frog-fish.Planes minutus.
6. More Gulf-weed in which took up several individuals of the aformentiond species, besides which were caught Both the Red-billed and the White-tailed Tropic Birds occur in this region.Cancer pelagicusNeptunus pelagicus.
7. Still more Gulph-weed, in general laying in long lines upon the water of a very small breadth but extending in lengh as far as the eye could reach. More Tropick birds were seen most of which flew as yesterday and one black shearwater. Possibly Bulweria bulwerii (Jardine and Selby), Bulwer's Petrel. This bird breeds at Madeira, the Canary and the Cape Verde Islands.
8. Less Gulph-Weed; 2 Tropick birds flying as before.
9. Scarce any weed, the water smooth as if there had been no wind for some time in these Lat.
10. Still Light winds and no sea; very little weed.
11. Rather more weed than lately. Quite calm so that I went out in the boat and took up many individuals of all the species mentiond before but nothing new.
12. Water as smooth as in a harbour: were we in an unknown sea we should build much on the probability of some Land in the neighbourhood. Some Porpoises and Skipjacks were seen but very little weed.
14. Light winds and smooth water; two turtle were seen and a little Gulph-weed.
15. Saw a small sloop which we soon outsaild and left behind. No weed at all today.
16. Spoke an homeward-bound Brazil-man Cook (p. 474): ‘a Portuguese ship from Rio de Janeiro bound to Lisbon’.
17. Saw two Ships very far off.
18. Saw 3 New En[g]Iand Schooners cruising for whales. Sent a boat on board one who told us that he had yesterday spoke an outward bound Englishman, who told him that all was peace in Europe, and that the Spanyards had agreed to pay the Manilla ransom with interest in one year and a million of Dollars for damages done at These last reports seem to have been ‘exaggerated’. Manila had been taken by a British fleet and an East India Company force in the closing stages of the Seven Years’ War, 6 October 1762. The Spanish authorities there agreed to ransom the city and its contents for 4 million dollars, paying half in money and drawing bills for the rest on the Treasury at Madrid. But the news of the conquest reached Europe only after the conclusion of the peace negotiations. England handed back the Philippines and the Spanish government refused to honour the bills. The ‘Manila ransom’ became a standing source of irritation, and in fact was never paid.
The vessel had by their own account been out 5 weeks and caught nothing; they had chasd a whale 60 Leagues into Fyall Fayal. The Azores. This seems to refer to the repeal in 1770 of the ‘Townshend duties’ on colonial imports, as a result of the American non-importation measures and devotion to homespun—a repeal which gave great satisfaction in the colonies. Cook adds (p. 474), ‘to Confirm this the Master [of a Rhode Island schooner] said that the Coat on his back was made in Old England’.
20. Saw a large ship ahead which on our lowering our foretopsail hoisted a flag at her maintopmast head; she soon however made sail and left us.
21. About noon we discoverd a fleet of 13 sail of large ships on our weather quarter; these we doubted not were our consorts the India fleet. One Shearwater was seen.
22. The Fleet held so much better a wind than us that the[y] fairly went out of sight to windward of us, who indeed had split both our Topgallant sails in a squall.
23. Wind very foul. Saw one Shearwater: the reason of so few having been seen this passage may be that during their breeding time they do not wander far out at Sea.
30. Both yesterday- and today a few Shearwaters were seen; in the night many were about the ship crying very much.
4. My Bitch Lady was found dead in my Cabbin laying upon a stool on which she generaly slept. She had been remarkably well for some days; in the night she shreikd out very loud so that we who slept in the great Cabbin heard her, but becoming quiet immediately no one regarded it. Whatever disease was the cause
Probably Puffinus puffinus (Brünnich), the Manx Shearwater, some of which were shot on 8 July following.
5. In the night the ship passd through a shoal of Macarels and in the Morning many Grabs and some seaweed was observd with many Shearwaters.
6. Several shearwaters and one Gannet Though here called a ‘seaweed’ almost certainly Sula bassana bassana.Zostera marina, a marine angiosperm characterized by tape-like leaves. A significant point is the grouping of Zostera with marine algae in travel commentaries; for example, Osbeck wrote, ‘We at last saw the Scilly Islands in the forenoon … Fucus divaricatus, vesiculosus et Zostera, came swimming from the shore’.—Voyage, II, p. 122.
7. Several shearwaters and much Tapeweed; the water a little discolourd. Caught Lepas Cygnifera floating upon the water in round conjeries's, some of which were large enough to fill a mans hat.Lepas fascicularis Ellis and Sol. 1786.
8. Calm: went in boat and shot Fulmar and Manks Puffin Manks’=Manx; the bird was probably Puffinus puffinus (Brünnich), the Manx Shearwater, seen on 4 July.British Zoology. Much sea weed but no more Lepades.
10. This Morning the land was discoverd by Young Nick the same boy who first saw New Zeland: it provd to be the Lizzard. Cook says (p. 477), ‘At Noon we saw Land from the Mast head bearing North which we judged to be about the Lands end’. They saw the Lizard in the afternoon of the 11th-still the 10th for Banks.
12. At 3 O'Glock landed at Deal.
Machine
Made by Ramsden. Workd by a flat plate 8 inches diameter the Phial used was 6½ inches in hight and 5½ in diameter without the neck; the distance between the stopper and coating 3 inches; the stopper made of wood and fastned to the glass on the inside by a red cement probably sealing wax. The Electrometer was divided into 30 parts making in all 1½ inches nearest. About nine in the Morn the machine was set up, when we suppos'd ourselves to be somewhat more than five miles south of the line; the day pleasant, but rather cloudy; the ship going between three and four Knotts.
When the plate was first turnd round the Cushions appeard to be damp, adhering to the glass so that it was with dificulty made to move very slowly round, tho the cushions were screwd on as lightly as possible. After wiping them very well the plate was made to go round, and in about ten minutes Electricity was excited, tho but in a small degree. The motion of the ship, and the shaking of the table causd by turning the machine, made the Electrometer (which was a very unsteady one) move backwards and forwards visibly to the eye; so that it was impossible to ascertain exactly at what distance it dischargd the Phial: it however was guessd to be about a line when at the greatest distance.
It continued to work in this manner about half an hour, in which time several attempts were made to give the shock; which succeeded very ill, the shocks being very small, tho given with the greatest quantity of Electricity that could be got into the Phial. It then, (after having grown by degrees weaker and weaker) ceasd to work intirely; upon which water was applied to the cushions, but without any effect: every thing was then wiped and dried as well as could be done in our situation, the cushions being carried to fire; but no Electric[i]ty perceivable to the touch was communicated to the conductor: whether any was then excited on the surface of the plate we did not then observe. An amalgama of Lead was then applied, which causd a small degree of Electricity, much smaller than at first, which very soon ceasd also, from that time no electric[i]ty perceivable (except by Cantons Electrometer) John Canton (1718-72), one of the most distinguished electrical experimenters of the time; F.R.S. 1749; he invented among other things the electrometer and the electroscope.
In the course of these experiments two thing[s] were observd, differing from the Phænomena usualy seen. First, the Phial when filld with Electricity as full as the Machine could; would not contain it more than a very few seconds, 3 or 4 by guess; (for no opportunity of measuring by a watch was given, the Machine Leaving off working without any warning when it was not expected.) At the end of this time not the smallest quantity of Electricity was left tho I tried all my Phials 5 in number two of which were such as were describd above: the others were small ones, made much in the same manner, but instead of being coated on the inside filld with leaf gold.
Secondly, the floor of the Cabbin in which the experiments were tried, was coverd with a red floor cloth of painted Canvas, that had been issued to the ship from his majesties stores at Debtford; which was usually washed with salt water every morning, and sufferd to dry without being ever taken up. This provd as good a conductor of Electricity as any we could make use of; so that a man standing on one side the machine, and touching the coating of the Phial, was shockd by another who touchd the conductor w[i]thout having any communication with the first, except by the floor cloth under his feet. This Dr Solander and myself tried several ways, but made more experiments afterwards with Mr Greens Machine as taken notice of in the next paper.
The ill success of these experiments seems to me to have arisen cheifly from the uncommon dampness of the circumambient air which had been observd by everybody since we crossd the tropick and is largely taken notice of in my Journal. By this solution alone all the Phænomena that appeard may be accounted for.
Air charged with particles of damp is well known to be of all others the greatest enemy to Electricity, it immediately attracts and dissipates all the electrical matter which is collected by the machine; the machine therefore worked faintly for a little while till the damp was condensed on the conductor and cheifly on the surface of the glass Phial and then ceas'd intirely. A small quantity was however always perceivable upon the surface of the plate and even to the end of the conductor.
The Phial tho chargd as full as the machine would fill it even at the time of its best working would not contain the Electrical matter scarce at all owing doubtless to the Communication made by the condensed damp between the Coating and stopper of the Phial; this increasd every moment so that at last it would not contain Electricity at all.
The situation on board a ship would not allow the making use of a fire at least to warm the whole machine as should have been done and would have been a great satisfaction but the motion of the ship, the distance of the galley from the Cabbin and the number of people who are constantly busy there made that impossible.
The dampness of the air compland of here has not been observd now for the first time. Piso in his account of the Brazils p. 5 mentions it and says that victuals &c. which have kept well before spoil immediately
The machine was made by Watkins; Presumably F. Watkins, a London instrument-maker, of whom little seems to be known.
[1] The plate at first refusd to go round as mine had before done the cushions being drawn together by the Glass which they seemd to adhere to probably from their dampness. After some time turning however this went off and in about 10 minutes Electripity was excited.
The Electrometer was then applied which went off at No 7.
2 Electricity was kept in the Phial 30 seconds without loosing any sensible part
3 a hole was struck through two cards by the discharging wyer.
4 Shocks were given to several people much greater than any that could be Given by my machine.
5 the Phænomenon of the floor cloth proving a conductor was tried more fully than before. A wyer (b) was passd round the Phial (a) the two ends of which were taken hold of by two people (cc) who each took hold of another person (dd). The operator (e) then touched the Phial with his discharging wyer and receivd the shock through both his arms as did (cc) and (dd) sometimes, tho at others (dd) felt it only in the arms by which they held (cc). The comparative force of the blows which each felt was very dificult to ascertain but we supposd that (cc) felt more than (dd) and probably the operator most of all.
The chief reason why this machine workd better than mine seems to me to be that the bottle was coated with varnish between the stopper and coating of Lead. This probably did not condense the damp of the air near so readily as Glass and consequently the machine workd well when mine refusd to work at all.
The machine on being taken out of the Box was found to have had by some accident the plate and one of the Phials broken; the former was replacd by a spare one. Every part of it was perfectly dry and workd with great freedom; a small proportion of Electricity only could be excited, the most enough to strike through one card. During all our experiments the floor cloth conductd as it had done before tho it had not been washd for some weeks our experiment[s] were soon cut short by the wind which was foul freshning so much that we could not with safety let the Machine stand. — The day was rather hazey.
All the day was clear and the evening also very fine. At sunset the machine was set up; it at first intirely refusd to work but after about ¼ of an hour some sparks were excited, the greatest however that we could raise it to was only a slight shock. The floor cloth conducted as usual which we ascertaind by resting upon a table or chair in which case we did not feel the shock which standing upon the ground we always did.
In this list, and the lists of plants that follow, Banks's abbreviations ‘Mss’ and ‘Mscr’ (I have standardized the capital M) both signify ‘Manuscript’—i.e. new discoveries described in Solander's Mss. The abbreviation ‘Lus’ seems to stand for ‘Lusitanian’, or whatever Latin form Banks used for that—i.e. he was giving the Portuguese vernacular name. The equivalent of Banks's underlinings has been attempted by italicizing the names of his authorities rather than his binomials; but his practice, and his punctuation, have been regularized.
Muræna guttata Mss Merca Lus.Murenophis angusti (Kaup) Moray. Parkinson II, pl. 1; Solander p. 201.
—– Anguilla The Common Eel, Linn.Anguilla anguilla. Lowe (1839) says that eels are the only indigenous freshwater fish of the island.
Trachinus Draco The Greater Weever. According to Lowe its vernacular name is ‘Aranha do Mar’, and ‘Aranha’ is used for Linn. Aranha Lus.Trachinus vipera, the Lesser Weever.
Coryphæna Novacula Linn. Papagaya Lus.Xyrichthys novacula. Parkinson II, pl. 8; Solander p. 217.
Scorpæna Patriarcha Mscr.Scorpaena porcus. Parkinson II, pl. 15; Solander p. 217.
—– Chorrista Mscr Menino do coro Lus.Pontinus kuhlii (Bowdich). Parkinson II, pl. 18, upper figure; Solander pp. 213–5. One of Banks's specimens of this very handsome fish is still in the collection at the British Museum.
Pleuronectes Rhomboides Mscr Solha Lus.Bothuspodas (Delaroche).
Chætodon luridus Mss Castanpeta Lus.Abudefduf luridus (Guy.). See Parkinson II, pl. 29, lower figure, and Solander p. 227. Cuvier founded this species on a Madeiran specimen labelled C. luridus in Broussonet's collection. Broussonet was a great friend of Banks and, like him, primarily a botanist but with many other interests.
Sparus sarghus Linn. Sargho.Diplodus sargus. There is a painting by Buchan in Parkinson II, pl. 37, lower figure; Solander p. 229.
—– griseus Mss.Pagellus bogaraveo (Brünnich), Spanish Bream. Painted by Buchan in Parkinson II, pl. 51, lower figure; Solander p. 233.
—– mundus It has not been possible to identify this species, although there is a long description by Solander, pp. 235–6, with a reference to a painting which has not been found. It is possible that the latter was given another Mss.Ms name: this has happened in one or two other cases.
Callyodon rubiginosus Mss Budiam Lus.Sparisoma cretensis. Parkinson II, pl. 43; Solander p. 239. Cuvier and Valenciennes published the name Seaus rubiginosus in 1840 (Hist. Nat. Poissons, 14, p. 171) from the Solander Ms and Parkinson drawings; they also cited other authors, such as Lowe, Webb and Berthelot.
Labrus lunaris Linn. Peixe verde Lus.Thalassoma pavo. Parkinson II, pl. 47, upper figure; Solander p. 243.
Sciena angustata Mss. Bocavoens Lus.Centracanthus cirrus (Rafinesque). Parkinson II, pl. 63, lower figure; Solander p. 245. In 1830 Cuvier and Valenciennes wrote (op. cit. 6, p. 421) ‘Nous avons trouvé dans les dessins de Parkinson une figure faite à Madère.—–Solander avait nommé cette espèce Sciaena angustata’.
Perca decorata Mss.Paracentropristis atrkauda (Günther). Parkinson II, pl. 83; Solander p. 255. Mr A. C. Wheeler has recently discovered Banks's specimen in the British Museum collections.
—– Imperator Mss Emperador Lus.Anthias anthias. Parkinson II, pi. 79; Solander p. 257. There are two paintings of this fish: on the back of one is written ‘Mr. B. thinks it too pale’, so apparently Parkinson made the second one, which is most beautiful, to satisfy Banks. The specimen collected then is still in the British Museum.
Scomber scombrus Mackerel.Linn.
—– Trachurus Linn.Trachurus trachurus (Linn.). The Scad or Horse Mackerel.
This list, hitherto unpublished, constitutes the first florula of Madeira, and is notable particularly for its record of early introductions. Contemporary naturalists such as Bory de St Vincent (Essais sur les Isles Fortunés, 1803) notice Cook's visit but have evidently no knowledge of the Ms catalogue. The first published plant list (1825) was based on the collections of Leopold von Buch (1774-1853), made in Madeira in 1816.—The abbreviations ‘fig. pict.’ or ‘f.p.’ (figura picta) refer to drawings by Parkinson of the plants so noted. The list is here printed from the Ms verbatim et literatim.
N.B. the mark of a star * in the margin signifies that the plant so markd is not wild but cultivated a cross + that for want of fructification the plant could not certainly be determi[n]d.
Canna indica Linn. Bananeira brava. Conteira preta
* Amomum Zingiber Linn.
Callitriche verna Linn.
* Nyctanthes sambac Linn. flore pleno
* Jasminum officinale Linn.
* —– grandiflorum Linn.
+ Olea europæa Linn.
Veronica anagallis Linn.
Verbena officinalis Linn.
* Rosmarinus officinalis Linn.
* Salvia officinalis Linn.
Gladiolus communis Linn. Alho brabo
Iris
Cyperus rotundus Linn.
—– flavescens Linn.
Scirpus setaceus Linn.
* Saccharum officinarura Linn.
Phalaris canariensis Linn.
—– oblongata Mss.
Panicum Junceum. Mscr. Grama
Panicum glaucum Linn.
—– sanguinale Linn.
—– Crus Gorvi Linn. Milhaa Lus.
Milium paradoxum Linn.
Agrostis linearis Mscr.
—– bromoides Linn.
—– sanguinalis Mscr.
—– pallida Mscr.
—– sylvatica Linn.
Poa annua Linn.
Briza minor Linn.
—– maxima Linn. Xucalheira Lus.
Cynosurus indicus Linn.
—– echinatus Linn.
Festuca sylvatica Mscr. Bromus pinnatus Linn.
Bromus geniculatus Linn.
Avena fatua Linn. Balanco Lus.
—– elatior Linn.
—– nodosa Linn.
Arundo donax Linn. Canavieira Lus.
Aristida Adscentionis Linn.
Linn.
—– temulentum Linn.
Hordeum murinum Linn.
Triticum repens Linn. Forscapa Lus.
Linn. Saboira Lus.
Alyssum angustifolium Fig. pict. Mscr. Malforada Lus.
Sherardia arvensis Linn.
Galium mollugo Linn. Var. angustifolia
—– vesiculosum Mscr.
Linn.
—– media Linn. Tanxage Lus.
—– albicans Linn.
Eleagnus angustifolia Linn. Oleveira Lus.
Ilex Perado Mss. Perado Lus. fig. pict.
+ — Azevinho Mss. Azevinho Lus. fig. pict.
Sagina procumbens Linn.
Heliotropium europæum Linn.
Myosotis scorpoides palustris Linn.
—– arvensis Linn.
Cynoglossum cheirifolium Linn. Masarogueira Lus.
—– officinale Linn.
Echum vulgare Linn.
Linn.
Convolvulus flexuosus Mss.
* —– Batatas Linn. Batata Lus.
—– arvensis Linn. corriola Lus.
—– altheoides Linn.
Campanula erinus Linn.
Lonicera caprifolium Linn.
Mirabilis Jalapa Linn. Boninas Lus.
Datura Stramonium Linn. Bufarcira Lus.
Hyocyamus albus Linn. Maimondro Lus.
Nicotiana Tabacum Linn. Erva santa Lus.
* Solanum tuberosum Linn.
Linn.
—– pseudocapsicum Linn. Pimenteira Lus.
—– Lycopersicum Linn. Tomatos Lus.
Capsicum frutescens a Linn.
Heberdenia excelsa Mscr. Aderno Lus. fig. pict.
Lycium barbarum Linn. Espinheiro Lus.
* Mangifera indica Linn. Mangoira Lus.
* Ribes rubrum Linn.
* —– grossularia Linn.
Hedera helix Linn.
* Vitis vinifera Linn.
Achyranthes aspera Sicula Linn.
* Celosia cristata Linn.
* Gardenia florida Linn.
Chenopodium murale Linn.
—– album Linn.
—– ambrosoides Linn.
Caucalis arvensis Mss.
Daucus visnaga Linn. Bisnaga Lus.
Ammi majus Linn. Margaca Lus.
Sium nodifioruim? Linn. Rabassa Lus.
Anethum Fœniculum Linn. Funcho Lus.
Apium petroselinum Linn.
Rhus ceriaria Linn. Sumagre Lus.
Sambucus obulus Linn.
Alsine media Linn.
Linum perenne Linn.
* Bromelia Ananas Linn.
Amaryllis belladonna Linn.
Allium oleraceum Linn. Sabolinho bracco Lus.
* —– cepa Linn.
Lilium candidum Linn.
Dracæna Draco Linn.
Aloe perfoliata Linn.
* Agave Americana Linn.
Juncus Effusus Linn.
—– tenax Mscr.
Meadia repens Mscr. Erva branca. Erva terra Lus. fig. pict.
Rumex aquaticus Linn. Azeda Lus.
—– scutatus Linn. Labassa Lus.
Mermulano Heb[erden] Mss.
Tropæolum minus Linn.
Vaccinium elevatum Mss. Uveira Lus.
Erica cinerea? Linn.
Linn. Sempre noiva Lus.
—– Hydropiper Linn. Polgueira Lus.
—– Barbatum Linn.
Laurus nobilis Linn.
—– indica Linn.
—– nitida Mscr. fig. pict.
* —– fœtens Mscr. fig. pict. Til. Lus.
* —– cinnamomum Linn.
Cassia bicapsularis Linn.
Ruta graveolens Linn. Arvuda Lus.
Glethra arborea Mscr. Folhada Lus. fig. pict.
Dianthus prolifer Linn.
* —– cariophyllus Linn.
Cucubalus Behen Linn. Estralho Lus.
Silene gallica Linn.
—– inaperta Linn.
Stellaria graminea Linn.
Cotyledon umbelicus Linn.
Oxalis corniculata Linn. Pedepassaro Bolsa de pastor Lus.
Cerastium viscosum Linn.
* Phytolacca decandra Linn.
Portulacca oleracea Linn. Baldruegas Lus.
Lythrum Hyssopifolia Linn.
Agrimonia eupatoria Linn.
Reseda luteola Linn.
Euphorbia peplus Linn.
—– verrucosa Linn. Truirisco Lus.
Sempervivum arboreum Linn.
Cactus Ficus indica Linn.
* Psidium pyriferum Linn.
* Eugenia Jambos Linn.
Myrtus communis Lusitanica Linn. Myrto Lus.
—– tarentina Linn.
* pulposa Mss.
Punica Granatum Linn.
* Amygdalus persica Linn.
* Prunus armenaica Linn.
* —– cerasus Linn.
* Prunus domestica Linn.
* Mespilus germanica Linn.
* Pyrus communis Linn.
* —– Malus Linn.
* —– Cydonia Linn.
* Rosa gallica Linn. flore albo
Rubus pedatus Mss. Silva Lus.
—– fruticosus Linn.
* Fragaria vesca Linn.
Potentilla reptans Linn.
Chelidonium majus Linn. Seredonia Celedonia Lus.
Delphinium consolida Linn.
Nigella damascena Linn.
* Liriodendrum tulipifera Linn.
Linn. Solda da terra Lus.
Lavandula pinnata Mss. Criceta de gallo fig. pict.
Sideritis canariensis Linn.
Mentha pulegium Linn. Poejo Lus.
—– rotundifolia Linn.
Stachys arvensis Linn.
Ballota nigra Linn.
Clinopodium vulgare Linn.
Origanum creticum Linn. Ouregas Lus.
* Thymus vulgaris Linn.
Melissa calamintha Linn.
Dracocephalum canariense Linn.
* Ocymum Basilicum Linn.
Prunella vulgaris Linn.
Antirrhinum cordatum Mss. fig. pict. Orelhas de gato Lus.
Serophularia Scorodonia Linn.
Digitalis purpurea Linn. Tegeira Lus.
* Bignonia radicans Linn.
Acanthus spinosus Linn.
* Lepidium sativum Linn.
Cochlearia coronopus Linn.
Sisymbrium Nasturtium Linn. Agriao Lus.
Erysimum officinale Linn.
* Brassica oleracea Linn.
* —– rapa Linn.
* Sinapis alba Linn. Mustarda Lus.
Isatis tinctoria Linn.
Geranium robertianum Linn. Agulheta Lus.
—– cicutarium Linn.
Sida Rhombifolia Linn. Bertonha Lus.
Malva rotundifolia Linn. Malva Lus.
—– mauritanica Linn.
* Hibiscus rosa sinensis Linn.
Fumaria officinalis Linn. Molharinha Lus.
Spartium scoparium Linn.
Genista canariensis Linn. Piorno Lus.
* Lupinus albus Linn.
* Phaseolus vulgaris a Linn.
* —– coccineus Linn.
* Pisum sativum Linn.
Vicia gracilis Mss.
Ervum hirsutum Linn. Ervilhata Lus.
Cicer arietinum Linn.
Ornithopus perpusillus Linn.
Scorpiurus vermiculata Linn.
Psoralea bituminosa Linn. Fudigocos Lus.
—– americana Linn.
Trifolium glomeratum Linn.
—– agrarium Linn.
—– repens Linn.
—– Melilotus Italica Linn.
—– angustifolium Linn. Pesegaja Lus.
Lotus glaucus Mscr. fig. pict.
Medicago polymorpha muricata Linn.
—– lupulina Linn.
* Citrus medica Linn.
—– Aurantium Linn.
Hypericum canariense Linn. Sepiao Lus.
—– perforatum Linn. Peseguiero Lus.
—– humifusum Linn.
—– glandulosum Mscr.
—– evectum Mscr.
Picris Echioides Linn. Kapasaya Lus.
Linn. Peseguiro Lus.
Lactuca sativa Linn.
Leontodon nudicaule Mss. Letubra Lus.
Crepis tenuifolia Mss.
Lapsana stellata Linn.
Cicoreum Intybus Linn.
Scolymus hispanicus Linn.
Arctium Lappa Linn.
Carduus pycnocephalus Linn.
Carthamus tinctorius Linn. Cardo brabo Lus.
Carthamus lanatus Linn.
Gnaphalium crassifolium Linn. fig. pict.
—– luteo albidum Linn.
Conyza Saxatilis Linn. Murnaneira Lus.
Erigeron canadense Linn.
Senecio viscosus Linn.
* Aster chinensis Linn.
* Tagetes erecta Linn.
Chrysanthemum segetum Linn.
Matricaria parthenium Linn. Artemigo Lus.
Linn.
* Helianthus annutis Linn.
Coreopsis Leucanthema Linn. Malpica Don Andrera Lus.
Centaurea calcitrapa Linn.
Calendula arvensis Linn.
Lobelia Longifolia Mscr.
Viola odorata Linn. Viola Lus.
* Impatiens balsamina Linn.
* Gynandria
Passiflora quadrangularis Linn.
* Arum colocasia Linn. Inhame Lus.
—– sagittifolium Linn.
—– pictum Mss. Inhame de Bresil Lus. fig. pict.
Lemna minor Linn.
Zea Mays Linn.
Coix Lacryma Jobi Linn. Conteiras brancas Lus.
Carex muricata Linn.
* Buxus sempervirens Linn.
Urtica urens Linn.
* Morus nigra Linn.
Amaranthus hybridus Linn.
—– blitum Linn. Bredos Lus.
Poterium sanguisorba Linn.
Juglans regia Linn.
Fagus castanea Linn.
Pinus pinea Linn. Pinheira
* Cupressus sempervirens Linn.
* Cucurbita lagenaria Linn.
* Cucurbita pepo Linn.
* —– citrullus Linn.
* Cucumis Melo Linn.
* Sativus Linn.
Salix purpurea Linn. Venae Lus.
—– Helix Linn. Seiseiro Lus.
Smilax latifolia Mss. Alegecadela Lus. fig. pict.
Linn. Alimo Lus.
Mercurialis ambigua Linn.
* Carica Papya Linn.
Juniperus oxycedrus Linn.
Taxus baccata Linn.
* Ruscus androgynus Linn. Alegacam Lus.
Musa sapientum Linn.
Andropogon hirtum Linn.
Holcus halepensis Linn. Scabracha Lus.
—– mollis Linn.
Cenchrus setosus Mscr.
Parietaria officinalis Linn. Alfavaca Lus.
* Mimosa Farnesiana Linn.
* Diospyrus Lotus Linn. fig. pict.
* Ficus carica Linn.
Linn.
+ Osmunda Maderensis Mscr. fig. pict.
—– spicant Linn.
Pteris aquilina Linn. Feiteira Lus.
Asplenium adiantum nigrum Linn.
—– marinum Linn.
—– monanthes Linn. fig. pict.
Polypodium Thelypteris Mscr. Acrosticum Th. Linn. fig. pict.
—– lineatum Mscr.
—– fragile Linn.
Adiantum trapeziforme Linn. Cabreira Lus.
Trichomanes canariense Linn.
Mnium politrichoides Linn.
Hypnum rugosum Mscr.
Jungermannia tamariscifolia Linn.
Lichen articulatus Linn. Barba Lus.
—– calicaris Linn.
—– digitatus Linn.
Marchantia polymorpha Linn. Patinha Lus.
Lichen geographicus Linn.
Lichen calicaris Linn.
Byssus aurea Linn.
Phoenix dactyfera Linn.
Faya Lus.
Pao branco Lus.
Salvia major folio glauco serrato Stoane Hist. Jam. p.17. T.3. fig.3
Though botanical notes on Brazil begin with Lery (1578) and continue with Piso (1648), mentioned by Banks, Dampier (1717), and Gomes (1803), the first published enumeration, in the sense of a flora, was that of Vellosa, 1827—though he had carried out his work three decades earlier. Banks's list, arranged on the Linnaean system, is therefore an important account. His Ms names, attached to the specimens in the Pocket Book, were taken up by Aiton and others. The majority of the numbers given in the list are references to Linnaeus, mainly to the second edition of the Species Plantarum; e.g. the first entry signifies Sp[ecies] pl[antarum], [p.] 1, [no.] 1. Similarly Syst[ema] nat[urae]; Mant[issa plantarum]. Jacq. Hist. is a reference to Nicolas Joseph Jacquin, Selectarum Stirpium Americanorum Historia (1763). Hort. denotes a garden-grown plant. The list is here printed from the Ms verbatim et literatim.
Canna Indica Sp. pl. 1.1
—– lævicapsularis Mscr.
Thalia geniculata 3.1
Boerhavia scandens 4.3
Salicornia procumbens Mscr.
Nyctanthes Sambac 8.2.fl.pl.
—– Jasminum officinale 9.1
Verbena Jamaicencis 27.3
—– varietas glabra
—– hirsuta
Rosmarinus officinalis 33.1
Piper Amalago 41.6
—– hispidum Mscr.
—– lævigatum Mscr.
Iris Ensata Mscr.
Commelina communis 60.1
—– Zannonia 61.7
Schœnus glomeratus 65.11
—– squarrosus Mscr.
Cyperus minimus 66.2. Mscr.
—– sessilis Mscr.
—– strigosus 69.18. Mscr.
—– compressus 68.14. Mscr.
—– elegans 68.11. Mscr.
Cyperus rotundus 67.6. Mscr.
—– ligularis 69.19. Mscr.
—– Comosus Mscr.
—– exaltatus Mscr.
Scirpus spadiceus 74.20. Mscr.
Paspalum virgatum 81.2
Panicum glaucum 83.4. Mscr.
—– setosum Mscr.
—– Italicum 83.6. Mscr.
—– pallidum Mscr.
—– sanguinale 84.73. Mscr.
Milium villosum Mscr.
—– punctatum 91.5
Agrostis indica 94.13
—– cruciata 94.15
—– linearis 85. 16. Mscr.
Aira cappillaris Mscr.
Poa ciliaris 102.20
Briza eragrostis 103.5. Mscr.
Gynosurus virgatus 106.6
—– indicus 106.8. Mscr.
Mollugo verticilata 131.5
Spermacoce tenuior 147.1
—– hirta 148.3
—– Capitata Mscr. fig. pict.
Scoparia dulcis 168.1
Cissus Sycioides 170.3
—– quinquefolia Mscr.
Ludwigia hirta Mscr.
Rivina humilis 177.1
Lygistum capitatum Mscr.
—– pentandrum Mscr.
Heliotropium peruvianum 181.1. fig. pict.
—– scabrosum Mscr.
Anagallis Monelli 211.2
Convolvulus blandus Mscr.
—– umbellatus 221.13
—– sarmentosus Mscr.
—– humifusus Mscr.
—– amœnus Mscr. fig. pict.
—– brasiliensis 226.41
Conocarpus racemosa 251.2
Nicotiana Tabacum 258.3
Physalis angulata 262.7
Solanum verbascifolum 263.1
—– hirsutum Mscr.
—– rigidum Mscr.
—– Lycopersicum 265.11
—– nigrum patulum 266.15.B.
—– campechiense 267.18
—– panniculatum 267.10
Capsicum annuum 270.1
Wheleria oppositifolia Mscr.
—– alternifolia
Cordia? macrophylla 274.4?
Varronia scabrosa Mscr.
—– curassavica 276.4
Ceratites amœna Mscr. fig. pict.
Cestrum nocturnum 277.1
Sideroxylon lævigatum Mscr.
Rhamnus Iguaneus 282.17. Mscr.
Celastrus myrtifolius 285.3. Mscr.
—– lævigatus Mscr.
Physiphora lævigata Mscr.
Celosia cristata 297.3
Illicebrum vermiculatum 300.10
—– glabratum Mscr.
Echites pubescens Mscr. fig. pict.
—– tomentosa Mscr.
Tabernemontana cymosa L. Mant. 53
Cynanchum suaveolens Mscr. fig. pict.
—– crassifolium Mscr. fig. pict.
Asclepias suaveolens Mscr. fig. pict.
—– ambrosioides 320.10
Gomphrœna globosa 326.1. Hort.
Coriandrum sativum 367.1. Hort.
Anethum graveolens 371.1. Hort.
Rhus obtusatum Mscr.
Turnera ulmifolia 387.1
Evolvulus nummularius 391.1
Pocockia lucida Mscr.
Bromelia Ananas 408.1
—– pseudo ananas Mscr. f.p.
—– Karratas 408.3. Mscr.
—– bracteata Mscr. fig. pict.
Tillandsia utriculata 409
—– stricta Mscr. fig. pict.
—– argentea Mscr. fig. pict.
—– usneoides 411.9
Amaryllis Reginae 421 . 5
Alstroemeria salsilla 462.3. Mscr. fig. pict.
—– pulchella Mscr. fig. pict.
Loranthus sessilis Mscr.
—– decussatus Mscr.
Calyxis ternaria Mscr. fig. pict.
Dirca cymosa Mscr.
Polygonum barbatum
Paulinia pinnata 525.7
—– pilosa Mscr.
—– Endecaphylla Mscr.
—– mexicana 525.4. Mscr.
—– tenera Mscr.
Sapindus saponaria 526.1
Cardiospermum Halicacabum 525.1
—– latifolium Mscr. fig. pict.
Laurus Cinnamomum 528.1
Sophora occidentalis 533.1
Cassia bifolia Mscr.
Poinciana pulcherrima 544.3
Guilandina Bonduccella 545.2
Anacardium occidentale 548.1
Melia sempervirens Mscr.
Trichilia glabrata Mscr.
—– Havannensis Jacq. Hist. 129.t.175.f.38
Melastoma hirta 559.5
—– viscida Mscr.
—– holosericea 559.6
—– quadrangularis Mscr. fig. pict.
—– laevigata 559.8
Malpighia nitida 609.3. fig. pict.
—– sericea Mscr.
—– crysophyllum Mscr.
Banisteria ciliata Mscr. fig. pict.
—– atriplicifolia Mscr. fig. pict.
—– emarginata Mscr. f. p.
—– diffusa Mscr.
—– fulgens Mscr. fig. pict.
Cotyledon laciniata 615.7
Oxalis macrophylla Mscr.
Triumfetta rhombea Mscr.
—– semitriloba L. Mant. 73?
Portulacca oleracea 638.1
—– pilosa 639.1
Lythrum Melanium 641.7
Cactus triqueter Mscr.
—– quadrangularis 667.4
—– triangularis 669.14
—– polygonus Mscr.
—– Tuna 669.18
—– Phyllanthus 670. 21
Psidium pyriferum 672.1
Eugenia Jambos 672.2. Variet.
—– coronata Mscr.
—– latifolia Mscr.
—– pulposa Mscr.
Myrtus attenuata Mscr.
Punica granatum 676.1
Chrysobalanus oppositifolius Mscr. f.p.
Sesuvium portulacastrum 684.1. fig. pict.
Rosa centifolia 704.7. variet.
—– sempervirens 704.9. variet.
Capparis racemosa Mscr.
—– flexuosa 722.9
Annona myrtina Mscr.
Nepeta pectinata 799.14
Ocymum Basilicum 833.3
—– minimum 833.4
Doodia campestris Mscr.
Bignonia aequinoctialis 869.4 ? Mscr.
—– panniculata 869.5. Mscr.
—– Capreolata 870.7. Mscr.
—– pubescens 870.8. Mscr.
—– ornata Mscr.
—– extensa Mscr.
—– venusta Mscr.
—– Caerulea 872.17. Mscr.
Lantana mista Mscr. fig. pict.
Lantana alba Mscr.
—– stricta Mscr.
Bontia cuneata Mscr.
Brassica oleracea 932.5. Hort.
Raphanus sativus 935.1. Hort.
Cleome triphylla 938.4. Mscr.
—– spinosa 939.9. Mscr.
Waltheria indica 941.2
——- angustifolia 941.3
Sida spinosa 960.1
—– Juncea Mscr.
—– Rhombifolia 961.3
—– fruticosa Mscr.
—– panniculata 962.11. Mscr.
Malva spicata 967.1
—– pilosa Mscr.
Gossypium arboreum 975.3
Hibiscus tiliaceus 976.4. Mscr,
—– mutabilis 977.7. fl. pl. Hort.
—– sabdariffa 978.14
—– Abelmoschus 980.18
—– esculentus 980.19
Cedera spicata Mscr.
Securidacca scandens 992.1. Mscr.
—– erecta 992.2
Abrus precatorius Syst. nat. 472. 1025
Erythrina Corallodendron occ. 992.2
Clitoria brasiliana 1026.2
Cytissus Cajan 1041.4
Hedysarum canescens 1054.21
—– hamatum 1056.31.B
Indigofera tinctoria 1061.1
Trigonella minax Mscr.
Citrus medica 1100.1a
—– Limon 1100.B
—– aurantium 1100.2
Serratula oppositifolia Mscr.
Bidens calyculata Mscr.
Eupatorium succulentum Mscr. fig. pict.
Ageratum Conyzoides 1175.1
Chrysocoma albiflora Mscr. fig. pict.
Caleaa trinervia Mscr.
Gnaphalium arenarium 1195.18
—– decurrens Mscr.
Baccharis Ivaefolia 1204.1
Conyza sessiliflora Mscr
—– scabra Mscr.
—– aromatica Mscr.
Erigeron canadense 1210.5
—– brasiliense Mscr.
Tussilago albida Mscr.
Senecio tinctus Mscr.
—– viscosus?
Tagetes patula 1249.1. Hort.
Matricaria Parthenium 1255.1
Zinnia multiflora 1269.2
Buthalmum scabrosum Mscr
Verbesina Acmella 1271.5. Mscr.
Calendula officinalis 1304.3. Hort.
Elephatopus angustifolius Mscr.
Impatiens Balsamina 1328.3. Hort.
Epidendrum secundum 1349.7. fig. pict.
—– bifolium Mscr. fig. pict.
—– corniculatum Mscr. fig. pict.
Passiflora humifusa Mscr.
—– setacea Mscr.
Pothos lanceolata 1373.1. Mscr.
Olyra latifolia 1379.1. Mscr.
Phyllanthus Niruri 1393.3
Ambrosia elatior 1403.1
—– frutescens Mscr.
Amaranthus viridis 1405.12
—– caudatus 1406.14
Plukenetia tricocca Mscr.
Dalechampia scandens 1423.1.Mscr.
Acalypha virginica 1423.1.Mscr.
Croton glandulosum 1425.7
—– balsamiferum L.Mant. 125. Mscr.
—– reticulatum Mscr. fig. pict.
—– virgatum Mscr.
Jatropha Manihot 1429.5
Jatropha Janipha L.Mant.125. Mscr. f.p. fruct.
—– urens 1429.6
Ricinus communis 1430.1
Momordica Balsamina 1433.1
Cucumis Anguria 1436.3
—– sativus
Cucurbita Pepo 1435.2
—– Citrullus 1435.5
Cecropia peltata 1449.1
Smilax macrophylla Mscr.
—– oblongata Mscr.
Dioscoraea subenervia Mscr.
Alchornea rigida Mscr. fig. pict
Andropogon lanatum Mscr.
—– bicorne 1482.12. Mscr.
—– polydactylon 1483.18. Mscr.
—– virgatum Mscr.
Cenchrus setosus Mscr.
—– tribuloides 1489.5
Celtis asperrima Mscr. f. p.
Clusia dodecapetala Mscr.fig. pict.
Begonia obliqua 1487.1
Mimosa tortuosa 1505.13
—– pavonina Mscr.
—– polyphylla Mscr.
—– pigra 1507.37. Mscr.
Ophioglossum scandens 1518.6. f.p.
Osmunda adiantifolia 1520.7
Acrostichum aureum 1525.12
Pteris dichotoma Mscr. f.p.
—– ciliata Mscr. f.p.
Asplenium glabratum Mscr. f.p.
Polypodium reptans Mscr.
—– plumosum Mscr.
—– reticulatum 1549.34. f.p.
Adiantum radiatum 1556.8
Lichen prunastri 1614.39
—– compressus Mscr.
Cocos nucifera
Bactris minor L. Mant. 137. Mscr.
Only Bougainville preceded Cook in a scientific exploration of Tierra del Fuego (1763). Bougainville's chaplain Pernety left many natural history notes (Histoire d'un Voyage aux isles Maluines fait en 1763 & amp; 1764, Paris 1770) but no enumeration of plants. Bougainville was again in the Strait in 1767, this time with Commerson, who collected many plants preserved today at Paris in the Natural History Museum, but wrote no account of his collections. Bougainville himself generalized on the likeness of the Magellan flora to that of the Patagonian coast and the Falklands (Voyage, p. 150) but left no list. This list of Banks therefore has considerable importance. What Banks intended by the ‘A’ prefixed to so many of the names is uncertain. Possibly it refers to Resolution on Cook's second voyage, and an ardent natural historian. Banks certainly reworked his list at a later date; the device may denote species also collected by Anderson. But this is a guess only, put forward with hesitation. This list also is printed from the Ms verbatim et literatim.
Lasiocarpus humilis Mscr. fig. pict.
Pinguicula alpina Linn. fig. pict.
Carpha schoenoides Mscr. fig. pict.
Scirpus setaceus Linn.
Phleum alpinum Linn.
Alopecurus pratensis Linn.
Agrostis densa Mscr.
—– canina Linn.
Aira spicata Linn.
—– caespitosa Linn.
A.—–montana Linn.
Poa alpina vivipara Linn.
— pratensis Linn.
Festuca pusilla Mscr.
—– rubra Linn.
—– spadicea Mscr.
—– purpurascens Mscr.
—– phalaroides Mscr.
Bromus australis Mscr.
Arundo aristata Mscr.
Triticum repens Linn.
Orites depressa Mscr. fig. pict.
Drapetes muscosus Mscr. fig. pict.
Mscr. fig. pict.
Galium debile Mscr.
—– australe Mscr. fig. pict.
Plantago polymorpha Mscr. fig. pict.
Ancistrum decumbens Mscr. fig. pict.
Sagina muscosa Mscr. fig. pict.
Tillæa pulchella Mscr. fig. pict.
Myosotis albiflora Mscr. fig. pict.
Primula antarctica Mscr.
Azalea bullata Mscr. fig. pict.
Celastrus venustus Mscr. fig. pict.
Ribes antarcticum Mscr. fig. pict.
Euparæ amoena Mscr. fig. pict.
Chamitis integrefolia Mscr. fig. pict.
A.—– tricuspidata Mscr. fig. pict.
A.—– trifurcata Mscr. fig. pict.
A.—– complicata Mscr. fig. pict.
A.—– explanata Mscr. fig. pict.
Scandix clavata Mscr. fig. pict.
Apium antarcticum Mscr. fig. pict.
Statice armeria Linn. fig. pict.
Drosera uniflora Mscr. fig. pict.
Anthericum trifarium Mscr. fig. pict.
Enargea marginata Mscr. fig. pict.
Juncus uniflorus Mscr. fig. pict.
A.—– luridus Mscr. fig. pict.
A.—– ? Uniglumis Mscr. fig. pict.
A.—– laniger Mscr.
Berberis sempervirens Mscr. fig. pict.
—– parviflora Mscr. fig. pict.
Euthalis lucida Mscr. fig. pict.
Epilobium littorale Mscr.
Nanodea muscosa Mscr. fig. pict.
Andromeda humilis Mscr. fig. pict.
Arbutus rigida Mscr. fig. pict.
—– —– angustifolia Mscr. fig. pict.
Arbutus parvifolia Mscr.
A.—– pumila Mscr. fig. pict.
Chrysosplenium elevatum Mscr. fig. pict.
Stellaria flaccida Mscr. fig. pict.
Cerastium flaccidum Mscr. fig. pict.
Leantria nitida Mscr. fig. pict.
Winterana aromatica Mscr. fig. pict.
Rubus antarcticus Mscr. fig. pict.
Geum littorale Mscr.
Ranunculus flaccidus Mscr. fig. pict.
Caltha multicapsularis Mscr. fig. pict.
A.—– paradoxa Mscr. fig. pict.
Dentaria polyphylla Mscr. fig. pict.
Cardamine antescorbutica Mscr. fig. pict.
Perdicium sinuatum Mscr. fig. pict.
A.—– lævigatum Mscr. fig. pict.
Leontodon lycodon Mscr. fig. pict.
—– pubescens Mscr. fig. pict.
Crymalæa rigida Mscr. fig. pict.
Cacalia lanuginosa Mscr. fig. pict.
Gnaphalium littorale Mscr. fig. pict.
Baccharis humifusa Mscr. fig. pict.
Erigeron pauciflorum Mscr. fig. pict.
Senecio tricuspidatus Mscr. fig. pict.
Aster glabratus Mscr. fig. pict.
A.—– trifurcatus Mscr. fig. pict.
Cineraria purpurascens Mscr. fig. pict.
—– leucanthema Mscr. fig. pict.
Bellis revoluta Mscr. fig. pict.
Cotula reptans Mscr. fig. pict.
Amellus candidus Mscr. fig. pict.
Lobelia reptans Mscr. fig. pict.
Viola palustris Linn.
Arethusa trifolia Mscr. fig. pict.
Carex spicata Mscr.
—– atrata Linn.
—– cæspitosa Linn.
Betula antarctica Mscr. fig. pict.
Fagus antarctica Mscr. fig. pict.
Dysemone integrifolia Mscr. fig. pict.
A.—– lobata Mscr. fig. pict.
Empetrum rubrum Mscr. fig. pict.
Myzodendrum planifolium Mscr. fig. pict.
—– punctulatum Mscr. fig. pict.
Chortodæa ensata Mscr. fig. pict.
Holcus redolens Mscr.
Osmunda lunaria Linn.
—– spicant Linn.
Asplenium ruta-muraria Linn.
Polypodium paleaceum Mscr. fig. pict.
—– fragile Linn.
Trichomanes pyxidiferum Linn.
Lycopodium glabellum Mscr. fig. pict.
Sphagnum palustre Linn.
Polytrichum commune Linn.
—– urnigerum Linn.
Mnium hygrometricum Linn.
Bryum striaturn Linn.
—– pomiforme Linn.
—– subulatum Linn.
—– mucronatum Mscr.
—– scoparium Linn.
—– viridulum Linn.
—– urceolatum Mscr.
—– angulatum Mscr.
—– pulvinatum Linn.
Hypnum rutabulum Linn.
—– squarrosum Linn.
—– fruticulosum Mscr.
Jungermannia pilosa Mscr.
Marchantia polymorpha Linn.
Lichen littoreus Mscr.
—– tenax Mscr.
—– aridus Mscr.
—– parietinus Linn.
—– physodes Linn.
—– fraxineus Linn.
—– pannosus Mscr.
—– antarcticus Mscr.
—– rangiferinus Linn.
—– uncialis Linn.
—– corniculatus Mscr.
—– pascalis Linn.
—– barbatus Linn.
—– pubescens Linn.
—– annulatus Mscr.
Fucus giganteus Mscr.
Ulva intestinalis Linn.
The vessels containing the orange and lemon juice which were sent you by order of Dr. Fothergill were to be marked, that you might know their contents. But least, in the hurry of sending them, that circumstance should have been neglected, I will take the liberty to explain them. No 1. The Case contains six gallons of Lemon-juice evaporated down to less than two gallons. No 2 The large Cask contains seven gallons of Orange-juice and one gallon of Brandy. No 3 The small Cask contains five Quarts of Lemon-juice and one of Brandy. — When you come to make use of the juice which is in the Casks, do not open the bunghole but draw it off at the end of the Cask, by means of a wooden-cock, and make a vent-hole at the top of the Cask, with a peg in it, and always observe this method when you draw off your Juice which you keep in Casks. You may find the proper directions for the preservation of the juice in Casks, in the Proposal for preventing the Scurvy, p. 67, 82, 83. It would not be amiss, then, if you were to take out with you several wooden Cocks, least any should be lost or broken: and perhaps 2 or 3 strong iron-bound Casks, holding ten Gallons a piece might be very useful for taking-in a quantity of orange, lemon or lime Juices, when you touch at any place abroad where those Fruits grow; for the directions on this head see the Proposal p. 82. — Besides the Juices, I would recommend to you to carry out a quantity of Molosses, and two or three pounds of the best Chio and Strasburgh Turpentine, in order to brew Beer with, for your daily drink, when your Water becomes bad. The rules for brewing this kind of Beer you will find in the Appendix to the Proposal. In this case you will want Yeast, and the manner of preserving this at sea you may also meet with in the Appendix p. 103. So small a quantity of Molosses as two Gallons, or two Gallons and an half are said to be sufficient for making an hogshead of tolerably good Beer. And this method of brewing Beer at sea, will be peculiarly useful in case you should have stinking water on board; for I find by Experience that the smell of stinking water will be entirely destroyed by the process of fermentation. I sincerely wish you and your companions a most prosperous Voyage, and a safe return to old England, loaded with all the honours you so justly deserve; and am,
[An earlier version of this part of the Journal, I, pp. 294–305. Alexander Turnbull Library Ms. Cf. Textual Introduction, I, pp. 146–7 above.]
24. The boat set off before 3 oclock going to the eastward — weather very fine — scarce any wind — about 8 we go ashore on the district or kingdom of Ohiaina, are introduced to a very mean looking chief of it by name Ahio. Here to our great surprize we met with our old friends Tituboaro and Hoona who soon introduced us to the well know[n] Tupapou of Hoonas Medua which it seems had been removed from Matavie to this place where Hoona's whennua was situated. From hence we proceed and meet nothing worthy observation till we arrive at Whidea a large district of which there are two Kings Toomohennea and Arretti — Here we understood the Spanish Ships had anchored, and found a place where the Natives said they had pitched their Tents, as well as the Situation of their Ships — The place is situate on the west of a very deep bay which almost divides the Island — Off which place are two small Islets Booarou and Taawirry — On the first of which M He made it on Taaupiri: see Cook I, p. 97, n. 3.r Hicks made his observationturuturu, the side-posts of a house—of which the shape of a cross would remind the Tahitians.
25.At day break we got up and found much to our Surprize that there was here all the signs of a carrying place, or rather a chain of morasses over which they trackd their Canoes across the Isle.
We were told also that the Countrey we were now in was calld Oboreanoo or Otahite Nue, as was all the Countrey which we came from subject to Tootaha, but that we were now in the borders of Tiarreboo — or Otahite Ete the enemys Countrey we had yesterday heard of—We embark'd and following the directions of Tituboaro our pilot, landed in one of the first whennuas in this Enemys Country calld Annuwhe. the Kings name was Marie Tata and his Medua Pahairedo, two names which served much to confirm the idea of this Countrey being at War with what we had left — we were however received with much civility and after some delay furnished with a very large hog for which we gave a good hatchet — we observed here that on our landing every one but the King had their Ahous striped down over their Shoulders. We saw also 2 twelve pound shot, one markt with the English broad arrow which they said had been given them by Toottero the commander of the Spanish Ships. Among the Crowd, tho’ tolerably numerous, there were but two who I remembered to have seen at Matavie and among many beads which I knew did not come from our Ship only one which even bore dispute a small white one, smaller I think than any of ours.
From hence we proceeded on foot and sent the boat to meet us at a distant point as these warlike people shewed as much friendship both to us and our Indians as we met even in Oboreanoo. At last we arriv'd at the Kingdom of Whaeatua Earee de hi of this kingdom of Tiarraboo, situate on the westermost A slip for eastermost. here in the ms comes a fragement of diagram of lattice-work.ts and recieved the same; after which we proceeded along a very fine Countrey
26. In the morning got up to see the Countrey and waited here a little in hopes to get the people to furnish us with provisions — in this time went out and walked through several burying grounds, in some of which I saw bones of men laying loosely about as if no Care was taken to bury them — were whole, and many pieces of Sculls and ribbs and Vertibræ— in every thing else like that we had before seen — Return'd, but no provisions — the water was shallow off the point so we walkd and sent the boat to meet us — After walking a few miles came up to a number of double Canoes and were Surprized to find in them Tomita no Tootaha, Roudero, the fat man we used to call Fletcher and many more of our friends: here we thought ourselves sure to get Victuals but after many promises were again disappointed, the Cocoo-nut trees were full of fruit so we resolved at all events to have some of them — we
d us with great hospitality ordering his subjects to assist us in dressing our provision which they did with great readiness here then we supped — and observed that our friend Mathiabo was certainly a Great Man, as Wiverow with his own hands mixed a shell of poipoi for his supper We all eat hearty and bedtime came—I had taken much pains to procure a snug birth but without success, jilted three or four times I left off and resolv'd to sleep on the floor of the house among them all — our friend Mathiabo now complained much of Cold and desired a Cloak to sleep in which was readily granted him as he had behaved so well all day — we went and prepared
27 day break — how ever we were awaked by the alarming circumstance of our boat being missing; we leaped up and no boat was in sight — our Situation was truely uncomfortable — myself especially who had no one thing with me but one pistol loaded without a spare ball or charge of powder: all my Cloaths were in the boat according to my constant custom: and with them every article of trade which was to support us in our Journey — we were however soon relievd by the sight of the boat which had drove from her grapnail.
As soon as the boat returned we set off and rowed to the next Countrey governed by Omoe he offered a hog for a hatchet but unluckily we had no hatchet left — we how ever took him into the boat with his Wife and proceeded towards the hog who was brought to us in great haste we could not how ever agree about price and they promised to bring him to Matavie. here we saw a very extraordinary curiosity called by the Indians Mahuwe, and said by them to be used in the Heiva — but how we could not learn — It was the figure of a Man made in basket work 7 feet high, and very thick and large proportions with feet exceedingly broad upon which it stood very firm — the head was ornamented with three bunches of feathers resembling horns — two before and one behind — the whole of this figure was covered with feathers, white for the ground, upon which black imitated hair and the marks of tattou — it had on a Maro under which were the proofs of its being intended for the figure of a man.
From hence we proceeded in the boat a great way, passing the bottom of the bay where the Countries divide before we came ashore. When we did saw nothing remarkable but a burying ground paved and adorned with a pyramid about 5 feet high of the fruits of Crataeva and the palm nuts — on the paved floor near this were three Skulls of men laid in a row, and nigh them a little Shed covering a very rough image of stone about 18 inches high the first carving in Stone I have seen.
From hence we proceeded to Papara the seat of Oborea our friend where we meant to sleep — we came here some time before night; our friend was not at home however we resolved to sleep
Returning from hence to the house about a ¼ of a mile distant along the beach I observed the bones of Men, many ribs and Vertebræ among the sand above highwater mark—but could not learn the meaning of so strange a Sight.
28 This morning proceeded again meeting with nothing worth notice all day but that we bought a little Bread fruit which has been equally scarce all round the Island for I realy believe I have not seen ten ripe ones hanging on the Trees the whole way — At night came to Attahouroo where we met with many old acquaintance who recieved us very cordially, making us a very good bed and giving us a very good Supper — From these we learnt that the young bread fruit less than my fist of which we saw some on the trees, would not be fit to use till three months hence.
29 Proceed homewards through a Countrey which we had before seen so of course met nothing new except a Tupapow eleven yards in length which they said had been for an Earee. At Tittaha find Tootaha; go ashore to see him and meet with a favourable reception, at least, he was not at all afraid of us — Stay here but a short time and proceed home.
We just now, at going out of Madeira, met with an opportunity of sending a letter, but must write in a hurry, as the ship we are to send it with is under sail. We have seen a great many fine Mollusca; got drawings and descriptions of them; but as no ship this year is expected to sail from Madeira to England, we resolved to send what we have by Lisbon.
Pray be so good as to send the inclosed to Mr. Lindegren, with my compliments, and beg him to forward it. You shall have a large packet by way of Lisbon.
Mr. Banks desires his compliments to you; mine to all friends, particularly Mr. and Mrs. Webb, Miss Wilson, I have scrawled three or four lines to them.
I am, for ever, your most truly and sincere friend,
In my last from Madeira of the 18th of Sept. I only had time to let you know we were all well, and that we there met with a very good reception, which is more than I can say of this place, where the Vice Roy has been so infernally cross and ill-natured, as to forbid us to set our feet upon dry land. How mortifying that must be to me and Mr. Banks you best can feel, especially if you suppose yourself within a quarter of a mile of a shore, covered with palms of several sorts, fine large trees and shrubs, whose very blossoms have had such an influence upon us, that we have ventured to bribe people to collect them, and send them on board as greens and sallading for our table.
Now and then we likewise botanized in company with our sheep and goats, when grass has been sent on board for them. Once I have ventured, as belonging to the watering boat, to land at the watering place, which
We have, nevertheless, by fair means and foul, got about 300 species of plants, among them several new, and an infinite number of new fish. We can hardly buy a plate of shrimps, without finding a dozen of your ‘The kidney-shaped Sea pen was discovered some time ago on the coast of The sense requires this word omitted perhaps by Solander in the haste of writing, perhaps through a slip of the compositor in printing.Pennatula reniformis, or kidney shaped sea-pen, among them.South Carolina, and sent to Mr Ellis by John Gregg, Esq; of Charles-Town.’—Gent. Mag., xxxiv (1764), p. 370. It is now Renilla reniformis (Pallas).
Many of our ship's company have, for a few days, been low spirited from a bilious complaint, which our surgeon generally cured in a week's time.
We have lost no men yet by sickness. Our first mate was drowned at Madeira.
If any of your friends go to Madeira, advise them to get recommendations to Dr Heberden; he has more influence there than the governor. He is just such a philosopher as my friend, and very communicative.
il Doctore Docto. His being a member of the Royal Society of London, has not added a little to his reputation. He procured us access into a nunnery, and when they heard that Mr Banks and myself belonged to the
The governour was highly pleased with the performance of the new electrical machine; it worked prodigiously well at Madeira, but not half so well near the line; perhaps the air is too damp at sea.
These letters are sent to Europe in a Spanish king's packet, that came here in her way to Buenos Ayres; there is on board of her an officer that has lived seven years in the missions of Paraguay, which he describes as the finest country under the sun, It was not a little mortifying to us, to see all the Spaniards get leave to hire a house on shore, when we were denied to land on any island, or other place that we desired the Vice-roy might appoint, and that under a guard, the very day when our ship was keel'd for to clean her sides, so that we could hardly make a shift to walk. I hope I shall live to see the day when Conte de Azambuja, the new Vice-roy of Brazil shall be ashamed of his impolite behaviour towards us. This letter goes in a Spanish man of war; my last, from Madeira, was sent in an Irish ship. The Spanish officers are the only people that we are allowed to converse with; they are very civil and agreeable, and seem to be unreserved. The captain has been in the South Seas, and went round cape Horn, which, I believe, will be our route. The fruits of this country are nothing near so good as ours are in Europe. Their pineapples are extremely sweet, but no flavour; their grapes bad, so are their few apples, likewise their melons; oranges are good, but rather want acid to give them flavour. Bananas, plantains, very little better than those you might have tasted at Kew. Water melons very good. Mangoes are not so good as they are described in 20.18. taste of a disagreeable turpentine.
Their other fruits, as Iamboeira (Eugenia Iambos of Linnæus,) Papayas, Mammeas, &c. can no ways be equivalent to our fruits; but they have one advantage, that they have here a succession of fruit the whole year round. Their few peaches are abominable; their greens tough and leafy. The country people eat almost every fruit that grows, but very few of them would be acceptable, even to boys in Europe.
From Madeira I had the Honour to wait upon Your Lordship, just at our arrival into the port of Funchale, where we did not stay above six days; we were lucky enough there to become acquainted with Doct i.e. figure-head.r r William, both Fellows of the Royal Society) who is not alone universally beloved but almost worshiped by every inhabitant of that place. His extensive knowledge in Physick and other Sciences, with the additional Title of Fellow of the Royal Society, have made him the Oracle of the Island. It is impossible to conceive what a high Idea they have got of the Royal Society of London from him, who is its only Member there, and so superior to all in real knowledge; it was sufficient to be of his Acquaintance, to get access to almost every thing. They even opened the Gates of a Nunnery to us, and when the Nuns heard that we belonged to the R. Society, they immediately concluded that we must be Conjurers, and wanted us to tell them Signs of Thunder and Tempests, to find out a place in their Garden where they might dig for Water, &c. in a word, we were kindly received by everybody. The Monks of a Convent invited us to dine with them, and, notwithstanding it was a Fish day, a fat Turkey and a piece of Beef was brought in for us. The Governor was very civil; he honoured us with a visit. Very differently have we been treated here. Tantalus coud never have been more tantalised, than we have been at Rio Janeiro. After a two months long Sea passage, we rejoiced to see Land, and flattered our selves with the hope of Pleasures unknown to them that are not enthusiastically curious. Every prospect promised us entertainment. We passed by Hills and Shores that we coud see were covered with Palms and fine Trees unknown to us; so were we impatient to get into the harbour: At last we anchored among 30 or 40 ships, within a quarter of a mile of a large well built Town; so nothing remained but to land when we observed a Guard-boat full of soldiers rowing round our ship, and were afterwards told that none of our Ship had leave to go on shore, but those that had to do with the bringing off water and other necessary Provisions for the ships Company. The particular Insults the Captain and his Officers have met with, I believe he has acquainted the Admiralty with; but it will be impossible to describe our disappointment. All intercourse with the Inhabitants has been hindered; so we have not had one Portugueze boat near our Ship, and only twice seen people from the shore, when two English Gentlemen now residing here, were sent in the Guard-boat to us, to interpret the Vice Roys Letters. Several Letters and Remonstrances have passed
n Cook's Commission. I wish we had been able to make a little better shew: Our having so few Guns, and no Head,n Cook had an opportunity of hearing from the Vice Roy himself, and likewise from others. They said he was going to observe, as they well knew, how the North Star passes to the South Pole next year: As absurd as this is to men of sense, so is it, that the whole Town of Janeiro believe it. This Place abounds with variety of Fish; we have been able to pick up from the Markets above fourty or fifty Species not before described. Our few botanical Collections have been made by clandestinely hiring people; and we have got them on board under the name of Greens for our Table. Now and then have we botanised in the bundles of Grass that have been brought for our Goats and Sheep. I don't believe Natural Historians have been worse off any where, than we are here. A large Guard-boat rows constantly round our Ship, to prevent any communication with the Shore. At Sea we have been very fortunate in finding a great many Sea Productions, that I hope will be better cleared up by us, than they have been by any one before, especially as Mr Banks's People have had an opportunity of drawing them when fresh and alive.
I should certainly have wrote to your Lordship from Madeira to have given you an account of our proceedings there, had not the shortness of our stay renderd it impossible: I shall not however let the present opportunity pass, as I imagine it will be the only one I shall have of aquainting your Lordship with the success of a scheme which I am convincd you have honourd with no small share of good wishes.
We set sail from Plymouth (after having been confind there by contrary winds for almost ten days) all in high spirits, myself more particularly was I was after many delays at last fairly embarkd in an undertaking from which I promisd myself three years uninterrupted enjoyment of my Favourite pursuit.
My Sea sickness was more than usualy favourable so that in about a week I was able to begin as we all were, and light winds giving us an opportunity we made our first essay on the inhabitants of the Sea calld by the seamen blubbers, in these we hop'd to make great additions to natural history as probably nobody but ourselves ever had so good an opportunity of taking and preserving them; nor were we mistaken, for our first Essay produced an animal whoom we could not referr to any known genus whoose singularity of structure I hope some time or other to shew to your Lordship of these we have already taken twelve species and made Drawings and descriptions of all as well as preservd in spirit as many as we could.
18 days brought us to Madeira where we were to stay no more than five days, one of which was spent in getting leave of the Governor to range about in search of what we could find, notwithstanding this delay we Collected above 300 Species of Plants 200 of Insects and about twenty of fish; many of all the three kinds such as had not before been describd. for our extrordinary success we were not a little indebted to the assistance of a very ingenious gentleman brother to Dr Heberdone, who has long been settled in the Island: he was indeed indefatigable in procuring us all the assistance in his power from the people of the Island, as well
From Madeira we saild happy in having Collected sufficient to keep us employd till we arrivd at this place, where from the Situation &c. we did not doubt of making very great acquisitions, the Voyage was pleasant and took us up two Months the whole in fine weather so that never a day passd but the business of Drawing went on without interruption, the Calms of the line lasted about a fortnight in which time I was almost Constantly in a boat rowing about the ship and seldom returnd empty, so that upon the whole the voyage was profitable to the undertaking tho we had uncommonly bad success in fishing.
What will most likely surprise your lordship I have yet to tell which is the reception that we met with here as it is quite extrordinary in its nature. I shall give a minute detail of the Particulars
On the 13th of this Month we arrivd here having saild up the river with a very light breeze and amusd ourselves with observing the shore on each side coverd with Palm trees a production which neither Dr Solander or myself had before seen and from which as well as every thing else which we saw we promis'd ourselves the highest satisfaction as soon as we came to an anchor a boat full of armd soldiers came from the town and without saying a word stationd themselves near our ship soon after another came off bringing a Colonel and officers of the Portugese who askd many questions but seemd satisfied with our answers and told us that the next morn we might come ashore in the morn the Captn Went on shore early and we prepard to have followd him but he returnd and brought with him an officer who after some time told us that we should not be allowd to Come ashore at night however we atempted it but were stopd and sent aboard again
Your lordship Can more easily imagine our situation than I can describe it all that we so ardently wishd to examine was in our sight we could almost but not quite touch them never before had I an adequate Idea of Tantalus's punishment but I have sufferd it with all possible aggravations three weeks have I staid aboard the ship regardless of every inconvenience of her being heeld down &c &c. which on any other occasion would have been no small hardships but small evils are totaly swallowd up in the Larger bodily pain bears no comparison to pure in short the torments of the damnd must be very severe indeed as doubtless my present ones Cannot nearly Equal them I twice remonstrated to his excellency letting him know my business and who I was offering to submit myself to any precautions he should think nescessary and to be attended whersoever I should go by whoever he should apoint but all to no perpose his answers were so little to the purpose that I am forced to submit to the nescesity of my situation
I have taken the liberty to Enclose to Your lordships [sic] the Memorials as well as the answers which I have receivd which I shall forward by a Spanish pacquet now laying in the harbour they may serve to convince
The people here are ignorant to a degree of wonder of which I shall give only one instance when the Captn first went ashore the Viceroy upon being told that the ship was fitted out to observe the transit of Venus gravely askd whether that was the Passing of the North star to the South pole this alone will I think sufficiently shew your lordship the state of Learning in this place.
The Captn means to write to the Society an account of this transaction which I fancy will be very full so I shall not trouble your Lordship with any more particulars but Content myself with assuring your Lordship that I am your affectionate and much obligd
[Printed from Banks's own Ms draft, Commonwealth National Library Ms, where it is accompanied by a fair copy. Portions in brackets are supplied from the fair copy.]
The Memorial of r to His Excellency Count Rolim Vice-Roy and Captain General of the Estates of Brazil.
The very disagreable situation to which your Excellencys most unprecedented behaviour has reduced me, makes it nescessary for me to state in writing, the facts relating to it, that I may be Convinced by your answer that those unexampled orders, which are issued against me in particular, and the whole ship in general; are not the Effect of Mistake or misrepresentation which even at this time I cannot help suspecting.
Your Excellency has before now been acquainted with the nature of the favours I ask, which tho I call them favours, appear to me to be of such a nature, as never were before denied even to the meanest subjects of a crown in peace and amity with his most faithfull majesty: notwistanding which you have thought proper to deny me every one; not even permitting me to go on shore, but ordering our ship to be guarded in the same manner as would have been done to his most F[aithful] M[ajesty's] declard and inveterate enemies.
Disagreable as it is for any man to declare his own rank and consequence my situation makes it necessary: I am a gentleman, and one of fortune sufficient to have (at my own expence) fitted out that part of this expedition under my direction; which is intended to examine the natural history of the Countries where we shall touch, for the execution of this undertaking I have with me proper people who as well as myself,
I ask therefore Leave to go on shore, taking with me proper people, who may assist me in Collecting, and examining, such trees, shrubs, Plants, Birds, beasts, fishes, and insects, as I may meet with the Collection and examination of such things, being the sole business I have undertaken in this voyage this is the only indulgence which I ask.
to prevent any suspicion of my acting otherwise, It is also my desire, that I may in the execution of this be attended by any person or persons whoom your excellence shall chuse; who may be eye witnesse of every thing which I do, and may serve to convince you, that nothing was meant in the fitting out of this ship, but the promotion of Learning in general.
If your excellency should have any objection to my coming into the town, or forts, I here publickly declare that I have not the Least business, nor have I a wish to enter within the walls of any of them: my Business is best carried on in places far removd from men and houses, wild and desart places a League or two from the town would suit my purposes much better: there nature is to be seen in her primitive bea[u]ty, which alone I am desirousam desirous, fair copy endeavour.
it may be unnescessary to remind your excellency, that his F F[sic] M subjects have always been treated in different manner, in every part of his B M dominions Europe, Asia, Africa and America: where I am certain that his M F M subjects have always receivd, From his B M officers Every mark of politeness, and Friendship; as such behaviour is esteemd by Englishmen, a debt due to every subject of a king at Peace and in amity with their Master; returns of which they think they have an undoubted right to expect.
Should your excellency still persist in your refusal, I must insist upon having your reasons returnd to me in writing, that I may be able to Lay them properly before my own court: a duty which every englishman thinks he owes to his King and Country.
[Commonwealth National Library Ms]
[the very] disagreable situation to which [your] Excellencys most unpresidented behaviour has reduced me makes it nescessary for me to state the facts relating to it in writing your excellency has before this been informd what it is that I ask and have thought proper to deny to me every particular of my request which I can not help attributing to some misinformation therefore take the liberty to repeat in writing that which before was only stated in words that as I can not beleive my ears when I am told that I am deny'd indulgences which no man in my situation was ever denyd before I may at least have the testimony of my eyes to assist in perswauding me of it
disagreable as it is for any man to declare his rank and consequence in his own countrey my situation makes it nescessary I am then a Gentleman and one of sufficient fortune to have fitted out at my own expence my part of this expedition which is intended to examine the Natural history of the Countries into which we shall go for the execution of which I have proper people of every denomination all which his Britannick majesty was gracious enough to allow every accomodation and convenience which this ship could afford in consideration of the use which such enquiries might be of to mankind in general
I ask therefore leave to go on shore taking with me proper people who may assist me in the collection and examination of such all trees shrubbs plants Beasts Birds fishes and insects as I may meet with the collection and examination of such-things being the only Business I have undertaken in this Voyage this is the only indulgence I want
It is therefore my wish and desire that I may in doing this be attended by any body your excellence shall name who may be eye witness to Every thing which I do and may serve to Convince your Excellency that nothing is meant in the Sending out of this ship but the promotion of Lerning in general
If your excellency should have any objection to my coming into the town or forts in its neighbourhood I here publickly declare that I have not the Least wish or desire to enter the walls of any of them my business is best done in places far removd from Men and houses wild and desart places a League or two from the town would suit my purposes much better there Nature is best to be seen in her primitive Beauty which alone I am desirous to study and enjoy.
I am now in his B majesties ship Endeav[our] laying in a ha[r]bour belonging to his Most Faithfull majesty and denied the liberty of going ashore and a treatment which I will venture to affirm no Subject of his Most faithfull Majesties ever met with before in any part of his Britannick majesties dominions nor did any Englishman before suffer in any harbour belonging to his Most faithfull Majesty
[Commonwealth National Library Ms]
Na Reposta ao Comandante dessa Nao, satisfaco ao que V. Sa me expoem na Sua Pro memoria; e direi mais, que como hé tao sabido o muito que El Rey Fidelissimo meu Amo zéla os Seos portos da America, quando Mr Condamine E ouve de recolherse da Provincia de Quito pelo Rio das Amazonas, e Pará, no anno de quarenta e tantos, receberão para esse effeito Cartas de S. Magde Christianissima, a El Rey Fidelissimo meu Amo, das quaes devia V. Sa vir prevenido de S. Mage Britanica, para eu lhe poder permitir o que pertende; e creya V. Sa que eu teria nisso grande gosto aser possivel, pelo intereu de o comunicar, e aproveitarme das Suas Luzes. Rio de Janeiro 18. de Novembro de 1768.
[Commonwealth National Library Ms; a translation probably supplied from some Portuguese source. Endorsed by Banks, ‘Translation of his excellencys Memorial of Novr 18. 1768’.]
The Memorial of the Count &c &c
In the answer to the Commander of this Ship I satisfy what your Honour expresses in your Memorial: and say more, that, as it is so well known how much His faithfull Majesty my Master values his Ports of America, when Monsr Condamine returned from the Province of
And Your Honour may believe me that I should have in this great pleasure if possible: for the interest of communicating and profiting of your shining knowledge.
[Banks's Ms draft; Commonwealth National Library Ms
The politeness of your excellencys answer to my memorial does me great honour notwithstanding you think proper to persist in refusing every part of my request a measure which I must own surprizes me much as the ancient usage of this port has ever heretofore been of so different a nature I must therefore beg leave to remind your excellency that the meanest of the Crews of all English ships of war who have formerly touchd here have been allowd to Land without hindrance or molestation. Deleted (perhaps as tactless) after this: but also the French ships (whose revenge so quickly followd the affronts which they receivd here) were permitted to send their crews ashore on the other side of the river tho they were not allowd to enter the town
I am well acquainted that Mr Condamine when he enterd S. America on that expedition which has gaind him such immortal honour was furnishd with Credentials from the Courts both of Portugal and Spain; he, was to pass through the interior parts of the dominions of both those Crowns where it was impossible that he could be attended by any officer of the King his master who might make known his Errand and consequence, but My Case is very different; I shall throughout the whole of this expedition be under the protection of the King my Masters ship,
[Commonwealth National Library Ms]
Pro Memoria do Conde Vice Rey do Estado do Brazil, em resposta a do Snr. Cavalheiro Joseph Branks [sic].
Eu já expuz a V. Sa as razoens fundamentaes, que me não permitem, ainda que com grande sentimento meo, servilo na sua pertencao, de cuja opinião me não faz mudar o que V. Sa me allega no prezente memorial, pois eu não devo responder pelo que os meos Antecessores fizerão, senão pelo que eu obrar, razoens, e Ordens particulares segundo as conjunturas daquelle tempo as moverião a relaxarse nas Ordens geraes; e como aquellas circunstancias me faltão a mim, não posso em couza alguma hir contra as ditas Ordens geraes sem faltar á minha obrigacão, e á minha honra.
V. Sa se enganou muito em persuadirse, que El Rey Fidelissimo meu Amo Zéla mais das Nacioens Estrangeiras o Interior da America, do que os portos do mar; sendo o fim principal deste zelo evitar a introduce de fazendas, que não venhão dos nossos pórtos de Europa, claro está, que mayor hé o damno, que nos podem Cauzar os que vem de Reinos Estrangeiros em direitura ã elles, do que aquelles que passão primeiro por Terras de Espanha.
Eu não digo, nem Suponho que V. Sa virá com semelhante intento, mas como este ponto hé de tão grande importancia para a conservação do nosso Comercio, não pode, nem deve ficar Sugeito ao meu arbitrio a modifição das Ordens ã este rerpeito. Rio de Janeiro 20. de Novembro de 1768.
[Commonwealth National Library Ms]
Pro Memorial of the Count Vice Roy of the Estate of the Brazil in answer to that of r
I have already exposed to your Honour the fundamental Reasons which does not permit me to serve your honour in your pretension although with great Concern, from which opinion what your Honour alleges in the prezent Memorial does not Change me, because I am not to answer for what my Antecessors did, but only for what I do, Reasons and particular orders according to the Conjuncture of those times may have moved them to Relax to the General orders and as those Circumstances are wanting to me I cannot in any one thing go from said general orders without failing in my Obligation and to my Honour.
Your Honour is much deceived in being perswaded that his most Faithfull Majesty my Master Zeals more of foreign Nations the Interior of America than the Sea ports being the principal end of this Zeal to prevent the introducing of goods that does not come from our portas of Europa, It Clearly appears that greater is the prejudice which those that come from foreign Kingdoms directly to them may cause to us than those that passes first thro’ the dominions of Spain.
I do not say nor suppose that your Honour is come with such an intent but as this point is of so great importance for the Conservação of our Commerce, It cannot nor should it be subject to my Will the Modification of the orders in this Respect
[Mitchell Library Ms, ‘Voluntiers’, pp. 503–6]
I did myself the honour to write to you by a ship that sailed from hence the 7 That is, he entrusted it to the captain or some other officer on board, for personal delivery to Banks.th of August last, congratulating you on your safe arrival in your native country, after so long and dangerous a voyage; and took the liberty, at the same time, to give you an abridgement of my own history from the time that you left the Rio de Janro. But as my letter went by a merchant ship, from my reluctance to put you to the expense of postage,r Johnstone, who was kind enough to promise to deliver it into your own hands; but having unfortunately missed him the evening before his departure, I lost that favourable opportunity, which obliges me to trouble you now with a few lines by Col Grosett, who is my particular friend, and will give a fuller account of my history and Situation, than I can possibly presume to trouble you with, in a letter: As will Govr
t and my duty; but as I had reason to fear a relapse if I went back to Brasil I sollicited admission into some other corps stationed within the Kingdom but did not succeed. I then declared my readiness to return to my former Regt, but as that was impracticable without money, both for the discharge of debts I had contracted in Lisbon, and the payment of my passage; I sollicited, at the same time, an order for my pay, from the time when I left the Regt My title to which appeared incontestibly from the Vice Roys’ written Leave of absence, and other certificates and authentic documents annexed, which I prod[u]ced to the Marqs de Alvito, Gen1 of the Army, who kept, and still retains them, but this sollicitation, notwithstanding the number of petitions I presented, and the most assiduous attendance proved equally fruitless. I then, as the last resource, Petitioned for my demission from the service; which I have reason to think, would have been more readily granted, had not my necessities, and indeed my honour rendered it impossible for me to avoid clogging it with a demand for my pay, to enable me to discharge my debts, and to leave the country with credit. Be that as it will, here I am still unattended to, except in antichamber promises of Justice in general terms, with thirty two months pay due to me, and the embarrassments of my situation daily accumulating.
When I troubled you before with this detail more at large, I concluded with humbly requesting your interest with the Great, for a recommendation of my case to Mr Walpole, who was then expected here in quality of Envoy from our Court; but as his coming is not now so much as talk'd of, and as I have said above, my situation grows every day more intolerable, the report of your proposing to undertake a second voyage on descovery has emboldened me, Without withdrawing my first request, to prefer another, and that is, your interest for my having the honour to attend you; I am informed you are to carry Marines, and know your interest is equal to any thing which I could rationally expect in that way, so that my title to the exertion of that interest seems the only point in doubt, and that I implicitly refer to your known generosity. A few lines in answer, on receipt of this, were it but to Satisfy me that you have received my Letter, would oblige me greatly.
For an account of my character, both in a Military and civil capacity, I refer you to Govr Johnston and Col1 Grositt, and to Mr Gordon
r Hunter of this place; both of whom are knowen to you, and desire their most respectful complts—I am
[Parkinson's Journal, p.I of four additional pages bound up in some copies only of the book.]
Fain would I have excused myself from writing, could I have found any excuse, I am so hurried and fluttered about here; but, when I considered what a pleasure it would give thee to hear of our safe arrival here, I thought it would be unjust to withhold it. I therefore proceed to tell thee, that we arrived safe at Rio de Janeiro, where we were but indifferently treated, and then went to Terra del Fuego, where we staid a week; went round
[Mitchell Library Ms. The Ms, a copy, is accompanied by a letter of 8 pp. folio, closely written, evidently from Lauraguais to D'Alembert — though this is no
, Sir Joseph Banks,
The abstract of my Voyage which I have so long Promis'd you, I at last begin to write: the multiplicity of employments in wch I am engaged will I know, with you plead my excuse for having so long delay'd it.
On the 25th of August 1768 we set sail from Plymouth and on ye 12 of Sepr arriv'd at Madeira after a moderate, Passage. Here we were receiv'd with great Civility by our Consul, and not uncivily by the Portuguese Governor: and during our stay we collected some specimens of Natural Curiosities not unworthy our Notice.
On ye 18th of ye same Month we set Sail from yt Place, and on the 13th of November arriv'd at Rio de janerio: where instead of being receivd as friends and allies, of his most faithful Majesty; orders were immediately issued out, yt every insult possible should be offered to the officers of our ship, whose duty obligd them to land: and as for us (Foutres Philosophers) we were refus'd to land, on any pretence whatsoever on the peril of being sent to Portugal in Irons. A thing I verily believe their absurd Viceroy would have done, had he caught either Dr Solander or myself upon any of our little Excursions.
Notwithstanding the Vigilance of his Excellence le Comte D'Azambusio, however we ventur'd a shore each of us once: and had several parcels of Plants brought off to us under the title of grass for our Cattle: as we were absolutely forbid to have them under any other Denomination.
The abject slavery of the Portuguese in this Colony, is beyond imagination: suffice it to say, that to prevent any attempt against Government, every officer and other person of any Distinction, is oblig'd to attend ye Levée of ye Viceroy twice every day; under penalty of his displeasure: which is follow'd by an Instant excommunication from all Society. For whoever speaks to a man under these circumstances, is instantly himself under ye same.
From these unfriendly and illiberal people, we departed on ye 7th of Decr not forgetting in our way out of ye Harbour to land upon a small Island Call'd Raza off ye mouth of it; where in a few hours we much increas'd our natural Collections.
On ye 15th of January we arriv'd at Terra del Fuego, and soon anchor'd
e middle of ye Streight le Maire, which had been formerly call'd by the Nassau fleet the Bay of good Success: here we lay some Days in a tolerable Harbour, which offered plenty of Woods and water; and an innumerable quantity of Plants incomparably different from any which had before been describ'd by any writers on Botany. The inhabitants who were of a moderate size, were friendly to us: but seem'd to have no provisions to spare, nor if they had would it have suited our Palates: being generally the Flesh of Seals. We found however a kind of watercress (cerdamine) and a kind of Parcely (apium) which we made into Soupe; and no doubt, re'p’d benefit from their antiscorbutik virtues; tho’ in reality none of our people were absolutly ill of the scurvy.
From hence we Sail'd on y The e 21st january, and having passed Cap Horn, and Pass'd sufficiently to the westward of ye Coast of America; we sail'd in almost a N.W. direction for ye Island of Otaheite; ye Taiti of Mr Bougainville, which was ye Place of our Destination. On ye 4th of April we saw land, may be the 4 FacardinMs here indicates a note, which however is not supplied. Cameron prints the following: ‘During March 1768, says Bougainville, we ran on the first sands and isles marked on the chart of M. Bellin, by the name of Quiro's Isles.—On the 22nd of that month, at six in the morning, we saw at once four little isles, bearing S.S.E. half E. and a little isle about four leagues West; the four isles called Les Quatre Facardins. Page 204.’ The four isles were, it seems, all part of the atoll of Vahitahi or Lagoon Island, the island sighted by the Endeavour on 4 April. The conte, Les Quatre Facardins, was a fragment, written in an intentionally exaggerated Arabian Nights style, by Count Anthony Hamilton (1646?–1720), which was printed at Paris in 1749, and appeared in an English translation, London 1760.e place of our Destination. On ye 13th of the same month the inhabitants receiv'd us wth great politeness: but it was visibly the Effect of Fear we immediately erected a small stockade defence, and in yt observ'd the transit of the Planet Venus over ye Sun on the of June 1769: for which observation we had ye most favourable weather imaginable.
The inhabitants of this Island during our whole Stay of 3 months behav'd to us w ‘firm land’, the Spanish th great affability: Mr Bougainville's account of them is as good as cou'd be expected from a man who staid among them only 9 Days; and never (tho’ a native went away with him) made himself master of their Language, (This, not only myself, but several of our Company did;) and of it I shall only say, that Mr Bougainville has omitted in his vocabulary every aspirate in it: (tho’ the use of them is very Frequent,) I suppose in Confirmity to his Mother Tongue. After a stay of 3 Months we left our belov'd Islanders; wth Much regret on ye 13th of July, and sail'd to ye Westward in search of other Islands; wch a native of otaheite who chose to embark wth us offerd to direct us to; we found them with great facility, they were in number 6 Huaheine, Vehieta, otaha, bolabola, Maurua, and Tupi; the Natives of which, we found to be of exactly the same manners, Customs, and language, as those of Otaheite. After a month's stay among them, we left them on
e9th of August; in order to steer to ye southward, in hopes of finding a land more worthy our Notice tho’ we were absurdly forbid to proceed [to a] higher Latitude than 40d into which Latie we arriv'd by a due South course, and turning then to the westward on ye 3d of October, fell in wth the Easter[n] side of new Zeland. The extent of this Country which extends from ye Late of 34d to that of 47d S: took us up six Months before we could compleat our Circumnavigation of it: in yt Time however we discover'd that Instead of being as generally suppos'd part of a Southern Continent, it was in reality only 2 Islands, without any firm from land tierra firme, mainland or continent.
The coast of these Islands abounds in Harbours, the country is fertile, and ye Climate Temperate, the inhabitants are a Robust, lively and very ingenious People: they always strenuously oppos'd us, so that we sometimes were laid under the desagreeable necessity of effecting our Landing by Force; they were however when subdued, unalterably our friends and carried yt sentiment to lengths which in Europe we are unacquainted with, Notwth standing that their barbarous customs taught them to eat ye Bodies of such of their Enemies as were kill'd in Battle. But what surpriz'd us ye most, was that notwithstanding ye distance, these people all along that large extent of Coasts, spoke different dialects of ye language of Otaheite, every one of which were tolerably well understood by ye Indian who accompanied us.
From these brave people we departed on the 1 This is a reference to Bougainville's description of his approach to the st of april 1770, and steering a Course nearly West in the 19th of ye same Month fell in wth the coast of new Holland in Latie 38 S. a coast which had never before been investigated by any navigator. Along this Coast we sail'd often carrying [sic] to an anchor, generally in very fine Harbours. ‘till on ye 10th of June we struck upon a Rock in Latie 15 S. nearly about ye same place where Mr Bougainville heard ye voice of God:Voyage autour du Monde (Paris 1771), p. 257. He pushed north into the dreadful embarrassments of the coasts of New Guinea and the Louisiade Archipelago.e utmost danger; and when ye ship got off, which was effected by throwing over board almost every thing heavy, we found her so leaky, that she would hardly swim: we got her however into a small harbour, where with great difficulty in two Months we refitted her.
During our stay in this harbour, we made friendship wth several of ye inhabitants, whom from their shy dispositions we had not before well seen; they were of a moderate size but slender Limbed, dark brown, and stark naked both sexes: their Language is not unmusical, but different
th, their arms are Assagayes, headed wth ye Boardedsic, i.e. bearded.
After having repaird our ship as well as we could, we, on y Does he mean the reverse—‘more difficult to describe than to imagine’?e 4th of august sallied first into a sea of Dangers, more difficult to imagine than to describe:e shore at ye distance of 8 or 10 Leagues within were Shoals innumerable, which ye smoothness of ye water, caus'd by the barrier that prevented our retreat, prevented us from discovering. In this Sea of Dangers we remaind, after having once escaped and having been driven back again into it with ye utmost hazard of our Lives ’till we carried in Latie 10 S. where to our great Joy we discoverd an opening to ye west of us, which seem'd to promise a passage into ye Indian Sea: we accordingly followed it and found it indeed a Streigth between
We now resolved to see the Coast of new Guinea, in order to ascertain whether or no y The e Chart has laid down that Country in a right Position: and accordingly on ye 3d of sepr fell in wth it about the Island of Vleer Moyen, as it is laid in the Charts of the ingenious President de Brosses.Ms has here a marginal note: ‘author of L'Histoire des Navigations aux Terres Australes’.e deck, nor could we ever get nearer it than a league, tho’ our ship did not draw above 13 feet of Water.
Nearly about the place call'd Keer Veer in ye Dutch Charts, we landed with our Boat, and Saw Cocoa nut trees, and a fertile or at least a Rich Soil: the natives soon attack'd us wth their arrows, and we being but 8 in number not able to bring our ship nearer, than a League, or our Boat than a quart[er] of a Mile of the Shore, we were oblig'd to retire: wch we did in Safety, tho’ followed by near 300 of ye inhabitants; who to our great surprise threatened us with fire thronksic; obviously a slip for ‘thrown’.
From this place than we saild immediately, and passing by Islands which by their situation we judged to be Arrow and Timorlaut we arriv'd in sight of Timor, from whence passing between Rote, and Simau we fell in wth a small Island call'd Savu; here we Came to an anchor; and bought from ye Natives Sheep, Goats, Buffaloes & c the first we had met since we left Rio de janeiro: Then Passing along ye south side of Java, and into the Streights of Sunda, we arriv'd at Batavia on ye 9th of october, where we resolv'd to repair well our ship which had
e Rocks on the Coast of new South Wales, as we Call'd it very materially
Tho’ we had been remarkably Healthy, through the great Variety of climates which we had pass'd before, yet the uncommon Malignity of ye air of Batavia so fatal to Europeans, was not the less terrible during our stay here about two Months, and afterwards at sea of Distempers contracted here:Ms ‘contracted: here’ etc, which leads to a quite erroneous statement, as only a few men died actually at Batavia.ch I was capable of doing having learnt tolerably well their Language.
From hence touching at the Cape of good hope and S t Helena, as is y
The Number of Natural productions discover'd in this Voyage is incredible: about 1000 Species of Plants that have not been at all describ'd by any Botanical author; 500 fish, as many Birds, and insects Sea and Land innumerable: out of these some considerable oeconomical purposes may be answer'd particularly with the fine Dyes i.e. Linnaeus.Ms ‘Clayes’ with the ‘a’ deleted; obviously ‘Dyes’ is meant; Cameron prints ‘dye’e seeds. The fine red Colour us'd by the inhabitants of the Islands situated between the tropicks in the South Sea the tinge of which seems to be between that of Scarlet and a pink is made by mixing the juice of the Fruit of a Fig Tree suppos'd to be peculiar to those Islands with the juice of the Leaves of the Cordia Sebestena orientalis Lenius.
NB: The fig tree is now describ'd under the name of Ficus Tinctoria and probably did not escape the researches of so accurate a Botaniste as Mr de Commerson who sail'd with Mr Bougainville, is disputedsic, i.e. ‘reputed’.Ferbua and the Tarsier of De Buffon, yet in every other part of its external Structure was totally different from either of these Animals.
Thus (my dear Count) I have Given you an abstract account of my last Voyage the narrative of which will appear (I hope) some time next Winter: as I have put all the Papers relative to ye adventure of it into
e hands of Dr Hawkersworth [sic] who I Doubt not will do justice to ye work which ye shortness of my Stay in England would not permit myself to attempt, in march Next we shall sail upon a new undertaking of ye same kind in which we shall attempt the Souther[n] Polar Regions, O how Glorious would it be to set my heel upon ye Pole! and turn myself round 360 degrees in a second. But that as the unexplaind Secret of the creation shall Please — whatever may Happen to me, I hope for the Pleasure of relating to you at my return: and truly sign myself
[Commonwealth National Library Ms, headed by Banks as above; it is in his hand. Presumably the letter, when fair-copied, was addressed to Bentinck. Count William Bentinck (1704-74)
This Letter was wrote at the request of Count Bentink while I was in Holland 1773. who desird something of the kind to amuse the Princess of Orange.
The regard and attention paid by us Europeans to the fair sex is certainly one of the cheif reasons why our women so far exceed those of Climates more favourable to the produce of the human species in beauty as well as those Elegant qualifications of the mind which blending themselves in our manners make the Commerce between the Sexes so much more deligh[t]full to us than to the inhabitants of Africa or america in whose breasts I do not find the refinements of Love to hold the least place. Urgd by the calls of nature they take themselves wives whoom they regard and treat as their Servants beauty is a qualification by them neither esteemd or attended to if it was the Labour the women are obligd to undergo would soon destroy it
Can a man love who can set Idle and see the Object of his affection bearing a burthen of which he can releive her or can love exist even in countries where women are beasts of burthen I think not
[In the Island of Otaheite where Love is the Chief Occupation, the favourite, nay almost the Sole Luxury of the inhabitants both the bodies and souls of the women are modeld into the utmost perfection for that soft science Idleness the father of Love reigns here in almost unmolested ease, while we Inhabitants of a changeable climate are Obligd to Plow, Sow, Harrow, reap, Thrash, Grind Knead and bake our daily bread and Each revolving year again to Plough, sow &c &c subject to Famine if the sun should parch or the rain should drench our superficial crop these happy people whose bread depends not on an annual but on a Perennial plant have but to climb up and gather it ready for baking from a tree which deep rooted in the Earth scorning equaly the influence of summer heats or winter rains never fails to produce plenty what a proportion of spare time must these people have when one of them by planting 4 breadfruit trees a work which can not last more than an hour does as much for his generation as a European who with yearly returning toil cultivating corn for his family and this Leisure is given up to Love
Except in the article of Complexion in which our European Ladies certainly excell all inhabitants of the Torrid Zone I have no where
Nor are these forms a little aided by their dress not squezed as our women are by a cincture which scarce less tenacious than Iron at best but imitates an exagerated smallness of waist an artificial beauty not founded at all on the principles of nature, not Swelled out below by a preposterous mountain of hoop totaly concealing that Elegant swelling out of the shape natures favourite ornament of which it seems only an exagerated imitation their garments Composd of a kind of substance between Cloth and paper are rolld upon their limbs as accident not fashion directs not to Conceal but to cover them hangind [sic] down continualy in folds of the most Elegant and unartificial forms such Dresses are universaly to be seen in antique Statues and gems and in the work of the best Italian Painters who concious how unbecoming any dress cut out in a regular form must be Clothd their goddesses and angels in loose folds of Cloth not shapd to their bodies exactly as the Otahiteans now wear theirs
The Luxury of their appearance is also not a little aided by a freedom which their differing from us in their opinion of what Constitutes modesty causes a European thinks nothing of Laying bare her breast to a certain point but a hairs breadth Lower no mortal eye must Peirce An Otaheitean on the other hand will by a motion of her dress in a moment lay open an arm and half her breast the next maybe the whole and in another cover herself as close as prudery could contrive and all this with as much innocence and genuine modesty as an English woman can shew her arm or as women of the Spanish west Indies her breast when the first can not shew her breast nor the second her foot without commiting the highest indelicacy
Chastity in this Land of Liberty is Esteemd as a virtue, those who possess it are respected on that account; they say, we esteem that woman because she is chaste, as we say, we esteem her because she is charitable, yet the want of Chastity does not preclude a woman from the esteem of those who have it, no more than the want of Charity in this countrey: the consequence of this is, that the proportion of Chaste women there is much smaller than here, where the punishments bestow'd on a breach of it are so severe; yet are there women there as inviolable in their attachments as here a virtue which is probably the necessary consequence of mutual and sincere love. Their amusements are much the same as ours visiting and conversing with their neig[h]bours in a lively and familiar stile in which they excell; pleasd by the most trifling stroke of humour if it has only liveliness to recommend it their repartees and Jokes are frequent and always well receivd
Musick tho theirs is intolerably bad they are very fond of in Private they sing and play to their flutes in Publick they dance to flutes and drums and upon particular occasions even act in company with the men short dramatick performances somewhat resembling our Grand Ballets Gaming the province of the men they seldom meddle with and drunkenness which the men are too much given to no woman Ever attempts till she has arrivd at a certain age.
They rise at the Earliest dawn of day and soon after get their breakfast which consists generaly of small fry of fish after this the women of good Families who of course have many relations &c. in their houses that must be provided for spend a great part of their morning in regulating the provision of Clothes necessary for their dependants I have seen them often sitting in the midst of an amphitheatre of Cloth surrounded by their maids to whoom they gave orders to mend, wash, dye or alter such peices as they directed themselves seldom medling with any business but perhaps mending some of the finest or dying their red colour the brightness of which surpasses far any Colour known in Europe this last business is so creditable they [sic] they generaly when they leave off stain their fingers ends with the Colour as if to shew the world how industrious they are
About noon they dine and after dinner sleep till 4 or 5 O'Clock when the cool of the Evening invites them to set at their doors or may be wander to a neig[h]bours house where they chat till dark and then return home to supper after which they generaly sing and play with their flutes till they go to sleep
in general they are above the middle size and if they have any fault in their forms it is a disposition to plumpness which by them is valued as a beauty their hair is universaly Jet black their Eyes dark but their teeth even and whiter than ivory their hair they wear short and unornamented except upon particular occasions when they cover their heads with a Turban made of human hair platted together about the size of a thread of this the rich have enormous quantities a common head dress contains at least 2 Leagues and I have measurd a peice made upon an end without a knot above an English mile and three quarters in lengh this Turban which is rather wider above than below and is stuck full of the white flowers of Cape Jasmine makes an ornament which I think could not fail to please the nicest and most discerning taste
Both the men and the women have a singular custom of inlaying under their skin certain figures in black which are forever after indelible on their hands feet bodies and more especialy on and about their hipps for this Custom they give no reason but that they were taught it by their forefathers the doing it is attended with considerable pain yet so Essential is it esteemd to beauty and so disgraceful is the want of it esteemd that every one submits to it for my own part I am inclind to think that as whiteness of skin is esteemd an Essential beauty these marks were originaly intended to make that whiteness appear to greater advantage by the
in Cleanliness these people excell beyond all compare all other nations dirt of all kinds is lookd upon as odious every one washes their whole body morning and evening nor if you see a hundred together will you find one with dirty or ragged Cloths nicety in food is also here carried to an inconceivable hight some there are in the Island who will not drink water but what is brought them from the sources of the brooks in the mountains nor eat any food but fish on account of the ideal filthyness ‘ideal filthyness’: i.e. the idea they have of the filthiness.
Fond as the sexes are of each others company the Customs of the Countrey will not allow them to Eat together and so nice are the women in observing this particularity for which they can give no kind of reason that I myself have seen them throw away and destroy the very vessels which containd their victuals which one of us had inadvertently touchd
The superior strengh of affection which the Soft Sex are capable of in preference to men is here remarkably conspicuous for their deceasd friends they mourn in tears of blood striking a sharp tooth into the tops of their heads so home that I have seen more than a pint of blood issue from one such operation and this they repeat frequently before the scaffold on which the deceasd object of their greif is placd one woman who in our neighbourhood mournd for the death of her mother reducd her self in less than a fortnight From florid health to the very brink of the grave
The Climate in which they live I beleive to be without exaggeration the best on the face of the globe situated in 17 Gr.sic; a slip for ‘Deg.’?
in these excursions they give a loose to all kinds of Jollity Dancing singing publick wrestling and plenty of musick which as the professers of it get their livelihood by traveling from place to place never fail to attend on these occasions
Luxury in this Island of Sensuality is Carried by the men chiefly to that hight that difficult as it is to beleive they destroy many children rather than bear the trouble attending their Education to have children here is lookd upon as a dishonor to a man nor will those who are free from that Burthen as it is calld even set down to meat with those who have
Far the largest part of the women however I must absolve from any share in the above mentiond barbarous custom some few there may be who consent to the orders given [by] the men with whoom they are connected with far the larger part hold this usage in the utmost abhorrence and do all in their power tho all is frequently too little to prevent it
[Printed from Banks's Ms draft, Mitchell Library, ‘Voluntiery’ volume, pp. 1–22.]
the present situation of things regarding the proposd expedition to the South Seas which it was my intention and inclination to have taken an active share in will I trust render any other apology to your Lordship for this intrusion unecessary
to avoid the appearance of inconsistency and to justify my conduct in the eyes of the publick and your Lordship I feel it incumbent upon me to state the reasons by which I am influenc'd to decline the expedition
When it was first proposd to me by your Lordship to go to the South Seas again if his Majesty should think proper to send ships to perfect the discoveries that had been begun in the last voyage, I Joyfully Embracd a proposal of all others the best suited to my disposition and pursuits; I pledgd myself then to your Lordship and have since by the whole tenor of my Conversation and correspondence pledgd myself to all Europe, not only to go the Voyage but to take with me as many able artists as the income of my fortune would allow me to pay by whose means the learned world in general might reap as much benefit as possible from those discoveries which my good fortune or industry might enable me to make
the navy Board was in consequence orderd to purchase two ships and to fit them up in a proper manner for our reception that we might be enabled to exert our utmost endeavours to serve the publick wheresoever the course of our discoveries might induce us to proceed
Two ships were accordingly purchasd, but when I went down to see the principal ship I immediately gave it as my opinion that she was very improper for the voyage and went so far as to declare that if the alterations which I proposd could not be made I would not go in her.
In consequence of this the Surveyor of the navy was sent to me with a plan of the ship; to him I stated my proposals and Laid down upon that plan the quantity of room that I thought absolutely necessary to be allotted to me and my People for the carrying on of our respective employments
When these alterations and those which were judgd necessary also for the accommodation of the Captain and the people were made the ship in falling down the river was found absolutely incapable of pursueing her intended voyage
The navy board have attributed this incapacity to the alterations which had been made and are of opinion that when the ship is reducd
sic] of the expedition without suffering myself to controvert this opinion of the navy board that the ship will be very ‘fit for Sea’ altho many able seamen concur with me in doubting it I must be allowd to say that the Ship will then be if not absolutely incapable at least exceedingly unfit for the intended voyage. we have pledgd ourselves my lord to your Lordship and this nation to undertake what no navigator before us has even suggested to be practicable; we are, to attempt at least, to pass round the Globe through seas of which we know no circumstance but that of their being tempestuous in those very Latitudes in passing through which in order to get round one cape the whole squadron commanded by Lord Anson narrowly escapd being destroyd. we have done more we have undertaken to aproach as near the Southern pole as we possibly can and how near that may be no man living can give the least guess
In expeditions of this nature the health and accommodation of the people are essential to Success; when sickness and discontent are once introduc'd it will be absolutely impossible to continue the discovery by the alterations already made the accomodations of the people are very much reducd for the spar deck being cut away 30 of the crew are to be removd under the gun deck before sufficiently crouded which being very low and confind without a free air must infallibly in so long a voyage produce putrid distempers and scurvy, and what my Lord ought more to be dreaded by a discoverer than such calamitys which must soon oblige him to quit his discovery and very probably even put it out of his power to bring home any account of what he has done previous to its fatal influence
[The] accommodations of the ship are much lessend by the changes which have been made in the equipment since the first plan; the House of Commons have thought the undertaking of so much importance as to vote the sum of £4000 to Enable Dr Lind to accompany us and assist us with his extensive knowledge of Natural Philosophy and Mechanicks, the Board of Longitude have also engagd an astronomer to proceed in Each Ship and an extrordinary establishment of officers was thought necessary on account of the difficulties and dangers which we were likely to Experience in the course of our voyage
Shall I then my lord who have engagd to leave all that can make life agreable in my own country and throw on one side all the Pleasures to be reapd from three of the best years of my life merely to compass this undertaking pregnant enough with dangers and difficulties in its own nature after having been promisd every security and convenience that the art of man could contrive without which promise no man in my situation would ever [have] undertaken the voyage be sent off at last in a doubtfull ship with accommodations rather worse than those which I at first absolutely refusd and after spending above £5000 of my own fortune on the equipment upon the credit of those accommodations
Ms is.
Neither personal hazard nor expence however will I ever withold when likely to meet with their proper encouragement. Born with an attachment to a singular pursuit I have already performd two voyages and in the Course of them have merited I hope some share of the publick regard and tho my services are upon this occasion refusd Banks goes on here, The passage in square brackets is in a different hand from Banks's.on account of the expence would be incurrd by purchasing a vessel, but deletes the words, as if he concludes he has gone too far.Ms adds but deletes, either with fewer people than are necessary.
As to the position of no other ship being fit for the voyage because no other could take the ground I cannot omit putting your Lordship in mind that within these few weeks the Emerald one of our sharpest Frigates Lay on shore upon the Gunfleet a much longer time than the Endeavour did upon the Coast of New Holland after which she was got off Sr Jno Lindsay also hauld up the Stag another of our Frigates at
If these then are Capable of taking the Ground how much more so must the Lanceston (the ship for which we have petitiond your Lordship) be as all Seamen know that the bottoms of that Class of ships are flatter than any others employd in his majesties service. for my own part I can only say that was your Lordship to think proper to let us have her for our intended expedition I would gladly embark on board a ship in which safety and accommodation both which must be consulted in a voyage of this kind are more nearly united than in any other kind of ship that I am acquainted with and well know that there are many commanders in his majesties service of undoubted abilities and experience who would willingly undertake to proceed with her on the intended expedition ambitious of shewing the world that the success of such an undertaking depends more upon the Prudence and Perseverance of the Commander than upon any particular built of the ship that may be employd
I cannot dismiss this letter without thanking your Lordship for the many particular favours which I have Receivd at your Lordships Hands in the Commencement and during the prosecution of this my Favourite undertaking of which I shall ever retain a most gratefull sence; and do not doubt that was not your Lordship prevented by Forms of office I should still continue to receive the like countenance and assistance and that if it should be thought proper to alter or enlarge the present equipment your Lordship would still continue your protection as I am not conscious that by any part of my Conduct I have forfeited that claim to it which your Lordships great condescention and goodness originaly conferrd upon me
the patronage and assistance which I have always met with from your Lordship encourages me to Adress you; my situation with regard to the voyage I have undertaken is become exceedingly critical, and I hope will be found a sufficient excuse for the trouble which I am going to give your Lordship.
When I was askd whether or not I would go to the South Seas again if his majesty should think proper to Send ships to perfect the discoveries which had been begun in the last voyage, I Joyfully embracd a proposal of all others best suited to my disposition and Pursuits I pledgd myself then to your Lordship and have since by the whole tenor of my conversation and Correspondence pledgd myself to all Europe to go the voyage, and not only to go the voyage but to take with me as many able artists as the Income of my Fortune would allow me to pay by whose means the Learned world in general might reap as much benefit as possible from those discoveries which my good Fortune or industry might enable me to make.
With this view I engagd Mr Zoffany a Painter of well known abilities and five others to accompany me, who were to delineate such Objects as I might think worthy to be presented to my freinds at home, and assist me in keeping such Journals &c. as the nature of the undertaking might require my Freind Dr Solander also voluntarily engag'd to take the department of Natural History conscious that his abilities and experience could alone compleat the discoveries in that Science which himself had began in the course of our last voyage.
Six domestick servants also to collect and preserve such Objects as we might think worthy notice, in all thirteen persons besides myself have I engagd to spend three years of the Prime of Lives far removd from their connexions and amidst the dangers and difficulties of unknown Oceans
this done I askd of the Publick proper conveniencies and accomodations for myself and these my Companions that we might be enabled to exert our utmost endeavours to serve them where soever the Course of our Discoveries might induce us to proceed the navy Board was in consequence of this orderd to purchase two ships and fit them up in a proper manner for our reception two ships were accordingly purchasd and during the Course of Preparing them the board of Longitude thought proper to engage two Astronomers and even the House of Commons thought the undertaking of so much importance as to vote a sum of four thousand pounds to enable D ‘instead of a Collier … dangerous’: this is all of course quite nonsensical, and how on earth Banks came to write the sentence is hard to understand. The r Lind to accompany us and assist us with his extensive knowledge of Natural Philosophy and mechaniks as soon as the principal ship was bought I went down to see her and immediately declard her in my opinion very improper for the voyage instead of a Collier the Kind of vessel which I always understood to have been intended she was a ship of a mixd kind built in order to be sold if Possible to the Russians as a ship of war the upper part of her was narrow'd in considerably in order to support her guns a circumstance which at once made her sure to turn out inconvenient and not unlikely (as since has been prov'd) to be likewise dangerousResolution was built as a collier and bought as a collier.
seventeen people were to go in two ships besides their usual complement of men and an extrordinary establishment of Officers which was thought necessary on account of the difficulties and dangers which we were likely to experience in seas of which we know no circumstance but that of their being Tempestuous
Fourteen of these were to go in the Principal ship for them it was necessary that there should be a more than common provision of accomodations to put it in their power to carry on the different branches of Science which they embarkd in order to pursue for such accomodations I ask'd and was told that they could not be made without rendering the ship dangerous. the Expedition said I was intended to accomodate me and my people and unless I have such accomodations as will enable me to take out and make use of such people as I find necessary I will not go the alternative then lay with those who had provided the Ship either to buy another or give up me and my share of the undertaking but difference of opinion rising it was upon the whole judgd that the proper alterations would not damage the ship and they were orderd to be put in execution, those your Lordship saw and I flatter myself did not think them too large, even the great Cabbin as that room was intended to be at all times the place for six and sometimes eight principal people besides servants to carry on their respective employments
On falling down the River the Ship was found absolutely incapable of the voyage your Lordship if I am not misinformd receivd an account of her being so from the first Lieutent and Pilot which latter I am told went so far as to declare that he would not venture to carry her even round to Deal without a fair wind
the navy Board have attributed this imperfection of the Ship to her extrordinary accommodations and have orderd at once above half of them to be destroyd and whether that will make her absolutely safe is a matter in which I find many able seamen concurr with me in doubting.
But supposing she should’ be no longer dangerously top heavy I will take the liberty of informing your Lordship in what other particulars the intended alterations will render her if not absolutely incapable at least exceedingly unfit to undertake the voyage which I have proposd to the Publick to perform.
she will in the first place be deep wasted a fault which the Captains of India ships are so sensible of that the largest number of them are built flush tho they are only to Encounter in their Passage round the Cape of Good Hope the Seas which we are to be involved [?] with during our whole circumnavigation.
in the next place the people near thirty of whoom usd to live under the deck which is to be cut off will all be crowded under her gun deck which in her is by no means airy such a disposition would in all probability cause putrid distempers even in a passage to the west Indies how much more likely then to do it in a voyage during the course of which we must pass through a variety of climates and perhaps for whole seasons
What my Lord ought more to be dreaded by a discoverer than such distempers far removd as he must be from any European assistance such a calamity would soon oblige him to quit his discovery and very probably even put it out of his power to bring home any account of what he has done previous to its fatal influence
I do not contend my Lord but that the Resolution might be made fit by the intended alterations for a passage to America or the West Indies but in a voyage such as I have undertaken we should instead of a ship barely fit to make a short passage be furnishd with the Safest and most Commodious one that could possibly be procurd we have pledgd ourselves my Lord to your Lordship and this Nation to undertake what no navigator before us has ever even suggested to be practicable we are to attempt at Least to pass round the whole Globe in those very Latitudes the only passing into which in order to get round one Cape had almost destroyd the whole squadron Commanded by Ld Anson we have done more we have undertaken to approach at least as near the Southern pole as we possibly can and how near that may be no man living or who ever has livd can give the least guess
Shall I then my Lord who have engagd to leave all that can make life agreable in my own countrey and throw on one side the pleasure to be reapd from three of the best years of my life merely to compass this undertaking pregnant enough in its own nature with dangers and difficulties be sent off at last in a doubtfull ship after having been promisd every security and convenience that the art of man could contrive without which promise no man in his senses would ever have undertaken the voyage will the publick expect me to go out in a Ship the very security of which I have the greatest reason to doubt or should I embark would they expect any thing material to be done by people under circumstances so highly discouraging
So much for the ship in general I come now to my own more particular department that of Accomodations I confess my Lord I was very much hurt when at this critical time at the very point of Sailing I found it expected of me to put up with much less room for myself and my people than that which in the very first instance I had rejected by the alternative of refusing the voyage it is necessary room not the accomodations of Luxury that I contend for I am now offerd a Cabbin which when the tumbling in of the side is substracted will be only feet by in it not only me and my people but Captn Cooke and his assistants are to carry on all their drawings in the same room we are to eat and two at least to sleep neither Dr Solander nor myself are to be allowd the least place of retirement in case of sickness nor are we to have room to put a single Bureau for the preserving of our papers draughts &c. or any part of the many Books necessary for our studies the number of which now on board is by no means inconsiderable unless we make the small
The letter concerning Mr Banks and Dr Solander which was printed in your paper of the 11th I am sorry to say is very true, and as I am informd of some circumstances relative to that affair which have escapd the notice of the gentleman who wrote it, I shall through the Channel of your paper communicate them to the publick
Upon Mr Banks's remonstrating on the palpable impropriety of the ship for the voyage intended which he did the first time he saw her he was answerd roughly that she could not nor should not be alterd; this made him warm, and he declard that he suspected some jobb, as nothing else in his opinion could have been the cause of a ship so apparently improper being destind for any purpose. this allegation, in effect too true, stung the people concernd so home that from that moment they determind to disapoint his voyage: accordingly they immediately orderd that the alterations proposd by Mr Banks should be put in execution, but Cloggd them with many more of their own, the Round house particularly, which was no part of Mr Banks's plan and in order to secure their intention of rendering her unfit for the sea, built these upper works so much stronger than was necessary, that the top of this same round house, was literaly thicker than the deck on which the guns stood: nay so palpable was this, that a man who had a small share in purchasing the Ship tho I beleive none in the Job, remonstrated to the Comptrouler of the navy against so absurd a proceeding as it then appeared to all who did not know the final intention of it.
When by all these alterations the ship was rendered unfit for the sea these very people who had so dirtily undermind M Blank in r Banks; orderd the ship to be reducd to her former state declaring that the alterations were all made at Mr Banks's desire: that they had cost government the monstrous sum of £14000: that the Ship was still good enough for him, tho in the state in which he at first refusd her and that nothing but his whimsical and fickle disposition, prevented him from sailing in her. with these illiberal falsehoods were the ears of a great personage constantly Ms.r Banks as he had formerly done, falsehoods almost too absurd to answer,
st that the alterations were all made at Mr Banks's request. The only alterations proposd by that gentleman which could possibly affect the ship was raising the deck over the Cabbin about 11 inches after which the same deck was by order of Mr Banks's Enemies extended the whole lengh of the Ship and upon it was built a large round house. 2ndly that these alterations had cost government 14000 Monstrous absurdity, every body who is accquainted with the India trade knows, that an Indiaman, tho near twice as big as the resolution, is built, riggd, and filld with all necessary stores, for 10000. yet absurd as this assertion is, some men of high rank, have taken pains to propagate it among the ignorant. 3dly that the ship as she was when reducd was sufficient for Mr Banks and his people, if he chose to go. by crouding the common men into a space so small that they must have been sickly, the same quantity of room was offerd to him as he had in his last voyage; which he refusd, because, he who had now engag'd 5 artists to go with him, had in his last voyage, found his accommodations too small for the three he then took with him. Lastly that his whimsical and fickle disposition had so far alterd his opinion, that he was glad of an opportunity to decline the Voyage. to that I answer, that he still keeps his companions together at a large expence, and labours earnestly to prevail upon the publick to put it in his power to make the same voyage as he has been disapointed of; declaring to all his freinds that when disapointed of every hope from the publick, he will undertake at his own expence, such a voyage as his circumstances will allow him to bear the charge of; tho he is conscious, that without publick assistance, he can do little; yet will he exert himse[l]f to the utmost, not at all doubting that if he meets with success, the publick [will] on his return be inclind to indulge him in the execution of his favourite plan.
I am favoured with your [letter] of the 30th past, giving your reasons for not embarking on board the Resolution. I am sorry that the alteration you proposed to make in the said letter has not taken place, as it will probably make it necessary that some answer should be given if your letter is made public; for it is a heavy charge against this Board to suppose that they mean to send a number of men to sea in an unhealthy ship. In this point, and in most of the reasoning of the above-mentioned letter, I differ greatly with you in opinion, and shall therefore be sorry if anything
You are certainly your own master, and have a thorough right to determine for yourself and your attendants, but when this is done, I cannot think you should endeavour to make those who remain on board uneasy with their situation. It can answer no purpose to you, and I am positive the probability that this will be an unhealthy ship is not founded, and that if called upon, we shall be able to bring the fullest proof to the contrary; that paragraph being in your letter should in my humble opinion induce you not to print it.
[Sandwich papers, Hinchingbrooke. Endorsed ‘No. 95’.]
Observations upon Mr Banks's Letter to the Earl of Sandwich.
M Bellona Superb Arrogant &cr Banks's first Objection to the Ship respected only the Conveniences for himself and was then no more than this, ‘that the forepart of the Cabin was an Inch or two too low’. As to the proper kind of Ship, and her fitness and sufficiency for the Voyage, his Opinion was never asked, nor could have been asked with any propriety, he being in no degree qualified to form a right Judgement in such a matter; and for the same reason his Opinion now thereon is not to be attended to. As to what concerned himself, as he increased his Suite and his Demands every thing was done to satisfy him, by which it happened that the Properties of the Ship were so much altered that it has been necessary to take away the additional Works that had been done at his request; in doing which it was so contrived that the Difference occasioned thereby to him, was simply this—The great Cabin (6Feet 6Ins high between Plank and Plank) was shortned from 22 to 16 feet long, and there was one small Cabin for his Attendants taken away. After this small Reduction, there remained on the whole much better Accomodations than he had in the former Voyage in the Endeavour, and the great Cabin remained in Length and Height though not in breadth equal to those in a 74 Gun Shipa [marginal note].Feet : 2Ins long, and 6Feet: 6Ins high.
Mr Banks seems throughout to consider the Ships as fitted out wholly for his use; the whole undertaking to depend on him and his People; and himself as the Director and Conductor of the whole; for which he is
not qualified, and if granted to him, would have been the greatest disgrace that could be put on His Majesty's Naval officers.
His Assertion that the Ship is incommodious to the People, and made worse to them by the late Alterations has a very evil tendency, to raise Discontent amongst the People, and for defeating the Voyage; but it may be averred he is mistaken in the Fact, for the People will be better accomodated, a freer circulation of Air throughout the Ship, and in all respects wholesome and the Men better lodged than they are in any King's-built Ship of the same Dimensions and Burthen.
His Application of the Cases of the Emerald and Stag, and the Conclusion he draws therefrom, discovers him to have less knowledge of Matters relating to Ships than might be expected in one who has associated and conversed so much with His Majesty's Sea Officers. The first was on shore in a smooth Water Channel at home, not on a distant strange, desolate or savage Coast at the Antipodes Six Ships instantly anchored by her, hauled alongside, took out her Guns, Provisions &ca, and immediate Assistance of every kind was sent from one of the King's Dock Yards. The Stag, if she was hove up, or hove down, at Trincomaly, it was at a Port where there were conveniences for fitting Ships of burthen, and where undoubtedly they had all the like Conveniences that could be had in the River Thames. Had either of those Ships been in the Endeavours place on the Coast of New Holland, they would never have been heard of again: Even if they had got off the Rocks, they could not have been hauled up to repair Damages, as was done by the Endeavour.
[Sandwich papers, Hinchingbrooke. Endorsed ‘No. 98’. The paper is undated.]
Thoughts upon the Kind of Ships proper to be employed on Discoveries in distant Parts of the Globe.
Should the advantageous Properties of the Ships be given up or suffered to be in any degree diminished, in order to gain particular Accommodations for Individuals, such a Step may be considered as laying a foundation for rendering the Undertaking abortive at the very time it is set on foot—for undoubtedly the Success of it must principally depend upon that which ought to be the first Consideration, namely, the Safety of the Ships and the Preservation of the Adventurers: Circumstances which will not admit of those Encroachments on the requisite Properties of the Ships:
The greatest Danger to be apprehended in a Voyage on Discoveries to the most distant and unknown Parts of the Globe, is that of running ashore upon desart, uninhabited or perhaps savage Coast[s]: — therefore no consideration in the Choice of a Ship for such a Service should be
Size which in case of necessity may be safely and conveniently laid on shore to repair any accidental Damages or Defects.
In such a Vessel an able Sea Officer will be more venturesome and better enabled to fulfill his Instructions than he possibly can (or indeed would be prudent for him to attempt) in one of any other Sort or Size:—-
As to the Position that a three-deckt West India Ship with large Accommodations and being of a finer Body than a Bark, will hold a better Wind, and claw off a Lee Shore when a Bark will not be able so to do —- I think it is a mistaken One —- for her high built will surely render her as leewardly as the Bark, and prevent her carrying Sail so long, and will moreover greatly increase the Disadvantage of her finer Body in case of taking the Ground, as She would then prove topheavy and overset when the Bark would sit upright. —
I know a Notion has prevailed that when two Ships go on a Service of this Nature, they ought to be of different Constructions, on a Supposition that under any Circumstances of Danger there may be more probability of One of them escaping than if they were both constructed alike, and that the Chance of the Events of the Undertaking being preserved will be thereby doubled, and besides, that in case of the Loss of one of them, her Company may be taken up and preserved by the other: But altho’ I readily admit the Propriety of sending out two Vessels in consort upon an Enterprize of this Sort, yet I cannot by any means see why they should be of different Constructions — for whatever kind is Judged to be the most advantageous for a single Ship, must in my Opinion hold equally so for any greater Number to be employed on the same Service:—This cannot be well denied if it is once admitted that the greatest Dangers and those mostly to be apprehended should be guarded against preferably to any smaller Inconveniencies, and that in this matter the greatest Dangers really are those of going on shore, and the Want of Stores and Provisions necessary to enable the Adventurers to execute the Object of their Mission as already mentioned:—-
With regard to the Apprehension of being caught on a Lee Shore in Ships not the best adapted for clawing off—-that in my Opinion is not a Matter of sufficient Consideration to outweigh those more important Ones aforementioned, and I am sure that no prudent able Sea Officer will with any Kind of Ship whatsoever attempt to run down upon or explore such a Coast as a Lee Shore, in parts unknown, but that he will be equally cautious (whatever Kind of Ship he is in) to avoid being caught upon it:—-If however, the clawing off a Lee Shore be the principal Object, then the best sailing Frigates ought to be the Ships employed:—-
It has likewise been supposed that by the Ships being of different Constructions, an Advantage will accrue that One of them may be
On the whole, I am firmly of Opinion that Ships of no other Kind are so proper for Discoveries in distant unknown Parts, as the Endeavour (formerly employed) was:—-for no Ships of any other Kind can contain Stores and Provisions sufficient (in proportion to their Complements) for the purpose, considering the Length of Time it may be necessary they should last, and if they could contain sufficient Quantities, yet on arriving at the Parts for Discovery, they would still from the Nature of their Construction and Size, be less fit and applicable for the purpose: Hence I conclude it is, that so little Progress has hitherto been made in Discovery in the Southern Hemisphere: for all Ships which attempted the Business before the Endeavour, were unfit for it, altho’ those employed did the utmost in their Power: As soon as Mons. Bougainville came in sight of a part of the new discovered dangerous coast which Capt Cook compleatly explored, he fled from it as fast as possible and durst not approach it with the Ship he was in: —-
It was upon these Considerations that the Endeavour Bark was chosen for that Voyage (the first of the Kind so employed) and notwithstanding those on board her who are not proper Judges found fault with her during the whole Voyage, yet it was to these properties in her that they owe their Preservation, and that enabled Cap i.e. a highly accomplished practical man, not a theorist.t Cook to stay in those Seas so much longer than any other Ship ever did or could do: and altho’ Discovery was not the first Object of his Voyage, it enabled him to traverse far greater Space of Seas, before then unnavigated: to discover great Tracts of Country in high and low South latitudes, and even to explore and survey the extensive Coasts of those new discovered Countries; in short it was those Properties of the Ship, with Capt Cook's great Diligence, Perseverance and Resolution during the Voyage that enabled him to discover so much more, and at greater Distance than any Discoverer performed before during One Voyage, and has very deservedly gained him the Reputation of an able Seaman, an Artist
It may be further observed that to embark a great Number of Passengers, claiming great Distinctions and spacious Accommodations with
Mr. Bradshaw told me last night your Lordship had some idea that Mr. Banks might still go on the voyage in the Resolution: I scarcely believe that after the letter he has written to me, in which he has given his reasons at large, and after almost unloading the ship to bring his goods to town, he can again change his opinion and think the Resolution a safe and proper vessel. Besides, the accomodation that was offered to be made in her for his convenience has not been carried into execution and she is now fitted and ready for sea on a plan for fewer passengers. If therefore she was again to be altered, it would employ a month at least, which would in my opinion be fatal to the voyage, as the Board of Admiralty is convinced after taking the advice of some of the best sea officers in the service, that the safety and success of the voyage depends on their sailing from the
As for the idea of the impropriety of the ship, or the possibility of substituting another in her room, if your Lordship wishes to be informed upon that subject, the Comptroller of the Navy will fully explain it to you, and convince you that there is not the least occasion for the change. For these reasons I hope (if you have no objection of your own) that you will encourage Mr. Foster i.e. Forster.
As a letter has lately appeared in print addressed from you to the first Commissioner of the Admiralty, giving your reasons for having declined pursuing your original intention of embarking in the proposed Expedition to the South Seas and as it is very possible that his Lordship may not have leisure or inclination to enter into a paper war upon this occasion; having had opportunities of knowing allmost every circumstance that passed relative to the equipment of the Resolution Sloop of War, on board of which you was to have been recieved as a passenger together with several other gentlemen of learning and ingenuity by whose discoveries as you very properly say the world might reap as much benefit as possible, I cannot refrain from taking the pen in hand, in order to inform the publick of the several facts, which probably occasioned your desisting from an undertaking which you had so much at heart, and from which if it had been executed by you I am perswaded the world would have recieved considerable advantage.
I must begin by desiring you to remember that in your former Voyage in the Endeavour bark you were recieved together with D Sir Edward (later Lord) Hawke was First Lord 1766–71.r Solander as a passenger on board her, the great Cabbin was in common between the Captain of the ship and yourselves, and all of you in your respective capacities employed your time during the voyage to the illustration of many material points of Navigation, Discovery, and Natural knowledge no complaint whatever was made of want of room or other accommodation, and allmost in your first interview with the noble person at the head of the Admiralty it was agreed that two ships should be prepared instead of one, to compleat the discovery whither there was or was not such a thing as a southern continent, which I must remind you was allways considered as the principal object of the voyage. It was intended that you should embark on board of one of these Ships as before, and there was no idea of enlarging the ship to the quantity of your attendants, but adapting their number to the size of the ship. It was then agreed on all hands, that the opinion of the very great and able Sea officer who lately presided at the Admiralty
judge what ship was the fittest for the service, tho’ you intimated an opinion of your own that a West Indiaman would be more proper, as being built something sharper and more likely to claw off of a lee shore; but no mention was then made of a Man of War, or the least idea suggested from any one that such a ship was calculated for such a voyage. In consequence of this determination Captain Cooke, of whose knowledge and experience in shipping you yourself had the highest opinion, was directed to go all over the Pool and find out two of the fittest ships for this service, he accordingly executed his orders and the two Vessels that were afterwards named the Resolution and Adventure were purchased in consequence of his testimony in their favour. Hitherto everything went on to the general satisfaction of all parties, but no sooner was the Resolution brought to Deptford to be fitted, than you expressed your discontent: upon your first coming on board her you declared she was not fit for a gentleman to embark in, and that if her cabbin was not heightened and considerable alteration made by building on her to make additional conveniences for yourself and your company, you would not proceed upon the voyage. in consequence of this declaration the great Cabbin was heightened, to 6 feet 6 inches and lengthened to 22 feet, which is the same height with the principal cabbin of many of our ships of 74 guns and six foot longer However that you might not be crouded by the Captain in this small Cabbin, he was to have one erected for him above; and that every one of your suite might have ample accommodation a new deck was to be laid over the main deck that they might have seperate cabbins under it. all these alterations were accordingly made, against the express opinion of the principal officers of the Navy; but as Captain Cooke (who had so high an idea of the ship that he thought she could bear all this superstructure) gave it as his opinion that it would not be too much, the weight you had with the noble Lord to whom your letter is addressed occasioned their being over ruled, and the ship was altered and fitted according to your proposal.
We will leave the Resolution at present under the hands of the ship wrights at Deptford who were working upon a plan totally contrary to their opinion, and remind you that during that period several other demands were made by you in which the constant burthen of your song was, that their being complied with or not, should be the decision whither you should or should not proceed on the voyage.
The first demand you made was in a written paper delivered to the first Lord of the Admiralty: it consisted of several articles, the principal tendency of which was, that Captain Cooke should be ordered to follow your directions as to the time of sailing from the several places you should touch at in the course of the Voyage; which was in other words giving you the absolute command of the expedition, and a power of controuling two commanders in his Majesties service; a thing that was never done and I believe never attempted before; but this demand was allso to be a condition of your proceeding or not proceeding on the expedition.
However in this point you at last acquiesced on its being suggested to you that it would be fatal to the undertaking that the command should be in the hands of persons not under Military Law, and of course not amenable to the Admiralty, but even then the matter was in a manner compromised not very judiciously in my opinion by his Lordship, who agreed that the Captain should be ordered to consult you about the time of sailing from the different places, but not implicitly to follow your directions, if he thought your ideas were inconsistent with the safety of the ship, and the success of the expedition.
This point being finished another difficulty was started namely the time when it was adviseable the ships should sail from the What Banks's opinion was on this matter does not emerge from the papers.sic] is as indisputable as in that of an officer, which he has had the good fortune to prove most effectually more than once in the face of the Enemy; yet tho’ his opinion was the same you did not alter yours, and you you [sic] parted from the company leaving it still undecided whither you should or should not undertake the voyage, if this point was not given up.
The next request that was pressed upon the first Lord of the Admiralty in the strongest manner was that the officers in the two ships should recieve promotion thro’ your means, and this you urged by suggesting that if they were not to look up to you for preferment you should be considered as nobody, and that it was very hard that you should not be allowed the influence over these gentlemen which such a power would give you. what were the noble Lords reasons for not complying with this request he best can tell, but if a stander by may be allowed to make a conjecture, I should think it very probable that he thought whatever proper influence was to be held over the officers might as well remain in the board of Admiralty as in your hands, and this was another attempt on your part to get possession of the command.
It is now proper to return to the ship at Deptford, where she had been fitted with more conveniences than any ship that ever went to sea, not excepting the Royal Yatchts; I mean conveniencies for passengers; for except the Captain Master and first Lieutenant (and there are three Lieutenants belonging to her) none of the sea officers were allowed a place on the upper deck, but were all crouded between decks into that very place, which you now represent in your letter as unwholesome, and as likely to endanger the lives of the common seamen who may be so unfortunate as to undertake the voyage. In this state the Resolution sailed from Deptford, but alas, Captain Cooke was disappointed whither Mr Banks
d Anson she would not have escaped as well as him; it is a strong presumption that she would, that the Anna Pink a Victualler belonging to that squadron a ship of the same construction as the Resolution did escape those same difficulties, tho’ she had only her own complement of men as a Merchantman, the difficulties Ld Anson had to struggle with in getting round
As to your attention to the health of the crew, it shews your humanity, but not your experience with regard to the accommodations, that can be given to Seamen in ships of small dimensions; for you may be assured that the men are full as well lodged as in any of our sixth rates, and as well as in many of our fifth rates, especially those taken from the French or built from their dimensions which are most of them as low between decks as the Resolution, tho’ their compliment amounts in time of war to 220 men. I perceive that your attention extends only to the common men for when conveniences were made for all your suite the officers were stowed as close as herrings in a barrel, and yet you never took their distress into your humane consideration.
After reciting the many circumstances which make this an improper ship for your purpose you seem to close with that which you think the principal one, namely, that the great Cabbin is too small, and yet that great Cabbin after the necessary reduction has been made is higher and as long, tho perhaps not quite so broad as many of our 74 gun ships which have answered the purpose of the Admirals they were allotted to when they commanded considerable fleets, as to your suggestion that a man of war is as likely to take the ground without recieving damage as a collier, I at once throw down my guantlet in that contest, and will give up all pretensions to the least degree of knowledge on the subject
’Connections or party principles’: party politics were the curse of the navy in this age, with captains and admirals serving also in parliament, refusing to serve at sea under a ministry not of their own party, or recalled (like Rodney) from a victorious fleet because the ministry had changed. Palliser (a member of the House of Commons and ‘King's Friend’) owed his downfall in 1779 to his foolishness in carrying into the political sphere his differences with Keppel, his commander at the battle of Ushant in the preceding year. Keppel, who belonged to the opposition, refused further service till North's ministry went out in 1782, when he succeeded Sandwich as First Lord.at home not in a distant, strange, desolate or savage coast at the Antipodes; six ships immediately anchored by her, hauled along side, took out her guns, provisions, and stores, and immediate assistance was sent from one of the King's Dock Yards which happened luckily to be at hand; as to the Stag if she was hove up or down at Trincomalé it was in a Port where there were conveniences for fitting ships of burthen, and where undoubtedly they could have as much assistance as in the river Thames. Had either of these ships been in the Endeavour's place on the coast of New Holland they would never have been heard of again: even if they had got off the Rocks they could not have been hauled up to repair their damages as was done by the Endeavour. But before I entirely leave this subject I will beg to reason in your own way, and to cite an example (tho’ I own I do not think it a very conclusive one) which must be allowed to be decisive if your case of the Emerald is so, since the reduction of the Resolution to her original state, I have been told that you wished for an old Indiaman, and that such a one had been offered by the India Company. The Wager man of War belonging to Lord Ansons Squadron run ashore and never got off, she was an old Indiaman, Ergo an old Indiaman is an unfit ship for this Voyage.
As to what you say about the Launceston, I shall not scruple to answer that if the board of Admiralty agrees to that proposal they will shew their ignorance, and exceed the limits of their duty: the Launceston is a forty four gun ship which with a proper repair may be rendered very usefull according to her rate in the Navy in time of war, she would take at least half a year and cost L8000 in repairing and after all would be totally unfit for the service; she could not go to sea with less than 180 men, and could not carry provisions for them for half the time they
The voyage was undertaken under the direction of the Admiralty, who employed an officer in his Majestys service of known experience, to pursue to the utmost a plan of investigating the Southern Hemisphere, in order to ascertain whither there was such a thing as a Southern Continent and it was supposed that this voyage, in addition to the late discoveries made under his direction, would bring this much controverted point to a final decision. You siezed this opportunity of adding a farther object to this usefull undertaking, and were willing to embark in the expedition in order to make improvements in natural knowledge, you was recieved with open arms by the Admiralty, and it is not their fault that you are not now embarked.
The Royal Society and the board of Longitude were allso desirous to make use of this opportunity for the improvement of Astronomy and to make observations that might possibly lead to a discovery of the Longitude and they have fitted out payed, and instructed an able astronomer for each ship, who they think fully capable to answer these desired ends. This refers to the use’ of the voyage in testing exhaustively the chronometers of
Parlaiment has given their sanction to the expedition by voting a large sum of mony to encourage a person of general knowledge to go with the rest; the person originally intended for this purpose, and who undoubtedly was thoroughly qualified for it, has declined the voyage, but another person has been found who is as well qualified, and more so in one particular, as he carry's his son with him who is a very able
A‘a see Cyanoramphus zealandicus
Abel Tasmans Reede, Tasman anchored at, I, 475
Abrolhos, shoal, I, 181
Abrus precatorius, I, 338
Acacia
Brazil, I, 192; complanata, II, pl. 29 (end of vol.)
L'Académie des Sciences, Banks a corresponding member, I, 96
Acajou see Anacardium occidentale
Acantherocybium solandri, I, 245, pl. 40a (end of vol.)
Acanthina calcar, I, 223
Acarus
Account of several late voyages and discoveries, 1694, 1711, II, 2, 116
Acrocomia, I, 201
Actinia natans, II, 45
Adam, Robert, I, 114
Admiral Pocock, Indiaman, II, 247
The Admiralty, accepts Solander, I, 26; and Banks, I, 22, 84–5, 119; II, 354; and second voyage, I, 64, 71, 74; buys ships, I, 71; chooses Cook as commander, I, 21; letter from I, 22; provides ship, I, 21
Admiralty Bay, N.Z., I, 475
Adventure, sloop,I, 71, 73; bought, I, 71; return of, I, 102
Aedes, II, 83
Egiceras corniculatum, II, pl. 30 (end of vol.)
Aestrelata longirostris, I, 233
Aetobatus caudatus, II, 7
African negro slaves, II, 220–1
Agalma elegans, I, 396
Agenieten Islands, II, 184
Agent for New South Wales, Lond., se Samuel, Sir Saul
Aglaura, I, 214.
Aheinomouwe (Cook), I, 462, 465
Ahi, I, 339
Ahui, district, I, 299
Ahutoru, a Tahitian, II, 124, 249; accompanies Bougainville, I, 287; II, 188, 249; death, II, 190, 249; in Paris, I, 103
Aimeo, is., I, 283–5
Aipysurus duboisi, II, 108
Air in Southern Hemisphere, II, 50
Aito, tree, see Casuarina equisetifolia
Aiton, William, royal gardener, I, 99
Akaroa Harbour, I, 468
Aki Aki, is., I, 245
Albatross, cooking of, I, 233; food of Maoris, II, 19; how they rise, I, 450–1, 467–8; Shelvocke's story of killing, I, 214; see also Diomedea
Alca
Alcoholic liquor, II, 41–2; Tierra del Fuegians and, I, 218, 221, 229
Alcyonium
The Aldermen, I, 424
Alectoris graeca chukar, II, 268
Alembert, Jean Le Rond d’, letter to, I, 82
Aleurites moluccana, I, 336
Alexander Turnbull Library, Banks papers in, I, 146–7; copy of Journal in,I, 143; Mr B's circuit round Otaheite in, I, 146–7
Alloptes phaetontis, I, 241
Alocasia macrorrhiza, I, 342
Alstromeria salsilla, 1, 195
Alunite, I, 167
Amae, tree, I, 374
AmaranthusII, 229
Amaryllis reginae (Banks), I, 195
Amboina, II, 217
Amo, chief, see Oåmo
Amoco (Banks) see Maoris—tattooing
Amok, II, 224–5
Amomum, II, 22
Amorphophallus campanulatus, I, 343
Amphidesma australe, I, 431
Amplisepia apama, II, 52
Anaa, is., I, 248
Anabao (Dampier) see Semau
Anaura Bay, I, 415–18
Anderson, William, botanical collection, I, 108; plants of Tierra del Fuego; II, 297
Anger Pt, Java, II, 179
Angiopteris evecta, I, 343
Animals, II, 57; II, 252–3; collected on second voyage, I, 108; Java, II, 205; New Zealand, II, 4–5; Princes Is., II, 236
Anisochaetodon
falcula, I, pl. VIIIa opp. p. 372; vagabundus, I, pl. VIIIb opp. p. 372
Anna Pink, collier, II, 352
Annona
Anopheles maculipennis, II, 193
I, 181; at St Catherine's Is., I, 187; at Tierra del Fuego, I, 214; notes Albrolhos Shoal, I, 181; on the Portuguese, I, 37; rounds II, 336, 352; Staten Is. view, I, 216
Antarctic continents theory, I, 226
Antarctica, I, 43
Antarcticus, pseud., I, 81
Anthornis melanura, I, 456
Anthoxanthum odoratum, II, 266
Antiquarian Society, I, 117
Antiquarians, I, 3
Anuhi, district, I, 296
Aouta (Banks), I, 412, 44
Apium
filifolium, I, 421, 441, 442; II, 8, 114; prostratum, I, 217, 226, 421, 441, 442, pl. 27a (end of vol.); I, 8
Apollonias canariensis, I, 165
Apotopoto Bay see Hurepiti
Après de Mannevillette, J.B.N.D.d’—
Aptychotrema banksii, II, 60
Arabian jasmine, II, 216
Arapawa, I, 462, 469
Arched Rock, I, 419; II, pl. I (end of vol.)
Architectonica perspectiva,II, 72
Arctocephalus
Ardisia, I, 160
Arecu
Aren, II, 214
Arenga saccharifera, II, 214
Arii, I, 384–6
Arnhem Land, discovery, II, 143
Arripis trutta, I, 467
Articles for trade or gifts, I, 69–70
Artocarpus,I, 341; altilis, I, 353, pl. 32; champeden, II, 208, 212, 236; communis, I, 353, pl. 32 (end of vol.); integra, II, 208, 212, 236; see also Breadfruit
Aru Islands, II, 145
Arue, district, I, 296
Aruhe see Pteridium aquilinum
Arum (Banks), I, 342
Arum esculentum see Colocasia esculenta
Arundo conspicua, I, 410; II, 18
Aiynchobatis asperrimus, II, 7
Ascension Island, II, 270–1
Ascii (Banks), II, 272
Ascius, use of word, II, 272
Ashley, Anthony, II, 179
I, 73
Astelia solandri,
I, 117
Astronomical observation posts, I, 20, 21; Irioa, islet, I, 284; Pacific Is. question, I, 20–1, 22; Tahiti chosen, I, 22
Astronomy, calculations in, I, 20; Tahitian knowledge of, I, 368
Auckland City Public Library, Banks Mss. and papers in, I, 136, 145–6
Auctions of Banks papers, I, 135–7
Auge, Jan Andries, II, 254
Augusta, Admiralty yacht, I, 105
Aurora Australis, II, 149
Australian Aborigines
approach Endeavour, II, 90–3; artifacts, II, 129 et sqq.; as hunters, II, 118
at II, 54 etsqq.; Bulli district, II, 52; Bustard Bay, II, 67; II, 91–3, 95–7
bark implements, II, 129; beard singeing, II, 131; boomerang, II, 53
canoes, II, 53, 134–5; fire in, II, 134; making of, II, 135; northern, II, 134–5; with outrigger, II, 75, 91, 93, 134–5
carry weapons, II, 129–30; chew pitjuri, II, 128; colour, II, 123–4; contented, II, 130; cooking, II, 128; cowardly, II, 59, 134; Dampier on, II, 50, 55, 111–12, 124; dilly-bags, II, 130, 131; dispute landing of boats, II, 54; encounters with, II, 50, 53 et sqq., 91 et sqq.; fibres used, II, 131; fire-making, II, 132; fire use of, II, 131; fired at, II, 54, 55; fish exchanged with II, 91; fish hooks, II, 131; fish spears, II, 55, 126; fishing-lines,II, 131; fishing methods, II, 53, 55, 126; flints, II, 131; food, II, 90, 126–8; friendly, II, 95, 98; general description, II, 53 et sqq., 92–3, 122–37; give Tupaia taro, II, 95; hair, II, 55, 92, 124, 125; health, II, 126; honest, II, 125; houses, II, 84,128–9, 136; hunting of, II, 131–2; ignore ship, II, 54, 62–3; implements, II, 129; initation scars, II, 126; interested in ship, II, 76; kangaroo hunting, II, 131–2; knowledge of plants, II, 116; lances see spears
language, II, 93, 136–7; word list, II, 136–7
light a grass fire, II, 96; modesty, II, 92; mourning scars, II, 126; naked, II, 54, 92, 124; notch trees, II, 85–6, 123, 130, 131; oppose landing, II, 134; ornaments, II, 91, 93, 124–5; painted with pipe clay, II, 53, 92–3, 125; physique, II, 92, 123; population II, 122–3
presents given to, II, 55, 57, 59; not valued, II, 56, 98, 125; medals, II, 92; taken, II, 91
run from Tupaia, II, 88; salt lick of, II, 97; septum ornaments, II, 91, 124–5; shields, II, 133; signal ship's arrival, II, 82; signs of, II, 72, 73, 83, 89, 90, 103, 135; smokes of, seen, II, 50 et sqq.;
Australian Aborigines (continued)
spear fishing, II, 126; spear throwing; II, 95, 133; spears, II, 55, 93, 132–3; stone hatchets, II, 130; strategy of, II, 134; teeth, II, 92, 124; throw lances at seame, II, 58; throwing sticks, II, 53, 54, 133, sketch 133; tools, II, 130–1; trade unknown, II, 125; tribe described,II, 123 et sqq.; tribes have similar customs, II, 123; turtle peg, II, 98, 126; turtles eaten, II, 104, 126; turtles wanted, II, 96; visit Endeavour, II, 95–6; visit Tupaia's tent, II, 92; visited, II, 55; voices of, II, 124; wandering habit, II, 128, 129; weapons, II, 53, 132–3; without lice, II, 125; women's work, II, 129; word list, II, 136–7
Australia del Espiritu Santo (Quiros) see New Hebrides
Austronesian language group, I, 44
Austrosimulium, II, 6
Ava see Piper methyslicum
Avera Bay, I, 330
Avebury stone circle, I, 17
Averrhoa, II, 159, 161–2, 208, 213; bilimbi,II, 159, 161–2, 208, 213
Avicennia resinifera, I, 430
Awarua Point, I, 474
Axes, iron, at Tahiti, I, 261
Axes, stone, I, 363
Azambuja, Conde de, Viceroy, I, 37, 187–90; ignorance, I, 204; levée, I, 199; memorials to, I, 37, 188, 189, 190; texts, II, 315–20; memorials from, I, 318–19, 320–1; Solander on, II, 308, 310, 311–12; treatment of Endeavour, I, 37–8, 187 et sqq.; II, 312, 314 et sqq.
Bactris minor, I, 201
Balboa de Vasco, Nunez, names Mar del Zur, I, 238
Balinese slaves, II, 220–1
Ball, Joseph, and Banks papers, I, 132
Balsam, copaiva, I, 202
Banana see Musa
Banana Island, II, 181
Banda, is., II, 217
Bank of Lagullas, II, 246
Banks, Lady Dorothea, I, 125; and Banks's will, I, 127–8; death, I, 128; marriage, I, 119
Banks, [Sir] Joseph
abstracts Cook's journal, I, 35, 137, 146; accepts Solander for voyage, I, 26; achievements, I, 119–26; advice, I, 23, 77, 79; II, 355–6; ancestors, I, 3–4
and the Admiralty, I, 84–5, 119; II, 354; Americans, I, 113; art, I, 118; I, 113–14; botany teaching, I, 6–7, 8; the British Museum, I, 93, 127, 128, 129; … Burnett?, I, 80–1; Clerke, I, 34, 74, 81, 106–7, 112; II, 271; Cook, I, 21, 22, 34–6, 76, 81, 105, 108, 112, 212; Cook's relations, I, 112, 125–6; Cook's third voyage, I, 111–13; Dr Johnson, I, 52, 70, 88, 118–19; Dootahah see Dootahah; ducking ceremony, I, 176; East India Company, I, 82, 84; the Forsters, I, 108–11; George III, I, 51, 99–100, 117–18, 128; Hawkeswoth, I, 98, 120, 121; Icelanders, I, 92–3; Kew Gardens, I, 98–100; Lauraguais, I, 61, 64, 82, 86; Lind, I, 72, 80, 82–3; Miss Blosset, I, 30–2, 54–6; native races, I, 40–1; the Navy Board, I, 73 et sqq., 81; II, 335, 344–5; N.Z. fiords, I, 473; Omai, I, 102–3, 104, 105; Palliser, I, 13, 21, 73, 81, 119; publication, I, 70–1, 120, 121, 122; Revesby Abbey, I, 3, 5, 100, 114; the I, 9, 15, 22, 100, 116–18, 123; Sandwich, I, 7–8, 53, 64, 77–9, 81, 102, 103, 105, 125; II, 335 et sqq.; the second voyage, I, 64, 69–70, 71 et sqq., 84, 119–20; II, 335 et sqq.; shipmates, I, 32 et sqq.; Solander's work, I, 85, 120–1; Stanfield Parkinson, I, 56 et sqq.; Tahitian women, I, 279, 292, 300; Tubourai see Tubourai; Tupaia see Tupaia; voyage to I, 95, 96; women, I, 30–1, 41, 54, 80, 199, 279, 292, 300; Zoffany, I, 73, 83
arrested as footpad, I, 8
as adviser, I, 97–8; botanist, I, 5–7, 120–1, 123–4; ethnologist, I, 40–1; geographer, I, 42–3; observer, I, 47–50; observer in N.Z., I, 43–4; philologist, I, 43, 44, 372; II, 137; a reader, I, 123; a scientist, I, 122–3
ashore at Brazil, I, 190–3; ashore on reef, II, 91, 108
at Christ Church, Oxford, I, 68; at hotel, Batavia, II, 185–6; at Soho Square, I, 114–15
attitude to life, I, 23; baronetcy, I, 125;
Banks, [Sir] Joseph (continued)
biography question, I, 130–3; birth, I, 4; Boswell on, I, 52, 118; botanical work projected, I, 120–1, 122
buys Forster's drawings, I, 110; buys herbarium, I, 99; buys Malayan nurse, II, 190
character, I, 23–4, 34–5, 41, 44, 63–4, 69, 74, 94, 98, 123, 125–6; charm, I, 4, 24; charters Sir Lawrence, I, 84; chases thief, I, 309–10; chronometer of, I, 86; circuit round Tahiti see journey round Tahiti
climbs hill, Tahiti, I, 279; climbs Mt Hecla, I, 91–2; climbs Snowdon, I, 97
clothes stolen, I, 281–2; coach of, I, 104; cockatoo taken by, II, 118; collects articles for second voyage, I, 69–70; collects geology specimens, I, 17; companions on Sir Lawrence, I, 85; companions on voyage, I, 22, 24–8; compared with Cook, I, 29, 34–5, 124; compares Cook to Flinders, I, 473; compares English and Dutch, II, 366; considers visit to Linnaeus, I, 18; correspondence, foreign, I, 130; correspondence with Blagden, I, 136; cost of voyage to see expenses
criticises Dutch fleet, II, 201; Lord Chatham, I, 17; St Helena, I, 49; II, 266, 267–8; treatment of slaves, II, 267
D.C.L. Oxon, I, 52; death, I, 127; difficulties with Stanfield Parkinson, I, 57 et sqq.; disapproves of Resolution, I, 73–4; II, 335 et sqq.; dislike of publishing, I, 121–3; Dr Johnson on, I, 52, 70, 118; dogs of, I, 24, 39; II, 89, 100, 117, 152, 274; Dorset journey, I, 16–17; drafts for Cook, I, 37; drafts letter to Gazetteer, I, 81–2; dressed in Tahitian clothes, I, 259; dysentery attack, II, 242–3; education, I, 5, 6, 8, 34, 120, 123; elected F.R.S., I, 9; elected to Literary Club; I, 118–19; embarrassment of,I, 107, 108; II, 88–90; engages BacStrom, I, 69; engages Parkinson, I, 56; engages staff for second voyage, I, 73; enters inheritance, I, 8, 26; entertains, I, 72, 90, 92, 115
excursion, II, 88–90; Papenoo Valley, I, 263; Princes Is.,
Banks, [Sir] Joseph (continued)
II, 234–5; Tierra del Fuego, I, 39, 218–22
expenses for voyage, I, 29, 30; expenses for second voyage, I, 75; II, 336
feared by Tahitians, I, 312; fearless of Tahitians, I, 312; Flintshire journey, I, 18; foreign correspondence, I, 130; French honours, I, 96; friends, I, 9, 10, 96, 97, 100, 107, 115; generous with information, I, 122; gentleman amateur, I, 3; gibes at the homesick, II, 43; greyhounds of see dogs; handwriting, I, 140–1; Hebrides visit, I, 87–9; herbarium, I, xiv, 14, 15, 114–15, 122, 128, 149; hill named after, I, 218; hires houses, Batavia, II, 186, 191–2; Holland journey, I, 94–6; honorary degree, I, 8, 52; houses of, I, 8, 114, 125; hurt exercising, I, 175
Iceland voyage, I, 86–94; reasons for, I, 83–4; books etc. bought on, I, 93
ignores Linnaeus, I, 53; ill, I, 11, 46, 233, 243–4, 392, 475; II, 187, 189–93, 235, 242–3; importance of, I, 98, 108, 112; importance to third voyage, I, 112; in love, I, 19, 30–2; in mourning ceremony, heiva, I, 288–9; income, I, 75; influence on Cook, I, 35–6; insect collection, I, 32, 70; inspects harbour with Cook, II, 81–2; intellectual tastes, I, 118
interest in botany, I, 5–7, 8, 104, 120–1, see also Plant collecting; interest in ethnology, I, 40; interest in natural history, I, 5–6
invitation to Priestley, I, 72; journey in England and Wales, I, 18; journey round Tahiti, I, 294–305; II, 302–7; Kent visit, I, 15; knife missing, I, 264; Labrador voyage, I, 12–13; Lapland tour proposed, I, 18–19; later life, I, 119 et sqq., 125–6; leans Tahitian, I, 40; lends herbarium, I, 15
letter from Lt. Forster, II, 321–3; from Royal Society to Admiralty re, I, 22; from Sandwich, 1772, II, 343–4
letter on Solander, Ueber Solander, 1785, I, 9
letter to Astle, I, 117; to Burke, I, 79, 80; to Comte de Lauraguais, 1771, I, 61, 64: text, II, 323–9; to Earl of Morton, 1768, quoted, I, 37–8: text,
Banks, [Sir] Joseph (continued)
II, 315–20; to I, 120; to Fothergill, I, 59; to Gazetteer, I, 81–2: text, II, 342–3; to I, 12–13
letters from Clerke, I, 74, 81, 106–7, 112; from Cook, I, 81, 112; from Falconer, I, 19, 96–7; from Solander, I, 105–6, 107–8, 109
letters received on return, I, 64 et sqq.
letters to Falconer, I, 70, 71, 82, 93, 95; to Pennant, I, 15–16, 17–18; to, re second voyage, I, 64–9; to Sandwich on second voyage: text, II, 335–42; to Sir Wm. Hamilton, I, 136
library, I, 114, 115, 122, 123, 128; given to British Museum, I, 130
list of articles for voyages, I, 69–70; loan to I, 111; malaria attacks, I, 46; II, 187, 189–93, 235, 242; Malone on, I, 115; Mss. etc. left to British Museum, I, 128; marriage, I, 119; matriculation, I, 6
meets George III, I, 51; Governor of Batavia, II, 187; H. B. de Saussure, I, 31; Solander, I, 9, 26
member L'Académic des Sciences, I, 96; member Royal Academy of Sciences, I, Ulrichstadt, I, 96
memoranda to Sandwich quoted, I, 74–6; texts, II, 335–8, 338–42
memorial re pension for Mrs Cook, I, 112
memorials to Viceroy of Brazil, I, 37, 188, 189: texts, II, 315–20; mistakes in observation, I, 49–50; moves to Soho Square, I, 114; narrow escape, I, 12; New Zealand observations criticised, I, 43–4; Newfoundland voyage, I, 10–15; newspapers on, I, 51, 64, 81, 82; not a smoker, II, 167; obsession against Admiralty, I, 84–5, 119; ode in honour of, I, 91; offends Raiateans, I, 318
on barrenness of N.S.W., I, 50; II, 79, 113; on II, 113; Capetown ladies, I, 54; on coral reef, II, 105; on country houses, I, 16–17; on cruelties of early voyagers, I, 248; on Dampier, II, 111–12; on discovery of Tahiti, II, 249; on fire danger in N.S.W., II, 97; on Hebrideans, I, 89; on his style
Banks, [Sir] Joseph (continued)
of writing, I, 121; on killing of Maoris, I, 403; on Launceston, II, 338; on loss of Buchan, I, 258; on Mrs Delany's drawings, I, 118; on Parkinson's work, I, 59; on population of N.S.W., II, 122–3; on Portuguese, I, 38, 205; II, 199, 220; on Resolution, I, 73; II, 335 et sqq., 341–3, 350; on scientific results of voyage, II, 328; on a Southern Continent, I, 43, 240, 442; II, 37–41; on Tasman, II, 1–2; on Torres Strait passage, I, 45; II, 109–10; on treatment at Rio de Janeiro, I, 37–8, 186 et sqq.; II, 314–15; on Tupaia, I, 42, 312–13; on water in N.S.W., I, 50; II, 113; on water supply of Endeavour, I, 196, 239, 393
Papenoo Valley excursion, I, 263; parents, I, 4; payment to Parkinsons, I, 59; pensions widow of servant, I, 59; pistols stolen, I, 282; plan for a voyage, II, 40–2; plants fruit seeds, I, 308; poems for, I, 51, 91; portraits, I, 62–4, 129, frontisp. and pl. iii opp. p. 68, pl. iv opp. p. 84, pl.v opp. p. 116; President of Royal Society, I, 116–18, 123; Princes Is. excursion, II, 234–5; proposes to join Endeavour, I, 22–3; publications of, I, 121, 122; publicity on return, I, 51 et sqq., 64, 81, 82, 101–2; quarrel with Monkhouse, I, 41, 292; reasons for not publishing, I, 120–5; recovers from dysentery, II, 243; refuses second voyage, I, 74, 79–80, 119–20; II, 335 et sqq.; relatives, I, 4; returns to England, I, 15, 47, 93, 96, II, 275; returns to London, I, 15, 16, 93, 96, 97; routine in Endeavour, I, 33–4, 36
sails in Endeavour, I, 32, 153; sails in Niger, I, 11; sails in Sir Lawrence, I, 86
saves tent, II, 96; scurvy prevention by, I, 250–1; scurvy symptoms of, I, 243–4, 251; searches for passage, Cook Harbour, II, 95; seasick, I, 86, 154; sees N.Z., I, 399; sends bird to Buffon, I, 86; Serpentine drainage project, I, 8; servants on the voyage, I, 28; skits on, I, 101–2; small boat adrift, I, 189, 190; smallpox inoculation, I, 6; social abilities, I, 115; Soho Square establishment, I, 114–15, 122; status in Endeavour, I, 24, 33; suite for voyage, I, 24 et sqq., 33; suite for second voyage, I, 73, 84;
Banks, [Sir] Joseph (continued)
II, 339; surprise at grass fire, II, 97; susceptible to women, I, 41, 80; suspects the French, II, 249, 250; Tahiti journey, I, 294–305, II, 302–7; Tahitian name, I, 275; takes quinine, II, 191, 194; tattooed, I, 41; thinks Endeavour doomed, II, 78–9, 106–7; Tierra del Fuego excursion, I, 39, 218–22; to supervise publication on third voyage, I, 112; travelling coach, I, 104; trip in Augusta, I, 105; trout fishing excursion, I, 113; trustee of British Museum, I, 129; views sea from hill, II, 95; visit to Lapland proposed, I, 18; visit to Linnaeus proposed, I, 18; visiting card, I, 94; visitors to, I, 115
visits King of Princes Is., II, 233, 235; Mrs Grenville, I, 16; Sandwich, I, 52–3; Tubourai, I, 276–7
visits biers, Tahiti, I, 261, 286; Bristol, I, 16, 17; Chateau Bay, I, 12; Croque harbour, I, 11, 12, 13; Dorset, I, 16–17; East Indies, I, 45–6; II, 146 et sqq.; Flintshire, I, 18; Hebrides, I, 87–9; Holland, I, 94–6; Iceland, I, 90–4; Iona, I, 89; Kent, I, 15; Labrador, I, 12–13; Lisbon, I, 15; Lizard Is., II, 103; Mulgrave, I, 104; II, 140 et sqq.; Newfoundland, I, 11–14; Papenoo Valley, I, 263;- Plymouth, I, 10, 86, 105; Portsmouth, I, 113; Portugal, I, 15; Princes Is., II, 233–5; Raiatea, I, 318 et sqq.; Rio de Janeiro, I, 37–8, 186 et sqq.; II, 314–15; Royal Dockyards, I, 105; St John's, I, 11, 13–14; Savu, II, 153 et sqq., The Hague, I, 94–5, 96; Thetis Bay, I, 216–17; Thousand Islands, II, 183; Tierra del Fuego, I, 39, 217 et sqq.; Wales, I, 18, 97; Yorkshire, I, 103–5; see also names of places
Wales visit, I, 18, 97; walks to east, Tahiti, I, 263; walks to hills, Tahiti, I, 261, 279–80; welcomed on board Endeavour, I, 24; will, I, 127 et sqq., 133; yacht trips, I, 105, 107; Yorkshire visit, I, 103–50; authenticity, I, 3–8
Banks, [Sir] Joseph—Endeavour Journal and his will, I, 128, 130; annotation of, I, 147–50; authenticity, I, 138–9; Bentley and, I, 134; Brabourne and, I, 131 et sqq.; Brabourne sells, I, 138; compared with Cook's, I, 35; Cook's
Banks, [Sir] Joseph—Endeavour Journal (continued)
use of I, 35, 147; copies of, I, 130, 141–4; criticism of, I, 31–3, 47–50; dates irregular, I, 50; II, 234, 271; description of, I, 35, 40, 44, 124, 139–41; editing of, I, 148–50; Edwards letter on, I, 138, facsimile of first page, I, pl. vi opp. p. 132; founds Pacific ethnology, I, 40; handwriting of, I, 140–1; Hawkesworth and, I, 47–8, 130; Henniker Heaton and, I, 138, 144; history of, I, 127 et sqq., 138 et sqq.; Hooker's edition of, I, 144–5; interpolations in, II, 276–9; Knatchbull and, I, 130–1, 138; Knatchbull's Ms. note in, I, 138; Lee and, I, 138, 144; lent to Brown, I, 138; mistakes in, I, 49–50; I, 138; Mitchell Library owns, I, 138; a natural history record, I, 149; omissions in, I, 32, 48; on New Zealand, I, 43–4; philological data in, I, 150; praise of, I, 47–9, 50, 124; printing of, I, 147–50; punctuation of, I, 124, 140; reasons not published, I, 120–5; Sotheran sells copy, I, 143; spelling in, I, 141; style of, I, 124–5, 138, 140; Turnbull buys copy of, I, 143; I, 131, 132, 138, 14
Endeavour Journal Transcripts, I, 141–5; I, 144; Kew Herbarium copy, I, 144, 145; Phipps's copy, I, 143; I, 141–3; Stanley of Alderley's copy, I, 143–4
Banks, [Sir] Joseph—Other Journals etc. Iceland journal, I, 84–91: Ms. of, I, 85
journal of a tour to Dorsetshire etc., 1767, I, 17
journal of a tour to Wales etc., 1767–8, I, 18
journal of a trip to Holland… Feb. 12 … Mch 22, 1773, I, 95
journal of a voyage to Newfoundland & Labrador … 1766 … with some account of Libon, I, 10 et sqq., 15
journal of a voyage to the Sandwich Islands and New Zealand … Mch 1769—July 1771,
journal of an excursion to Chatham, Rochester etc. Feb… . Mch … 1767, I, 15
journal on yacht trip to Plymouth 1775, I, 105
Mr B's circuit round Otaheite, 1769: the manuscript, I, 146–7; the text, II, 302–7
Banks, [Sir] Joseph—Endeavour Journal (continued)
observations & facts relating to nat. hist. &c. learnt from different people: memorandum book, I, 18
thoughts on the manners of Otaheite, 1773, II, 330–4
Ueber Solander: [letter 1785], I, 9
Banks, Sir Joseph—Papers
auction of, I, 135–7; Bell, T., and, I, 132; Bentley and, I, 134; blame for treatment of, I, 131; Bond, Sir Edward and, I, 132–3; Brabourne and, 131 et sqq.; British Museum and, I, 128, 129, 130, 135, 136; B. M. Dept. of Mss. and, I, 132; Carruthers and, I, 132; dispersed, I, 135–7; Enys buys, I, 136; Grey, Sir George, buys, I, 136, 137–8; historical importance of, I, 137; history, I, 127–45; in Alexander Turnbull Library, I, 143, 146–7; in Auckland City Public Library, I, 136, 145–6; in Mitchell Library, I, 135; in the will, I, 129; Knatchbull, Lady and, I, 131–2; Knatchbull, Sir Edward and, I, 129–31; Maunde Thompson and, I, 133, 135; New South Wales Government and, I, 135–6; public bodies make no claim for, I, 130; Samuel, Sir Saul buys, I, 135; Stanhope, Lord and, I, 133–4; A. H. Todd, and, I, 134–5; I, 130–1, Waller buys, I, 136, 137–8, 147
Banks, Margaret, I, 4
Banks, Sarah, Mrs, I, 4, 7, 115; death, I, 115; moves to Chelsea, I, 7
Banks, Sarah Sophia, I, 5, 115; Journal copied, I, 141–3; journals copied, I, 141; letter to, from Banks, I, 12–13; letter to Pennant, I, 51; lives at Soho Square, I, 115; tapa for, I, 294
Banks Peninsula, I, 468
Banks's Island (Cook), I, 468
Banksian cockatoo, II, 118; sketched, I, 416; II, pl. 33 (end of vol.)
Banksii, Aptychotrema see Aptychotrema banksii
Eugenia see Eugenia banksii
Freycinetia see Freycinetia banksii
Musa see Musa banksii
Sarcolobus see Sarcolobus banksii
Bannisteria,I, 192
Bantam, Sultan of, II, 237
Bantam Hill, II, 179
Bare Islet, La Perouse Pt., II, 56
Barct, Jeanne, see Baré, Jeanne
Bark tree, II, 88
Barnacle geese, I, 172
Barnacles, I, 172; see also names of species
Barren Head (Cook), II, 75
I, 9; and voyage to Pole, I, 95; letter re Miss Blosset, I, 55–6; letter re Forster, I, 109
Barringtonia
gracilis,II, pl. 31 (end of vol.); speciosa, I, 319, pl. V opp. p. 292
Barrow, Sir John, quoted, I, 124
I, 393
Baster, Job—Opuscula subseciva, 1759–65, I, 169
Batavia, I, 46; account of, II, 194–231; army, II, 198–9; canals, II, 194–5; castle, II, 197; Chinese in, II, 198, 213, 219, 227–9, 230–1; Chinese massacre, II, 198, 230–1; Church, II, 196; country around, II, 201–3; deaths of crew at, II, 193, 232; Dutch shipping, II, 201; English in, II, 218; entry to restricted, II, 218; Europeans in, II, 217–18; feasts at, II, 222; flood in, II, 192; flowers sold in, II, 215–16; fortifications, II, 197–8; French in, II, 218; frogs of, II, 193; fruit markets, II, 213–14; Germans in, II, 218; government, II, II, 229–30; harbour, II, 199–200; harbour islands, II, 200–1; harbour-master, II, 184; hills near, II, 203; history, II, 194; hotel at, II, 185–6; houses, II, 195–6, sketch, 196; illness at, II, 187–92; Javanese in, II, 221; justice in, II, 230; Lutherans, II, 220; marine formalities at, II, 184; markets, II, 203, 213–14; merchants of, II, 219; merinyu, II, 221, 224–5; money, II, 231; people of, II, 217 et sqq.; police, II, 221, 224–5; Portuguese in, II, 199, 220; public buildings, II, 196; rainy season, II, 193; religion, II, 214, 220, 221, 222; sanitation, II, 195; sea defences, II, 199; sighted, II, 184; slavery, II, 220–21, laws re, 221; soldiers, II, 198–9, 218; Tanah Abang market, II, 203; trade in, II, 219; unhealthy, II, 184, 187, 194, 198, 202; weddings, II, 222; women, II, 203, 218
Batavia—Governor-General see Governor-General of the Indies
Batavia Road, Endeavour anchors in, II, 184; marine formalities in, II, 184
Bate, Sarah, see Banks, S., Mrs
Bate, William, I, 4
Bateman Bay, II, 50
I, 19
I, 128
Bay of Good Success, I, 217 et sqq.; Darwin at, I, 218; plant collecting at, I, 39, 223; plants of, I, 225–6; watering-place, view, I, pl. 4 (end of vol.)
Bay of Islands, I, 440–6; II, 3; Endeavour in danger in, I, 445, 446; French visits, I, 44; landings at, I, 442, 443
Bay of Plenty, I, 422 et sqq.; the name, I, 424
Baye Sinfondo, I, 209–10
Beads as money, I, 258
Becket, T., and Hondt, P. A. de—Journal of a voyage round the world, Lond., 1771, I, 60
Bedroe, is., II, 183
Bedwell Islands, II, 74
Beech trees, Tierra del Fuego, I, 215, 217; dwarf, I, 219, 220
Beef, Brazil, I, 199; II, 41; Java, II, 204; salt, I, 394
Beer brewed, II, 301
Bell, Thomas, and Banks papers, I, 132
Bell-bird's song, I, 456
Belone, II, 88
Bengal sheep, II, 161
Benjamin tree, I, 141
I, 60
Count, II, 330
Bentley, publisher, I, 134
Berberis ilicifolia, I, pl. III opp. p. 244
Berkeley Sound, II, 188
Beroe
bilabiata, I, 173; biloba, II, 46; coarctata,I, 396; incrassata, I, 214, 396; labiata, I, 173; 176; marsupialis, I, 173; marsupium, I, 173; ovata, I, 214, 396
Bessastad, Sir Lawrence anchors near, I, go
Betel-chewing, in Batavia, II, 222; effect on teetth, II, 166, 222; in Savu, II, 166, 167
Bird, John, I, 176
Bird Island, I, 248
Bird migration, II, 47
Bird sketches lost, I, 416
Bird song, Queen Charlotte's Sound, I, 455–6, 460
Birds, Brazil, I, 192; II, 83, 118; Java, II, 206; N.S.W., II, 116, 117–19; New Zealand, II, 5–6; Tierra del Fuego, I, 225
eaten, II, 116; sacred, I, 297–8, 383–4; shyness of, II, 118; song of, I, 455–6, 460
Birgus latro, II, 88
Biron, C., quoted, I, 185
Black bean, II, pl. V opp. p. 206
Blackguards, obs., I, 253
I, 97; correspondence bought, I, 136; visits Portsmouth, I, 113; visits Wales, I, 97
Blastophaga psenes, II, 70
Blepharocarya involucrigera, II, 103
Bligh Sound, I, 474
Blind Bay (Cook), I, 475
Blite, II, 229
Blubbers, as food, I, 342; luminous, I, 179; the word, I, 173, 342; see also names of species
Boa
Boathouses, I, 315–16, 319, 368, pl. 17 (end of vol.)
Boatswan, boat lost, I, 154; gives mate rum, I, 388; takes Dootahah prisoner, I, 270
Boatswain's mate see
Bodkin, Maori's, II, 25, pl. 9 no. 4 (end of vol.)
Bola Bola see Borabora
Bomarea edulis, I, 195
Bonavista Island, I, 168
Bond, Sir Edward, and Banks papers, I, 132–3
Bondt, Jacob de, mentions bilimbi, II, 162
Bones as tools, I, 320
Boomerang, II, 53
Borabora, I, 322; chief of, I, 326, 327; men of, I, 317–18, 319, 326; possession taken of, I, 318; sacred bird of, I, 383–4
Borassus flabellifer, II, 148, 155, 159, 160, 162–3; nut of, II, 162
Bory de St Vincent, II, 281
Botany Bay, II, 53–61; as site for convicts, II, 113; catch of fish at, II, 56; country around, II, 60; excursion at, II, 57; landing at, II, 55; the name, II, 61; watering place at, II, 56
Boudeuse, frigate, II, 118
Voyage autour du monde, 1771, II, 188, 249, 250, 326, Barrington on, I, 56
and Falkland Islands, II, 262–3, 188; at Batavia, II, 188; at Rio de Janeiro, II, 188; at Tahiti, I, 261, 287, 288, 295; II, 188–9, 325; at Tierra del Fuego, II, 297; Banks on, II, 188, 325; botanist with see I, 245; draughtsmen with, II, 189; French flag used, I, 287; II, 188; names La nouvelle Cythere, II, 248; on approach to II, 326; on Magellan flora, II, 297; on Tahitian races, II, 124; Palliser on, II, 347; quoted on Quiro's Isles, II, 325; Tahitian name of, II, 249; treatment by Portuguese, I, 187; voyages of, I, 29; II, 188, 297, 326
Bougainvillea spectabilis, I, 195, pl. II opp. p. 196
Boughs as peace emblem, I, 405
Bow Island, I, 245–6
Boydong Cays, natives at, II, 109
Brabandshoedje, islet, II, 180
Brabourne, Lord, I, 131 et sqq.; and Banks papers, I, 132–5; auctions papers, I, 135 et sqq.; blame attached to, I, 131; death, I, 138; offer to British Museum, I, 133–5; on value of papers, I, 138; sells Journal, I, 138
Brabourne Papers, I, 135
Bracken fern, I, 416, 427; II, 19, 21; effect on teeth, II, 22
Brancas, duc de, see Lauraguais, L. L. F. comte de
Brazil, I, 191–3, 199–2; climate, I, 205; coast, I, 185; money, I, 203; people of, I, 198; Viceroy see Azambuja, Conde de
Brazilian plum, I, 278
Bread, at Brazil, I, 193, 200; on Endeavour, I, 322, 393; pets in, I, 393
Bread-fruit, as food, I, 322, 341, 347; at Princes Is., II, 236; crops of, I, 306; in Java, II, 208, 212; in Tahiti, I, 305, 306, 341, 344; preserved, I, 344; ripening of, I, 305; scarce, I, 288, 305; see also Artocarpus
Bread-fruit tree, I, 319, 341, 353, pl. 32 (end of vol.); see also Artocarpus
Breakfast on Endeavour, II, 43
Breaksea Spit, II, 64
Bream Bay, I, 438
Brereton, Captain of Falmouth, II, 200
Brett, Cape, I, 439
Brinjal, II, 207
I, 11, 24, 28, 73; at Tierra del Fuego, I, 221, 222, 223; illness, I, 221, 222–3; II, 187, 189; journal of, I, 28; sights Lagoon Is., I, 39, 244; unpack specimens, I, 50
Brisson, Mathurin Jacques, I, 183; tropic bird of, II,178
British Museum, and Banks correspondence, I, 130; and Banks library, herbarium etc., I, 128, 130; and Banks papers, I, 132, 135, 136, 144; and the Banks will, I, 127–9; declines to buy Banks papers, I, 135; Icelandic collection, I, 93
British Museum, Department of Manuscripts, and Banks papers, I, 132–5
British Museum Keeper of Department of Manuscripts see Thompson, Sir Edward Maunde
British Museum, Natural History, Dept. of Botany, and Banks papers, I, 132, 144; I, 132, 144; medallion, II, 58; plant specimens in, I, 149
British Museum, Natural History, Dept. of Botany, Library, I, xiii; copy of Banks Journal in, I, 132, 144
British Museum, Natural History, Dept. of Zoology Library, I, xiii, 150
I, xiv; Australian plant engravings, I, xiv, 149; quoted, I, 124 Broad Sound, II, 73
Bromelia
ananas see Ananas comosus; karratas, I, 191
Bromeliads, I, 191
Brosses, Charles de, I, 230;—Navigations aux terres australes, 1756, I, 230, 370, 469–70; II, 105, 142, 327
The Brothers, is., I, 464
Brougham, Henry, quoted, I, 5
Broussonetia papyrifera, I, 353
II, 1
I, xiv, 119, 127–9, 303; and the Banks will, I, 127–9; and the British Museum, I, 128, 130; and biography of Banks, I, 130; Keeper of Banksian Botanical Collections, I, 128; lent Journal, I, 138; lives in Soho Square, I, 128
I, 360
I, 100
Brunswick, Duke of, loan to I, 111
Bryophytes, N.Z., I, 459; Tierra del Fuego, I, 459
I, 19
Buch, Leopold von, II, 281
I, 24, 28; at Tierra del Fuego, I,39,219,220,222; Banks on, I, 258; buried at sea, I, 258; death, I, 40, 257–8; drawings by, I, 168, 184; plates, I, 4, 5 (end of vol.)
Buffalo, on board Endeavour, II, 177, 179, 180; salted, II, 177–8; East Indies, II, 205; Java, II, 204; Savu, II, 155, 156–7, 160
Buffalo Beach, I, 432
I, 82; quoted, II, 5; quoted on phalanger, II, 99
Bulli, II, 52
Bunker Islands, II, 65
La Buona Figliuola, opera, I, 31
Buoy, attempt to steal,I, 440, 443
Burdekin plum, II, 85
Burgeo Islands, I, 21
Burhinus magnirostris, II, 118
Burnet, Mr, Batavia, II, 185
Burnett, Mrs ?, masquerade of, I, 80–1
Burton, Sir Richard—Explorations of the Highlands of Brazil, Lond., 1869, quoted, I, 202
Burying grounds, Tahitian, see Marae
Bushfire, N.S.W., II, 96–7
Bustard Bay, II, 65–7
Bustards, II, 253; Eastern, as food, II, 67
The Butcher see
Bute, John, Earl of, and Kew Gardens, I,99
Butterflies, Brazil, I, 192, 194; N.Z., II, 6; Thirsty Sound, II, 71
Byng, Hon. John, on Banks, I, 114
I, 463; and Pepys Is., I, 211; journal of voyage, I, 47; treatment at Rio, I, 37, 187
Cabbage tree palm see Cordyline australis; Livistona australis
Cabbage Trees (Banks), N.S.W., II, 115; N.Z., II, 9, 19; St Helena, II, 263; Tahiti, I, 343
Cabo da Roca, Portugal, II, 75
Cabritos, II, 161
Cactus opuntia, II, 271
Cairncross, islet, II, 109
Cajanus cajan, II, 206
Calamus
Caley, John, Banks and, I, 124
Caligulus, I, 169
Callianira bialata, II, 46
Callirhoe bivia, I, 173
Callorhinchus callorhynchus, I, 453; II, 7
Calophyllum inophyllum, I, 360, pl. 34a (end of vol.)
Calyptorhynchus magnificus, I, 416; II, 118, pl. 33 (end of vol.)
Calyxis ternariaI, 195
Camel, Mt., I, 447, 450
Campbell, Cape, I, 467
Camp-oven, II, 163–4
Cananga odorata, II, 215–16
Canavalia maritima, II, 114
Cancer, I, 392; amplectens, I, 180; crassicornis, I, 180; cyapopthalmus, II, 51; depurator, I, 155; erythroptamus, II, 51; fulgens, I, 180; gregarius,I, 210; latro, II, 88; minutus, II, 272; pelagicus, II, 69, 273; vitreus, 180; vocans, 192
Candlenut, I, 336
Cannabis sativa, II, 258
Cannibal Bay see Queen Charlotte Sound
Cannibal Cove, I, 454–5
Cannibalism, Maori, I, 420, 443, 455 et sqq., 462; II, 12, 19–20, 30–1
Canoe, lost off Grenville, I, 21–2
Canoe-houses see Boathouses
Canoes, Australian aborigines, II 53, 75, 91, 93, 134–5; Maori, I, 408, 421, 425; II, 22–3, pl. 2–4 (end of vol.); Tahitian, I, 364 et sqq., detained, I, 306, seized by Cook, I, 290–1
Canoes, caulking of, I, 320; construction, I, pl. 20 (end of vol.); of Raiatea, I, 318, 319–20, pl. 17, 18 (end of vol.); of Rurutu, I, 333; of Tahaa, I, pl. 19 (end of vol.); timber for, I, 319
Canterbury Coast, N.Z., I, 469
Canton, John, II, 276
The Cap, islet, II, 180
Cape Agùlhas, II 246, 247
Cape Bank, II, 246
Cape Brett, I, 439
Cape Campbell, I, 467
Cape Capricorn, II, 69
Cape Colville, I, 434
Cape Dromedary, II, 50
Cape Farewell, I, 475
Cape Finisterre, I, 156
Cape Flattery, II, 102
Cape Frio Island, I, 185
Cape Grafton, II, 76
Cape Grenvile, II 108
Cape hen, the name, I, 208; see also Procellaria
Cape Horn, I, 230–1
Cape Howe, II, 49
Cape Kidnappers, I, 413
Cape Koamaru, I, 459
Cape Maria van Diemen, I, 446, 449, 450; longitude of, II 2
Cape of Good Hope, II, 247, 250 et sqq.; account of, II, 250–61; Dutch in, II, 255; money values, II, 260; ox waggons, II, 256; plantations, II, 256; products of, II, 252–3; supplies for ships, II, 266; time to sail from, II, 351; transport, II, 256; travel in, II, 256; winds of, II, 256
Cape Palliser, I, 465
Cape Roxent, II, 75
Cape Runaway, I, 422
Cape St George, II, 51
Cape St Vincent, Portugal, I, 158
Cape St Vincent, Tierra del Fuego, I, 216
Cape Saunders, I, 470
Cape Town, II, 250–61; canals, II, 250; climate, II, 252; Company's garden, II, 254; Dutch in, II, 250 et sqq.; Dutch women of, I, 54; II, 251; government, II, 251; health of, II, 252; houses, II, 250; lives on visitors, II, 250; living methods, II, 253–4; Menagerie, II, 254–5; people of, II, 250, 251, 253; products of, II, 252–3; provisioning of ships, II, 251; sand at, II, 252; slaves at, II, 251; winds of, II, 250, 252; women of, I, 54; II, 251
Cape Turnagain, I, 414, 465
Cape Upstart, II, 75
Cape Verde Islands, I, 168
Cape York to Batavia, map, II, 138
Capel, Sir Henry, I, 99
Capella gallinago, II, 206
Capsicum, II, 217
Carabus, I, 208
Caranx amblyrhynchus, I, 183
Carcass, bomb-vessel, I, 95
Cardamons, II, 222
Carlisle, Bishop of, I, 9
The Carpenter (John Satterley), mistake made by, II, 79, 80; repairs pinnace, II, 106
Carret, Mr, surgeon, II, 271
I, 132
Carstenz, Jan, expedition of, II, 143
I, 47
Cascade Point, I, 474
Cask for water stolen, I, 277–8
Cassada see Cassava
Castanospermum australe, II, pl. V opp. p. 206
Castle Point, I, 467
Castle Rock, is., I, 424
Cast-net lost, I, 156
Castor oil plant, II, 183
Casuarina equisetifolia, I, 303; II, 147; clubs of, I, 386; Dampier's specimen,
Casuarina equisetifolia (continued)
II, 147; dye from, I, 357; in cloth making, I, 355; mallet of, I, 320
Catamaran, Maori, I, 405
Catharacta skua, I, 395
Caulking ships, bark for, II, 114
Cavalli Islands, I, 446
Celery, wild, see Apium
Celmisia gracilenta,
Cenchrus australis, II, 71
Centranthera cochinchinensis, II, pl. 24b (end of vol.)
Cephalorhynchus commersoni, I, 214
Cephaloscyllium isabella, II, 8
Cervus unicolor, II, 205
Chaetodon cyprinaceus, I, 174
Chain Island, I, 248
Champac, II, 215
Chapel, Madeira, I, 164
Chappel Valley, II, 265
Charadrius pluvialis, II, 183
Charlton, John, lent to Banks, II, 191; returns to Cook, II, 192
Charonia capax euclioides, II, 30
Chastellein (Chastelein) Cornelis, quoted on Mardijkers, II, 199
Chaufferette, the word, II, 251
ChaurGa, berries, I, 217
Cheap, Mr, Madeira, I, 159
Chelidonichthys kumu, I, 453
Chelifer cancroides, I, 393
Chenopodium triandrum, II, 8
Chilonopsis aurisvulpina, II, 269
Chimaera callorynchus, I, 453
Chinaware, Cookworthy's, I, 10
Chinese in Batavia, II, 198, 213, 219, 227–9, 230–1; burying grounds, II, 229; food, II, 228; funerals, II; 229; justice, administration of, II, 230–1; taxes of, II, 231; trade of, II, 219
Chinese in Java see Chinese in Batavia
Chinese wall-paper, II, 228
Chondrodendron,I, 202
Christianity, Savu, II, 169
Chunam, II, 229
Cinchona tree, II, 194
Circumcision, Tahiti, I, 382
Circumnavigation of Globe, II, 262
Circus approximans,
Cissampelos pareira,I, 202
Clements, Captain, death, I, 107
I, 34, 112; letters to Banks, I, 74, 81, 106–7, 112; opinion of Resolution, I, 74; promotion, II, 271; to command Resolution, I, 107
Clerodendrum floribundum, II, pl. 23 (end of vol.)
I, xiv
I, 93; engaged by Banks, I, 73
Clianthus puniceus,
Clifford, Georg, I, 46
Clio,I, 180
Clouds, green, I, 474
Cloves, II, 217
Clupea
Clusia, I, 192
Cobra-di-capello, poison, II, 259
Coccos see Colocasia; Taro
Cock, sacred, I, 298
Cockatoo, II, 118, pl. 33; Banks takes a, II, 118; Banksian, I, 416
Coconut, Brazil, I, 200, 201; Java, II, 211; II, 142; Savu, II, 150, 159; Tahiti, I, 340, 342, 345; Timor, II, 147, 148
drying of, I, 319; fermented, I, 345; on Queensland beach, II, 86, 88; prices for, I, 275
Coconut oil, I, 339
Coconut-opening crab, II, 88
Coix lacrymi-jobi, II, 144
I, 214
Collection of voyages undertaken by the Dutch East-India Company etc. … Lond., 1703, quoted, I, 371
Colman, George, the elder, visits Yorkshire, I, 103–5
Colman, George, the younger, visits Yorkshire, I, 103–5;—Random records, quoted, I, 104
Colocasia
antiquorum, II, 19; esculenta, I, 342; II, 85, 114; see also Taro
Columba livia,
Comet, 1769,I,389,390
Commensalism noted, I, 174
I, 29; II, 249, 287; collections unpublished, I, 120; dolphin of, I, 214; female valet of, I, 80, 287; letter in Mercure de France, I, 287; plants collected, II, 297; with Bougainville, I, 29, 120; II, 188, 249
Commersonia, II, 249
Commidendron robustum,II, 266
Conchoderma
II, 319
Conger verrauxi, II, 8
Constantia, wine, II 253
Continent, Southern, see Southern Continent
Continent, sunken, I, 308
Convents, Madeira, I, 163–4
Convolvulus peltatus see Merremia peltata
Cook, Elizabeth, Mrs, pension for, I, 112
Cook, James, Captain, I, 21–2, 34–6
accused of smuggling, I, 190
and Banks, I, 34–6, 76, 81,105,108,212; and criticism of St Helena, II, 267, 268; and Dootahah, I, 253, 266, 270, 271, 281–2, 311; and signs of land, I, 242; and Solander, I, 34, 35–6
appointed observer, I, 22
as geographer, I, 29, 42; as hydrographer, I, 179; as marine surveyor, I, 21
at Lizard Is., II, 103; at Princes Is., II, 234; at Savu, II, 155; at Rio de Janeiro, I, 186 et sqq.; see also names of places
awarded Royal Society's Medal, I, 112; care for fresh food and water, I, 37; character, I, 34–5; chooses Resolution and
Cook, James, Captain (continued)
Adventure, I, 71; II, 350; chosen commander, I, 21; circuit round Tahiti see journey round Tahiti; circumnavigation of globe completed, II, 262; circumnavigation of N.Z. completed, I, 42, 475; climbs Kaitapeha, I, 458; compared with Banks, I, 124; criticises crops, St Helena, II, 268; Dalrymple's criticisms of, I, 242; II, 77; decides to sail to New Holland, I, 42–3; II, 38,42; developed by voyage, I, 35–6; dines with Banks, I, 108; directed to receive Banks & amp; suite, I, 24; examines inlet to Broad Sound, II, 73; explores II, 59; father of, I, 105; fears change of monsoon, II, 148; fires at Australian natives, II, 96; fires at Maori, I, 454; ideas on scurvy, I, 37, 244, 249; illness, II, 192; in search for quadrant, I, 269–70; influenced by Banks & amp; Solander, I, 35–6; inspects harbour, II, 81–2; instructions to, I, 36; interest in Torres Strait, I, 29; II, 105; journey round Tahiti, I, 294–305; II, 302–7; letters sent to Admiralty, I, 194; II, 247; letters to Banks, quoted, 1772, I, 8r; 1776, I, 112; longitudes incorrect, II, 2, 178; made Captain, I, 107; Mss. relating to, I, 145–6; measures tree, I, 436; memorials to Viceroy, Rio de Janeiro, I, 37–8, 188, 189, igo; observes eclipses, I, 21, 258; observes transit of Venus, I, 285; order disobeyed, I, 270
on alterations to Resolution, I, 73, 74; on….Burnett, I, 80; on Burrish, I, 198; on danger off Natal, II, 245; on departure of Endeavour, I, 153; on I, 473; on figure of Maui, I, 302; on fothering of shin, II, 80; on a gale, I, 235; on grant to Lind, I, 72; on the name II, 61; on position in Reef, II, 102; on seamen during danger, II, 105; on trading at Savu, II 155; on visitors to Resolution, I, 72; on water in New South Wales, I, 50; II, 70, 113; on weather between 40° and 37° S., II, 44
papers sold, I, 147; perplexed by position, II, 102; plants seeds, I, 274, 308–9; profile drawing by, I, 184; protects Irishman, II, 218; protects refugee, II, 230; punishes butcher, I, 266–7; rank, I, 34; reports to Admiralty, I, 50, 194; returns to his home, I, 50;
Cook, James, Captain (continued)
searches for passage, Cook Harbour, II, 95; sees I, 457–8; Palliser praises, II, 347; seizes canoes, I, 290–1, 294; shoots a Maori, I, 439; steers for land seen by Gore, I, 468; steers for II, 111, 139; stockings stolen, I, 282; Tahitian name, I, 275
takes possession of coast of New South Wales, II, 110; of Queen Charlotte Sound etc., I, 461; of Raiatea etc., I,318
tribute to II, 80; use of Banks Journal, I, 35, 147; visits Dootahah, I, 271 et sqq.; visits Opoony, I, 327
Cook, James, Captain—Second Voyage
chooses ships for, I, 71; II, 350; letters on, II, 335–55; return from, I, 105; specimens collected on, I, 108; to consult Banks on sailings, II, 235
Cook, James, Captain—Third Voyage, I, 111–12
Cook, James, Captain—Journals
Journals of … 2 vols., I, 147, 150; vol. I, Note on Polynesian history, I, 150; postscript on a second voyage, I, 64
Abstract of part of, I, 35, 137–8, 146; compared with the Banks Journal, I, 35, 48; description of, I, 35, 48; edited by Hawkesworth, I, 47; material from sold by clerk, I, 270; praised, I, 48
Cook, James, the elder, I, 105
Cook Harbour, II, 83
Cook River, N.G., II, 142
Cook Shoal, II, 111
Cook Strait, I, 452 et sqq., 464; Cook's proof of, I, 457–8; monument erected, I, 459; tides of, I, 464
Cook's Bay, N.G., II, 142–3
Cook's Cove, N.Z., I, 418
Cook's Passage, II, 103–4
Cooktown, II, 83
Cooper, Robert Palliser, Lieut. of Resolution, made Master and Commander, I, 107
Coopers Island see Kuiper
Copaiba, I, 202
Copaifera langsdorfi, I, 202
Copaiva balsam, I, 202
Coprosma robusta,
Coral reef, description of, II, 105; see also Great Barrier Reef
Coral rocks, danger to ships, II, 77
Corallina, I, 215
Cordia subcordata, I, pl. 33b (end of vol.); in dyeing, I, 357–8
Cordyline
Corn, Madeira, I, 163
Coronation Day, I, 14
Correspondence about voyage: texts, II, 308–29; second voyage: texts, II, 335–55
Corlunix
Council of the Indies, II, 230; apartments of II, 197; petitions to, II, 189
Country house, Batavia, Banks hires, II, 191
Court de Jebelin (Gebelin), on origin of Polynesians, II, 37
Court of Aldermen, I, 424
I, 211; sights Falkland Is., I, 211
Craay, or Craig, Frederick, II, 169
Crabs, Brazil, I, 180, 192; Keppel Is., II, 69; luminous, I, 179; see also names of species
Craig, or Craay, F., II, 169
Crataeva, I, 303; religiosa, I, pl. 29 (end of vol.)
Crayfish, New Zealand, I, 422, 434; II, 7
Crepis novae-zelandiae, II, pl. 16a (end of vol.)
Cress, wild, II, 8
The Crew, conduct praised, II, 77, 78, 81; health, II, 184; homesick, I, 45; II, 145; sickness & amp; death, I, 46–7; II, 187, 189, 192, 193, 242–4
Crocodile legends, II, 226–7
Crocodilus porosus, II, 88
Crops, Java, II, 206–7; Madeira, I, 163; N.Z., I, 409, 417; St Helena, II, 265, 267; Savu, II, 159
Crossing the Line, I, 176–7
Crotalaria calycina, II, pl. 24a (end of vol.)
Cullen, William, Dr, II, 145
Cumberland Islands, II, 74; the name, II, 74; natives seen on, II, 75
Cuttle bones, size, II, 52
Cyanoramphus zealandicus, I, pl. 38 (end of vol.); note on, I, xxiv
Cycas
Cyclosalpa pinnata, I, 156
Cygnet Bay, Dampier's visit, II, 112, 115; Dracaena at, II, 115
Cymodocea, II, 94
Cynips sycomori, II, 70
Cythera, Isle of, see La nouvlle Cythère
Cyttaria, I, 226
Dacrydium cupressinum,
Dactylopagrus macropterus, I, 438; II, 7
Dagga, II, 258
cornuta, I, 155, 157; II, 45, 51; costa, I, 186; gemma, I, 155, 157, 399; II, 46, 51; lobata, I, 156; polyedra, I, 396; rostrata, I, 156, 395; saccata, I, 154, 155; serena, I, 155, 395; strumosa, I, 170; II, 51; vitraea, I, 171, 236; II, 46
see Alembert, Jean Le Rond d’
I, 19, 21;—Account of the discoveries made in the South Pacifick Ocean previous to 1764, 1769 [with chart], I, 19, 28–9, 209–10, 240, 241, 400; II, 16, 40;—Chart of the South Pacifick Ocean 1767, I, 209–10, 240, 241; II, 105
and the voyage, I, 21, 22; belief in Southern Continent, I, 19; chart showing Orange's discoveries, I, 240; chart showing strait through South America, I, 209–10; criticisms of Cook, I, 242; II, 77; gives Banks his Account etc., 1769, I, 28, 240; Torres's track on chart of, I, 29; II, 105; View of Murderer's Bay: engraving, I, 400, 453; II, 16
II, 111–12; describes "New Holland noddies", II, 139, 148; longitude quoted, II, 178
on Australian natives, II, 50, 55, 92, 111–12, 124; on Cape Town garden, II, 254; on crowned pigeons, II, 255; on giant clams, II, 122; on gum of Dracaena, II, 115; on lobster krill, I, 2, 11; on I, 238; on Pepys Is., I, 211; on teeth of aborigines, II, 92; on trade winds, Brazil, I, 181
visit to Timor, II, 146, 147; visits to Australia, II, 112; voyage in Roebuck, II, 112; 146
Dampier's Archipelago, II, 112
Danais melissa hamata, II, 71
Dance, Nathaniel, drawing of wallaroo, II, 100
Dances, Hottentots, II, 258; Maoris, I, 420, 425, 429; II, 11, 12, 29–30; Tahitians, I, 351, 352, pl. 12, 13 (end of vol.)
Danish ship and Robben Island, II, 261
d'Après de Mannevillette, J.B.N.D., see Après de Mannevillette, J.B.N.D. d’
I, 39,215,218
Darwinia fascicularis, II, pl. 21 (end of vol.)
Dasyatis brevicaudatus, II, 60
I, 41
The Banks letters, 1958, I, 137; information from, I, 127; Mss. owned by, quoted, I, 3,4,7
Deal, Endeavour reaches, II, 275
Deaths, at Batavia, II, 193, 232; at Cape Town, II, 244; at sea, II, 242–4; at Tierra del Fuego, I, 221, 222; mistakes in dates of, II, 244
De Bondt, Jacob, mentions bilimbi, II, 162
De Brosses, Charles, I, 230;—Navigations aux terres australes, 1756, I, 230, 370, 469–70; II, 105, 142, 327
Deer, Java, II, 205
Deiopeia,I, 173
De Jong's Point, II, 143
Dekol, II, 117
Delany, Mary, Mrs, drawings by, I, 118; quoted on Becket's publication, I, 60, 61
Delphinus phocaena, I, 153
Demigretta sacra, I, 383
Dendrocygna
De Quiros, see
De Saussure, see
Deschampsia caespitosa, II, 8
Desembargador, I, 186
De Surville, see Surville, J. F.de
De Vismes, Gerard, see
Diana's Peak, II, 264
Didelphis, II, 99
Diego Ramirez, islets, I, 231
Dillenia alata, II, pl. 26 (end of vol.)
Diomedea, I, 234; antarctica, I, 231, 232; chlororhynchos, I, 232; chrysostoma, I, 232, 390; II, 44; demersa, I, 471; epomophora, I, 231; exulans, I, 207, 231, 232, 236, 396, 450; II, 44; impavida, II, 44; irrorata, I, 234, 237; melanophris, I, 390; II, 44; profuga,I, 232; II, 44
Dioscorea, II, 19; alata, I, 342; pentaphylla, I, 342; transversa, II, 127; triphylla, II, 127; see also Yams
Diospyros
ebeneum, II, 269; lotus, I, pl. 24 (end of vol.)
Dipus sagitta, II, 89
Dixon, Jeremiah, observer of transit of Venus, I, 20
Dockyards, Plymouth, I, 105
Dog-skin cloak, I, 412
Dogs, as food, I, 292–3, 343; Banks's, I 24, 39; II, 89, 100, 117, 152, 274; from Tahiti, I, 108; of Tierra del Fuego, I, 229; see also Dingo; Greyhounds
Dolls given to Tahitians, I, 266
Dolphin, the name, I, 182
Dolphin, ship, at Tahiti, I, 252–3, 256, 260, 261, 300, 306–7; II, 249; axes traded, I, 260, 261; boats free from shipworms, I, 281; food on Tahiti, I, 288, 306–7; goose & amp; turkey left, I, 300; guns of, kill Tahitians, I, 307; reports on Tahiti, I, 22
Dolphin's old man see Ouwhá
Dolphin's Queen see Oborea
Domestic animals, II, 252–3; Java, II, 204–5; Savu, II, 161; Tahiti, I, 343
II, 10
Donovan Shoal, II, 70
Dootahah (Tuteha), I, 253, 255, 258, 261, 263, 266, 270–4, 280 et sqq., 291, 311 et sqq., 384, 385; and Taiarapu, I, 295; court of, I, 385; detained as hostage, I, 311; frightened, I, 291; marae of, I, 271, 281, 313, 385; offers hogs, I, 280–1; taken prisoner, I, 270; treatment by boatswain of, I, 270–1; visited, I, 271–3, 281
Doratifera, II, 66
Doubtful Sound, I, 473
Doubtless Bay, N.Z., I, 450; French visits to, I, 44
Dover, I, 86
Dozey, John, death, II, 248
Dracontium polyphyllum, I, 343
Dragon Tree, II, 57,115
Drepane punctata, II, 86
Drinking method of fishermen, I, 183
Drugs, Brazil, I, 202
I, 119, 121; catalogue of Banks's library, I, 123
Drying paper for plants, II, 58
Dua,II, 162
Duboisia hopwoodi, II, 128
Ducie Island, I, 241
Duck weed see Lemma
Ducking ceremony, I, 176–7
Dugong grass, II, 94
Duke of Gloucester, Indiaman, II, 248
D'I, 475–6
Dusky Sound,I, 473
The Dutch, and Tasman, I, 469; control spice trade, II, 157–8, 217; fleet in East Indies, II, 201; in Batavia, II, 194 et sqq., 217, 229–31; in Cape Town, II, 250
The Dutch, and Tasman (continued)
et sqq., in Savu, II, 172–3; in Timor, II, 175; justice of, II, 230; prevent intercourse between islands, II, 176; restrict entry to Java, II, 218; shipping at Batavia, II, 201
Dutch Court, Batavia, II, 230
Dutch East India Company, and Robben Is., II, 261; and Savu, II, 153, 158, 169, 172–3, 176; Banks and the, I, 82, 84; Chinese taxes to, II, 231; employees’ ranks, II, 229; monogram, II, 165; policy in islands, II, 176; print religious books, II, 169; provide teacher, II, 169, 176; restrict trade, II, 152, 173; slaves of, II, 261; soldiers of, II, 218; storehouses, II, 197; treaty with Rajas of Savu, II, 172–3
Dutch East India Company's Garden, Cape Town, II, 254
Dutch East Indiaman, struck by lightning, II, 202
Dutch East Indiamen, at Anger Pt, II, 179; in East Indies, II, 201
Dutch Packet, Straits of Sunda, II, 179
Eadam Island see Edam
Earl of Elgin, Indiaman, II, 194
Earl of Pembroke, bark, see Endeavour
East Cape, I, 421
East India Company see
East Indian jambo, I, 278
East Indies Council see Council of the Indies
East Indies Governor-General see Governor-General of the Indies
Eastern bustard, II, 67
Ecklonia maxima, II, 261
Eclipse of satellite of Jupiter, I, 258
Edam, is., Java, II, 184, 232; prison at, II, 200; Tupaia and Tayeto buried at, II, 190
Edgecombe, Mount, I, 423
I, 183
E fata, I, 304
Egg-plant, II, 206–7
Egmont, Earl of, I, 452
Egmont, Mount, I, 451–2; II, 3
Egyptian learning, II, 241
Eimeo, is., see Moorea
Elettaria, II, 222
Eleutheronema tetradactylum, II, 86
I, 74
letters to Linnaeus, I, 29–30, 53, 71; on Solander, I, 26, 30, 53
Emissola antarctica, I, 453
Stone remains in the Society Is., 1933, I, 304, 318, 383
Endeavour
anchor lost, II, 80, 111; anchor stock worm eaten, I, 312
anchors in Admiralty Bay, I, 475; Batavia Road, II, 184; II, 54; Bustard Bay, II, 65–7; I, 39, 252; I, 400; Providential Channel, II, 107–8; off Savu, II, 151; Table Bay, II, 247
approaches Brazil, I, 179–82; at Rio de Janeiro, I, 37–8, 186 et sqq.; II, 311–12; at Santa Cruz Fort, I, 194, 195, Australian natives aboard, II, 95–6; Banks's status in, I, 24, 33
boats unready, II, 105; boatswain's boat lost, I, 154; see also Longboat; Pinnace; Yawl
brought into Navy, I, 21, 23; cable broken, II, 111; command of, I, 21–2
completes circumnavigation of New Zealand, I, 42; II, 475; circumnavigation of the globe, II, 262; exploratory part of voyage, I, 45; II, 110
construction praised, II, 347; coral damage to, II, 84; coral plugs hole in, II, 84; crew homesick, I, 45; II, 145; crew's conduct praised, II, 77, 78, 81; damage to, I, 206, 312; II, 38, 77, 78, 80, 84, 88, 104, 111, 192, 274; deaths in
Endeavour (continued)
see sickness and death in; discharges stores at Kuiper, II, 189; distance sailed, Australian coast, II, 111; driving towards reef, II, 101, 105–6 et sqq.; dysentery in, II, 242–4; finds passage in Reef, II, 103, 107; fired at, Santa Cruz, I, 194; fires at Maoris, I, 429, 441; floats off reef, II, 79; fothering of, II, 80–1; Fuegians board, I, 217–18; guns thrown overboard, II, 78; hauled offshore, II, 97; health of crew, II, 184, see also sickness and death in
in danger, I, 445, 446; II, 97, 100–1; II, 77 et sqq., 97, 101–2, 105–8; Kiapara Harbour, I, 450; Natal, II, 245; Princes Is., II, 234; Straits of Sunda, II, 182–3
in Torres Strait, I, 45; II, 108, 109–10; leaks, II, 78–9, 98, 104; length of, I, 23; lightning chain effective, II, 202; liquors on board, I, 389, 394; livestock on board, I, 387, 394; 177, 179, 180; loses false keel, II, 77; loses mast, I, 206; Maoris aboard, I, 414, 415, 435, 465; Maoris attempt to steal buoy, I, 440; methods used to save, II, 77, 78, 80–1, 105–6; moored in II, 83 et sqq.; officer's conduct praised, II, 77, 81; on Donovan Shoal, II, 70; on Endeavour Reef, II, 77–9; party from Savu board, II, 152; poultry drowned, I, 154; provisions: Sept. 1769, I, 393–4; March 1770, II, 38; Sept., 1770, II, 145; provisions bought Savu, I, 157; pumps successful, II, 78 et sqq., 82
reaches England, I, 47; II, 275; South America, I, 182; Tahiti, I, 39, 252
ready to sail from England, I, 153; repaired at II, 83, 84, 87, 88, 97, 98; repaired at Onrust, II, 189, 192; sails and rigging bad, II, 38, 274; sails new, I, 206, 207
sails for Batavia, II, 177; for Van Diemen's Land, II, 42
sails from II, 101; from St Helena, I, 47; II, 270; from Table Bay, II, 261
sails round I, 230–2
sails through I, 464; through Cook's Passage, II, 104;
Endeavour (continued)
through Endeavour Strait, I, 45; II, 108, 109–10; through Torres Strait, I, 45; through Tuamotus, I, 244 et sqq.; with East India Fleet, I, 47; II, 270
saved by breeze, II, 106; saved by tide, II, 107; seaworthiness, I, 153, 213; II, 347; shipwrights’ work in, I, 153; sickness and death in, I, 46–7; II, 187, 189, 192, 193, 198, 242–4; speed, comments on, I, 235, 237; strikes Whale Rock, I, 446; supernumeraries in, I, 24; suspected of spying, I, 187; tiller in danger, II, 97; track: Cape York to Batavia, II, 138, round World, II (end of vol.); water, state of, I, 196, 239, 393
Endeavour Journal see Banks, Sir Joseph—Endeavour Journal
Endeavour River, II, 81–2, 83 et sqq.; Endeavour leaves, II, 101; freshwater at, II, 84
England—The Navy see The Admiralty; The Navy; Navy Board
England—Parliament see Parliament
England sighted, II, 275
English East India Company, II, 184
English gentlemen of fortune, I, 23
The English Pilot, the Third Book … 1711, II, 179
Englishmen, imprisoned at Rio de Janeiro, I, 193, 197; in St Helena, II, 265, 266, 267; reputation as smugglers, I, 187
Enteromorpha intestinalis, I, 215
Enu, is., II, 145
Epistle from Oberea to Joseph Banks, Esq., I, 101
Equator crossed, I, 176–7
Eskimoes in London, I, 94
Esox scombroides, II, 46
Espirito Santo, S. America, Endeavour reaches, I, 182
Espiritu Santo, New Hebrides, II, 86
pseud., on ducking ceremony, I, 177
Etoile, store-ship, II, 188
Eton, Banks at, I, 5
Eucalyptus alba, II, 57; crebra, II, 66, 71, 115, pl. 22 (end of vol.); gum of, II, 57, 66, 115
Eudjplula minor, I, 471
Eugenia
aquea, II, pl. 39 (end of vol.); banksii, II, 59, 114; cumini, II, 208, 212; jambos, I, 200, 201; II, 208, 211; malaccensis, I, 200, 278, 343; II, 208, 211
Euploea sylvester, II, 71–2
Eupodotis australis, II, 67
Europa, Indiaman, II, 248
Europeans in Batavia, II, 217
Eutermes
Euthynnus
I, 199
Evouts, Island of, I, 230
I, viii
Exeter, Hannah Sophia, wife of Earl of, I, 4
pseud., on ducking ceremony, I, 177
Faa? a Tahitian see Ouwh& aacute;
Faaa, district, I, 280
I, 70, 261;—Systema Entomologiae, I, 70; describes
scorpion, I, 317
Fagraea berteriana, I, 358
Fagus betuloides, I, 215
Faifai, timber, I, 319
Falca novaeseelandiae, II, 5
Falconer, Thomas, I, 19; letters from Banks, quoted, I, 70, 71, 82, 93, 95; letters to Banks, I, 19, 96–7
Falmouth, gunship, condemned, II, 200
False Bay, N.Z. (Cook), I, 450
False Cape, S. Af., II, 247
Family Islands, II, 76
Fan palm see Borassus flabellifer
Fana no te arii, I, 385
Fanau-tua? see Whannouda
Fanaunau, I, 352
Fara see Pandanus
Fara-iri, I, 285
Fara-paeore, I, 360
Fare, harbour, I, 314
Fare-arioi, I, 341
Fare-tupapau, I, 377, pl. 14 (end of vol.)
Farewell, Cape, I, 475
Fasciola pelamines, I, 169
Fat hen, plant, II, 8
Fatutira, I, 297
Fei see Plantains, mountain
Fennel, I, 159
The Fens, I, 3
II, 40
Ficus
aspera, II, 131; glomerata, II, 70, 114, pl. VI opp. p. 222; macrophylla, II, 70; opposita, II, 131; prolixa, I, 374, 319, cloth from, I, 353; radula, II, 131; tinctoria, I, 319, 357–8; II, 328; I, pl. 33a (end of vol.); pollination, II, 70
Fig see Ficus
Figure-heads of war canoes, II, 24
Fingal's Cave, I, 89
Finisterre, Cape, I, 156
Fiord country, N.Z., I, 473–4
First Mate (A. Weir), drowned, II, 309
Fish, II, 56; Brazil, I, 182, 183, 205; II, 86; Java, II, 205; Madeira, list of, II, 278–80; New South Wales, II, 56, 86, 121–2; New Zealand, I, 453; II, 6–8, list of, I, 453; St Helena, II, 269;, Savu, II, 161
Fish of Maui, I, 462
Fish-hooks, Maori, I, 467; II, 26; I, pl. 22b (end of vol.); Tahitian, I, 362–3, sketch, 362, 363, pl. 22b (end of vol.)
Fishermen, Brazilian, I, 182–3; English, I, 10, 12; French, I, 10, 12; Icelandic, I, 90
Fishing nets, I, 444; in danger, II, 96; Maori, I, 444, 456; II, 10, 25–6; Tahitian, I, 361
Fissurella picta, I, 223
Flamingo Bay, II, 143
Flat Island, I, 423
Flax, N.Z., I, 407; II, 10–11
Fleck, James, I, 126
Fletcher, nickname, II, 304
II, 51; compared with Cook, I, 473
Flores, II, 176
Flux, in Endeavour, II, 242–4
Fly pests, Tahiti, I, 260
Flying fox, described by a seaman, II, 84, 117; see also Pteropus
Food, in Endeavour, I, 393–4; scarce in Tahiti, I, 270, 271, 299
Foot-stoves, Cape Town, II, 251
II, 108
Forbes's Isles, II, 108
I, 108–11; and Banks, I, 110; book published, I, 110; criticises Hawkesworth, II, 264; death, I, 110; drawings at The Cape, II, 255;—Letter to … Earl of Sandwich, 1778, I, 110; letter to Pennant, quoted, I, 111; quoted on Polatehera, I, 294; quoted on St Helena, II, 266, 268; sails in Resolution, I, 80; uses Solander's Mss., I, 110
I, 108–11; and Banks, I, 108–11; and Cook's book, I, and Sandwich, I, 109–11; II, 348, 354–5; character, I, 108; criticises Hawkesworth, II, 264; drawings at The Cape, II, 250; keeps journal, I, letters to Banks, I, 109, 110–11;—Observations made during tour round the world etc., 1778, I, 110: quoted, I, 350; on songs of Tahiti, I, 350; sails in Resolution, I, 80
I, 38, 187; II, 321–2; charged with smuggling, I, 193; illtreated, II, 322; letter to Banks, II, 321–3; on militia, I, 198; on women of Rio, I, 199
Forwood, gunner, assists with observations, II, 106
I, 58; and Parkinson's journal, I, 61; counsels Stanfield Parkinson, I, 58et sqq.; present of apples, I, 58, 393
Fothering the ship, II, 80
Foveaux Strait, I, 471
Fowls, Tahiti, I, 343
Franciscan Convent, Madeira, I, 163–4
Francolinus
I, 113–14; experiment with oil on surf, I, 113; lightning conductors of, I, 116; sent Cook medal, I, 114
Fraser Island, II, 64
Fraser Peaks, I, 472
Frederik Hendrik Island, II, 140
Fregata, I, 241; aquila, II, 271; ariel, II, 64, 146; minor, II, 64
Fregetta
The French, suspected by Banks, II, 248
French ship wrecked, II, 175
French ships in Table Bay, II, 248
Frézier, Amédée François, II, 7; on icebergs, II, 39; on Peruvian oven, II, 164; on Southern Continent, II, 39
Frio; Isle of, I, 185
Fruit, Brazil, I, 193, 200, 201–2; II, 310; II, 253; Java, II, 207–14, list, II, 207–8; Madeira, I, 162–3; II, 144; Princes Is., II, 236; Savu, II, 159, 161–2; St Helena, II, 266; Tahiti, I, 342–3; cast up on beach, II, 88
Fruit marketing, Batavia, II, 213–34
Fuchsia excorticate, I, pl. × opp. p. 436
Fucus,I, 399; giganteus (Banks), I, 211, 216; natans, I, 184; II, 272
I, 102
Furtado de Castro do Rio e Mendonça, A., Governor, I, 186, 204
Fyfield Down, I, 17
Gable End Foreland, I, 415
Gadus rubriginosus, II, 7
Gales, birds seen in, I, 213; in Great South
Sea, I, 235; in South Atlantic, I, 212, 213; off II, 101, 102; off New Zealand, I, 449, 450, 470; off Spain, I, 154
Galicia, I, 155
Gambier, II, 222
Gannet Island, I, 451
Garden, Alexander, letter on Solander, I, 25
Garden nightshade, II, 8 Gardenia taitensis, I, 325, 338, pl. 30 (end of vol.)
Gasterostcus ductor, I, 173
Gathrey, John, boatswain, boat of, lost, I, 154; gives is mate rum, I, 388; takes Dootahah prisoner, I, 270
The Gazetteer, letters on Banks in, I, 82; projected letter to, I, 81–2: text, II, 342–3
Gempylus serpens, I, 166
Geopdia humeralis, II, 83
George III
and Banks, I, 51, 99, 117–18, 128; and horticulture, I, 99–100; and Kew Gardens, I, 99–100; and lightning, I, 116; and Omai, I, 102; and I, 116
Bauer's drawings bequeathed to, I, 128; birthday, I, 286; buys Kew House, I, 100; draft letter to, I, 77–9; interest in Resolution, I, 77; interest in voyages, I, 51, 77; presented with coronet, I, 51; Solander presented to, I, 51
Georges Island see Tahiti
Gerard, John—Herbal used, I, 5
Gerrards (Gerritsz) Dirk, I, 470
Geysir, I, 91
I, 310, 311, 312 Gifts for natives, I, 69–70 Glass Houses, Mis, II, 63, 102
Glaucus atlanticus, 1, 170, 238, pl. 1b (end of vol.); II, 45, 57
Gnetum gnemon, II, 208
Gobius, II, 72
Gods of Tahiti, I, 380
Golden Bay, N.Z., I, 452, 475
II, 323; poem on Banks, I, 51
Gonçalves, André, I, 195
Goose at Tahiti, I, 300
Goose barnacle, I, 172
Gore, John, I, 34, 85–6, 176; an observer, Irioa, I, 284; and Dootahah, I, 270; and a marae, I, 292; and third voyage, I, 112; as archer, I, 289; at Princes Is., II, 234–5; at Rurutu, I, 329, 330; at Savu, II, 150, 151–2; catches stingrays, II, 61; challenges Tubourai, I, 289; excursion up II, 88–90; finds coconut husk, II, 86; followed by natives, II, 57–8; in charge of Endeavour, I, 429; kills kangaroo, II, 93–4; kills Maori, I, 429; letter to Banks, I, 112; on Portuguese suspicions, I, 187;
Gore, John (continued)
sees dingo, II, 86; sees people on Hao, I, 246; sets up observatory, I, 284; shoots wallaroo, II, 100; thinks he sees land, I, 468; trip to Iceland, I, 85–6
I, 117
Goura cristata, II, 255
Gourd, I, 433; II, 9
Governor-General of the Indies, II, 229–30; apartments for, II, 197; Banks and Solander meet, II, 187; country house of, II, 203
Grafting, I, 161–2
The Grape, Java, II, 210
Grass fire, New South Wales, II, 96–7
Grass-Sea, Et, 272
Great Barrier Reef, described, II, 105; Endeavour in danger in, II, 77 et sqq., 87, 88, 101 et sqq.; tides in, II, 78, 107; viewed from Lizard Is., II, 103
Great Britain—The Navy see The Admiralty; The Navy; Navy Board
Great Britain—Parliament see Parliament
Great Exhibition Bay, I, 447, 450
Great Keppel Island, II, 69
Great Sandy Island, II, 64
Green, Charles, I, 21; appointed astronomer, I, 22, 24; attempts to climb hill, I, 280; calculates longitudes, II, 2; death, II, 232, 243; death of his servant, II, 232; hanger taken from, I, 401–2; ill, II, 82, 83; in Tierra del Fuego, I, 218 et sqq.; looks for quadrant, I, 269; measures tree, I, 274
observes eclipse, I, 258; occultation of Saturn, I, 238; transit of Mercury, I, 428–9; transit of Venus, I, 285
quoted on ship's approach to reef, II, 106; to buy hogs, I, 273–4
Green clouds, I, 474
Green Island (Cook), II, 77
Greenslade, William, marine, I, 242–3
Greenstone, I, 402, 411; hatchets of, II, 24, 25; ornaments of, II, 17; use of, II, 12
Grenville family, I, 4
reville, Hon Charles, in Holland, I, 94–5 evillea glauca,. II, pl. 28 (end of vol.)
Grey, Sir George, and Banks papers, I, 136, 137–8, 145–6; bequest, I, 145
Grey Wethers, I, 17
Greyhounds, catch kangaroo, II, 100, 117; death, II, 274; given away, II, 152; hunt jerboas, II, 89; on board Endeavour, I, 24; on Tierra del Fuego, I, 39
Grus rubicunda, II, 118
Guindo, tree, I, 226
Gulf of San Mathias, I, 209–10
Gum benzoin, I, 141
Gygis alba, I, 241
Haamene, bay, I, 322
Haapape, district, I, 253 et sqq.
I, 211
Haematopus unicolor,
Halcyon tuta, I, 383
Half-minute glass, I, 437
Haliotis, I, 408, 456; II, 23
Halobaena, I, 389
Hamene Bay, I, 322
Les Quatre Facardins, II, 325
Hamilton, Sir William, Banks's letters to, I, 136
Hammocks, cotton, I, 202
Hangklip Berg, II, 247
Hao, is., I, 245–6
Harakeke, II, 10
Harcourt, Indiaman, II, 184
La Harpe, is., see Bow Island
II, 354
Harrow, Banks at, I, 5
II, 70
I, 120
Hau, sub-chief, see Ouwh& aacute;
Haukadal, I, 91
Hauraki Gulf, I, 435
Havai‘i, I, 463
Hawaiki, I, 463
Hawke Bay, I, 409, 412, 414
I, 98; and Cook's journal, I, 47, 48; and Banks Journal, I, 47, 48, 131, 122; and Parkinson's journal, I, 61; criticised by the Forsters, II, 264, 266; dedication by, I, 77; edits journals, I, 47, 48; publication of work, I, 101
Hawlcy, Sir David, I, 10
Heaving the log, I, 437
I, 36, 160, 162, 167; Banks on, I, 160; II, 313–14; Solander on, II, 309–10, 311
I, 160
Heberdenia, I, 160
The Hebrides, I, 87–9
Hecla, mt, I, 91–2
Heiva, at Raiatea, I, 318, 325–6, 328, 351; at Tahiti, I, 288–9, 302, 350–1; dresses at, I, 328; family at, I, 328; mourning ceremony, I, 288–9
Helichysum bracteatum, II, pl. 19 (end of vol.)
Helkolenus percoides, I, 453
Helix
janthina, I, 171, 172, 240; II, 46; violacea, I, 171, 172, 392
Hemiscyllium occllatum, II, 86
Hemp, II, 258
Henderson, Is., I, 241
Henniker Heaton, Sir John, see Heaton, Sir John Henniker
Heppas (Banks) see Pa
Herbariums, Banks's, I, xiv, 14, 15, 114, 115, 149; British Museum, Natural History, I, 149; Commerson's, II, 249; Kew Gardens, I, 144; P. Miller's, I, 99; I, 360
Hercules, nickname, see Dootahah
Heretaunga Plains, I, 410
II, 254
Hermannsson, Halldor—Sir Joseph Banks and Iceland, 1928, I, 85
Heru, II, 15
Hervey Bay, II, 64
Hibiscus
abelmoschus, I, pl. IV opp. p. 260; radiatus, II, pl. IV opp. p. 126; tiliaceus, I, 307, 360, matting of bark of, I, 360
Hicks, Zachary, I, 34, 47, 48; at I, 441; at Rio de Janeiro, I, 186, 188–9; confines Dootahah, I, 270; death, I, 47, 48; II, 271; goes ashore at Batavia, II, 184; in charge of Endeavour, I, 441; observation made at Taaupiri, II, 302; quoted on death from rum, I, 388; sent to capture Dootahah, I, 311; sent to recover men, I, 311; sights New South Wales, II, 49; visits Dootahah, I, 280; whips Maori, I, 437
Hierochloe redolens,
Hill, J. W. F.—Letters and papers of the Banks Family etc., 1704–1760, I, 3
Hillsborough, Wills, Lord, I, 117
Hinemoa, II, 30
Hippeastrum reginae, I, 195
Hippobosca, I, 236
Hirundinella clavata, I, 169
Hirundo
Histrio histrio, II, 272
Hiti-roa see Rurutu
I, 10
Hodgkinson, Robert Banks, I, 125
Hoeroa, I, 439; II, 28
Hokianga Harbour, I, 451
Holbrooke, Robert, horn-player, I, 73
Holland, Banks in, I, 94
Holothuria, I, 171; angustata, I, 170, 207; obtusata, I, 170, 236; II, 45, 51; physalis, I, 170, 171; II, 271
Home, Sir Everard, I, 5
Hooker, Sir Joseph Dalton, I, 144; alters names in Journal, I, 303; at Tierra del Fuego, I, 39, 222, 223; criticism of, I, 144–5; edition of Journal, I, 127, 144–5; letter to, from I, 135–6; on flora of St Helena, II, 269; quoted on Banks, I, 222, 223
Hoole, Lancs, I, 20
Hoorn Islands, II, 182
Hope, John, Prof., I, 9
Hope River, N.Z., I, 474
Hopua, cloth, I, 355
Hormurus australasiae, I, 317
Horn-players, engaged for 2nd voyage, I, 73 5 play at Iceland, I, 90
Horners or horn sellers, I, 16
I, 20
Horseradish tree, II, 208
Hortus Kewensis, I, 99
Hottentots, II, 20, 256–60; bulls of, II, 259; chiefs, II, 259; customs, II, 259; dances, II, 258; dress, II, 259; drink, II, 258; excision among, II, 259, 260; food, II, 258; language, II, 257; the name, II, 256; servants of Dutch, II, 257; shyness, II, 258; smoking, II, 258; use of metals, II, 259; weapons, II, 258–9; wedding custom, II, 259; women, II, 259–60, labia minora of, II, 260
Houa no te arii, I, 385
Houghton, Indiaman, II, 248
Te Houra see Portland Is.
Howson, William, II, 191
Huahine, Is., I, 314–17; boathouse at, I, 315–16; Cook takes possession, I, 318; first Europeans at, I, 316; food at, I, 317; people of, I, 314–17, presents to, I, 315, 316
Hue, I, 433; II, 9
I, 119
see Brabourne, Lord
Hugessen, William Western, I, 119
Huiarau Range, I, 399
I, 243, 244; lemon for scurvy, I, 40, 243, 244; II, 301; letter to Banks: text, II, 301; on beer for ships, II, 301; on orange juice and brandy, II, 69, 301
Human sacrifices, Society Is., I, 318
I, 85; quoted on Banks and Sandwich, I, 113
Huna? see Hoona
Hunter, Captain of Sir Lawrence, I, 84
Hunter, Alexander, Dr, I, 100
Hutu, I, 319
Hydra, II, 45
Hydrobates pelagicus, I, 154
Hydrostatic balance broken, I, 210
Hyperia medusarum, I, 154
Iatropha manihot, I, 199
Iberts (Banks), I, 285
Icebergs, II, 39
Iceland, Banks in, I, 90–4; in fashion, I, 83; Sir Lawrence reaches, I, go; trade at, I, 90; voyage to, I, 82–94
Ichneumonidae, I, 209
Te Ika no Maui, I, 462
Ilha Raza, I, 195
Im& agrave;o, is., see Moorea
Indiamen, ships, as ships for discovery, II, 353; Endeavour sails with, II, 270, 274
Indian kale see Colocasia esculenta; Taro
Indian mulberry see Morinda citrifolia
Indonesians see names of islands and races
Insects, Brazil, I, 192; N.S.W., II, 119–21; N.Z., II, 6; South Atlantic, I, 208–9, 210; Thirsty Sound, II, 71; Tierra del Fuego, I, 225
Insects collected, Brazil, I, 190, 195; Thirsty Sound, II, 71; described by Fabricius, I, 70
Interpolations in the Journal, II, 276–301
Ioretea see Raiatea
Ipecacuanha, I, 178
Ipomoea batatas,
Irioa, islet, observation post, I, 284
Iriru, islet, I, 321
Ironwood see Casuarina equisetifolia
Irwin, Bruce, I, xiv
Islam, man of, II, 221
Island of Evouts, I, 230
Islands of Direction, II, 102
Isle de France see Mauritius
Isle of Frio, I, 185
Isle of Wight, I, 86
Isles of Disappointment, I, 463
Isopogon anemonifolius, II, pl. 20 (end of vol.)
Ixodes, I, 168
Jack, flag, I, 401
Jackson, Daydon, and Turner transcripts, I, 132; possible biographer, I, 132
Jade see Greenstone
Jagara, sugar, II, 163
Janthina
Jasminum
Jasus lalandi, I, 422, 434; II, 7
Java, II, 203 et sqq.; domestic animals, II, 204–5; forts, II, 197–8; soil of, II, 204
Java, Governor-General see Governor-General of the Indies
Java, people, II, 217–31; betel chewing, II, 222; cleanliness, II, 223; crocodile legends, II, 226–7; drinks of, II, 214–15; food of, II, 213–14, 222, 228–9; hair style, II, 223; languages, II, 222–3; love of flowers, II, 215; love of scents, II, 215; oblations to Satan, II, 225–6; running amok, II, 224; teeth, II, 223–4; women's hair, II, 223
Java proe, II, pl. 40b (end of vol.)
Javanese language, origin, II, 239–41; word lists, II, 238–41
Javelin throwing, Raiatea, I, 349
Jaw bones, of Papara men, I, 300; Raiatea, I, 318, 319, 321 325
Jefferson, Thomas, akin to Banks, I, 114
II, 244; punished, I, 266–7; steals hatchet, I, 264–5
Jellyfish, I, 173; as food, I, 342; luminous, I, 179; see also names of species
Jerboa, II, 89
Jervis Bay, II, 51
Jewellers, Brazil, I, 203
I, 2, 3; and Banks, I, 52, 88, 118–19; distich in honour of ship's goat, I, 52; quoted, I, 70, 118
I, ix;—History of the papers of Sir Joseph Banks, I, 127
Jonsson, Finnur, Bishop, I, 91
Journal of a voyage round the World, publ, by T. Becket and P. A. de Hondt, Lond., 1771, I, 60
Joyce, James (of Java), II, 218
Jupiter, eclipse of satellite, I, 258
Kafir, II, 220
Kahawai, I, 467
Kahikatea forests, I, 410, 436; II, 3–4
Kahukura, I, 415
Kaikoura Peninsula, I, 467
Kaikur, II, 57
Kaipara Harbour, I, 450
Kaitapeha, hill, I, 457, 458
Kaka beak, I, pl. IX opp. p. 420
Kakatoe galerita, I, 118
Kaki Pass, I, 246
Kaloula pulchm, II, 193
Kangaroo, II, 57, 73, 84, 85, 89, 94; described, II, 94, 328; eaten, II, 94; killed, II, 93, 100; the name, II, 29; plates; I, frontisp.; II, 34 (end of vol.); see also names of species
Kaolin see Pipe-clay
Karamu, II, pl. 18 (end of vol.)
Karang, is., II, 145
Karetu, I, 417
Te karu (Parkinson), I, 418
Kata gunong, Princes Is. language, II, 238–40
Katsttwonus pelamis, II, 148
Keeper of the Banksian Botanical Collections, I, 128
Keer Weer, N.G., II, 143
Kennedya rubicunda, II, pl. II opp. p. 62
I, 61; traduces Banks and Fothergill, I, 61
Keppel, Augustus, Viscount, I, 112
Keppel Isles, II, 70
Kew Gardens, I, 98–9; Banks and, I, 98–100; George III and, I, 99–100
Kew Gardens Herbarium, copy of Journal in, I, 144
Kidnappers, Cape, I, 413
King, James, letter quoted, I, 112
King George the Third's Island see Tahiti
King's birthday celebration, I, 286
Kingkit, II, 213
Kirkleathem, village, I, 105
Kishinoella tonggol, II, 148
I, 184
Knatchbull, Sir Edward, and Banks papers, I, 129–31; and the Banks will, I, 127–30; as executor, I, 129; death, I, 131; lends papers to Turner, I, 138; Ms. note in Journal, I, 138; receives Banks papers, I, 130
Knatchbull Family's copy of Journal, I, 130
Knatchbull-Hugessen, Edward, see Brabourne, Lord
Knightia excelsa,
Knuckle Point, N.Z., I, 449, 450
Ko, II, 26
Koamaru, Cape, I, 459
Koauau, II, 30, pl. 9, no. 5 (end of vol.)
Koikoi, I, 419
Kokaha, II, pl. 10 (end of vol.)
Koko-Yimidir language, II, 137
Kolb, Peter, quoted on Hottentots, II, 259
I, 83
Korimako, song of, I, 456
Koromiko, II, pl. 17 (end of vol.)
Kotiate, II, 27
Kotukutuku, I, pl. X opp. p. 436
Krill, lobster, I, 210–11
Kudu, II, 255
Kuiper, islet, II, 189, 200; Falmouth's guns at, II, 200; warehouses at, II, 200
Kumara see Sweet potato
Kuri, II, 4
Kuri, II, 17
Kyphosus sectatrix, I, 174
Labrador, I, 12–13
Labrus macrocephalus, I, 453
Lacebark wood, II, 25
La Condamine, II, 319
Ladrone Islands, flying proa of, I, 366
La Encarnacion (Quiros), I, 241
Lagenaria siceraria, I, 433; II, 9
Lamb's quarters, II, 8
Lampetia, I, 396
Lancewood, II, pl. 15 (end of vol.)
Land signs see Signs of Land
II, 152et sqq., 173, 176, 177; and Solander, II, 156; letter to, II, 154; position of, II, 173
Languages see names of people or languages
Larus
Lauder, Capt. of Duke of Gloucester, II, 248
Lauraguais, Louis L. F., comte de, I, 61; letter to, from Banks: printed, I, 61, text, II, 323–9; in Sir Lawrence, I, 86; quoted on East India Co., I, 82
Laurus
Lawrence, Sir Thomas, portrait of Banks, I, 129
Leaguer, the word, II, 219
Le Boudoir, is. (Bougainville), I, 249
bookplate, I, 138
Leeward Is., marae of, I, 383
Leigth, or Leith, Mr, Batavia, II, 184–5
Le Jacobite (Commerson), I, 214
I, 370
Le Maire Strait, I, 215–16
Lemna, I, 184
Lepas, I, 223; anatifera, I, 172, 392; anserifera, I, 396; anserina, I, 396; cygnifera, II, 275; fascicularis, II, 275; midas, I, 172; pellucens, I, 180; vitlata, I, 172
Lepidium
Leptospermum scoparium,
Lepus
Lessonia flavcans, I, 211
Letters, on second voyage, I, 64 et sqq.; II, 335–55; sent from Rio, I, 194
I, 58
Lice, at Staffa, I, 89; at Tahiti, I, 337; on Iceland fishermen, I, 90
Lightfoot, John, I, 9;—Journal of a botanical excursion in Wales, I, 97; quoted, I, 97
Lightning, at Batavia, II, 201–2; conductors, I, 116; George III and, I, 116; strikes Dutch ship, II, 202
Limestone, N.Z., I, 473
I, 72, 82–3; admiration for Banks, I, 83; appointed astronomer, I, 72; II, 336; at Iceland, I, 90–2; letter to Maskelyne, I, 83; measures Geysir, I, 91; not in Resolution, I, 180; silhouette
by, I, pl. IV opp. p. 84; suggestion re Staffa, I, 94; wind machine of, I, 92
Linnaeus, Carolus, I, 2, 18, 25; collection of, I, 115; criticism of, I, 18; ignored, I, 53, 70; Lapland journey, I, 46; letter to Ellis, I, 70–1
letters from Ellis to, I, 26, 53, 71; on Solander, I, 25, 71; to Banks and Solander, I, 53
on importance of publication of journals, I, 70–1
Linnean Society in Soho Square, I, 128
Lion's Head, II, 247
Lion's Rump, II, 247
Liriope, I, 186
Lisbon, Banks in, I, 15
Literary Club, Banks elected to, I, 118
Little Tahiti see Tahiti-iti
Livistona australis, II, 52, 76, 85, 115; fishing lines of, II, 131
The Lizard sighted, II, 275
Lobatae, I, 173
Lobster krill, I, 210–11
Lobsters, N.Z., I, 422; Maori method of catching, I, 434; II, 7
Löfling, Petrus, I, 24
Long Island, Qld, II, 73
Long Nose, Jervis Bay, II, 51
Longboat, at Rio de Janeiro, I, 189, 190; eaten by shipworms, I, 281, 283; in danger, II, 199; unready, II, 105; used in Reef, II, 106
Lontar see Borassus flabellifer
Lookers on (Cook), I, 467
Lopphius pelagicus, II, 272
Lotella rachinus, II, 7
Loten, Governor, collection of drawings of, I, 27
Loxia
Lunar rainbow,I, 174
Lutherans, Batavia, II, 220
Lycurgus, nickname, see Tubourai
I, 7, 8; Banks recommends, I, 7; botany lectures of, I, 8
I, villy–Some eighteenth century bird paintings in the library of Sir Joseph Banks, 1959, I, xiii
II, 43
McCulloch, A. R., quoted, II, 139
I, 89
Macropus
Macrozamia spiralis, II, 115
Madagascar, language, see Malagasy
Madeira, I, 36, 159–65; and Portugal, I, 165; Governor, I, 160; money, I, 165; people, I, 161–3, 165; transport, I, 162; trees, I, 160, 162–3, 165
Madeira mahogany, I, 160–1
Madripology, the word, I, 18
Magellan, Ferdinand, names the Pacific, I, 238
Magellan jackets, I, 212
Magellanic Clouds, I, 181
Magnetic Island, II, 75
Magnetic needle variation, II, 51
Magra, James, see Matra, J. M.
Mahea, is., I, 322
Mahia Peninsula, I, 410, 414
Mahoe, II, pl. 14 (end of vol.)
Mahoe, West Indian name, II, 88
Mahogany, Madeira, I, 160–1
I, 370
Maitea, is., I, 249
Maize, Java, II, 206
Makian, islet, II, 217
Malapoides, I, 315
Malaria, attacks Banks, II, 189, 190, 192–3, 235; attacks ship's company, I, 46; II, 187–8
Malay boats, II, pl. 40a (end of vol.)
Malay slaves, Capetown, II, 251
Malleus albus, II, 67
Malone, Edmund, quoted, I, 115
Malpigia, I, 192
Manahune, I, 384
Mander Jones, Phyllis, see Jones, P. Mander
Mangateretere, I, 410
Mangosteen, II, 211
Mangrove swamp, Thirsty Sound, II, 72
Mangroves, Bustard Bay, II, 66; Endeavour River district, II, 83; Mercury Bay, I, 430; N.S.W., II, 112; Thirsty Sound, II, 72; Timor, II, 147; red, II, 147
Manihot
Manioc see Cassava
Mannua (mythical is.), I, 329
Manu-ura, I, 298
Manuka, II, pl. 11 (end of vol.)
Maori, body in sea, I, 455; boys in Endeavour, I, 403 et sqq.; children in war canoes, I, 462; family, I, 463–4; flogged, I, 437; landowner, I, 463; raft, I, 405; story of canoe's journey, I, 446–7; tattoo on a, II, pl. 8 (end of vol.); town visited, I, 460
Maori women, I, 417, 454; II, 11–12, 13, 14, 16–17, 33; brought to ship, I, 454; clothes, I, 417; girdle of grass, II, 16; in war canoes, I, 462; work of, II, 33
Maoris, I, 407–8; II, 11–37; agriculture, I, 409, 417; II, 26; artifacts, II, pl. 9 (end of vol.); axes, II, 24–5; hodkins, II, 4–5, pl. 9 no. 4 (end of vol.); cannibalism, I, 420, 443, 455 et sqq., 462; II, 12, 19–20, 30–1; canoe paddles, II, 23, pl. 5 (end of vol.); canoeists, II, 11, 23; canoes, I, 408, 421, 425; II, 22–4, 28–9, pl. 2–4 (end of vol.)
carving, I, 408; II, 24, pl. 9 no. 1 (end of vol.); in houses, II, 23; on canoes, II, 23
character, II, 12–13; cheating by, I, 438, 439; chiefs, II, 33; chief's ensigns, II, 28; chiefs in war canoes, II, 28–9; cleanliness, I, 418; II, 13; cloth, I, 444; II, 9, 15, 25; clothes, I, 407–8, 453, 454; II, 5, 14–17; cooking, I, 429; II, 20–1; crayfishing, II, 7; darts of, II, 28; death customs, I, 455; II, 34–5; designs, I, 24; distribution, II, 11; dogs of, I, 417; dog's skin clothes, II, 15; drink,
Maoris (continued)
II, 21; eat enemies, I, 443, 445 et sqq.; II, 31; encounters with, I, 399et sqq., 409 et sqq., 421–2, 425–6, 429, 438 et sqq., 434–5, 441, 452 et sqq., 458, 467; face painting, I, 407, 417; II, 14; feather ornaments, II, 15, 17, 23; fight between, I, 427; fighting of, I, 419, 433; fired at, I, 402, 458–9, 460; fishing, I, 444, 456–7; II, 25–6; fishing nets, I, 444, 456; II, 10, 25–6; food, I, 416–17, 429, 457; II, 19–21; forts see Pa; friendly, I, 411, 415, 418, 420, 430, 459, 460, 463 et sqq.
hair, oil, I, 407; II, 13; styles, I, 407; II, 15, 16; tapu, I, 458
head-dress, I, 454; heads preserved, I, 108, 457; II, 31; health, II, 21–2; houses, I, 419, 421; II, 17–18; ignorant of iron, I, 401; kill Tasman's men, II, 1; killed, I, 400, 403, 413, 429, 442; language, II, 35–7; language understood by Tupaia, I, 401, 405; II, 35; left in Endeavour, I, 408; lobster catching, I, 434; medical knowledge, II, 22; memorials, I, 454; mourning caps, I, 454; mourning ceremonies, I, 430; II, 34–5; musical instruments, II, 30, pl. 9 (end of vol.); netting work, II, 33; new house tapu, II, 18, 19; old, II, 22; origin of, I, 318, 463; II, 37; ornaments, II, 16–17; ovens, I, 429–30; peace emblem, I, 405; physical characteristics, II, 11; population, I, 470, 471; II, 11; portraits, pl. 6, 7 (end of vol.); preserved heads, I, 108, 457; II, 31; raft of, I, 405; red ochre use, I, 407; relations with the English, II, 12; religion, II, 34; sailing of, II, 83–4; sails of, II, 23–4; sell fish, I, 428; shell heaps, I, 427; slaves of, II, 12, 31; sleeping habits, I, 428; songs, I, 403–4; II, 30; spears, II, 27; stealing habits of, I, 412, 423, 426, 429, 437, 440; stone throwing by, I, 423–4, 434, 435, 439, 453; stones as weapons, II, 28; tapu, I, 414, 458; II, 18, 19; tattoo instruments, I, 407, 443; tattooing, I, 407, 439, 443; II, 13–14; teeth, II, 22; textile plants, I, 407; II, 10; tilling methods, II, 26; tools, II, 24–5, 26; trade with, I, 401, 406, 412 et sqq., 422–3, 426, 454 et sqq.; traditions of, I,, 463; treatment of prisoners, II, 12, 31; tribal areas, I, 408; trick ship's officer, I, 461; try to steal buoy, I, 440, 443; vegetable
Maoris (continued)
gardens, I, 417; villages, I, 424, 435; visit Endeavour, I, 414, 415, 435, 465; visited by Banks and Solander, I, 415, 416, 429–30
war canoes, II, 22, 23, 24, 28–9, pl. 2, 3 (end of vol.); figure heads of, II, 24
war song and dance, I, 420, 425, 429; II, 11, 12, 29–30; warlike, I, 408; II, 12; weapons, I, 401, 419; II, 26–8; women see Maori women; work of, II, 33; wounded, I, 402, 443,44
Map showing track of Torres, I, 29
Mar del Zur (Balboa), I, 238
Marae, I, 281, 292, 297–8, 302–4, 378, 382–3; altars,I, 304, 318, 383; decorations, I, 364, 383; greatest, I, 303–4; Leeward Is., I, 383; of Dootahah, I, 271, 281, 313, 385; of Oborea and Oamo, I, 303–4; of Teriiere, I, 293, 303–4, 383; of Tetooarai, 304; Pt Punaaiua, I, 281; Raiatea, I, 318, 383; sacrilege at a, I, 292
Maraetaata, chief, I, 296
I, 178, 191; in Brazil, I, 178, 191; on climate of Brazil, I, 205
Marchant, John, horn-player, I, 73
Marcia exalbida, I, 225
Mardijkers, II, 199
Maria van Diemen, Cape, see Cape Maria van Diemen
Marine formalities, Batavia, II, 184; Riode Janeiro, I, 186–7, 194; Straits of Sunda, II, 181; Table Bay, II, 247
Marine-jumps overboard, I, 242–3
Mariners Mirrour, 1588, II, 179
Marines, and Wm Greenslade, I, 242–3; exercise for Raja, II, 152–3; fire at Tahitians, I, 257; kill a Tahitian, I, 257, 259; two desert, I, 310–11
Marion du Fresne, N.T., at I, 44; voyage of, II, 249
Marking nuts, II, 99
Marokau Group, I, 246–7
II, 218
Martyn, John, Prof., I, 7
Mascarin, ship, II, 249
Mason and Dixon see Mason, C.; Dixon, J.
Mason, Charles, observer of transit of Venus, I, 20
Masons, Mr (of St Helena), II, 267
Matahiapo see Mathiabo
Matau a Maui see Cape Kidnappers
Matavai Bay, I, 22, 252 et sqq.; fort dismantled, I, 309–10; map, I, 254; return to, I, 305
Mate (A. Weir) drowned, II, 309
Mati see Ficus tinctoria
Matra, James Maria (formerly Magra), sees dingo?, II, 86; suspected, II, 65
Maunde Thompson, Sir Edward, see Thompson, Sir Edward Maunde
Maurua, is., see Maupiti, is.
Mawa, bay, see Tolago Bay
Meat, at Brazil, I; 199; at Madeira, I, 163
Medusa
azurea, I, 165, 170; chrystallina, I, 186; fimbriata, I, 186,392; limpidissima, I, 214; obliquata, I, 214; pelagica, I, 154; II, 45, 51; pellucens, I, 180; plicata, I, 214; porpita, I, 170, 240; II, 46, 272; radiata, I, 186, 392; II, 46, 51; velella, I, 170; vitrea, I, 392, 396
Megadyptes antipodes,
Megalopa, II, 51
Megaprotodon strigangulus, I, pl. VIIIc opp. P. 372
Mehetia, is., I, 249
Melanesians on Possession Is., II, 110
Melanodendron integrifolium, II, 263
Melhania
Melicyius ramiflorus, II, pl. 14 (end of vol.)
II, 268; on St Helena snail, II, 269
Melons, Brazil, I, 200–1
Menagerie, Cape Town, II, 254–5
Mendana, I, 21
Merak, is., II, 181
Mercury, transit of, I, 426, 428–9
Mercury Bay, I, 425–34; islands near, I, 425, 433
Meridian of Greenwich crossed, II, 262
Merremia peltata, I, pl. 37 (end of vol.)
Metrosideros see also Eucalyptus
Metrosideros
Mew Bay, II, 236
Michelia champaca, II, 215
Mille Isles, II, 183
Miller, Joe, I, 347
Miller, John Frederick, I, xiii, xiv, 73; drawings of Staffa, I, 93
Milvago chimango, I, 225
Mimosa sensitiva, I, 192
Minerals, N.Z., I, 472, 476; II, 4
Mines, Brazil, I, 202
Mirmulano, I, 165
Miro, tree, I, 374
Mission Bay, ashore at, II, 76
Mr B's Circuit round Otaheiti… 1769: Ms., I, 146–7, text, II, 302–7
I, 138
Mitchell Library, Syd., Banks Journal and papers in, I, 135, 138; plant specimens in, I, 149
Mitre Society of Royal Philosophers, Banks elected to, I, 116
Moe, chief, see Omoe
Moea. I, 360
Mohammedans, Java, II, 214, 220, 221, 222; Princes Is., II, 237
Moki, Maori raft, I, 405
Moko, I, 439; II, 13–14
Mollusks, N.Z., I, 461; Tierra del Fuego, I, 223; see also names of species
I, 47; II, 244, 261; examines Cook's Passage, II, 104; journal quoted, I, 222, 265, 267, 343; on island in Reef, II, 104; on variation of needle, II, 51; recognises Oborea, I, 266; sounds round ship, II, 77; trip to buy hogs, I, 273–4; visits Tubourai, I, 276
Monaamia, a Tahitian, I, 309
Monacanthus, I, 170
Monboddo, Lord, questions Banks, I, 52
Money, Batavia, II, 231; Brazil, I, 203; II, 260; Madeira, I, 165; Princes Is., I, 238; St Helena, II, 270; beads as, I, 258; nails as, I, 275, 286
I, 257, 310–11, 312; detained by Tahitians, I, 311; fragment of journal, I, 146; sent for deserters, I, 310–11; suggests fothering the ship, II, 80
I, 284; and Tubourai, I, 280; ashore at Rio, I, 190, 195; at Tierra del Fuego, I, 218et sqq.; at ceremony, Motuara, I, 461; attempts to climb hill, I, 280; death, II, 189, 190; describes burial custom, I, 259; encounters natives, II, 60; fragment of journal, I, 44, 146; quarrel with Banks, I, 41, 292; spy glass stolen, I, 255–6; struck by Tahitian, I, 290; visits tapu place, I, 290, 458
Monocotyledon specimens damaged, I, 149
Monoculus piscinus, I, 169
Monoi, I, 339
Monson, Lady Anne, I, 26
Monsoon, easterly, II, 177; south east, II, 141; westerly, II, 147, 192
Montague Bank, I, 181
Monte Negro y I, 194
Monument, I, 459
Moorea, I, 283–5
Moraea northiana, I, 195
Moreton Bay, II, 63
Moreton Bay fig, II, 70
Morgan, Peter, death, II, 244
Morinda, for dyes, I, 360; citrifolia, I, 343, 359–60, pl. 34b (end of vol.)
Moringa oleifera, Ii, 208
heiva, I, 288; on tapu, I, 345; on virtue of Tahitians, I, 341
Morton, Charles, Dr, I, 9
Morton, Douglas James, Earl of, advice to Cook, I, 283; letter from Banks to, II, 313–15; letter from Solander to, II, 311–13; letter quoted, I, 38
Morton Bay, II, 63
Morus papyrifera, I, 412, 444; II, 9
Morven, Banks quoted on, I, 87
Mosquitoes, Batavia, II, 193, 194; II, 60; II, 89; in Endeavour, II, 233; N.Z., II, 6; Thirsty Sound, II, 71
Mosses, N.Z., I, 459; Tierra del Fuego, I, 459
Motacilla, I, 167; avida, I, 168, 175; flava, I, pl. 2 (end of vol.); velificans, I, 156
Mother Carey's chickens, the name, I, 154; beliefs re, I, 154; II, 146
Mother Carey's dove, I, 232
Mother Carey's pullet (Solander), I, 174
Mother-of-pearl fish-hooks, I, 362
Motiti, is., I, 423
Motu Arohia, is., I, 440 et sqq.; encounters with Maoris at, I, 440–1
Motu-iti, is., I, 321
Motuara, is., I, 453, 461
Motuhora, is., I, 423
Moturua, is., I, 444
Mou see Cyperus javenensis
Mount and Page, Lond., II, 157
Mount Camel, I, 447, 450
Mount Dromedary, II, 50
Mount Edgecombe, I, 423
Mount Egmont, I, 451–2; II, 3
Mount Hecla, I, 91–2
Mount Warning, II, 63
Mountain language, Java, II, 238–40
Mourning ceremony, heiva, I, 288–9; blood shedding, I, 265–6, 276, 378
Mud-skipper, II, 72
Mugil, II, 121; cephalus, I, 453; lavaretoides, I, 453
Mulgrave, Lord, see
Mulgrave, family seat, I, 104–5
Mundics see Pyrites
Munida gregaria, I, 210, pl. 1a (end of vol.)
Murderers Bay (Tasman), I, 452, 475; engraving of, I, 400, 453; II, 16
Murex trunculus, I, 171
Muriwhenua, I, 446
Mus
Musa,I, 45–6; Brazil, I, 201; Java, II, 209–30; Madeira, I, 162; Tahiti, I, 342 banksii, II, 85, 114: sapientum, I, 162; troglodytarum, I, 306
Myliobatis australis, II, 60
Myristica argentea,II, 217
Myrmecodia beccarii, II, 120, pl. 27 (end of vol.)
Mytilus canalculus, I, 422
Nahe, I, 343
Naia, II, 259
Nanas see Pineapple
Narborough, Sir John, II, 5
Nassau, Prince of, expedition to Brazil, I, 191; patron of Fleet, I, 240
Nasturtium palestre, II, 8
Natal, 1771, II, 245
National Botanic Gardens, Table Mt, II, 254
National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, copy of Journal in, I, 143
Native dog see Dingo
Natron, I, 167
Nau, II, 214
The Navy, party politics in, II, 353
Navy Board and Banks, I, 73 et sqq., 81; II, 335, 344–5
memorandum on Mr Banks's letter to … Sandwich: text, II, 344–5, quoted, I, 76
Nazareens, II, 220
Nectris, II, 146; carbonaria, II, 64; fuliginosa, I, 834, 396; II, 45; munda, I, 234, 399, 413; II, 64; nugax, II, 75
Negeri, the word, II, 153
I, 97
Nelumbium nelumbo, II, 229
Nematocysts, observations on, II, 45–6
Neomarica northiana, I, 195
Neoregelia, I, 191
Nephrite see Greenstone
Neptunus see Portunus
Nereis pelagica, I, 184
Nestor meridinalis, I, 415; II, 15
Netherlands East India Company see Dutch East India Company
New Cythera see La nouvelle Cythére
New England whaling schooners, II, 273–4
New Guinea, ashore at, II, 141–3; Endeavour sails to, II, 111, 139; fragrance from coast, II, 141; mud bank on coast, II, 141; sighted, II, 140; south coast of, II, 140 et sqq.; see also
New Guinea cabbage, II, 308
New Guinea natives, arms of, II, 144; darts of, II, 144; description of, II, 144; dogs of, II, 145; encounters with, II, 142–3; fire carrying of, II, 142–5; fired at, II, 142–3; house of, II, 145; language, I, 370–2
New Holland see New South Wales
New Jerusalem (Quiros), II, 86
New South Wales, account of, II, 111–37; barren and sandy, II, 112, 113, 122; climate, II, 135–6; coast described, II, 49 et sqq.; coast sighted, II, 49; Cook sails for, I, 42–3; II, 38, 42; could support people, II, 122; maps, II, 48, 68; people of see Australian Aborigines; sighted, II, 49; water supply, Banks on, II, 113, Cook on, II, 113; winds of, II, 62, 136
New South Wales Government and Banks papers, I, 135–6
New Zealand, account of, II, 1–42; circumnavigation completed, I, 42, 475; climate, II, 4; Endeavour at, I, 397–476; forests, I, 410, 436; II, 3–4; harbours, II, 3; maps, I, 398, 466; naming of II, 1; people see Maoris; physical features, II, 2–4; sighted, I, 397–9; Tasman's voyage to, I, 42, 446, 448, 452, 458, 463, 469–70, 475; II, 1–2
New Zealand flax, I, 407; II, 10
Newfoundland, I, 11–14; fishing rights, I, 10; Indians, I, 12
Newton, Sir Isaac, I, 2
I, 28, pl. ii opp. p. 52
Ngatihei people, attack on, I, 432
Ngauruhoe, volcano, I, 403
Niaouli, New Caledonia, II, 114
Nias, is., slaves from, II, 221
Niger, H.M.S.,
Nikau palm, II, 9
Ninox novacseelaudiae, II, 5
Noctiluca, I, 212
I, xiii, xiv
Momeus gronovii, I, 174
North, Frederick Lord, I, 79; letter from Sandwich to, II, 348
North Cape, N.Z., I, 448
North Direction, is., II, 102
North Island, II, 236
Northumberland Isles, II, 74
Nothofogus
antarctica,I, 217, 226; fungus on, I, 226; betuloides, I, 226; cunninghami, I, 226
La nouvelle Cythér (Bougainville), the name, I, 287; II, 248
Nova Cambria, the name, II, 57
Numenius
madagascariensis, II, 118; phaeopus, II, 118; tahitiensis, I, 298
Oámo (Amo), chief, I, 267, 293, 294, 303 et sqq.; son of, I, 293
Oborea (Purea) arii, I, 41, 266, 267, 270, 274 et sqq., 304–5, 309 et sqq.; and Dolphin, I, 266; Banks visits, I, 267, 281 et sqq., defeated in raid, I, 305; detained as hostage, I, 311–12; house of, 303; marae of I, 303–4; son of, I, 293; visits Banks, I, 292, 293; visits Endeavour, I, 266
Observation posts, astronomical, see Astronomical observation posts
Obsidian, use by Maoris, II, 25
Oceanodroma castro, I, 154
Ocotea foetus, I, 165
Oenanthe oenanthe, I, 156
Oherurua (Cook) see Hurepiti
Oheteroa, is., see Rurutu
Oil on surf experiment, I, 113
Oilwood tree, I, 202
II, 254
Olimaroa, the word, I, 463
Omae see Omi; Omo
Omai, I, 102–7; and George III, I, 102; brought to London, I, 102; handed over to Banks, I, 102; portrait, I, pl. V opp. p. 116; Solander on, I, 102–3; visits Sandwich, I, 103; visits Yorkshire, I, 104–5; yacht trip, I, 105
Omi, a Tahitian, I, 265
Te Oneroa, beach, I, 406
Onewa, II, 27
Onrust shipyards, II, 189, 200–1; Endeavour in, II, 189; workers of, praised, II, 200–1
Onychoieuthidae, I, 236
Opoa, bay, I, 317
Opooragee, the name, I, 427
Opossum, Banks on, II, 99–100; see also names of species
Opuntia ficus-indica, I, 202
Orang Islam, II, 221–2
Orang serani, II, 220
The Orange, ship, and a Southern Continent, I, 240
Orange juice and brandy, scurvy cure, II, 69
Oreodaphne foetus see Ocotea foetus
Oro, a God, I, 318
Orthorhamphus magnirostris, II, 118
II, 270; quoted, II, 261, 275; on plants of Ascension Island, II, 270; on Grass-Sea, II, 270
Osbeckia, II, 270
Osnaburg Is. (Wallis), I, 249
Osprey's nest, II, 104
Ossian, Banks on, I, 87
Ostrea
glomerata, I, 431; sinuata, I, 431
Otahah, is. (Banks), see Tahaa
Otaheite, the island, see Tahiti
O Tahiatahia see Otheothea
Otheothéa (Otheatea), I, 41, 276, 277 et sqq., 292, 293, 309 et sqq.
Otooareite, islet (Cook), I, 298
Ourattooa, a Tahitian, ceremony by, I, 275–6; entertains Banks, I, 296
Outligger, II, 23
Outou? a Tahitian, shot, I, 257; treatment of body, I, 259, 261
Owahine see Huahine
Owhaa, Tahitian, see Ouwha
Owharhe (Cook) see Fare
Oyster feast, Mercury Bay, I, 431
Oyster River, N.Z., II, 19
Oysters, pearl, Bustard Bay, II, 67
Pa, I, 400, 409, 410, 420, 431–3, 444, 448, 452–3, 458 et sqq.; II, 31–2
Pa kahawai, I, 467
Pa Point, I, 431
Pachyptila, I, 211, 389; belcheri, I, 231; vittata, I, 389, 390, 396
Pacific Ocean, Dalrymple's chart, I, 209–10, 240, 241; II, 105; Dampier quoted on, I, 238; Endeavour reaches, I, 238; the name, I, 238
I, 67
Padda oryzivora, II, 181
Paddy gunung, II, 206
Paepae meia, II, 87
Pagrosomus auratus, I, 453; II, 7
Pagrus pagrus, I, 183
Pahi see Canoes, Tahitian
Paipai pass, I, 323
Palliser, Sir Hugh, Banks and, I, 13, 21, 73, 81, 119; belief in Cook, I, 22; downfall of, II, 353; memorandum … upon … ships … employed on discoveries, I, 77; text, II, 345–8; met at St John's, I, 13–14
Palm Islands, Qld, II, 76
Palm nut trees (Banks), II, 65
Palms, Brazil, I, 200, 201; Java, II, 214; N.S.W., II, 65, 115; N.Z., II, 9, 19; Savu, II, 155, 160, 162
Palmyra palm see Borassus flabellifer
Palsson, Bjarni, dinner given, I, 92–3
Pampas grass, Maori use of, I, 410; II, 18 Panaitan see Princes Island
Pandanus, I, 200, 201, 285, 303, 343; mats of, I, 285, 338, 360; ornaments of, II, 93; odorus, II, 216; pedunculatus,II, 127; tectorius (Banks), I, 285, 303; II, 65
Pandion haliaetus, II, 104
Pao branco, I, 165
Pao de Aguçar, I, 185
Papara, district, I, 293, 303–4; marae of, I, 303–4, 383; men of, I, 300; raid on, I, 300, 305
Papavia, district, view in, I, pl. 8 (end of vol.)
Papeari, district, I, 302
Papeete Harbour, I, 280
Papenoo, valley, I, 263
Paradise Walk, Chelsea, I, 7
Parapercis colias, I, 453; II, 7
Pareira brava, I, 202
Pari, I, 299
Parkinson family migrates to London, I, 56
Parkinson, Stanfield, I, 56, 57; advertises for Sydney's journals, I, 60; and Banks, I, 56 et sqq.; and Fothergill, I, 58–61; character, I, 57; executor of Sydney's will, I, 57; insanity of, I, 57, 61; publishes Sydney's journal, I, 60, 61
Parkinson, Sydney, I, 24, 27–8; as botanical draughtsman, I, xiii, 27, 56, 57, 59; II, 62; Banks on, I, 59; character, I, 28; copies drawings from Ceylon, I, 27; "curiosities" of, I, 57, 59, 60; death, I, 47, 57; II, 243; drawings in British Museum Natural History Zoological Library, I, 149, 150; draws shark, I, 168; imprudent re spices, II, 157–8
journal, I, 57, 58–61: lent, I, 60; published, I, 60–1; quoted, I, 209, 292; II, 190
letter to Mrs Gomeldon, II, 323; migrates to London, I, 56; on Tupaia, II, 190; portrait by Newton, I, 28, pl. ii opp. p. 52; will of, I, 56 et sqq.
Parliament and Banks's quarrel with Navy Board, I, 79
Parrot, red-rumped, see Cyanoramphus zealandicus
Parry, William, portrait of Omai, Banks and Solander, I, v, opp. p. 116
Pasar Pisang, II, 213
Pasar Senen, II, 214
Passiflora, I, 192
Patara, I, 342
Pati see Obadée
Patia? a Tahitian, I, 310
Patia fa, a game, I, 326–7
Patoo patoo (Banks) see Patu
Patu paraoa, II, 27
Paua shell, I, 408, 456, 467; on canoes, II, 23; used for eyes, II, 31
Pawpaw, Java, II, 210
Payung, is., II, 182
Peace emblems, I, 405
Pearl oysters, Bustard Bay, II, 67
Pearls valued, I, 326
Pederaro, the word, II, 172
Peireskia, I, 192
Pelecanoides
Pelecanus
antarcticus, I, 231; aquilus, I, 241; II, 64; conspicillatus, II, 67, 117; piscator,II, 146, 242; sula, II, 64
Pelicans see Pelecanus
Pelley, Capt., II, 248
Penguins, I, 212, 213; N. Z., II, 5–6; the name, II, 5; see also names of species
Pennant, Thomas, I, 9, 19, 122, 172; dedication to Banks, I, 122; letter from Sarah Banks to, I, 51; letters from Banks to, I, 15–16, 17–18; letters from I, 55–6; letters to Banks, I, 18, 19, 23; on Linnaeus, I, 18; —Tour in Scotland, I, 93, Banks's copy, I, 122
Pennatula reniformis, II, 309
Pepper Point, II, 234
Pepys Island, I, 211
Pere, II, 28
I, 294; death, II, 244; mistakes sign, II, 151, 153; on sea sawdust, II, 140
Pereskia, I, pl. 25 (end of vol.)
Periophthalminae, II, 72
Pernettya mucronata, I, 217, pl. 28 (end of vol.)
Pernety, Antoine Joseph, on plants of Tierra del Fuego, II, 297; specimen of Pernettya, I, 217
II, 190; reports on malt, I, 250, 251; II, 43
Persea indica, I, 160–1
Petersburg Academy of Sciences and Solander, I, 25–6
Petrobium arboreum, II, 263
Phacellophora, I, 180
Phaethon
aethereus, I, 238, 250; erubescens, I, 240; II, 273; lepturus, I, 237; II, 178, 273; rubricauda, I, 237, 238; II, 44, pl. 6 (end of vol.)
Phalacrocorax albiventer, I, 231
Phalaena, I, 208
Phalangium cancroides, I, 393
I, 62
Phillodoce see Phyllodoce
Philosophy, the word, I, 20
Phipps, Augustus, visits Yorkshire, I, 104; yacht trip, I, 105
I, 7, 10, 143; at Croque, I, 11; copy of Journal for, I, 143; family seat, I, 104–5; library of, I, 143; sails to I, 95, 97; trout fishing, I, 113; visits Yorkshire, I, 104; yacht trip, I, 105
Phocaena phocaena, I, 153
Phocarctos hookeri, II, 4
Phòebetria palpebrata, I, 231
Phoenix, private trader, II, 194
Phormium
Phragmites communis, II, 132
Phryganea,I, 182
Phyllodoce velella, I, 173, 207, 236, 238, 392, 396; II, 45, 51
Physalia physalis, I, 170, 171; II, 44, 45, 51 Pia, I, pl. 35 (end of vol.); in cloth making, I, 343, 356; meal, I, 343
I, 399; quoted, I, 445
Pico Ruivo, mt, I, 164
The Pig in Tahiti, I, 343–4
Pigeon House, N. S. W., II, 50
Pigeon pea, II, 206
The Pike, Teneriffe, I, 166–7
Pinang, II, 159
Pinctada margaritifera, II, 67
Pinnace, Cook and Banks use, I, 295 et sqq.; crew of, imprisoned, I, 188, 189–90; difficulties with, I, 445; driven from grappling, I, 301–2; finds harbour, II, 81; fires on Maoris, I, 400; free from shipworms, I, 281; leaky, II, 52; plank off, II, 105; repaired, II, 107; thought missing, I, 301–2; II, 306; unready, I, 445; II, 105; used in Reef, II, 81, 87, 90, 97–8
Piper
Pipiri, 287
Pipturus argenteus, fishing lines of, I, 361
Piso, Willem, I, 178; in Brazil, I, 178, 191, 289; on winds of Brazil, I, 181
Pistia stratiotes, II, 181
Pitipitio, I, 338
Pitjuri chewing, II, 128
Plains turkey, II, 67
Planchonella obovata, II, 114
Planchonia careya, II, pl. 25 (end of vol)
Planes minutus, II, 272
Planocera
Plant collecting, at I, 416; Bay of Good Success, I, 39, 216–17; II, III; II, 56, 58, 60; Brazil, I, 190, 191–2, 195; II, 308–10; Bustard Bay, II, 65–6; D'Urville Is., I, 476; II, 83, 84, 95; Huahine, I, 317; Lizard Is., II, 103; Madeira, I, 159; II, 313; Mercury Bay, I, 433; II, 144; New South Wales, II, 56, 58, 60, 65–6, 71, 76, 83, 84, 95, 103, III; New Zealand, I, 406, 419–20, 433, 476; Newfoundland, I, 14; Palm Is., II, 76, I, 406; Raza, I, 195; Rio de Janeiro, I, 38, 190, 191–2, 195; II, 308–10; Tahiti, I, 280; Thetis Bay, I, 39, 216–17; Thirsty Sound, II, 71; Tierra del Fuego, I, 39, 216–17; Thirsty Sound, II, 71; Tierra del Fuego, I, 39, 216–17, 222, 223; I, 419–20; Wales, I, 97
Plant distribution, I, 98, 308; II, 8; Banks's interest in, I, 98; by drifting, II, 88
Plant lists, Brazil, II, 289–96; Madeira, II, 281–9; II, 144; Tierra del Fuego, II, 297–300
Plant specimens, baskets for, II, 87; damaged, I, 149; II, 85; in British Museum Natural History, I, 149; ocean carriage of, I, 14; washed overboard, I, 14
Plantains, as food, I, 322, 387; baskets from, II, 87; Brazil, I, 201; Qld, II, 85; Tahiti, I, 299, 306, 315, 334, 342
Plantains, mountain, I, 299, 306, 307, 308, 342; dye from, I, 357
Plants, II, 62; Brazil, I, 191–2; II, 289–96; Bustard Bay, II, 65–6; Java, II, 207–8, 215–17; Madeira, II, 281–9; Moorea, I, 285; II, 144; N. S. W., II, 116; N. Z., II, 8–9; St Helena, II, 266–7, 268–9; Tahiti, I, 342–3; Tierra del Fuego, I, 216–17, 225–7; II, 297–300
Plectorinchus orientalis, I, pl. 40b (end of vol.)
Pleistodontes
Pleuronectes plebius, II, 8
Pluvialis dominica fulva,II, 183
Pneumatophorus colias, I, 428; II, 6
Pocket Book, British Museum Natural History Herbarium, I, 149, 191, 343
Podocarpus
dacrydioides, I, 410, 436; II, 4; spicatus, I, 436; II, 4, 10, pl. 12 (end of vol.)
Podura marina, I, 153
Pohutukawa, II, 9–10
Pohue see Ipomoea pes-caprae
Poinciana pulcherrima, I, 192
Point Danger, II, 63
Point Hicks, II, 49
Point Punaauia, I, 281
Point Tataa, I, 280
Point Upright, II, 50
Point Venus, I, 256
Poland, partition, II, 180
Police, Batavia, see Merinyu
Polotheara, a Tahitian, I, 294
Polybius henslowi, I, 155
Polynesian languages, II, 35–7
Polynesians, origin, II, 37
Pomare V, tomb, I, 253
Pomatomus saltatrix, I, 186
Pomegranate, II, 211
Poniu, II, 8
Po-nui, Goddess, I, 381
Porapora see Borabora
Porionuu, district, I, 296
Pork, Java, II, 204
Poro-tahaira, a Tahitian, I, 294
Port Egmont, I, 212; English settlement at, II, 188; history, II, 262–3
Port Royal see Matavai Bay
Port St Johns, Endeavour off, II, 245
Port Stephens, II, 62
Portland, Duchess of, collection, I, 26
Portland Island, I, 409–10, 412
Porto Santo, I, 159
Portsmouth, I, 113
Portugal, Banks in, I, 15
Portuguese, and Azores, II, 274; Banks on the, I, 205, 381; Endeavour and the, I, 37–8, 186 et sqq.; sow purslane, II, 268; suspect Endeavour, I, 187; treated harshly, II, 324
in Batavia, II, 199, 220; Flores, II, 176; Savu, II, 172; Timor, II, 175
Portuguese man-of-war, I, 89, 170, 171, 174, 207; II, 271; food for albatross, II, 45; stinging by, II, 45–6; see also Holothuria; Physalia
Portuguese petacka, II, 183
Port& ugrave;guese ship, II, 273
Portunus
pelagicus, II, 69, 273, pl. 35a (end of vol.); sanguinolentus,II, 69, pl. 35b (end of vol.)
Possession Island ceremony, II, 110
Potae-taua, I, 454
Potaka, I, 420
Potpourri, II, 216
Potsherd at Haitaa, I, 295
Pourewa, is., I, 420–1
Prahu, Malay, II, 181
Pratia, II, 8
Pratique boat, Madeira, I, 159
Precious stones, Brazil, I, 202–3
Prévost, Abbé, I, 470
Prickle pears, I, 202
I, 72; second voyage declined, I, 72
Prince of Orange, Banks visits, I, 95
Prince's stuff, the term, II, 170
Princes Island, II, 179, 233–41; axe stolen at, II, 235; King or Raja of, II, 233, 235, 237; produce of, II, 236–7; trade at, II, 233 et sqq., 238; turtles at, II, 233 et sqq.; visits to, II, 233, 234–5; water at, II, 236
Princes Island natives, II, 237–40; food of, II, 237; houses and sketch, II, 237–8; language of, II, 238–40, word lists, II, 238–9, 240; origin of, II, 239; religion, II, 237; women, II, 237
Pringle, Sir John, I, 116
Prionace glauca,I, 250
Private traders, the term, II, 184
Proa, flying, I, 366
Procellaria, I, 234; aequinoctialis, I, 208, 213, 232, 234; II, 246; aequorea, I, 207; agilis, I, 236; antarclica,I, 231; atrata, I, 240, 388; capensis, I, 387, 390, 396; crepidata, I, 174, 235, fregata, I, 207, 232; II, 146; fuliginosa, I, 232, 234; gigatea, I, 207, 232; latirostris, I, 396; longipes, I, 396, 450, 451; II, 45; lugens, I, 231, 236; melanopus, I, 236, 451; II, 44; mollis, I, 235; oceanica, I, 171; II, 44; pallipes, I, 396; passerina, I, 391, 392; pelagica, I, 154, 171; saltatrix, I, 396; sandaliata, I, 207; sordida, I, 236, 240; turtur, I, 231, 232; vagabunda, I, 232, 390, 392; II, 45; velificans, I, 235; velox, I, 233, 234, 235, 240, 389, 392, 396, 399, 450; II, 44
Proe, Java, II, pl. 40b (end of vol.)
Providential Channel, II, 107
Provisions, at Cape of Good Hope, II, 41–2; from Savu, I, 157; in Endeavour, I, 393–4; II, 38, 145
Pseudocheirus peregrinus, II, 100
Pseudopanax crassifolium,II, pl. 15 (end of vol.)
Psiadia rotundifolia (Hooker), II, 263
Psidium
Pterodroma, I, 234, 392; arminjoniana, I, 240, 388; arminjoniana heraldica, I, 240, 388; cookii, I, 232, 450; cookii defilippiana, I, 233; externa cervicalis, I, 236; externa externa, I, 235; incerta, I, 207; inexpectata, I, 231, 236; lessonii, I, 232, 388, 390, 392; II, 45; longirostris, I, 232, 450; macroptera, I, 451; mollis feae, I, 174;
Pterdroma (continued)
Ptinus, I, 393
Pu torino, II, 30
Pua, I, 358
Puaru, islet, I, 295
Pueu, district, I, 296
Puffinus assimilis, I, 234, 399, 413, 467; gavia, I, 399, 413; griseus, I, 208, 213, 234, 396; II, 19, 45; lherminieri, II, 64, 75; pacificus, II, 47, 62, 64, 177, 275; puffinus, II, 275; tenuirostris, II, 47
Pulau Pisang, II, 181
Pulo Morock, II, 181
Pulo Pajoeng, II, 183
Pulo Panaitan see Princes Island
Pulo Pari, II, 184
Pulo Selan see Princes Island
Pulo Tidung, II, 182
Pumpkin as food, II, 210
Punaauia, Point, II, 281
Puni, chief, see Opoony
Purangi, II, 19
Purangi River, I, 426, 427, 428 et sqq.
Purea see Oborea
Purmerent, is., hospital at, II, 200
Purple dye, I, 171
Purpura, I, 171
Purslane, red flowered, II, 114; seed sown by Portuguese, II, 268
Te Puta o Paretauhinau, I, 432
Putaveri see
Puttick and Simpson, sell Cook material, I, 147
Pu‘upu‘u, I, 353
Pyrites, II, 264
Quadrupeds, N. S. W., II, 116–17
Quail Island, II, 73
Quakers, and Parkinson's journal, I, 58, 61; and Stanfield Parkinson, I, 61
Les Quatre Facardins, II, 325
Queen Charlotte Sound, I, 452 et sqq.; II, 3; Cook takes possession of, I, 461; Endeavour leaves, I, 464
Queensland 1770 see New South Wales
II, 38, 39; in South Pacific, I, 241; sees New Hebrides, II, 38
Quiro's Isles, II, 325
Racehorse, bomb vessel, I, 95
Raft, Maori, I, 405
Raia areata, II, 7
Raiatea, I, 314, 317–28; marae at, I, 318, 321; origin of Maoris, I, 318; sacred bird of, I, 383; views in, I, pl. 17, 18 (end of vol.)
Raiatea people, I, 317 et sqq., 324 et sqq., pl. 17, 18 (end of vol.); boathouses, I, 319; canoes of, I, 319–20, pl. 17, 18 (end of vol.); clothes, I, 325; dance of, I, 324; dialect of, I, 372; heiva, of, I, 325–6, 328, 351; tetua described, I, 324
Raja nasuta, II, 7
Raja of Kupang, II, 175
Raja of Princes Island, II, 233, 235; and the Sultan of Bantam, II, 237
Raja of Savu, 1770, II, 152 et sqq., 169–70; alliance with the Dutch East India Co., II, 152; dines in Endeavour, II, 152; dinner with, II, 154; Gore presented to, II, 152; marines exercise for, II, 152; presents given to, II, 152; restricts trade, II, 155
Rajas of Savu, II, 169–71; feasts at death of, II, 171; residence of, II, 151; stone monuments of, II, 171
I, 160; electrical machine of, I, 160; II, 276
Raoulia mammillaris, I, 452
Te Ratu, minor chief, I, 424
Rautoanui, harbour, I, 323
Ravahere, islands, I, 246–7
Raza, is., ashore at, I, 195
Rearden, Timothy, A. B., death, II, 232
I, 388
Red Hills Range, I, 474
Red mangrove, II, 147
Red ochre, use by Australian natives, II, 92–3, 125; use by Maoris, I, 407
Redcar, village, I, 105
Rei paraoa, II, 17
Reitoru, is., I, 248
Religious processions, Rio de Janeiro, I, 196
Rembrantszoon van Nierop, Dirk—Eenige Oefeningen, 1674, II, 2, 116
Renealmiae, I, 191
Renilla reniformis, II, 309
Repulse Bay, II, 74
Resins see Gums and resins
Resolution, sloop of war, I, 71, 73–4; II, 335 et sqq.; alterations to, I, 73–4; II, 350; Banks's opinion of, I, 73; II, 335 et sqq., 342–3; bought, I, 71; Clerke's opinion of, I, 74; fitting out, I, 72; pilot and, I, 73; ready for sea, II, 348; return of, I, 105 et sqq.; top-heavy, II, 352
Rewa-rewa, II, pl. 13 (end of vol.)
II, 232
Reynolds, Sir Joshua, I, 115; and Banks, I, 96, 117, 118–19; and Society of Antiquaries, I, 117; portrait of Banks, I, 62–3, 64; portrait of Omai, I, 103
Rhacomitrium lanuginosum, I, 452
Rhinecanthus aculeatus, I, pl. VIIc opp. p. 356
Rhinoceros, Java, II, 205
Rhombosolea plebia, II, 8
Rhopalostylis sapida,
Rice, Java, II, 206
Richmond, Thomas, I, 24, 28; at Tierra del Fuego, I, 220, 221, 222; death, I, 39, 222; loses cast-net, I, 156
Ricinus communis, II, 183
Riddell, Mr, I, 85
Riddle, Capt., takes letters to England, II, 247
Rimu, II, 4
II, 39
Rio de Janeiro, assassinations at, I, 199; Banks on treatment at, I, 188, 190, 193; II, 314; Bougainville at, II, 188; defences, I, 203–4; description, I, 195–9; discovery of site, I, 195; Endeavour at, I, 36–8, 186 et sqq.; government, I, 197, 198; harbour, I, 203–4; marine formalities at, I, 186–7, 194; militia of, I, 198–9; the name, I, 195; people of, I, 198, 199; religion in, I, 196–7; Solander on, II, 308–12; travel restrictions in, I, 198, 199; water supply, I, 196; women of, I, 199
Rio de Janeiro Governor see Furtado de Castro do Rio etc.
Rio de Janeiro Viceroy see Azambuja, Conde de
River of Mangroves (Cook), I, 430
Roa see Pipturus argenteus
Robben Island, II, 261; Danish ship at, II, 261; prison on, II, 261
I, 24, 28; engaged for second voyage, I, 73; illness, I, 187, 189; journal of, I, 27, 28; unpacks specimens, I, 50
Dolphin, letter to Banks, I, 68
Robertson, William, Dr, letter to Banks, I, 96
Rock of Taiau, I, 402
Rockweed, I, 208
Rocbuck, ship, at Shark Bay, II, 112; at Timor, II, 146, 147
Roebuck Bay, Dampier's visit, II, 112
II, 40
Rolim de see Azambuja, Conde de
I, 83
Rongo, Maori God, II, 34
Rosemary Island, Dampier's visit, II, 112
Structure of the Koko-Yimidir Language, 1901, II, 137
Rothsay Banks, II, 110
Roti Strait, II, 149
Roudero, a Tahitian, I, 299
Routes from New Zealand discussed, II, 38
Royal Academy of Sciences, Ulrichstadt, Banks and Solander appointed to, I, 96
Royal Bay see Matavai Bay
Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, see Kew Gardens
Royal Dockyards, Plymouth, Banks and Sandwich visit, I, 105
Royal Society, I, 2, 15, 19–22, 53, 116–17; II, 311; and the Pacific voyage, I, 19 et sqq.; and second voyage, II, 354; and the transit of Venus, I, 20; and voyage to I, 95; appeal for grant and ship, I, 21; Banks and Solander entertained, I, 52; Banks on Council of, I, 100; Banks President of, I, 116–18, 123; Banks recommended to Admiralty by, I, 22; Cook awarded medal, I, 112; Cook appointed, I, 22; Green appointed, I, 22; line between Great South Sea and Pacific, I, 237–8; Maskelyne sent to St Helena, II, 263; Presidency of, I, 116–17; prints scientific results of voyage, I, 49
Royal Society Club, I, 108
Ruahine Range, I, 413
Ruaifaatoa, a God, I, 298
I, 191; quoted, I, 360; on ants, II, 120; on bilimbi, II, 162; on nanca, II, 212; on pandanus odorus,II, 216; on Saow, II, 157
Rurutu people, I, 330–3; arms, I, 333; cloth of and sketch, I, 332; dress, I, 332–3; tattoo marks, I, 332; unfriendly, I, 330–1
Sacrifices, human, I, 318
Sail maker on Resolution, I, 83
St Helena, II, 262–70; criticism of, II, 266, 267–8; inhabitants, II, 265, 266; Maskelyne at, II, 263; money, II, 270; plantations, II, 265; slaves, II, 267; supplies for ships, II, 265; town, II, 265; volcanic signs at, II, 264; wheeled vehicles question, II, 267–8
St Jean Boptiste, ship, rounds I, 447
St Vincent, Bory de, II, 281
St Vincent, Cape, Portugal, I, 158
St Vincent, Cape, Tierra del Fuego, I, 216
Salop, I, 343
Salvages, islets, I, 166
Samadang, II, 235, 237–8; houses at, II, 237–8, plan, II, 238
Samuel, Sir Saul, and Lord Brabourne, I, 135–6; buys Banks papers, I, 135; letter to Hooker, I, 135–6
San Juan Batista (Quiros), I, 241
San Mathias, Gulf of, I, 209–10
Sand burrs, II, 71
Sandalwood, I, 339
Sandel Bosch, II, 157
Sandflies, II, 6
Sandwich, John Montagu, Earl, I, 7–8; advice to Banks, I, 77, 79; II, 355; and the Forsters, I, 109–10; II, 348, 354–5 Banks visits, I, 53; consults Banks, I, 64; draft reply to Banks, quoted, I, 77–9: text, II, 349–55; gives Omai to
Sandwich, John Montagu (continued)
Banks, I, 102; Hume on, I, 113; inspects ships, I, 72; letter on Resolution, II, 348; letter to Banks, quoted, I, 77: text, II, 343–4; letter to Lord North, II, 348; letter to, from I, 110; letters to, from Banks: texts, II, 335–42; out of office, I, 112; relations with Banks, I, 7–8, 53, 64, 77–9, 81, 102, 103, 105, 125; Solander visits, I, 53; trout fishing, I, 113; visits Royal Dockyards, I, 105; yachting trips, I, 105
Sandy Bay, I, 447, 450
Sandy Cape, Qld, II, 64
Santa Cruz Fort, I, 194, 203–4; fires at Endeavour, I, 194; water supply, I, 204
Sapphirina, I, 155
Sarcolobus banksii,II, pl. 38 (end of vol.)
Sarsen, I, 17
Satterley, John, see The Carpenter
Saturn, occultation of, I, 238
Saudara, II, 226
Saunders, Cape, I, 470
Sauropus androgynus, II, 213
I, 30–1, 153; letter quoted, I, 31
Savu Island, II, 149–74; army, II, 171, 172; chief's house, II, pl. 37 (end of vol.); description, II, 158 et sqq.; drought at, II, 159; Dutch influence, II, 157, 158, 172–3; Europeans at, II, 150; Gore goes ashore, II, 150; government, II, 169–70; harbours, II, 159; history, II, 171, 172–3; House of Assembly, II, 153; landowners, II, 170; negeris, II, 153, 158–9, 169; not in charts, II, 157, principalities, II, 158–9, 169; produce, II, 159 et sqq.; provisions from, II, 157; Rajas of see Raja of Savu, Rajas of Savu; slavery at, II, 170; trade of, II, 173; trading difficulties at, II, 152, 153, 155 et sqq.
Savu natives, II, 164–72; betel-chewing, II, 166; chastity, II, 164, 169; cleanliness, II, 165, 168–9; cloth making, II, 167; clothes, II, 164–5; customs, II, 171; drink of, II, 162; dyeing by, II, 168; hair, II, 164; health, II, 168; houses, II, 153, 167; language, word list, II, 173–4; medical skill, II, 168; morals, II, 169; ornaments, II, 165; ovens, II, 163; presents given, II, 151, 154; pride of descent, II, 170; religion, II, 169; smoking, II, 167; stone seats of, II, 170; tattoo marks, II, 166; teeth, II, 166; textile implements, II, 167–8; weapons, II, 171–2; women, II, 164–5
Savu Rajas see Raja of Savu; Rajas of Savu
Sceloglaux albifacies, II, 5
I, 240
Schleichera oleosa, II, 149
Schouten, Willem Cornelisz, I, 370
Schuit, boat, II, 42
Sciaena
abdominalis, I, 438; lata, I, 453; rubens, I, 183
Scientific results of voyage, Banks on, II, 328; not completed, I, 122–3; printed by I, 49
Scina, I, 180
Scomber
amia, I, 183; clupeoides, I, 453; II, 6; falcatus, I, 183; lanceolatus, I, 245; pelamys, I, 168; salmoneus, I, 186; serpens, I, 166
Scombresox forsteri, II, 46
Scorpaena percoides, I, 453
Scott, Major John, skits on Banks, I, 101–2; skits on Omai, I, 103
Scott, Valerie, I, xiv
Screw-pine see Pandanus
Scurvy, Banks and, I, 243–4, 250–1; Cook and, I, 37, 244, 249; Hulmes on, I, 243–4; II, 301; MacBride on, II, 43; prevention on Resolution, I, III; Tupaia and, II, 74, 82, 83; see also Scurvy preventives
Scurvy preventives, fresh vegetables, II, 43; lemons, I, 40, 243–4, 251; II, 74, 301; lime juice "proper", I, 244; malt, I, 250, 251, 394; II, 43; orange and brandy, II, 69, 301; sauerkraut, I, 249, 250; scurvy grass, I, 217, 226, 285; II, 8; wild celery, I, 217; Winter's bark, I, 216
Scyllaea pelogica, II, 272
Sea birds see names of species
Sea squirt as food, II, 127
Seals, N. Z., II, 4
Seamen, attacked by Tahitians, I, 310; conduct praised, II, 78, 81; deaths of,
Seamen (continued)
II, 193, 232, 242–4; homesick, I, 45; II, 145; ill at Batavia, II, 187, 193, 198; ill with dysentery, II, 242–4; imprisoned at Rio, I, 188, 189–90
Seba, Savu, II, 151 et sqq.
Seeds, from Tahiti, II, 151; planted in Tahiti, I, 274, 308–9; washed overboard, I, 14
Seines in danger, I, 444; II, 96
Semecarpus australiensis, II, 99
Senecio
Sepia, I, 236
Serianthes myriadenia, I, 319
Seriola lalandi, I, 183
Serpentine drainage project, I, 8
Sesbania
aculeata, II, pl. 32 (end of vol.); aegyptica, II, 132; coccinea, II, 228
Sesevium portulacastrum, II, 114
Shags, N.Z., eaten, I, 430, 457; N.S.W., II, 117
The Shambles, N.Z., I, 409
Shark, as food, I, 168, 250; II, 147; ejects stomach, I, 205, 206; oil, II, 25; see also names of species
Shark Bay, W. A., Dampier's visit, II, 112
Sharp, Bartholomew, Capt., II, 39
Sheffield, Mr, quoted, I, 68
Shelburne Bay, II, 109
Shell trumpet, II, 30
I, 214–15; idea for Ancient Mariner from, I, 214
Ship Cove, N.Z., I, 453
Ship's butcher see
Ship's carpenter see The Carpenter
Ship's officers, conduct praised, II, 81
Ships, at St Helena, II, 262; best for voyages of discovery, II, 338, 345–8, 349–50, 353; better after gales, I, 213; in Straits of Sunda, II, 179; in Table Bay, II, 247, 248; provisions for, II, 41–2; speed of, I, 437; water, I, 196; see also types of ships, e.g. Indiamen
Shipworms, I, 281
Shipwreck, coast of Timor, II, 175
I, 6
Sidserf, Peter, I, 73
Signs of land, Atlantic Ocean, I, 209; I, 241–2, 389, 394, 395, 396, 397; II, 39; Tasman Sea, II, 47
Sinus pudoris,II, 260
Siphonophora, I, 171
Sipunculus piscium, I, 169
Sir Lawrence, brig, chartered, I, 84; voyage to Iceland, I, 86, 90, 93
Skelton Castle, I, 105
Skottowe, Mrs, II, 268
Slaves, Batavia, II, 220–2; Brazil, I, 202, 203; Cape Town, II, 251; Negro, I, 202, 203; II, 220; Robben Is., II, 261; St Helena, II, 267; Savu, II, 170; punishment of, II, 221, 267
Smallpox, Savu, II, 168
Smith, Captain of Houghton, II, 248
Life of Sir Joseph Banks, Lond., 1911, I, 23
Smith, J. R., mezzotint engraving by, I, I, pl. iii opp. p. 68
Smith, Sir James Edward (ed.)—Selection of the correspondence of Linnaeus etc. from the… Mss., Lond., 1821, 1,
Smoked heads, Maori, I, 457; II, 31
Snail, St Helena, II, 269; see also names of species
I, 15; letters. to Banks, I, 15
Snowdon climbed, I, 97
Snows, the word, II, 248
Society for Belles Lettres, I, 121
Society for the Encouragement of Arts etc., I, 100
Society Islanders, I, 252–329; canoes, I, 364 et sqq.; manners and customs, I, 333–86; social orders, I, 384–5
Society of Antiquaries, I, 117
Society of Arts, I, 100
Society of Literature, Rotterdam, I, 95
I, 9, 24–7, 33, 73, 85; accepted for voyage, I, 26
and the Blossets, I, 55, 56; and the British Museum, I, 26, 115; and Cook, I, 34, 35–6; and I, 116–17; and shipmates, I, 34
at country house Batavia, II, 191–2;
at Iceland, I, 90 et sqq.; Monkhouse's funeral, II, 190; Plymouth, I, 10; Portsmouth, I, 113; Rio de Janeiro, I, 190, 199; II, 308–9; Savu, II, 150, 153 et sqq.; Seba, II, 155 et sqq., 169; Soho Square, I, 115; Thetis Bay, I, 216; Thousand Islands, II, 183; Tierra del Fuego, I, 218 et sqq.; Wales, I, 97
Banks on, I, 85, 120–1; Boswell on, I, 52
botanical Mss., I, 49, 120–1, 149–50, used by Forsters, I, 110
buys Malayan nurse, II, 190; climbs Mt Hecla, I, 92; Collinson on, I, 25; D.C.L., Oxon, I, 52; death, I, 120; elected F.R.S., I, 26; Ellis on, I, 26; estimates Banks's expenditure, I, 29; examines inlet to Broad Sound, II, 73; explores II, 59; finds mosquitoes, II, 233;—Flora Islandica, I, 94–5; given lemon juice, I, 393; illness, I, 53, 393; II, 187, 189 et sqq., 247–8; knife stolen, I, 264; lands on shoal, II, 108
letter on Forster, I, 109; on Omai, I, 102–3; on visit to Resolution, I, 107–8; to Lord Morton, II, 311–13
letters on return of the second voyage, I, 105–6, 107–8; letters to Ellis quoted, I, 10, 25, 38: texts, II, 308–10
meets Banks, I, 9, 26; meets Governor-General of Batavia, II, 187; meets King George III, I, 51
member of Royal Academy of Sciences, Ulrichstadt, I, 96; on Rio de Janeiro, I, 38; II, 308–10; Petersburg Academy of Sciences want, I, 26; plant collecting see Plant collecting; portraits: medallion, I, pl. i opp. p. 36; silhouette, I, pl. iv opp. p. 84; by Parry, I, pl. V opp. p. 116; publicity about, I, 51, 64; routine in Endeavour, I, 33–4, 36; snuff box stolen, I, 255–6; status in Endeavour, I, 33; Ueber Solander, I, 9
visits Dootahah, I, 281; Earl of Sandwich, I, 52–3
Opoony, I, 327; Papenoo Valley, I, 263; teacher, Seba, II, 169
zoological Mss., I, 49,149-50
Solanum
melogena, II, 206–7; nigrum, II, 8; repandum, dye from, I, 358
Solitary Islands, II, 62
Solomon Islands, I, 21
Solor Islands, II, 176
Songs of Tahiti, I, 349–50
Sotheran, Henry & amp; Co., sells copy of Journal, I, 143
Sour paste, I, 344–5
South Cape, N.Z., I, 472
South Direction, is., II, 102
South Sea (Balboa), I, 238
South Sea Islanders, colour, II, 124; language, word lists, II, 240–1; manners and customs, I, 333–86; tools, I, pl. 23 (end of vol.)
South Sea Islands, population, I, 334
Southern Continent, I, 19–20, 42–3, 239, 240, 308, 387, 399, 469–72; II, 38–9; Banks's theory, I, 442; II, 38–9; second voyage and a, II, 354
Southern Hemisphere, air of, II, 50
Sow thistle, II, 8
Spanish ensign picked, I, 287
Spanish ship, takes letters, I, 194; II, 312; treatment at Rio de Janeiro, I, 194
I, 110; and Forster's book, I, 110; quoted, I, 123
Sparwood, II, 263
Spatula rhyncotis, II, 5
Specimens, collected on voyage, I, 49; collected on second voyage, I, 107, 108; damaged, I, 149
from Brazil, I, 191; Iceland, I, 93; Newfoundland, I, 14
geology, I, 17; in British Museum Natural History, I, 149–50; unpacked, I, 50–1; washed overboard, I, 14; see also Plant specimens
Spheniscus
demersus, I, 471; magellanicus, I, 212
Sphingidae, I, 183
Sphinx, I, 208
Spice Islands, II, 217
Spix, J. B. von, and Martius, C. F. P. von, quoted, I, 195
Spondias
I, 24, 27; at country house, Batavia, II, 191; copies descriptions of specimens, I, 34; death, I, 47; II, 242; malaria attacks, II, 192; mends quadrant, I, 40; secretary to Banks, I, 27; sees strange bird, I, 421
Spöring's Island, I, 421
Squalls, Great South Sea, I, 235; near Tahiti, I, 250; sign of land, I, 396; sudden, I, 206; white, I, 176
Squalus
carcharias, I, 168, 173, 250; charcharias, I, 168, 173, 250; fernandinus, II, 8; glaucus, I, 250; kirki, II, 8; lima, II, 8
Staffa, I, 88, 93, 94; Banks quoted on, I, 88; Lind's suggestion re, I, 94
Stanhope, Edward, Lord, possible biographer, I, 133; and the papers, I, 133–4
Stanhope, Louisa, wife of Earl, I, 4
Stanley, Sir John, see Stanley of Alderley, Baron
Staten Island, I, 42, 216; discovery, II, 1; Dutch sail around, I, 42
Staten Land, N.Z. (Tasman), II, 1
Station sloop, the term, II, 41
Stephanomia rubra, I, 396
I, 22
Stephens Island, I, 475
Stephensen, Olaf, Governor, I, 93
I, 9
Stercorarius parasiticus,
Sterculia
Sterna
anaethetus, II, 139, 148; bergii, II, 69; dougalli, I, 241; fuscata, I, 241, 244; II, 148; hirundo, I, 241; nasuta, II, 69; striata, II, 47
Sting-Ray's Bay, the name, II, 61
Stingrays, II, 60, 61; eaten, II, 61; see also names of species
Stone axes, Tahitian, I, 363
Stone image, Tahiti, I, 303
Stone monuments, Savu, II, 171
Stone seats, Savu, II, 170–1
Strait of I, 215–16
Straits of Sunda, II, 178–9 et sqq.; current in, II, 182; Dutch packet in, II, 179; errors in charts of, II, 179; marine
Straits of Sunda (continued)
Strongylura, II, 88
Stuart, James (Athenian Stuart), I, 100
Stuart, John, Earl of Bute, and Kew Gardens, I, 99
Stubbs, George, II, vii
Styrax benzoin, I, 141
Sugar, Brazil, I, 199; from fan palm, II, 162–3; Java, II, 207; the word, II, 163
Sugar cane, I, 343
Sugar Loaf, Brazil, I, 185
Sugar-palm, II, 214
Sula, II, 146, 272; bassana bassana, II, 275; bassana serrator, I, 449; II, 47; capensis, II, 246; dactylatra, I, 391; II, 117; leucogaster, II, 64; piscator, II, 146; sula, II, 117
Sulphur, I, 167
Sultan of Bantam, II, 237
Sumatra, II, 232
Sumba, II, 157
Sunda Straits see Straits of Sunda
Sundal malam, II, 216
Sunken continent theory, I, 308
I, 447; visits I, 44
Swallow, H. M. sloop, II, 262
Swallows, I, 167, 169, 170, 175; cat kills, I, 175; see also Motacilla
Sweet potato, Java, II, 206; N.Z., I, 417; II, 9, 19, 26; Tahiti, I, 342
Sword grass see Cyperus javanensis
Sycophaga sycomori, II, 70
Sylvia Bank, I, 181
Syngnathus pelagicus, II, 272
Synoicus australis, II, 59
Ta, instrument and sketch, I, 336
Ta‘aroa, chief, I, 284–5
Taata, the word, II, 35
Table Bay, Endeavour anchored off, II, 247; the name, II, 250; ships in, II, 247, 248
Table Cape, N.Z., I, 414
Tacca leontopetaloides see T. pinnatifida
Tacca pinnatifida, I, 343, pl. 35 (end of vol.)
Tahaa, I, 318, 321–2; Cook takes possession, I, 318; manners of people, I, 322; pass into bay of, I, 323; visit to chief of, I, 327
Tahinu see Tournefortia argentea
Tahiti, I, 22, 39–42, 252–313; II, 302–7; chosen by I, 22; climate, II, 333; cultivated part, I, 297; departure from, I, 309–14; description, I, 340; discovery, I, 22; II, 249, 250; France and, II, 249, 250; fruits of, I, 342–3; geographical divisions, I, 386; government, I, 384, 386; illustrations see list, I, pp. xix-xxii
journey round: the Mss., I, 146–7; the texts, I, 294–305; II, 302–7
map, I, 262; population areas, I, 334; sighted, I, 250, 251; volcanic origin, I, 308
A Tahitian, Outou?, shot, I, 257; treatment of body, I, 259, 261
Tahitian basketwork figure, I, 302
Tahitian blue lory, I, pl. 39 (end of vol.)
Tahitian language, I, 370–3; Banks learns, I, 40; compared with other languages, I, 370–2; vocabulary, I, 372–3; vocabulary compared with Maori, II, 35–7
Tahitian names for ship's company, I, 275
Tahitian peace tokens, I, 252
Tahitian women, I, 254 et sqq., 300, 334; II, 330–4, 383; and the marac, I, 383; cloth making by, I, 354–6, pl. 11 (end of vol.); clothes of, I, 337; dancing, I, pl. 12 (end of vol.); dyed fingers of, I, 359; eating habits, I, 348
Tahitians, I, 252–313; II, 330–4; amusements, I, 349 et sqq.; animals of, I, 343; archery of, I, 289–90, 349; arioi houses, I, 341; army, I, 385; astronomy of, I, 368; basket work, I, 361; boat houses, I, 368; candles, I, 350; canoes, I, 364 et sqq., 297; sketch, I, 364; character, I, 334, 340; chastity, II, 331; chiefs, I, 384–6; cleanliness of, I, 335, 337; cloth dyeing, I, 356–60; cloth making, I, 353–6; cloth washing, I, 355; clothes, I, 337, 338, 356, pl. 10 (end of vol.);
Tahitians (continued)
coconut oil used by, I, 339; cookery, I, 344; counting by, I, 369; cry over Banks, I, 267; daily life, II, 332, 333; dances, I, 351–2, pl. 12, 13 (end of vol.); death customs, I, 259, 376–9; detained as hostages, I, 311–12; diseases of, I, 335, 373–5; drinks, I, 345–6; eating habits, I, 346–8; eye shades of, I, 338, 361; fishing, I, 361–3; fishing nets, I, 361; food, I, 306, 341–6; free love, I, 351–2; give presents, I, 253, 258 et sqq.; hair styles, I, 334–5, 339; II, 332; handwork, I, 360 et sqq.; healing by priests, I, 374; heiva see Heiva; houses, I, 339–41; infanticide, I, 351–2, 382; II, 334; justice of, I, 386; manners and customs, I, 333–86; II, 330–4; marae see Marae; marriage, I, 381–2; matting of, I, 338, 360–1; measuring by, I, 368–70; medical knowledge, I, 374–6; mourning customs, I, 265–6, 286, 288–9, 376–9; II, 333, pl. 14, 15, 16 (end of vol.); music, I, 261, 290, 349–51, pl. 9a (end of vol.); myths, I, 353; navigation by, I, 368; origin, I, 463; ornaments, I, 338–9; physical characteristics, I, 334; priests, I, 374, 381–2; punishment of, I, 386; religion, I, 277, 369, 379 et sqq.; rope, I, 307, 308, 361; sea food of, I, 342; sleeping habits, I, 340, 341, 349; social orders, I, 384–5; songs, I, 349–50; stone axes, I, 363; stone carving, I, 303; stone image, I, 303; surf games, I, 283; tapu of, I, 266, 293, 345, 348, 349, 373; tattooing of, I, 309, 335–7, 382; II, 332; thieving habits, I, 255–6, 263–4, 277, 282, 290–1, 301, 309–10; tools, I, 363; trade with, I, 258, 260, 273 et sqq.; ++rtue of, I, 340, 341, 349; wars, I, 386; weapons, I, 386, pl. 22a (end of vol.); weather forecasting of, I, 368; white, I, 263, 335; women see Tahitian women; woodwork of, I, 363–4; wrestling of, I, 272, 352
Tahua-pure, I, 381–2
Taiaha, I, 439; II, 28
Taiarapu see Tahiti-iti
Taiata see Tayeto
Taiau, rock of, I, 402
Taihaa, ceremony, I, 288–9
Taimorodce, I, 351
Taioa, a Tahitian, I, 313
Tamaio see Tomio
Tamanu, I, 360, pl. 34a (end of vol.)
Tamarind, II, 210
Tanagra jacarini, I, 183
Tanah Abang, II, 203
Tangi, II, 34
Taniko, II, 15
Tanimbar Islands, II, 146
Tanjong Leneng, II, 179
Tao, I, 401
Taoneroa, I, 406
Tapa, Maori, I, 412
Tapa, Tahitian, I, 319; for Sophia Banks, I, 294; woman making, I, pl. 11 (end of vol.)
Tapu, Maori, eating, I, 414; hair, I, 458; new house, II, 18, 19
Tapu, Tahitian, blood, I, 266; chiefly, I, 293, 373; eating, I, 266, 348, 349; food, I, 345; mahi, I, 345
Tapuaenuku, mt, I, 464, 467
Taputapu, I, 318
Taranaki District, I, 452
Taraté, II, 229
Taravao, isthmus, I, 296
Tarawhiti, I, 462
Taro, N.S.W., II, 85, 114; N.Z., I, 417; II, 9, 19; St Helena, II, 265, 267; Tahiti, I, 342, 387
Tarroa, chief, I, 284–5
Tasman, Abel, anchors in Abel Tasmans Reede, I, 475; anchors in I, 475; and I, 458; II, 1; Banks on, II, 1–2; charts of, I, 452; discovers Amsterdam Is., I, 21; in Van Dicmen's Land, II, 115–16; longitudes of, II, 2; names Cape Maria van Diemen, I, 446; near I, 446, 448; New Zealand voyage of, I, 42, 446, 448, 452, 458, 463, 469–70, 475; II, 1–2; Prévost on, I, 469, 470; quoted on gum, II, 115–16
Tasman Bay, I, 475
Tasman Sea, II, 46–7; humid in, II, 46; signs of land in, II, 47
Tataa, I, 280
Tattoo marks, of Au-ura Is., I, 335; of Rurutu, I, 332; on Banks's arm, I, 41
Tattooing, Maori, I, 407, 439, 443; II, 13–14, pl. 8 (end of vol.)
Tattooing, Tahitian, I, 309, 335–7, 382; II, 332; designs, I, pl. 21 (end of vol.); instruments, I, 336; operation described, I, 309
Taurua ceremony, I, 276
Tautira, peninsula, I, 297
Tautiti, a Tahitian, I, 297
Tayeto (Tupaia's boy), I, 316; and Tupaia, I, 413; II, 190, 191; at Batavia, II, 186–7, 189, 190; death, I, 47; II, 190; illness, II, 187, 189; name of, I, 316; taken by Maoris, I, 412–13
Tayoa, a Tahitian, I, 313
Teahupoo, I, 299
Tea-tree, Qld, see Melaleuca leucadendron
Te aitu-poaro?, a Tahitian, see Tituboalo
Tearee, son of Waheatua, see Taata-uraura
Tebui, is., II, 149
Tegadu Bay, the name, I, 418
Te-ito see Tayeto
Tellina, I, 431; gargadia, I, 354
Temarii, chief, see Tcriiere
Temple Bay, II, 108
Tenebrio, I, 393
Te-oa?, a Tahitian, I, 313
Te Oneroa, beach, I, 406
Tepau i Ahurai Tamaiti see Tubourai
Te Porionuu, district, I, 296
Terakako see Mahia Peninsula
Teraro, a Tahitian, I, 265
Terawhiti, I, 462
Teredo, I, 281
Teriircre, chief, I, 293, 309, 383, 384; marae of, I, 293, 303–4, 383
Terra australis incognita see Southern Continent
Tertian malaria, II, 187–8
Testudo caretta, I, 207
Tetiaroa, islets, I, 290
Te Toka a Taiau, I, 402
Tetua, the word, I, 324
Teva-i-tai, political division, I, 296
Teve, I, 343
Tewhatewha, II, 27
Thalassia, II, 94
Thames River, N.Z., I, 435–6; II, 3–4; suitable for colony, II, 4
Thermometers used, I, 176
Thespesia populnea, I, 374
Thirsty Sound, ashore at, I, 50; II, 70–3; plants at, II, 71; the name, I, 50; II, 70
Thomas, Richard, A.B., death, II, 247
Thompson, Sir Edward Maunde, I, 133; and the Banks papers, I, 133–5
The Thousand Islands, II, 183
Three Brothers, N.S.W. (Cook), II, 62
Three Brothers, Tierra del Fuego, I, 215
Three Kings Islands, I, 448, 449
Thrum, the word, I, 245
Thrum Cap (Cook), I, 245
Thunderstorm, South Atlantic, I, 209
Thwart-the-Way see Thwartway Island
Thylacinus cynocephalus, II, 86
Thyrsites atun, I, 453
Tiano pass, I, 327
Tiare, I, 338, pl. 30 (end of vol.)
Tiare-iti, islet, I, 298
Tiari, I, 336
Tiata see Tayeto
Tideing, the word, I, 438
Tides, effect Endeavour in reef, II, 107; in I, 464; in II, 78, 107, 108; in Thirsty Sound, II, 73
Tiere, islet, I, 298
Tierra del Fuego, description, I, 224 et sqq.; Endeavour at, I, 39, 214–15, 217 et sqq.; excursion on, I, 218 et sqq.; Indian town at, I, 224, pl. 5 (end of vol.); snowstorm at, I, 220–2; trees of, I, 215, 216, 217, 224–5, 226
Tierra del Fuegians, I, 39, 217–18, 224, 227–9; board Endeavour, I, 217–18; ignorant of drink, I, 218, 221, 229; language of, I, 228
Tiger, Java, II, 205
Tiger's tongue, I, 354
Ti‘i, a God, I, 384
Tiki, I, 458; II, 17, pl. 6
Tillandsia, I, 191; recurvata, I, 191; stricta, I, pl. 26 (end of vol.); usneoides, I, 191
Timber, Madeira, I, 160–1; N.S.W., II, 114; N.Z., II, 9–10; for canoes, I, 319
Timo, harbour, II, 159
Timor, II, 147–8, 175; Dutch in, II, 175; plantations, II, 148; shipwreck at, II, 175; sighted, II, 146–7
Timor Governor, letter to Mr Lange, II, 154
Timorlaut, II, 146
Tintern Abbey, I, 17
Tipaemau, islet, I, 321
Tiputa, I, 356
Titoki, I, 407
Ti-uti, sacred tree, I, 377
To make all sneer again, the phrase, II, 61
Toahatu pass, I, 322
Toamaro pass, I, 327
Tobacco from Brazil, I, 199
Todd, A. H., and Banks papers, I, 134–5; values papers, I, 134
Toddy see Palm-wine
Toddy tree see Borassus flabellifer
Toetoe, I, 410; II, 18
Tohaia? a Tahitian, I, 299
Toiwa, a Maori, see Torava
Toki titaha, II, 24
Tolaga Bay, I, 418–21; II, 3; arched rock, I, 419; II, pl. 1 (end of vol.); house at, I, 421; II, 18
Toofa, I, 385
Tools, of Australian natives, II, 130–1; of Maoris, II, 24–5, 26; of Society Islanders, I, 320, 321; of Tahitians, I, 363
Tootahah see Dootahah
Toottera, Tahitian name, I, 287
Top, Maori toy, I, 420
Topaa, a Maori, ideas of, I, 462–3; Tupaia and, I, 460, 462–3; visits Endeavour, I, 453, 460, 462
Topuni, I, 412
Torava, a Maori, I, 427, 428; friendly, I, 434; influence of, I, 435; visits Endeavour, I, 427
Torres Strait, Endeavour sails through, I, 45; II, 109–10; in charts, I, 29; II, 105
Totaranui see Queen Charlotte Sound
Tou see Cordia subcordata
Toudidde, a Tahitian, I, 297
Tournefortia argentea, dye from, I, 358
Towia, a Tahitian, I, 299
Townshend duties, repeal, II, 274
Trachurus nova-zelandicae, I, 428, 453; II, 6
Trade winds, Atlantic, I, 167, 169, 170, 174, 175, 178, 181; Pacific, I, 243, 248; II, 243, 262, 272; off Timor, II, 148
Tragacanth, II, 57
Tragelaphus strepsiceros, II, 255
Transcripts of the Journals see Banks, Sir Joseph, Endeavour Journal—Transcripts
Transit of Mercury, I, 426, 428–9
Transit of Venus, 1639, observed at Hoole, I, 20; 1761, Maskelyne to observe, II, 263
Transit of Venus, 1769, I, 19, 20, 284, 285–6; observations a failure, I, 20, 29; peculiar idea of, I, 204; I, 20
The Traps, N.Z., I, 472
Travel restrictions, Brazil, I, 98
Tree, giant, I, 274
Tree felling, Tahiti, I, 363–4
Trees, measurement of, I, 436; notched, II, 85–6, 123, 130, 131; Madeira, I, 160, 162–3, 165, N.Z., I, 436; II, 3, 9–10; Tierra del Fuego, I, 215, 216, 217, 224–5, 226
Tres Hermanos, I, 215
Trichodesmium
Trigla papilionacea, I, 453
Triphasia aurantiola, II, 213
Trisetum subspicatum, II, 8
Trochus perspectivus, II, 72
Troil, Uno von, Archbishop, I, 83, 85;—Letters on Iceland, 1777, I, 84–5; on trip to Iceland, I, 85; quoted, I, 90, 92, 93
Trolly lollys, nautical term, I, 243
Trombas, II, 261
Tropic birds see Phaethon
Trophies of war, at Raiatea, I, 318, 319, 321, 324–5; at Tahiti, I, 300, 305; goose and turkey, I, 300
Tropics, climate of, I, 177–8
Trumpet weed, II, 261
I, 311; sent for deserters, I, 311–12
Trygonorhina fasciata, II, 60, pl. 36b (end of vol.)
Tuak see Palm-wine
Tuamotu Archipelago, I, 239, 244 et sqq., 463; people of, I, 244, 246–7
Tuarua, a Tahitian, I, 292
Tuauru, valley, I, 306–8
Tubai, is. (Cook) see Motu-iti
Tuberose, II, 216
Tubia see Tupaia
Tubipora musica, II, 108
Tubolai, is. (Banks), I, 420–1; house at, I, 421
Tubourai, chief, I, 254, 258 et sqq., 264 et sqq., 267, 276 et sqq., 280, 285 et sqq., 310; as archer, I, 289–90, 349; detained as hostage, I, 311–12; fires gun, I, 276; illness, I, 268; in mourning ceremony, I, 288; Monkhouse and, I, 280; picks Spanish ensign, I, 287; steals nails, I, 278–9, 280; visit to, I, 276–7
Tuivirau, a Tahitian, see Wiverou
Tulbagh, Ryk, Governor, II, 251
Tupaia, I, 42, 270, 271 et sqq., 282, 286, 312 et sqq., 317 et sqq.; against cannibalism, I, 443
and Australian natives, II, 58, 91, 92; and Maori boys, I, 403, 405; and Maoris, I, 401, 403, 405 et sqq., 408, 410 et sqq., 420, 434–5, 437, 447, 454, 456, 460, 463, 469; and Tayeto, I, 413; II, 190, 191; as pilot, I, 323
at Batavia, II, 186 et sqq.; at ceremony, I, 461; at Huahine, I, 315–16; at I, 461
Cook on, I, 312; cooks dog, I, 292–3; death, I, 46; II, 190–1; ill, I, 388; II, 82, 186, 187, 189, with scurvy, II, 74, 82, 83; knowledge of, I, 312; leaves Tahiti, I, 311–14; on comet, I, 389; on punishments, I, 386; preaching of, II, 34; roasts taro, II, 85; sees dingo?, II, 89; tent pitched for, II, 189; thinks Maoris liars, I, 463, 469; understands Maori language, I, 401, 405; II, 35; wounded, I, 376
Tupapau, I, 377
Tupapow (Banks) see Tupapau; Fare-tupapau
Tupi, is., see Motu-iti
Turbo fluitans, I, 240
Turkey, Tahiti, I, 300
Turnagain, Cape, I, 414, 465
I, 143; correspondence lost, I, 147; letter to Carruthers, I, 143
I, 130; and biography of Banks, I, 130–1; and the Journal, I, 131, 138, 144; copies the Journal, I, 131, 132, 144; copies papers etc., I, 131, 132
Turrell, Edward, letter quoted, I, 67
Tursiops, I, 468
Turtle grass, II, 94
Turtles, Java, II, 205; Princes Is., II, 235, 236; Qld, II, 94–5; as food, II, 94; sun dried, II, 104; see also scientific names
Tutanekai and Hinemoa, II, 30
Tuteha see Dootahah
Tutu waewae, II, 12
Tutui, I, 336
Two Brothers, is. (Cook), II, 70
Typha angustifolia, II, 132
Tyrian purple, I, 171
Uca vocans, I, 192
Ueber Solander (letter giving Banks's recollections of Solander, 1785), I, 9
Ulex europeus, II, 267
Ulhieta see Raiatea
Ulimaroa, the word, I, 463
Umara see Sweet potato
Umu, I, 344; II; 20
Uncaria gambir, II, 222
Union Jack, I, 401
Uratua see Ourattooa
Urietea (Banks), I, 314
Urogymnus asperrimus, II, 86
Urolophus testaceus, II, 60, pl. 36a (end of vol.)
Uru see Artocarpus; Bread-fruit tree
Vaa see Canoes, Tahitian
Vahitahi, the name, I, 244
Vai-ao-tea, sub-district, I, 299
Vaiari, district, I, 302
Vairaao, district, I, 300–1
Vaitepiha River, I, 297
Vaituoru River, I, 263
Vaiuru, district, I, 300–1
Valckenier, Governor-General, II, 198
Valdés Peninsula, I, 209
Valentijn, François, II, 16;—Oudt en Nieuw Oost-Indien, 1724–6, I, 400, 453; II, 16; quoted, II, 195
Van Diemen's Land, Endeavour sails towards, II, 42
Van Heys, hotel keeper, II, 185; country house of, II, 191, 192
Vane, I, 360
Varanus
bengalensis nebulosus, II, 205; salvator, II, 205; semirex, II, 103
Vaugondy, Robert de, charts of, II, 143
Vegetable sheep, I, 452
Vegetables, Brazil, I, 192–3; II, 253, 254; Java, II, 206–7; N.Z., II, 8–9; Princes Is., II, 236; St Helena, II, 268
Venereal disease, I, 374–5
Venus, transit of, see Transit of Venus
Verdura, I, 217
Vereenighde Oost-Indische Compagnie see Dutch East India Company
Vermes, the term, I, 186
Vero patia, I, 326–7
Veronica parviflora, II, pl. 17 (end of vol.)
Vespertilio vampyrus, II, 183
Vi apple, I, 278, pl. VI opp. p. 308
Viceroy of Brazil see Azambuja, Conde de
Vincent's Bay (Cook) see Thetis Bay
Vinhatico, I, 160–1
Vini peruviana, I, pl. 39 (end of vol.)
Visiting card of Banks, I, 94
I, 15
Volatinia jacarina, I, 183, pl. 3 (end of vol.)
Volcano theory, II, 264
Vulture eaten, I, 222
II, 179
Waggoner, the word, II, 179
Waihou River see Thames River
Waipaoa River, I, 402
Wairarapa Plains, I, 465
Wairoa, river, I, 411
Waka taua, II, 22
Waka tete, II, 22
Walden, secretary engaged by Banks, I, 73
I, 72; II, 354; botanical tour by, I, 97; critic of observations, I, 49; on Oborea, I, 267
Walker, Henry, midshipman, I, 67–8
Walking goby, II, 72
Wallaroo, eaten, II, 100; drawing of skull, II, 100; see also Macropus robustus
I, 147; buys Banks papers, I, 136, 137–8, 147
Wallis, Helen M., quoted on Tasman's longitudes, II, 2
I, 252–3, 256, 260, 261, 300, 306–7; II, 249; discovers Mehetia Is., I, 249; illness, I, 233; journal of, I, 47; reports on Tahiti, I, 22; visit to Oborea, I, 253
I, 83, 100; on Bruce, I, 100; on Duchess of Portland's collection, I, 26; on Zoffany, I, 83
I, 181; on crayfish, II, 7
Wapping Isle, II, 182
War canoes, Maori, II, 22, 23, 28–9, pl. 2, 3 (end of vol.); figureheads of, II, 24
War trophies see Trophies of War
Water, I, 416, 418; II, 56; Princes Is., II, 236; Rio de Janeiro, I, 196; Santa Cruz, I, 204; Tahiti, I, 256, 258; Tierra del Fuego, I, 239; I, 420, 421; ship's, I, 196
Water casks, attempts to steal, I, 277–8; of Brazilian fishermen, I, 183; wooden, I, 196
Water lettuce, II, 181
Watermark on copy of Journal, I, 143
Watkins, F., electrical machine of, II, 278–9
Watson, Sereno, on plants of Ascension Island, II, 271
Watson, William, Dr, I, 9
Weir, Alexander, Quartermaster, drowned, II, 309
West, Benjamin, portrait of Banks, I, 62–4, pl. iii opp. p. 68
West African Depression, II, 263
Whale fishery, Brazil, II, 140
Whale Island, I, 423
Whale Rock, N.Z., I, 446
Whalebone clubs, II, 27
Whannouda, a Tahitian, I, 302
Whare hui, II, 18; puni, II, 18; runanga, II, 18; whakairo, II, 18
Whare-taewa Pa, I, 432–3
Wheat, in Endeavour, I, 393
Whio, II, 30
White ants see Termites
White pine, I, 410, 436; II, 3–4
White Tahitian, I, 263
Whitleather, I, 162
Whitsunday Passage, II, 74
Wild celery see Apium
Wild cress, II, 8
Wild plantain, II, 85
Wilkes, John, II, 180
Wind machine, I, 92
Wind up … bottoms, the term, I, 463
Winds, trade, see Trade winds
Wine-making, Madeira, I, 161–2
Winter, John, Capt., I, 216
Winteraceae, II, 8
Winteranus cortex, I, 216
Women, of Batavia, II, 203, 218; Cape Town, I, 54; II, 251; N.S.W., II, 129; N.Z. see Maori women; Rio de Janeiro, I, 199; Tahiti see Tahitian women
Woodworth, John, A.B., death, II, 232
Wort, I, 250
Wrestling match, I, 272
Yachting trip, I, 105
Yams, cush-cush, II, 127; Brazil, I, 193; Java, II, 206; N.S.W., II, 127; N.Z., I, 417; II, 9, 19; St Helena, II, 265, 267; Tahiti, I, 342, 387
Yaparico, an Australian native, I, 91
Yaws, I, 374
Yellow dye, I, 359–60
Yorke, Sir Joseph, II, 200
Yorkshire, Banks visits, I, 103–5
Young, Nicholas, engaged by Banks, I, 73; sights England, II, 275; sights New Zealand, I, 397
Young Slaughter's Coffee House, I, 116
Zanclus cornutus, I, pl. VIIb, opp. p. 356
Zebrasoma flavescens, I, pl. VIIa, opp. p. 356
I, 73; quoted, I, 100; Walpole on, I, 83
Zostera
Zygaena tiburo, II, 309