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Dominion Museum Bulletin No. 11
First published 1982
Isbn 0 477 01093 8
Manuscript prepared for publication by
Anne French
and
Betty I. McFadgen-Richardson, Curator of Ethnology, National Museum of New Zealand
Tapu a substitute for civil law. The gods are the vivifying power of tapu. Tapu represents the mana of gods. Tapu is ceremonial restriction. An "unclean" person is tapu. Indirectly a moral force. Modern priests are mentally neolithic. The turbulent Polynesian governed by tapu. Tapu an adjunct of religion, not religion itself. Many phases of tapu. Tapu means "unclean, prohibited, bespoken", etc. The life principle is tapu. Rules of tapu harassing to Europeans. The milder phases of tapu backed by personal mana. How tapu was acquired or imposed. tapu objects painted red. Evil influences ever present. Personal tapu. Tapu easily polluted. Tapu means exclusiveness. Loss of cheerful social intercourse. How tapu persons ate. No food allowed in dwelling huts. The troubles of travellers. tapu of the head. Tapu demands nudity in certain cases. Sickness and death. Burial places. How medical research was stifled. Tapu of new nets, of cultivations, of forests. Tapu as a game preserving institution. Words become tapu. Tapu names. Word making. The number twelve. Tapu of tattooing; of knowledge. How Tokowaru saved his body from the oven. Desecration of tapu the cause of massacres. Tapu of birth. Dangers of tapu. The abolition of tapu; how it was removed. The pure rite. The ruahine. Lustral rites.
The far-reaching powers and effect of the rules of tapu rendered this institution a highly important one in Maoriland, hence it is necessary that it should be here explained. This peculiar institution may be examined from two points of view; its manifestations were in evidence in the two departments of religion and sociology. Though viewed by some as being essentially a phase of religion, yet it was also the strongest force in Maori social life. It was the power that preserved order in the community; it took the place of civil law. The abiding force behind the institution of tapu was represented by the gods; they were the vivifying power that rendered it effective. Also tapu represented the mana (prestige, power, authority) of the gods, and this is a fact that must be borne in mind by the student of Maori usages. The social government of Maoriland may almost be termed theocratic in nature, inasmuch as fear of the gods was the strongest preserver of order.
Much might be said concerning this condition, its phases, or aspects, and effects. Briefly it may be described as one of ceremonial restriction. Anything sacred or holy is tapu, but it must not be supposed that tapu always means sacred. In some tapu. In his Religion of Ancient Palestine, pp. 46-47, Mr S. A. Cook makes some remarks that might have been written of our tapu: "The terms Holy or Sacred are not to be understood in the ethical or moral sense. A holy thing is one that has been set aside, dedicated, or restricted; it is charged with supernatural influence which is contagious; everything that comes in contact with it becomes holy. In some cases it is provided that this inconvenient sanctity may be purged; in others the thing has to be destroyed." Now all this describes our tapu, and in many cases this term has to be rendered as being equivalent to the word "unclean", as employed in the Scriptures. When a person touches a tapu object with his hand, then that hand becomes tapu, and so must be purified, freed from tapu, when it can be used again.
Although tapu was not primarily a moral institution, yet indirectly it exerted a moral force, as in preventing offences against society and individuals. It was a conservative and strongly protective force throughout all Polynesia, hence the following remarks made by Montgomery in his Religions of the Past and Present, pp. 22-23: "Thus it may be seen that taboo is an important aspect of the phenomena of religion, influencing primitive ethical and social behaviour in general to an extent that makes it in some regions as broad a concept as that of religion itself. In Polynesia, particularly, the taboo was largely a method of government and the fear of retribution from supernatural sources was the direct cause of obedience to it." These are just remarks that can certainly be applied to the tapu of the Maori.
In Williams's Maori Dictionary we find the following definitions of the term tapu: As an adjective—"Under religious or superstitious restriction; a condition affecting persons, places, and things, and arising from innumerable causes. Any one violating tapu contracted a hara, and was certain to be overtaken by calamity." As a noun—"Ceremonial restriction, quality or condition of being subject to such restriction." (Williams's Maori Dictionary, 1921, p. 450.)
It will be seen that, in native belief, many of the ills of life were caused by the aforesaid hara, that is, by a disregarding of the laws of tapu. This belief has been retained down to our own time, and has been widely taught by Christian priesthoods; it is one of many barbaric survivals noted in Christianity. I well remember a priest making the following remark when preaching to a Maori
This word tapu did not often convey to the Maori mind the sense of our terms sacred and holy. As Frazer puts it, primitive people often make no distinction between holiness and pollution; both call for the ceremonial restriction which is tapu.
The late Colonel W. E. Gudgeon wrote as follows when dealing with this interesting subject: "[The Maori] were a people proud of their descent from those very gods, whose paternal care had enabled their forefathers to cross the broad "Sea of Kiwa" with impunity, and perform feats of navigation that are without parallel in modern times … It will be freely admitted that such a race of men would, under any circumstances, be difficult to manage, and yet we find that in their own pas or villages, they were as obedient, orderly and law-abiding as any statute-ridden Anglo-Saxon; and that such order prevailed among such a fierce and turbulent race ought to be susceptible of explanation, and I hold that the power of the tapu was the chief factor by which the difficulty was solved." Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 15, pp. 49—50). Herein we have evidence from a man who spent a long life in contact with the Maori, and such evidence cannot be brushed aside. This writer maintained that one excellent effect of tapu was the mental and moral discipline that it imposed upon the Maori; its enforcement of self-denial and subordination.
The statement made by Colenso (On The Maori Races of New Zealand, p. 386) to the effect that the observances of tapu were in place of religion is one that can scarcely be accepted. Certainly it entered largely into religion, but the data given in this work will show that there was much more than tapu in Maori religion. It did not form the framework of religion, but was merely an accessory. Dieffenbach defined tapu as representing religious worship and civil law (Travels in New Zealand, vol. 2, p. 100). These earlier writers did not sufficiently emphasise the fact that tapu originates from the gods and is the manifestation of the mana of the gods. When a party of men was engaged in some special task of importance in which it was considered necessary to secure the goodwill of the gods, such as fashioning a superior canoe, or building a superior house, then those men necessarily became tapu because they were working under the mana of the gods. Polack, an early writer on the Maori, considered that such artisans were placed under tapu in order to prevent their (New Zealand: A Narrative of Travels and Adventure, vol. 2, p. 253). This point of view is certainly incorrect. This kind of tapu explained above may be considered as caused directly by the association of the gods with the task in hand. We have, however, other phases of tapu to consider. For instance, when a man of position placed a path or place under tapu, that condition depended largely on the mana of the person who imposed it. The higher the rank of the imposer the stronger was the ban and the less liable to be flouted. Yet such a prohibition as this was a very different quality to the heavy tapu emanating directly from the superior gods.
There were so many different kinds of tapu, that is, the term was used with such a wide range of meaning, that it would be easy to give a wrong impression as to its signification. Certainly, the condition we term sacredness would be termed tapu by the Maori, but we would employ many terms to denote the different kinds of phases of tapu. It often means "bespoken", as when a young woman is made tapu to a certain man. In many cases it simply means "prohibited", as in cases of rahui, whereby food products are preserved. In other cases it practically means unclean or polluted. Also different phases of tapu vary in intensity.
Many aspects of tapu are, of course, familiar to us, and are universal; others again are met with only among barbaric folk. We have lost old notions as to the "unclean" condition of those who handle the bodies of the dead, and of women during the birth of children, but we have certainly preserved some aspects of tapu. There was much of tapu in Zoroastrianism, and it is still a powerful force in India. Some of the beliefs and usages of Southern Asia and Indonesia closely resemble those of Polynesia. In the above mentioned cult it appears to have been taught that the spirits of certain things, cultivated plants for one, required protection from pollution as a religious duty. This peculiar concept is paralleled among our Maori folk by their singular belief in the tapu life principle of the sweet potato, the principal cultivated plant in New Zealand. This principle was protected by means of much ceremonial and by the assistance of the gods.
Nicholas, who sojourned in New Zealand in the early years of the nineteenth century, was wide of the mark when he wrote: "In the single word taboo all their religion and morality may be said to consist." Elsewhere he tells us, with much more correctness, that—"It serves them in the absence of laws as the only security for the protection of persons and property, giving them an awful Narrative of a Voyage to New Zealand, vol. 2, pp. 309-311).
It is in the work of early voyagers, travellers and traders that we find so many allusions to the institution of tapu, for in those days it had not broken down under European influence. These early visitors were often much incommoded, not to say exasperated, by the exigencies of tapu, for such were at times exceedingly harassing.
It is necessary to make another point clear, viz., that a person must possess mana when he essays to render anything tapu. According to the nature of the embargo or prohibition so must the status of the imposer be. Thus a slave had no mana whatever, and could impose no form of restriction on person, place or object. An ordinary freeman, a commoner, held but limited powers; he could impose minor restrictions in connection with unimportant matters only. If he found a desirable log of drift timber on the beach he might claim it by marking it with his stone adze, a mild form of tapu. But he would not possess the power to place a path under tapu, for his mana would not be equal to the occasion. The higher the social position of a person the greater his mana as a rule. The persons possessing the greatest mana with regard to tapu would be superior priests and the ariki of a community.
The condition of tapu was imparted in different ways. It might come about by accident, as by a tapu person touching something noa or void of tapu. In other cases the condition was brought about by means of ritual performances, the recital of karakia by priestly experts. A person of mana, as a chief, could render a place tapu by means of pulling a thread from his garment and tying it to a branch or other object. In yet other cases a tapu place was marked by a carved post, often hewn into grotesque human form and painted red. Human hair often marked a tapu place. Or possibly no material token was employed, a person of rank would simply state that a certain place, path, or stream was tapu, and the news thereof would spread rapidly.
Tapu objects, including bones of the dead, were often marked or painted red. This ceremonial use of red paint was also a custom in India and other lands. The outlook of our Maori folk closely resembled that of the Hindus. Both look upon strangers as possible enemies, and all persons outside the tribal community were supposed to possess a dangerous influence. Such evil
Personal tapu was an important attribute of persons of rank, and irreverent Europeans of past days used to speak of certain native chiefs as being tapu an inch deep! Although the head was the most tapu part of a person, yet it also pertained to his whole body, also to his garments and any object used by him. His sleeping place was tapu, and in some cases any spot where such a person seated himself became tapu. Such a spot would be marked by the erection of some sticks that served to warn off trespassers. Tapu of this intense nature was assuredly irksome to all.
A tapu person had to be very careful not to enter a cooking shed, or go nigh any oven or fire utilised by cooks, for cooked food is the very antithesis of tapu; it is a polluting agent. Uncooked food is objectionable in many cases, but its objectionable qualities are mild indeed in comparison with the cooked article. Any fire used by such a tapu person, as for warming purposes, could not possibly be used for cooking. Should any ordinary person take a brand from it, or interfere with it in any way whatever, his punishment would come swift and certain. Thus it might easily come about that a person wanting fire would be compelled to generate it by the slow and laborious hika process when, at the time, there was a fire burning near him.
The head of a person of excessive tapu was sometimes extremely dirty and unkempt simply because it was too tapu to be touched. Tapu persons joined no cheery circle at meal times but ate alone. Quite probably the practice of the sexes often having their meals apart originated in the exigencies of tapu. The phase of tapu that prevents a person touching food with his hands simply means that he cannot use them to convey it to his mouth. Persons of superior social status under such conditions would be waited on by a relative, who would feed them, probably using a stick or piece of fern stalk as a fork. Persons of lower degree often had no such attendant, and so had to eat their food as it lay on the ground, being unable to touch it with their hands. Even a dog is better off than were these hapless ones, for the dog can use his paws to steady his food as he knaws at it. The interdictions, prohibitions and restrictions of the institution of tapu, backed by
Dr Savage, author of the first book written on New Zealand, tells us how strongly natives objected to passing through " 'tween decks" on a ship where food supplies, such as potatoes, were suspended overhead. (Some Account of New Zealand, 1st ed., p. 23). He shrewdly surmised that their objections were connected in some way with their religion.
When a northern chief partook of a meal on board Marsden's vessel, he was very careful not to render tapu the table implements, hence his rice he took out of the plate with a spoon, and putting it out of the spoon into his hand, conveyed it to his mouth; and in drinking his tea, he put his hand before his lips, pouring the tea into the palm of it, and scrupulously abstaining from touching with his lips the vessels out of which he ate and drank! Had he done so, he must either have thrown the vessel or implement overboard, or have taken it away to dispose of otherwise.
We hear of early European settlers who were much incensed at the actions of natives who deliberately broke or carried off vessels containing water or food that had been given to them. Cruise (Journal of a Ten Months' Residence in New Zealand, p. 180), another early sojourner on these shores, tells us of an excellent device for keeping natives out of one's house: "Consequences no less calamitous are supposed to await those who enter a house where any article of animal food is suspended over their heads. A dead pigeon or a piece of pork hung from the roof was a better protection from molestation than a sentinel; and, latterly, this practice has been followed by our people who lived on shore with great success, whenever they wished to be free from the intrusion of the natives."
Of the tapu house of the chief Taraia, Nicholas (Narrative of a Voyage to New Zealand, vol. 1, p. 358) wrote: "Besides the rule against eating within its walls, any contact with it on the outside was deemed a most heinous violation of its mysterious attributes; and while I happened to put a bundle, containing some necessaries that we had brought with us, upon the roof of it, they all cried out taboo taboo, with indignant vehemence, and desired me to take it off immediately."
Nicholas also tells an amusing story concerning a pair of domestic fowls given to natives. The cock horrified them by his scandalous behaviour in roosting on the top of a tapu hut, in impious contempt of the awful prohibition, and to the great
The above named writer gives some entertaining illustrations of the irksome demands of tapu. When travelling he was often accommodated in native huts for the night, but was not allowed to take any food supplies into them, nor yet to eat a meal therein. Thus, in wet weather, he was sometimes compelled to remain outside during heavy rain while partaking of a meal. On one such occasion he was eventually allowed to take his supper in the small verandah of a hut, but this was an important concession, and he was closely watched by the natives lest he commit some dreadful act of impiety. When he wished to take a drink of water he was compelled to thrust his head out from under shelter though rain was falling in torrents. When a person was so given a drink of water he has not allowed to take the gourd vessel containing it and place it to his lips. The water was poured into his hands which he placed together so as to form a sort of trough to convey the water to his mouth. This method prevented any trouble in connection with the universal tapu.
This tapu is exceedingly persistent in many cases. How often have many of us got into trouble when travelling or sojourning in native districts over camp fires. One sees some old pieces of wood lying about, perhaps far from any hamlet, and innocently uses them as fuel. This is noted by a passing native who at once commences to make trouble because you have used a portion of a tapu house to cook food with, decaying remnants of a house that once existed!
An early traveller describes how some travelling natives passed the night miserably in heavy rain rather than seek the shelter of some deserted but tapu huts close by. Angas gives a description of a deserted village that was abandoned owing to tapu. (Savage Life and Scenes in Australia and New Zealand, vol. 2, p. 126). Such a tapu might rest upon a village on account of the death of an important chief, or because of blood having been shed there. The hamlet of Mana-te-pa, at Ruatahuna, was deserted in the 'forties of last century owing to several of its inhabitants having been shot there.
Angas, the artist, when travelling in the interior frequently experienced trouble over the question of tapu. For instance, it gave great offence if he placed sketches representing a chief and a tapu person and a woman scraping potatoes, (ibid., vol. 2, p. 112-3). In many cases he was compelled to obtain his sketches in a secret manner. On one occasion he placed a portfolio containing a sketch of Te Heuheu, the head chief of Taupo, in a cooking shed in order to keep it dry; the result being distressing turmoil.
So extremely tapu was the head of any person of standing that it was necessary to be extremely careful in making any allusion to it. Thus Angas writes: "A friend of mine … once told a chief while in conversation with him … that he had some apples 'nearly as large as that boy's head'—pointing to the son of the chief, who stood by." This was a grievous insult, and, in olden days, would have caused serious trouble, accompanied probably by violence.
This intense tapu of the head has its necessary sequel in the tapu of the hair. When the hair of a tapu person was cut the cuttings were usually disposed of by depositing them at the sacred place of the village.
Early writers have told us how natives who had to cross a tapu place would divest themselves of their garments and do so in a state of nudity. These persons would be actuated by the same feelings that caused a priest to take off his garments ere performing a religious rite. I remember a curious scene that occurred long years ago when a native entered a burial cave of his people in order to procure some evidence in connection with a disputed land claim. He took off all his garments and performed his task almost naked, having merely some herbage twisted round his waist.
This leads us to the intense tapu connected with the dead. To violate the sanctity of a burial place was about equal to committing suicide. The condition of special tapu obtained as soon as a person became ill, and this tapu was the principal reason why sick persons were segregated and so much neglected. In early days of European settlement natives strongly objected in many cases to persons giving food or medicine to sick persons. This owing to the rules of tapu.
The various forms of restriction that affected persons in connection with death all came under the meaning of the term tapu. Thus the segregation of a widow in the "house of mourning" and this impurity of a person who has handled a corpse are both described as tapu, as also are all forms of prohibition pertaining to sickness, death and mourning.
Burial places were intensely tapu, not only graves, but also places, such as caves, where the exhumed bones of the dead were finally disposed of. To trespass on such a place was a very serious offence and, in native belief, recourse to a priestly adept was the only way in which to preserve the life of the delinquent. When diagnosing the complaint from which a sick person was suffering, a tohunga would often assert that the sufferer had trespassed on a burial place or some other tapu spot.
An early missionary, the Rev. Mr Wade, has given us a typical account of how tapu enveloped a sick person. He explains that, in many cases, the hapless person seems to have been starved to death, carried to a wretched shed on the outskirts of the hamlet and there segregated, on account of the tapu of sickness and of death. Little effort was made to provide proper food for the invalid, and nothing in the form of medicine was employed. The progress of medicine among the Maori was retarded by the belief that disease emanated from gods or evil spirits, and was very often the result of transgression of the laws of tapu, or of black magic. Mr Wade also describes how he endeavoured to approach a man who was, apparently, suffering from rheumatism: "I found that we were not to advance within six yards of the invalid, a line being marked off as a boundary to all except tapu persons, by branches of laurel stuck in the ground around his shed." (A Journey in the Northern Island of New Zealand, pp. 116-7).
The belief that sickness was caused indirectly by the gods and directly by a kind of demoniac possession would have the effect of rendering an invalid tapu. If a person died in a dwelling house or hut, then the house became tapu and could not be used again, hence the segregation of a sick person was considered to be quite necessary. Nicholas mentions a case in which a sick native was not allowed to receive certain articles of food sent to him by local missionaries. When the pioneer missionary Marsden was denied access to a sick native he was apparently much incensed, hence the man of peace settled the matter by threatening to turn the ships' guns on the village to "blow it about their ears, as a punishment for their contumacious prohibition"! (Nicholas, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 178). Any part of a sea coast whereat a new fishing net was being made or used was placed under stringent tapu; any person violating such a prohibition would be attacked. If such an offender came by canoe then the vessel would be destroyed or seized by the outraged imposers of the restriction. Travellers, on coming to such a prohibited area, were compelled to make a detour so as to avoid it. A minor form of tapu might be tapu while the crops were growing, and a trespasser on such places might even be slain. Forests were also placed under tapu, as during the bird-snaring and rat-trapping seasons. In fact, any area or place might be made tapu in connection with its products. Or, in other cases, merely certain objects were protected, as certain trees for their fruits, or trees suitable for canoe-making were preserved for future use.
Any spot where the blood of a tapu person was shed became at once tapu. Missionary Taylor tells us of an incident that occurred at Taupo, where the chief Te Heuheu, in entering a canoe belonging to another person, hurt his foot so that blood flowed. That canoe was at once rendered tapu, hauled ashore and abandoned; it could not be again used (Taylor, Te Ika a Maui, 1st ed., p. 56). I have known of cases in which a man has been awarded a certain piece of land because his blood had been shed on it.
Lakes, rivers, stretches of sea, were placed under tapu for various reasons, so that no fish might be taken from them, and in some cases no canoe might traverse them. Thus we are told that the chief Tara placed a rahui or embargo upon three small lakes of the Napier district, Te Roto a Tara, Poukawa, and Te Roto a Kiwa, so that he and his friends only could take fish and birds therefrom. Any river or sheet of water in which a person of consequence was drowned would be liable to be put under tapu.
Another form of tapu was the bespeaking or commandeering of any article. This could only be done by a person of importance; he might claim some article by calling it by his own name, or in some other way, and this would only be done in connection with the property of inferiors. Here, as we have already seen, in some cases tapu meant "bespoken".
A word of vernacular speech might at any time become tapu in the sense of being prohibited, as when it formed the name of a chief, or a part thereof. In such a case it was a grievous insult to the owner of the name to use such in ordinary speech; offenders might be slain for such outrageous behaviour. A special tapu name was sometimes assigned to a child of a leading person, but this would probably be abandoned after a certain time. It can be seen how this matter of tapu names might cause certain changes in a local vocabulary. When a word became prohibited and had to be replaced by another, then the new word might be one coined tapu child of the Tuhoe district was given the name of Te Ahiahi (The Evening), then that word could no longer be employed by the people save as a name for the child. They then used the word maruke to denote evening, and this word seems to have been specially coined as a substitute, though maru ahiahi is a term denoting evening, or the shades of evening.
There seems to have been a certain amount of tapu pertaining to the number twelve in Maoriland; that is, it appears to have been much utilised in sacerdotal matters. This was also the case in Polynesia, as was shown by Fornander (An Account of the Polynesian Race). In Maori myth there are twelve divisions of the heavens, which are inhabited by twelve companies of male and twelve of female beings. There were also twelve periods (Po) or aeons prior to the birth of the offspring of the primal parents, Sky and Earth. Io the Supreme Being had twelve names, as also had Tane, according to one authority. There are twelve "branches" or divisions of the Maori year, twelve white-tipped feathers in the tail of a huia, twelve white feathers in the parson bird's "choker", and the nohu fish is provided with twelve spines, at least so says the Maori. The origin of this predilection for the number twelve is not known to us, but the same usage obtained in Chaldea, where, in very early times, the duodecimal scale was in use. To those old-time folk we owe the twelve divisions of our time pieces.
The curious stringency of the tapu pertaining to tattooing may be explained by the fact that it necessitated the shedding of blood.
Knowledge may also be tapu, extremely so. Thus the matter taught in the old School of Learning, or Whare Wananga, was intensely tapu, and such matter could not possibly be repeated at any common place, any spot where food was consumed or even carried. It might be recited only at a tapu place and among folk nearly related to the speaker and of rank entitling them to a knowledge of such teachings.
A knowledge of the rules of tapu was useful in some cases, as, for instance, when Tokowaru, a worthy old time warrior of the north, found himself in a desperate situation one day. Surrounded by enemies, no hope of escape remained. But Toko was no peace-at-any-price upholder, hence he resolved to die as does the ururoa shark, fighting to the last. Even so he drew his bone dagger, and, attacking the chief man of his enemies, slew him with a vigorous thrust. Then, as the life blood of his victim flowed forth, he scooped it up with his hand and hastily smeared tapu from the blood of his victim.
The desecration of a tapu place has often led to very serious trouble, often to the slaying of the offenders. In the early days of intercourse with Europeans this was the cause of some serious affrays. We have it on native authority that the slaying of Marion du Fresne and members of his crew on 12th July, 1772, was owing to the fact that they had violated the laws of tapu by fishing in waters wherein certain natives had perished, and which therefore were under tapu.
The phase of tapu that pertained to a woman of rank during confinement was peculiarly stringent, hence great care was taken to prevent any kind of contamination, for that would mean offending the gods, and a person who has so offended them can know no health of body, spirit or mind. Not only was such a woman secluded for a time, with but one attendant probably, but great care was taken as to communication with the people of the village. Thus when food was prepared for the woman in the whare kohanga in which the expectant mother was lodged, it was conveyed to a place at some distance from the hut, where the bearer deposited it and withdrew. After the withdrawal, the personal attendant would proceed from the hut and fetch the food, thus avoiding contact with persons not under tapu. In some cases, we are told, such food was conveyed to the hut in three stages, that is by three different bearers.
European influence has gradually broken down the institution of tapu, but even now it lingers in native communities, albeit in a much modified form. Superstitious beliefs are not swept away in a few generations; they persist, grimly tenacious, in spite of introduced faiths and teachings. Many old natives look with distrust upon these modern teachings. They observe the decay of the native race and believe that the abandonment of old-time habits and usages, including tapu, has been the cause of such decay. Thus at various times natives have obtained the services of experts to free from tapu certain places and objects that were believed to be specially dangerous to life.
In his little book, In the Beginning, the Rev. T. G. Hammond tells us of the ravages of influenza in the Taranaki district in the forties of the nineteenth century. Then a certain native proposed tapu places should be made common. "He contended that afflictions such as influenza came by disregard of the tapu, and that the only way to be relieved from these constantly recurring maladies was to remove the causes." (In the Beginning, p. 55).
The act of lifting or abolishing the condition of tapu is expressed by the verb whakanoa, a causative prefix attached to the word noa, which means free from tapu, in an ordinary or common condition. The terms horohoro and huhu bear a similar meaning. The word tamaoa denotes the pollution of tapu by the agency of food. Thus should any person carry food into a tapu forest, then that forest would be tamaoatia or polluted, and hence its food products would suffer, or cease to flourish.
In performances conducted for the purpose of removing tapu, some tapu destroying influence was employed, and this was generally represented by cooked food and the female sex. One or both of these agents would be employed. A very frequent practice was to cook a small article of food, and this was eaten by the person who was to be freed from tapu, or by the medium engaged in removing it. Some of these performances were of a very singular nature. Thus Nicholas describes a prolonged performance carried out by three persons in order to free from tapu a comb that Nicholas had purchased. The food item used on this occasion was a piece of dried fish (Nicholas, Narrative of a Voyage to New Zealand, vol. 2, p. 119).
Another early writer described a simple tapu-lifting performance. A native had cut his finger with a knife, and the flowing blood had rendered the knife tapu. A companion took the knife, peeled a cooked potato with it, stuck the potato on the knife point, and so put it into the mouth of the wounded person, who ate it. As a rule such ceremonies were accompanied by the recital of a charm. In some cases a remover of tapu would employ his saliva in the performance.
The term pure is generally held to denote the removal of tapu, but such is certainly not the primary meaning of the word. It denotes a certain form of rite, and in many cases it had nothing to do with the removal of tapu; in some cases it had the effect of rendering a person tapu. The pure rangi, for example, was a ceremony performed in order to cause rain to cease. Again, the expression pure mahunga denotes a certain old-time ceremony, and in many cases ceremonial hair cutting formed a part of such performances, but the above expression does not mean to cut hair. At Easter Island pure as a noun denotes an invocation; as a verb, "to supplicate".
When the pure ceremony was being performed over an infant of parents of rank a part of the performance was the maioha or greeting, when the infant was greeted by the assembled people with speeches and wailings. In this case, however, the lachrymose salutations were not alluded to by the term tangi, but as whakaingo; the word ingo carrying the meaning of "to desire, to yearn for", and whakaingoingo that of "to sob". The word "tangi also carries this latter meaning, but is commonly employed to denote wailing for the dead, hence it was not considered a proper term to apply to the greeting of an infant. Thus whakaingo is said to have been a tapu expression as employed for the above purpose. (He ingoa tapu tēnei mo nga tamariki rangatira; mehemea kakiia he tangi ka kiia e te iwi he tangi tupapaku.)
When a priestly expert employed the services of a woman in tapu-lifting ceremonial, the vital part of the performance usually consisted of his roasting a single sweet potato at a specially generated tapu fire. The cooked potato was then eaten by the woman. When a woman was so employed in these ceremonies she was termed a ruahine. A woman of a leading family was usually selected to act as the ruahine, in some cases one who was past child-bearing. In ceremonial feasts there was often a special steam oven set aside in which a portion of food for this woman was cooked. The term ruahine came to be used as a synonym for whakanoa.
Of all these symbolic cleansing operations perhaps none are more interesting than those performed with the help of water, as in aspersion and immersion. These peculiar lustral rites have already been dealt with in the chapter on ritual (Dominion Museum Bulletin 10, 1976 reprint, pp. 343-346). Tapu-removing ceremonies were of varying degrees of importance among the Maori. In cases of minor importance they were simple ceremonies, but in connection with the serious matters of life they were elaborate rites. These more solemn and vital occasions were those concerning birth, death, sickness, war, the School of Learning.
A ceremony performed in order to rectify the serious error of infringing the rules of tapu, and restore normal conditions, was a similar one to the above. Captain Mair tells us of a case in which a serious epidemic of sickness was caused by chips of wood from a tapu house in course of erection having been used in cooking food. This fatal sickness was termed a mate ruahine. The daughter of the principal man Apanui, was employed as a ruahine in this case. In her account of the performance she said: "A small mana to your father, Apanui, and you alone can remove this affliction.' I then ate the roasted food, and the epidemic ceased."
So many illustrations of this institution of tapu are given in other chapters that it is not considered necessary to deal further with it here. As a final word it may be said that anything described by us as being sacred would, by the Maori, be termed tapu. Divers writers have told us that tapu does not mean "sacred", and in most cases it does not, but it is the only word by means of which the Maori can define sacredness, and to say that he had no conception of such a condition as sacredness would be wrong. Tapu is the only word wherewith to describe the sacredness pertaining to the Supreme Being and the conditions obtaining in the uppermost of the twelve heavens.
Spiritual potential of man. Maori term for the spirit or soul. That term means "shadow". The term ata. Rona and the number twelve. Tane visits Io. The tiki. How the twelve heavens were arranged. Universal indwelling spirit. Animism. Material aspect of wairua. Soul and spirit. Kehua or ghosts. Spirits of dead succour living descendants. Spirits are visible. Turehu. Origin of the wairua or soul. Divine element in man. The mauri or life principle. The material mauri. The hau or vital aura. Protective symbols. The manawa ora or breath of life. Anagogic concepts. The terms ngakau, hinengaro, mahoi, iho, toiora, ira atua, etc. Origin myths. How the universe is controlled. Io the demiurge is above all. The female sex. Death and strife enter the world. The spirit world. Two different spirit worlds. Vague beliefs. Spirits move abroad. Material aspect of life in underworld. Transmigration. Whiro and ex-Dawn Maid at war in underworld. Ex-Dawn Maid succours soul of man. Hine-nui-te-Po. Belief in two spirit worlds in an interesting stage of development. Three to twenty heavens mentioned. Reinga and Rarohenga. To Po. Hawaiki as a term for underworld. Divisions of underworld. Meto and Ameto. Rohe of the underworld. Miru of the underworld. Conditions of life in underworld. Hell unknown to Maori. The celestial spirit world. The tuku wairua ceremony. How the Maori passes. Spirit's Leap at North Cape. The pua reinga and taw a mutu. The ara whanui or golden spirit path. Hawaikinui, the spirits' meeting place in land of Irihua. The ara matua, ara tiatia and toi huarewa or spirit paths. The awe or refined soul returns to Io the Supreme Being. The passing of the hell myth.
Inasmuch as the Polynesian was remarkable for his mental powers it follows that his conceptions of the spiritual potentials of man are of much interest. As in the cases of many other races of a secondary culture stage, we note no lack of ability in these barbaric folk in the matter of conceiving the spiritual part of man's nature, for they erred on the side of generosity in assigning such qualities to mankind. The average person among ourselves recognises the existence of the spirit or soul, a few claim to believe in spirit and soul, but barbaric man gives freer play to his fancy and often credits himself with the possession of three or more spiritual qualities. Thus the Jews of olden times possessed two terms to denote the soul, and one each to define the vital spirit, vital power, and consciousness. Certain tribes of Borneo claim five souls or spiritual qualities for man, while the Malays
Certain natives of New Guinea describe two qualities as pertaining to man. One of these is the soul that leaves the body at death, the equivalent of the wairua of the Maori. The second is said to be a spiritual essence that pervades the whole body, and a portion of which is imparted to any object with which a person comes in contact. This latter equals the hau of Maori belief, but the term soul is not a fitting one to apply to it. I am much inclined to believe that we often credit native races with beliefs that they do not really hold. Some of these numerous souls would, on close and careful enquiry, probably prove to be mental activities, or qualities to which the term soul is not applicable. It needs close and prolonged study to enable us to understand the spiritual and mental concepts of barbaric man. In this matter I can speak from experience, having spent many years in studying those of our Maori folk, and I know full well how difficult it is to become acquainted with the Maori point of view.
Of the various expressions employed by the Maori to denote these subtle qualities two only can, I believe, be rendered as "soul", and these are both applied to the same conception, the spirit that leaves the body at death and proceeds to the spirit world. This spirit has two different phases, and these phases bear different names, as will be explained. Other expressions used are merely synonyms or denote the apparitional aspect of the wairua. It does not appear to be correct to assign the meaning of soul to either of the Maori terms mauri and hau. The former ceases to exist at the death of the body, while the latter is a sort of personal aura, often described as an external quality rather than an indwelling one.
This Maori term of wairua has the meaning of shadow in ordinary vernacular speech; any unsubstantial image may be termed a wairua. This is the word selected by the Maori to denote the immortal element in man. The terms ata and ata-a-rangi have the same double meaning of "shadow" and "soul" or "spirit". Many peoples have utilised a word meaning "breath" to denote the soul, but the Maori speaks of the "breath of life" as being quite distinct from the wairua. A paper written by C. O. Davis, a Maori linguist, on this term wairua, contains no reference whatever to its ordinary meaning of "shadow".
Many races have viewed the soul as being material, even some peoples far advanced on the road to civilisation, and we shall see wairua being slain.
Lubbock denies that any people achieved the concept of the soul by observation of shadows, but maintains that it was merely likened to a shadow on account of its being tenuous. He writes: "The savage does not realise the idea of a spirit as we do. It is always more or less material." (Marriage, Totemism and Religion p. 149). There is truth is this statement, but then we ourselves believe in, or at least teach belief in the resurrection of the body. This latter belief shows how we ourselves cling to a material aspect, and, moreover, it does not seem to be any way superior or more advanced than the beliefs of many barbaric peoples. Certainly we have borrowed the belief in post-mortem rewards and punishments, but that belief, as taught, is certainly crude, inasmuch as the material aspect enters into existence in both spirit worlds, and material bodies become indestructible.
Many things may have served to convince early man of the existence of the soul, though conjecture at this time is futile. Shadows, reflections and echoes may well have formed part of the origin of the concept.
The wairua of Maori belief is a sentient, volatile spirit, one that can, however, be seen by persons who possess the power of second sight. In other cases it is invisible. It leaves the body permanently at the death of that physical basis, but can also leave it during its life, as in the case of dreams. Its duties are to note any danger threatening its physical basis and to warn it of such danger.
Another interesting word to be discussed is ata. In vernacular Maori speech this term denotes "form, semblance, shadow, reflected image", and the last two meanings are also those of the term wairua, hence we need not wonder that the Maori sometimes used ata to denote the spirit or soul of man. The lengthened form ata-a-rangi was also employed in the same way, while ata-a-wai denotes a reflection in water. Ata has the same meanings of "shadow" and "spirit" at Samoa, where it is also used to indicate the material form of incarnation of an atua, for which the Maori employs the term aria. As meaning shadow ata is found in many Polynesian dialects. At Taumako Isle, north of the New Hebrides, ata denotes "soul" and mauli means "alive". At Uvea, Loyalty Isles, ata means "soul" or "spirit". Generally then ata implies the essence or semblance of a thing as opposed to its real form, at the same time the ahua, ata, aria or mawe of a thing may be something material that represents the immaterial. aria, ahua or ata of a wairua. At the same time in order to possess a material symbol of an immaterial essence or spirit he would often utilise some object connected with the same in some way. At p. 60 of vol. 8 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society we see that a lock of hair was taken from the head of a dead person in order to represent his wairua; this hair was the aria of the wairua, the material symbol representing his departed spirit. In former times meteors were often looked upon as representing, or being, the spirits of persons who had just passed away, and in all cases such visible souls were said to be those of persons of some fairly high social standing. Apparently spirits of commoners never assumed this luminous form.
We have one illustration of the use of the word ata, as denoting spirit, astral form or shadowy form, that is of much interest, inasmuch as it is employed in connection with the mighty Io, the Supreme Being. When the offspring of the primal parents, that is of the Sky Parent and the Earth Mother, were discussing the question of separating their parents, so as to introduce space and light, Io is said to have descended from his realm in the uppermost of the twelve heavens in order to descend to the underworld. He said to his attendant Rehua "Let us descend to Rarohenga" and they came down. After the twain had proceeded some distance Io noticed that his ata was accompanying them, he distinctly saw Rehua, himself and his own ata. He then asked Rehua: "Who is our companion who accompanies us?" Rehua replied: "I know not." So they fared on, and when they reached the horizon of Rangi-tikitiki the ata of Io proceeded direct to Rarohenga below Tiritiri-o-matangi. Io called to Rehua: "Follow our companion and send him back to the entrance to the uppermost heaven." Even so Rehua-nui-atau followed the ata of Io the Parent that he might overtake it. On arriving at Tahekeroa (the descent to the underworld) the ata at once descended, and so the path of the ata of Io was lost by Rehua. Then Rehua commenced the recital of a form of charm known as mātāpou, in order to arrest the advance of the ata of Io, so that he might have speech with that ata of Io the Parent.
The highly singular recital in which occur the above remarks concerning the ata of the Supreme Being drifts into other subjects, and no further reference is made to the above episode. This is about the most peculiar and interesting myth that I have encountered in the extensive range of Maori mythology, but I was ata was what may be termed the double or astral body of Io. It was visible, and so, from our point of view, would be termed material, but to this the Maori would not agree. It was certainly visible to both Io and Rehua, but both of those exalted beings were of a supernatural nature, they were atua, and so would assuredly possess spiritual vision, the power to see all spirit manifestations. Be it observed that Io himself asked Rehua who the third form represented, and Rehua replied that he did not know.
Now this strange myth had its meaning to the wise men of yore, or it would never have been evolved and incorporated with their most revered lore, but to the dull-eyed gaze of civilized man it is a mystery. Why should Io the Parent, he who dwells in the uppermost of the twelve heavens, resolve to visit the underworld, and why should his double accompany him, and later, precede him in entering Rarohenga, the subterranean spirit world? Unfortunately, no attempt was made by the native scribe to obtain an explanation from the reciter or to bring him back to the subject when he strayed down a bypath after the manner Maori.
The recital is given in full in the original inasmuch as it contains some new data, also some unrecorded versions of divers myths. Moreover, the desire is to record the speech of the Maori unsullied by modern slovenliness. Some of these recitals are couched in extremely archaic language, difficult to translate but highly interesting. The matter we are discussing was recited by Te Matorohanga in 1864.
The recital commences with the Po periods of Maori cosmogonic myths and explains the original positions of the primal parents Rangi and Papa, Sky and Earth, also the coming of light. We are then told that the twelve Po periods were the origin of the well-known penchant of the Polynesian folk for the number twelve. The moon was appointed as conserver of the number twelve, hence we have the twelve lunar months of the Maori year. The offspring of Rangi and Papa then appointed Rona as controller of the moon, hence Rona regulates the twelve months and the twelve Po periods. The latter are still in evidence in this world in connection with birth. Another reason why the moon and Rona were conveyed to the breast of Rangi was that light was provided for those who studied the seasons and their signs.
When the offspring had appointed their young relative Rona as conserver of the number twelve, they also selected the child of koko (the tui or parson bird, Prosthemadera novaeseelandiae) of the forest as a preserver of that number, hence that tally of twelve was affixed to the neck of that bird in the form of the twelve white feathers of its "choker". Also they called upon Huru-te-arangi to put the sign of the twelve Po on the huia (a forest bird, Heteralocha acutirostris), and so we see the twelve prized white-tipped feathers in the tail of that bird. There are three conservers of this number in this world, the moon, the koko and the huia, but there are also others in the ocean. The narrator here remarked: "you now clearly understand that this was the beginning of numeration among the offspring of Rangi and Papa, commencing with one and terminating with twelve."
We are then told that the glow-worm and phosphorescence were under the care of Parawhenuamea, who represents water, and that they were given the power of emitting light so that she might not lose them.
The narrator then discusses the separation of Rangi and Papa, and Io enquires of his attendant Rehua as to what are the intentions of the seventy offspring towards their parents. Rehua replies that he will visit them and ascertain those intentions. He does so and is said to have put his query to fifty-seven of the seventy offspring. Here are given the names of the fifty-seven, all of which commence with that of Tane. This is new to us, the names differing from those usually given. Rehua is told that no decision had been arrived at, and he advises the separation of their parents. He then returned with his report to Io, whereupon Io said: "Let us proceed to Rarohenga" and here comes in the incident related above.
Now Tane chanced to hear the voice of Rehua chanting his matapou charm, so he came forth and greeted him, and Rehua told Tane to follow him to the entrance to the uppermost of the twelve heavens, and to the presence of Io. (Possibly there is a connection between this and the behest of Io that his ata should be sent back to the entrance to the twelfth heaven.) Tane asked how he was to succeed in ascending thereto, and was told how to proceed. When he reached the entrance of Rangi-tikitiki or Tikitiki-o-rangi, the uppermost heaven, he doffed his garments and repeated a charm in order to open the entrance way. Passing within he encountered Io and Rehua who told him to follow them, he did so and they led him to the sacred place near unto the stream Puwhakaae, the pebbles in the bed of which were red and white in colour. At that stream the pure rite was performed over Tane by Io and Rehua. At this juncture we are told Tane mana of the twelve heavens and some additional names, of which he had many, some of which were given him when he generated the living representative of mortal life. In this connection we are told that the terms tiki nui, tiki roa, tiki makiki, etc. are not personal names and so should not appear in any line of descent, but were expressions employed by Tane when uttering a charm over his ure in order to render it virile and effective (see vol. 32 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society, p. 54).
Now when Io and Rehua had performed the pure rite over Tane and he had acquired the mana of the twelve heavens and of the spirit world, he, Tane returned to his brethren. Io farewelled him and bestowed another name or two on him, then instructed him to set the heavens in order. The name of Taururangi now assigned to Tane was included in a formula recited by Io at the time when to Tane was assigned the mana of important functions connected with the twelve heavens, with Papa-matua, the Earth, and with Moana nui a Tamaku (Great Ocean of Tamaku). The ocean, usually known as the Moana nui a Kiwa, is really a sister of Rangi-nui-a-Tamaku (the first of the heavens, counting upward). It is alluded to as the great ocean of Kiwa because the atua Kiwa-parauri controlled it and kept it within bounds, while Kiwa-mata-papango protected Papa, the earth, and her offspring from the encroachments of the ocean. These two beings named Kiwa were brothers of Rangi-nui-a-Tamaku, and they were appointed as guardians of their sister Hinemoana (personified form of the ocean) and her progeny. So it is that people are in the habit of erring by terming the ocean the Moana nui a Kiwa.
So Tane had now acquired the power to perform great deeds, and he and his brothers set about separating and arranging the various heavens.
First heaven. This was conveyed by Tane to Tangotangouri; the support arranged for it was named Hokairangi.
Second heaven. This was conveyed to Tiritiri-o-matarangi; its support was Hokainuku, a term occurring in a formula employed by Tane and Paia when moving the various heavens.
Third heaven. This was named Rangi-tawhangawhanga, from the place whereat it was located; its support was called Ihorangi, so named after Tane-te-ihorangi.
Fourth heaven. Tane conveyed the fourth heaven to Naonao-ariki, and there set it up; to it was assigned the name of Rangi-naonao-ariki, while its support was Hokairangi-tahatiti.
Fifth heaven. This was Rangiawhea; its support was Hokai-taketake.
Sixth heaven. The sixth heaven was Rangi-tangotangouri; its support was Hokai-aroaro-nui-a-rangi.
Seventh heaven. The seventh heaven was named Rangi-namunamu-ki-taiao; its supporting brace was Hokai-maireku-ra.
Eighth heaven. The eighth heaven was Rangi-matapupuni, its support being Hokai-tataurangi.
Ninth heaven. The ninth heaven was Te Ahorangi; its prop or support was Tara-tahi-o-rangi.
Tenth heaven. The tenth heaven was Rangitaratahi according to some authorities but others say that it was Rangitahanui; its support was Puke-ki-taiari.
Eleventh heaven. The eleventh heaven was Rangi-tauhuru, its support being Tawhana.
Twelfth heaven. The twelfth heaven was Rangitamaku, and this was provided with four supports; that supporting the head of the Sky Parent was Toko-hurunuku; that supporting the right shoulder was Toko-hururangi; that of the left shoulder was Toko-huriuatea, while that supporting the legs was Huru-kaupeka. The head of the Sky Parent was elevated first, but difficulty was experienced in raising the body, for the supporting props bent under the great weight. Thus it came about that other supporting props had to be obtained, and so we have two sets of names of such props. The new names were Rakau-whakawhana, that of the head: Rakau-tuke and Rakau-koki, those of the shoulders while that supporting the legs was Rakau-hape. These toko, props or supports, were obtained from Tahanui, under whose care they were, and it was these same toko that broughtq tribulation to Tane. The adze named in the cutting of these props was named Te Awhiorangi, of which the lashing guard was named Pare-te-umaura, and the helve was Whakawhana-i-te-rangi; the lashing material was called Pipirangi and consisted of the entrails of one Punahere. Now the true explanation of these toko or supports is that they were the four winds. The toko supporting the head was the north wind, that of the left shoulder was the west wind, that of the right shoulder the east wind and that of the legs the south wind. Those winds are our salvation, were it not for them we should have no air, the breath of life would be lacking.
When the various heavens had been separated and fixed then were divided the offspring of Rangi and Papa among those heavens as supernormal denizens of the same. The five generating sticks of Rangi were taken by Paia as they were suspended from the neck of Rangi, the hollow in whose breast had been caused by them. Had they not been so taken by Paia then all the offspring would have been sorely distressed by the tapu fire.
Paia recited a formula to enable him to acquire the great powers of the tapu of the gods. Thus it was that he acquired the mana of Io, of Rehua and of Tane. He then recited a long formula whereby to gain power to separate the heavens from Papa the earth mother.
The list of the twelve heavens given above commences with the uppermost one, and the names given differ from those already recorded in Part I, 1976 reprint, p. 73. This recital forms a good illustration of the discrepancies noted in different versions of Maori lore, even in high class matter given by first-grade experts, when such experts had been taught in different schools of learning. The above recital has been included in this section in order to illustrate this fact, albeit differing names cause it to clash with certain data inserted in Part I. In another version the toko or supports of the sky are said to have been rays of the sun, or rays of light, and in yet another one we are told that it was Watea (personified form of space) who separated sky and earth. In vernacular speech toko means pole or rod, also "ray of light" and, as a verb, to prop up or support.
To return from a long digression we now come to a most intersting phase of our subject, viz., the Maori belief that all things possess an indwelling spirit, something intangible that is necessary to all entities, and without which nothing could exist. Thus such things as we deem inanimate were not so to the Maori; they possessed an indwelling spirit, but not an apparitional spirit as in the case of man. Moreover, it is assumed that this belief was a common heritage among Polynesians, even early voyagers noted it in long past years. Thus, in Captain Cook's account of the Tahitians (see A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean) he remarks as follows: "… they maintain that not only all other animals, but trees, fruit and even stones, have souls." (p. 165). Further on he writes: "And as they believe that the animating and powerful influence of the divine spirit is everywhere diffused it is no wonder that they join to this many superstitious opinions about its operations." (pp. 165-166). And again: "They believe the soul
The Maori clearly expresses his faith in animism—"Nga mea katoa … he wairua o ratau e rite ana ki te ahua o nga mea katoa, tona wairua, tona wairua." Also: "Te wairua he whore tona i roto i nga mea katoa, kaore he mea i kore ai te wairua i tona ahua ano". And again: "He wairua to nga mea katoa i tona ahua, i tona ahua, o ia mea, o ia mea".
In the account of Beechey's voyage (Huish, Voyages and Travels of Captain Beechey) we are again told that Polynesians believed that even flowers and plants were organised beings possessing souls. Ellis, in his Polynesian Researches, vol 1, p. 331, makes the same statement. We find firm Maori evidence that this possession of a soul was also extended to immaterial things, such as wind, and to the heavenly bodies. All things on and off the earth emanated from Io the Supreme Being, and the wairua of all came from the same source. Hence we may say that these people believed in the universal soul in nature. We find that a similar belief exists throughout Indonesia. These beliefs are quite distinct from those of faith in transmigration and the incarnate forms of gods.
The belief that rice is possessed of a soul is very marked in Indonesia, and the Maori had an equally firm faith in the mauri or life principle of his principal cultivated food product, the kumara, or sweet potato.
In the story of Hape the Wanderer we are told that, after his death, a lock of his hair was taken by his son Tomarau, the Flying Man, as the aria of his wairua, that is as representing his soul.
With regard to tapu places, especially such as are connected with a defunct person, there is ever a half belief in the native mind that the spirit of the dead person is hovering about. Natives do not like passing graves at night, or travelling at night, on account of the likelihood of encountering ghosts, spirits of the dead. When natives do travel at night they often indulge in singing in a loud tone, in order to frighten the spirits. We say that natives do not like living alone, because it is too lonely for them, whereas the fact is that it is much too lively for them; a person so situated believes himself to be surrounded by invisible beings.
When discussing the matter of the universal wairua with an old native, he remarked that it is quite clear that a stream possesses life, and so necessarily a vital spirit because it is heard to sing, an allusion to the babbling of the hill streams he knew so well. These spirit voices heard in murmuring waters, in forest solitudes, and during the hours of darkness, are termed puwawau, punawaru, irewaru, arawaru, and orowaru. They seem to be distinct from the murmuring and chattering of turehu in the native mind, and also from sounds caused or made by parangeki, spirits of the dead.
The Maori concept of the wairua of man is such as is commonly held by barbaric folk, that is to say, this soul is spoken of in some cases as being material. Some natives tell us that such spirits can be seen only by persons who are matakite or seers. In certain accounts of the subterranean spirit world we are told that the souls of the dead in that realm live much as they did when in the flesh in the upper world. Thus their food supplies are mentioned, and, in the story of Mataora, they are said to tattoo themselves. Surely these activities demand material bodies. The Maori professes no faith in the resurrection of the body, yet he has this material view of the souls in spiritland. Man has, however, always had much difficulty in retaining purely spiritual concepts, and is always prone to revert to material views. The lessons that are instilled into us in youth betoken a marked material conception of life in heaven, and we have adopted in the faith in resurrection what looks like a retrogressive belief.
The belief that the wairua of the dead possesses power to injure, or at least harass, the living was the origin of the peculiar rite called tuku wairua. This ceremony was perfomed over a person as the breath of life left his body, or soon after, its object being to cause the flitting spirit to proceed direct to the spirit world. The charm recited in order to despatch the soul is called both tuku and wehe.
There were many charms and rites by means of which the wairua of man might be affected to a greater or less extent. Thus an expert could cause the spirit of a thief or wizard to appear before him, and would then recognise the offending individual. This would mean that the wairua of a person resembled his bodily form in appearance. We even hear of the wairua of persons being destroyed by means of magic arts. In these matters native belief seems to be somewhat vague, but, so far as I could gather, the effect of such procedure seemed to be, in Maori belief, that the original, the physical basis of the spirit was injuriously affected. In some cases men underwent a certain ceremony that preserved
Our theosophists will recognise in the Maori wairua their own concept of astral body or etheric double. It is this quality or spirit, we are told, that is visible to the clairvoyant, which agrees with our Maori description; it is the "vehicle of the life principle." Both Maori and theosophist agree that it is dangerous to make any noise near a person whose wairua is at the time absent from the body. The other aspect of the "etheric double" of the theosophist, that is the wraith or apparitional spirit seen after the death of the body, is the kehua of the Maori. This kehua or whakahaehae is an apparitional wairua of a dead person. These are believed to haunt the former homes of their physical bases in this world, though this belief clashes with the other that such spirits proceed to the spirit world. All kehua may, of course, be alluded to as atua, and their presence is sometimes manifested by uncanny whistling sounds; such beliefs were the cause of the Maori dislike for whistling.
Many natives have explained that kehua are wairua or spirits of the dead. Colenso in his well-known and excellent essay on the Maori people, has a passage that seems to show that he viewed the kehua and wairua as being two different spirits, but further enquiry disproves that assumption. The passage is as follows: "Ghosts, too, were commonly believed in, and greatly dreaded; but this haunting spirit or phantom (kehua) which haunted its former place of residence when in the body, and also the repositories of the dead, differed widely from the sensible intellectual spirit (wairua) which had departed to the Reinga, and which was not feared." (Colenso, On the Maori Races of New Zealand, p. 384.)
It should have been added that it was not feared unless it returned as a kehua or apparitional spirit. When a Maori dreams of seeing the form of a dead person he does not term the wraith a kehua, but alludes to it as a wairua. On being asked what kehua and atua whakahaehae are, an old native replied: "Demons which roam about in space, spirits of the dead that return as ghosts." When, travelling at night, a native encounters a warm current of air, he believes that it betokens the presence of kehua. They seem to be extremely active during hours of darkness, in kehua; evidently such spirits were deemed tapu. I am informed by grey old men, wise with the wisdom born of ages of affliction, that a cooked potato is an excellent thing to carry with one when moving abroad at night.
The spirits of persons who have died violent deaths are the most active. In some such cases a portion of the blood of the defunct one would be obtained, and over this would be recited a formula to lay the spirit, either to confine it to its burial place or to despatch it to the spirit world. Spirits of the dead are said by some to have remained in the vicinity of their former homes until such time as the karakia wehe had been repeated over the dead, when they fared forth on their way to the spirit world.
Wairua atua has been collected as a Maori name for butterflies. Spirits of the dead could return hither from the spirit world for a period, as when they wished to warn living relatives of coming misfortunes, or to warn such relatives that the time had come for them to hie to the spirit world. Spirits of dead forbears were appealed to for help in connection with many things. Some natives assert that an echo is produced by wairua. In treating of magic we shall see that the Maori believes that the wairua of living persons can be destroyed by magic arts, or that the physical basis of a wairua can be slain or seriously affected through the medium of the spirit. The wairua is implanted in a child prior to birth in Maori belief. Apa and apa hau are terms applied to spirits of the dead; koromatua is an old term for ancestral spirits, and tira maka denotes a company of wairua, said to have been occasionally seen by seers as it passed through space. Parangeki are also said to be wairua, and strange noises, heard especially at night, are attributed to them.
We have seen that spirits of the dead are often termed atua, but that term was applied to anything supernormal or abnormal, as well as to spirits and what we term gods. Brown states that "their atua are all evil disposed." This gives the reader a wrong impression. I believe that the god Whiro was about the only atua who was consistently "evil", that is if the slaying of mankind be an evil activity. The great majority of atua and spirits of the dead were benefactors of mankind, so long as they were not offended, and this is about all we can say for the gods of civilised peoples. Observe the threats hurled at "unbelievers" in the Bible, rich New Zealand and Its Aborigines, p. 81).
Spirits of the dead were believed to be extremely helpful; a Maori called upon the spirits of his forbears to protect and assist him in all crises, and some persons became recognised practising mediums of such atua, as already explained. Moreover, one's own wairua does much to protect its physical basis. This is essentially a native belief; during the sleeping hours of the body the spirit goes forth and roams far and wide. Should it see any danger threatening its physical basis it returns and warns it; such is a Maori explanation of dreams. Hence you will understand the reason why it is inadvisable to suddenly awaken a sleeping person; his spirit may chance to be absent at the time. One's roving spirit is said to be specially useful in warning one of the activities of warlocks, fellows of the baser sort who are trying to destroy life by the arts of black magic.
A sleeping person sees things through the eyes of his wairua, as when he dreams, and so the wairua is spoken of as a sentient being endowed with the power of sight. All know that the eyes of a dreaming person are closed, hence it is clear that the double possesses visual powers. This form of sight, or second-sight, is described by the peculiar term rata, and so our European doctors came to be called rata by the Maori. In an old recital we find the statement that the wairua of man is the conserver of this bodily welfare (te kaipupuri o te or a ko te wairua).
An old sage of the east coast of the North Island was responsible for the following peroration during an explanation of old beliefs—The patupaiarehe, turehu and parangēki are all spirits of the dead. Prior to a fight the spirits of those foredoomed to death are seen as patupaiarehe, vague forms seen on hills and sea coast, ere long news of the fight will arrive. As for the parangēki, when these are seen it is known that the fight has taken place; these spirits are seen, and heard as they roam about weeping and singing sad laments. Hence when persons saw these beings they knew that a fight had occurred and that men had been slain, and so these wandering spirits had no physical bases to return to. As for turehu, these spirit beings occupy a different status, they are not disembodied spirits that will shortly retire to the underworld, but spirits that permanently occupy certain areas, such as forest ranges. When they show themselves at such places, they are observed to be talking, dancing, singing, laughing, and of a joyous demeanour. When so seen or heard then it is known that
The origin of the wairua or spiritual part of man in Maori belief is, in the higher teachings, traced to Io the Supreme Being, he who is spoken of as Io the Parent. The spiritual nature and welfare of all living beings and all things emanate from that source. As an old sage put it—Io is the origin of all things, his the soul of all things, his the welfare of all things. (Ko Io te putake o nga mea katoa, nana te wairua o nga mea katoa, nana te ora o nga mea katoa).
From Io came the spirit, the breath of life and the power of thought that animated the mother of mankind, the first of mortal women, Hine-ahuone the Earth Formed Maid. In the following recital delivered some fifty years ago by one of the Kahungunu elders these beliefs are expressed, also some extremely interesting remarks occur on the subject of the divine element in man and its origin: It was Io-te-waiora who endowed the body of Hine-ahuone with life, such was the origin of the spirit [wairua] and the breath that issues from nose and mouth. When Io-te-waiora so endowed Hine-ahuone with life and breath then Hine sneezed, she breathed, her eyes opened, again she sneezed, her life principle manifested itself, such is the meaning of the expression "tihe mauri ora". It was arranged by the offspring of Rangi and Papa that Tane-nui-a-Rangi should take Hine-ahuone to wife. She was conducted to the water side where the pure rite was performed over her, and she was baptised in the name of Hine-hauone, her former name of Hine-ahuone being discarded. Those female beings who were taken to wife by the elder brothers of Tane belonged to the bespaced heavens; they were members of the companies of females of the eleven heavens; such were the companies to which belonged the wives of the elder brothers of Tane-nui-a-Rangi. He alone was selected as a mate for Hine-hauone, so that he might acquire the earthly or mortal aspect [qualities] of Papa the earth to be absorbed by the beings sprung from the supernatural offspring of the elder brothers, so that the descendants of Hine-hauone might be endowed with the divine spirit. The aspect of those beings at this stage is now clear to us, and that is why the gods heed us when we appeal to them. If those beings had not taken supernatural females to wife then we would never have acquired the utterances of the gods, they would never have communicated with us or listened to us.
In the above recital we see the two-fold origin of the divine element in man. The spirit and breath of life that animate man atua, supernatural beings. From the Earth Mother, from whose body she was formed, Hine-ahuone acquired the mortal qualities that she transmitted to mankind, while she also possessed spiritual qualities emanating from Io.
Among the Moriori folk of the Chatham Islands the belief in demons and apparitional spirits of the dead sometimes caused much inconvenience, as when people felt compelled to desert a hamlet and seek a new home, owing to the presence of many ghostly visitors. In such cases the flitting folk were wont to prevent the spirits following them to their new home by means of tying obstructions across the path or paths leading thereto, surely a brilliant and efficient scheme for befooling demons, malevolent spirits.
We have here another quality pertaining to man and things, and one that it is by no means easy to describe. The mauri of man is apparently his physical life principle, and the Greek term thymos seems to describe it, inasmuch as it is an inward activity. But it is more than this in Maori belief, for, under the name of mauri ora, it is held to be a protective quality, the sacred life principle of man. This aspect of the mauri it will be necessary to enlarge upon. Such is the immaterial mauri, but there is also a material mauri pertaining to man, forests, land, villages, etc., and this may be described as a protective talisman, a material emblem of the gods that possesses great protective powers, as also does the immaterial mauri of man.
Some writers define the mauri of man as his soul, but it is not advisable to employ that term, for the reader would confuse it with the spirit that survives the death of the body, i.e., the wairua. The mauri ceases to exist with the death or disappearance of its physical basis.
The firm belief of the Maori in the power of his gods, in the ever-present dangers surrounding all forms of life, in the necessity for protecting the life principle, resulted in the institution of material mauri or talismanic objects endowed with power to protect the immaterial mauri, or life principle. This practice was carried out not only in connection with the life principle of man, but also with that of crops, of fish, birds, forests
The mauri of man is not located in any particular organ of the body, nor are the wairua and hau for that matter. Again the mauri is not the seat of the emotions, although it is affected to some extent by fear, etc. Thus the expression ohomauri describes the startled feeling of one suddenly alarmed; the person's mauri is "startled". So far it may be termed a sentient spirit. The mauri is of a more quiescent nature than is the wairua; the latter is essentially an active principle. The mauri is a protective principle because it represents the gods and the tapu pertaining to them. We would be inclined to term it the divine spirit in man; it is the immaterial shrine or abiding place of the mana or power of the gods in man, hence it is essentially tapu. Should anything occur by means of which the mauri or a of a person is vitiated or polluted, and so rendered noa or common (void of tapu), then the person is in a dangerous condition. This is because the protective powers of his wairua are nullified, that is the protection of the gods has been withdrawn, and his life principle lies open to the malignant activities of evil spirits, the arts of black magic, and the innumerable pernicious influences that ever surround man.
Both the immaterial and material mauri are taunga atua, abiding places of protective spirit gods, or shrines, and a knowledge of these strange beliefs is absolutely necessary to any person who would understand the institutions of the Maori. The material mauri used as a protective talisman possesses no innate powers of its own, its virtues are derived from the indwelling spirit gods located in it by means of a priestly rite.
Any act that vitiates the tapu of a person, as already explained, seriously affects his mauri. In like manner the material mauri of, say a forest, may be rendered virtueless by some act of carelessness. For instance, during the bird snaring season the forest is under strict tapu, and, should any person convey cooked food into such forest, then that forest and its mauri become tamaoatia or defiled. The gods at once withdraw their protection, the forest becomes "helpless", fruits and other products no longer flourish, and most of the game birds desert it. It is now imperative that a priestly expert should take the matter in hand, tapu of the forest and the effectiveness of its mauri. The immaterial mauri of man may be defiled in a similar manner.
Old natives who have watched the deterioration of their people in numbers, energy and stamina, have often told me that the cause thereof lies in the fact that the mauri ora of the race has become polluted and virtueless through contact with Europeans. As one old man put it, the health, vigour and welfare of the race have returned to Hawaiki. In like manner the vital principle of the forests has been destroyed or much weakened by the abandonment of tapu and the godless ways of Europeans, hence the great diminution in the number of birds.
A material mauri or talisman is sometimes termed a whatu or iho, both of which words carry the meaning of core and kernel.
The material mauri representing a person may, according to Tuta Nihoniho, be a stone or a piece of wood. Its power to protect man is implemented in it by the ritual of the tohunga or priestly adept which locates the wairua (spirit or soul) of the defunct parents or ancestors of the person in the material mauri. These implanted spirits are the real protecting power, the stone or other object being their temporary abiding place while protecting their living descendant. The mauri was thus held to safeguard a person, to save him from the dire effects of black magic and also from death by violence and other dangers. A mauri of this kind was sometimes employed for a brief space of time only, as for instance to represent a person during the performance of certain divinatory rites, after which it was discarded.
In some cases a man about to undertake a journey would get a tohunga to provide him with a mauri, that is to empower a small stone or other object to serve as a protecting talisman for him during his journey. The tohunga would locate or implant the gods in that stone to protect the traveller. (Ka whakamohio e te tohunga nga atua ki roto i taua kohatu hai tiaki i te tangata haere.) Here we must remember that atua is a name applied to anything supernatural, or even extraordinary, or abnormal, thus the ancestral spirits referred to above are looked upon as atua.
In these cases the adept would warn the recipient not to lose the talisman, or disaster would certainly overtake him. To judge from explanations received from many other natives the great danger would lie in the fact of an enemy finding such a lost talisman and using it as a medium in sympathetic magic.
On the return of the traveller he would get the adept to deprive the mauri or talisman of its powers, to make it a common thing again, after which it was virtueless. It is interesting to note how akin are the above described beliefs to those of true ancestor worship.
The following notes were obtained from members of the Ngati-Porou tribe:
The mauri of roto tuna or roto kakahi, lagoons or lakes in which eels or fresh-water mussels abounded was usually a stone. In the ceremony by means of which the stone was constituted a mauri, the priestly adept dipped a branchlet in the water of the lake, or stream, and then tapped the stone with it, repeating the necessary charm at the same time. This act was hai whakanoho i te wairua o te roto ki te kohatu, i.e., to implant the wairua (spirit or soul) of the lake in the stone. The stone was then concealed, lest it be found by some meddlesome person, the result of which might be that such food supplies could no longer be obtained in the waters. The ceremony endowed the stone as it were with the mana of the lake, or stream or awa kehe. The mauri will hold or retain the food products of water or forest, i.e., its fruitfulness, such is its office. It protects such products from the magic arts of enemies, and renders such arts futile. The task of implanting the wairua of the forest or stream in the stone was performed by a tohunga. So long as the mauri was not found and tampered with, then no arts of sorcerers could affect the food products they represented.
The mauri of a forest, river, or stream was also utilised as a means of attracting fish to that stream, to render them fruitful and plentiful to retain them in such waters, to prevent them leaving the river. This material mauri is merely a stone over which a tohunga has recited a certain charm in order to endow it with the above powers, and which was then concealed somewhere on the bank of the river. Fish would then become numerous in those waters. Should any person discover the mauri, and take it away, then fish would desert that stream. The mauri of a bird snaring ground, of water-pools where birds were caught, and of lakes, were all of a similar nature.
Again I was told that a stone selected as a material mauri for a fishing canoe had a certain charm recited over it, after which it was carefully concealed, lest it be found and taken away or deprived of its powers by some evilly disposed person. Its office was the retaining of tapu and the influencing of the gods to protect the canoe when at sea; also to render the fish of the ocean complacent.
Should an enemy get possession of the mauri of a pa, then assuredly that pa will lose its mana (prestige, luck, etc.) and the people thereof will lose their nerve, self-confidence, and so on. Also food supplies will run short and become scarce, for food products will not mature. In the mauri we have a talismanic object that represented the power of the gods to preserve the pa and its inmates from harm, to inspire confidence, to uphold the prestige of fort and people, to promote general welfare. The mauri was the shrine and visible representation of such power and protection of the gods. The mauri. was the very kernel, and heart, and soul of the pa.
The mauri of the Arawa vessel that was brought hither from Polynesia was a stone, and it was deposited at Moehau to serve as a mauri for all time for the immigrants and their descendants. All important sea-going vessels were provided with such a talisman.
The mauri of fish was deemed an institution of great importance, for it was believed to attract fish and retain them in its home waters. Eel fishers were wont to have such a talisman at their eel weirs.
The mauri of crops was another important institution in Maori eyes. We hear of this principally in connection with the kumara or sweet potato, the principal cultivated food product of these isles. The rude stone images called "kumara gods" by us, and described by natives as taumata atua, or abiding places of the gods, were used as mauri of crops.
We have now seen that the mauri is a vitalising principle pertaining to things animate and inanimate, and that it never leaves an animal body until death; it is not a separable or apparitional soul. Life principle is perhaps the best term whereby to describe it, but it is credited with certain powers that are not readily grasped by Europeans.
There were certain formulae termed mauri that were recited over persons in former times. In the case of infants the object seems to have been either to endow an infant with the mauri life force, or to render it mauri tapu and effective. This latter form of charm appears to have been also repeated over adults.
Here we have another interesting term to deal with, and which, like mauri, has differing aspects as to meaning. In the first place, as regards the hau of man, this may be said to be a quality that hau of man is a quality that pervades his whole being, yet it, or a portion of it, is apparently detachable; it is not located in any organ.
The ordinary meanings of the word hau are "wind" and "air", and this fact confused those who sought to discover the meaning of the hau of man, and such expressions as whangai hau. There is a world-wide connection between terms denoting wind, air, breath and spirit. This Maori concept of the hau is interesting, because by using it as a medium the life of its physical basis might be destroyed. For instance, a portion of a person's hau adheres to any place he has sat upon, or walked over. Another person could, by "scooping up" the invisible hau from that seat, or footprint, and performing certain magic arts over it, slay the one who had sat down or walked thereon. In some cases, were a person suspicious of his neighbours, he would scoop the adhering hau from any place on which he had been sitting, ere he left it, and so bear it away with him. The hau of the human footprint is termed manea by the Tuhoe folk, and a little soil taken from a footprint serves as an excellent medium in wizardry. People have been known to avoid paths and to walk in water wherever possible, so as to avoid leaving any footprints from which their hau might be taken by enemies.
A native will often explain the hau of man by saying that it is his ahua, that is his semblance ("form, as opposed to substance" is the definition of this word in Williams's Maori Dictionary, p. 4). This word ahua is also employed to denote character. The term hau appears to be often used in an anagogic sense, and is used in connection with immaterial things. Thus I have heard natives speak of the hau of a speech or remark. It would be a decided error to describe the hau as a spirit, for that would be to give a wrong impression, and the reader would confuse it with the wairua. The hau is a quality intangible and always invisible, even to gifted seers, an aural quality. The same word is employed to denote fame. The hau of man represents his vitality or vital essence in a way, though not his life principle. The word hauora carries the meanings of health, vigour, spirit of life, healthy.
J. G. Frazer describes a belief among certain natives of New Guinea that seems also to describe the hau of Maori belief. This quality, he remarks, "… pervades the body as sap pervades the tree, and… diffuses itself like corporeal warmth over everything with which the body is brought into contact." This hau, and I am very much inclined to view this as a widespread belief among barbaric peoples.
When a native wished to use the hau of a person as a medium for his magic arts whereby he might slay him, or affect him in other ways, he would endeavour to obtain some material object that was impregnated as it were by his hau. This might be earth on which his footprint had been impressed, a lock of his hair, a shred from his garment, some of his spittle, anything to which some of his hau adhered. This material medium is often called the hau, but the precise name for it is ohonga. Over this object were performed the dread rites of the warlock that affected the original, the physical basis of the immaterial hau.
The same term is applied to various forms of mediums. When a victory had been won over an enemy one of the first acts of the victorious party was to take the hau or ahua of such victory. This was some material medium, such as a lock of hair from the head of a slain enemy, and it is often called a mawe. This was taken to the village home, and to the sacred place of that village, where a ceremony called whangai hau was performed over it. This rite seems to have been in honour of the gods, an offering of the hau of the victory to such gods. The lock of hair is the ahua of the victory, as the ohonga described above is the ahua of the human hau.
In an old recital we are told that, in olden times, it was a custom among sea rovers to take every precaution to protect their lives and welfare when about to set forth on a voyage, as also to ensure the safety of their vessels as far as human forethought could effect it. The procedure was to convey the ahua or semblance of a vessel and of its crew to a tapu place and there perform a rite over it that placed vessel and crew under the care of the gods. The ahua might be represented by something material, however small an object. In one such account the term mauri is applied to it, and the ahua would certainly serve as a mauri. This performance was a form of neolithic insurance.
In one version of the myth of Maui hauling land up from the ocean depths we are told that he conveyed the mauri of his "fish" to the place of rites that priestly experts might perform a highly necessary ceremony over it. It is not usual to employ the word mauri in this connection, but rather the term ahua or mawe. This is usually some material object that is used as a medium to represent the original, as mediumistic objects are used in black magic.
Material mauri, such as the talismanic stone that preserved the productiveness of a forest, are often alluded to as hau. These mauri represent the powers of the gods that conserve such productiveness and healthy vigour, that is to say, that protect the immaterial hau of the forest. Offerings were made to the mauri of a forest, strictly speaking to the gods inherent in the mauri.The first bird caught of the season was so offered. This is called an offering to the hau of the forest (he whangai i te hau o te ngahere). Now there is some interlocked reasoning here in the Maori mind. The mauri is responsible for the presence of the birds in the forest, and the powers of a priestly expert endowed the mauri with its powers, hence the birds are said to belong to such gods. Certain birds of the first catch are cooked at a tapu fire and eaten by the priestly experts so that the hau or vital essence or semblance of the slain birds may return to the forest and its mauri. Verily the hapless person who essays to probe into the Maori mind and fathom its erratic ways and manifestations treadeth a tortuous path.
The ohonga or material medium that represents the human hau in magic rites seems to be known as maunu at the Hawaiian Isles. Unfortunately no collector seems to have enquired deeply into the spiritual concepts of natives of Polynesia; the matter on record is extremely meagre.
The hau of both man and forests needed protection, inasmuch as both could be destroyed or injuriously affected by magic arts. Hence this immaterial quality was protected, often by means of material mauri, from such dangers. All such protective measures, whether mauri or charms, drew their virtue from the gods.
Here we have a quality that is soon explained and disposed of. Manawa is a term denoting the breath, and the expression manawa ora means the breath of life.
When Tane formed the earthen image that was vivified and so became the first of mortal women, the wairua and manawa ora by means of which life was imparted to it were obtained from the Supreme Being. Thus the latter expression denotes something more than ordinary breath; it is often used as implying a more spiritual quality. As in the case of Hine-ahu-one it pertains to the supernormal, spiritual life, ira atua. On the other hand manawa ora is also used to denote ordinary breath, or fresh air. In Java we find that the word
Words meaning breath, wind, air and heart have been utilised by many peoples to denote spirit or soul, sometimes mind. The Maori employed such words to define certain qualities pertaining to man, but selected the word for shadow to apply to the apparitional soul of man that finally leaves the body at death.
The word ngakau means the entrails in Maori, also the seat of affections, also the mind. At the Hawaiian Isles na'au, the same word, bears the same meanings, but is also used to denote the soul, a synonym of uhane. In both dialects it means the seat of moral powers. Evidently the original meaning was the first one given above, and this is noted in many Polynesian dialects. The word puku, meaning "stomach", is employed in a similar manner, for the stomach was viewed as the seat of emotions and of memory. So we have pukukata (amused); pukutakaro (playful) pukumahi (industrious); pukumahara (cautious), etc.
The term hinengaro denotes the seat of thought, the mind, and is also employed where we use the word "conscience".
The following curious passage is taken from an account of Vancouver's voyage: "The priests (of Tahiti) taught that the bowels are the immediate organ of sensation, where all impressions are first received, and by means of which all the functions of the soul are carried on; and hence they maintained, as a first principle in the philosophy of mind, that the intestines bear the greatest affinity to the immortal part of man. The officers, who occasionally entered into conversation with the leading persons at Matavai, endeavoured to convince them that all intellectual operations took place in the head. They usually answered with a smile of incredulity, remarking that they had often seen men recover whose skulls had been fractured… but that in all cases where the intestines were wounded, the patient died…. Other arguments they also advanced in support of their belief, especially the effect of fear or any violent passion, which Voyage of Discovery 1790-1795, vol. 1, pp. 121-2).
The above exactly coincides with the Maori belief in the functions of the ngakau. It is, however, somewhat curious that the writer does not mention the Polynesian belief in the spirit that leaves the body at death, and enters the spirit world.
Further data concerning the terms pertaining to spiritual concepts have been given in Dominion Museum Monograph 2, Spiritual and Mental Concepts of the Maori.
Some of the terms employed to denote the immortal element in man in the isles of Polynesia are apparently unknown to the Maori of New Zealand. This may be said of the Hawaiian term uhane and the Tuamotuan mahoi. It is just possible that we have this latter word in Tini o te mahoihoi, a name applied by the Bay of Plenty tribes to certain forest dwelling creatures, apparently mythical, of the distant past. Again we have the Arawa story of Te Mahoi, or Te Mahoihoi, also known as Tama-o-hoi, the last of which terms does not impress one as being a genuine form. These names refer to a weird being said to have dwelt underground in the Rotoiti district, a being who appeared in human form and was a master of black magic. Some natives state that he took to a subterranean life after the arrival of Polynesian immigrants, whose magic arts were too much for him to contend against. Apparently this was an evil spirit and the story one of the many local folk tales. In the Tahitian dialect mahoi is said to denote the essence or soul of a god, and Te Mahoi of Maori myth is one of the horde of mythical beings that are included in the term atua.
In angaanga we have a term that denotes spirit or soul at Niue island and the Samoan group. In Maori, so far as we are aware, it bears no related meaning. In the Tuamotu group iho means spirit, ancestral spirits called ihoiho; these terms seem to be also employed in the Society and Cook groups, in the form of io at the latter. In Maori, as in the isles just mentioned, iho means kernel, the innermost part or core, but it is also employed to denote a predominant constituent quality or product. I have known a few birds or fish to be presented to a native as the iho of lands in which he held an interest. The material mauri or fish weir is spoken of as the iho of that weir, simply because it is the most important and essential object at the weir, although not a part thereof. Iho also denotes the umbilical cord. But our Maori folk wairua when referring to the spiritual part of man. Ora, a term for spirit and ghost in the dialect of Tikopia, is a Polynesian word signifying life and welfare in many far sundered isles. It does not seem to be used to denote spirit in Polynesia proper or in New Zealand, but an allied term, toiora, is used by the Maori to denote spiritual life and welfare. In the following passage, culled from an old recital, the term toiora is obviously applied to welfare of the spirit that leaves the body at death and proceeds to the spirit world; not that any particular spirit or spirits is denoted, but the spiritual welfare of all the descendants of Hine was to be her future care: "Ka kapua i konei te toiora ki te wheuriuri e Hine-titama." The erst Dawn Maid assumed the task of protecting the spirits of the dead in the underworld.
The term koiwi ora is occasionally employed to denote the spirit of man, as shown in Williams's Maori Dictionary. This word koiwi is used in a peculiar manner in some cases and various meanings seem to be applied to it. A certain thing is mentioned in a recital of some myth, or of life and occurrences in the heavens or spirit world, and we are told that "toua koiwi i tenei ao he…" that is, it is represented in this world by… In an account of the fashioning of the first woman by Tane in order that he might beget mortal man occurs the following—"No tona hikanga kia puta te koiwi ora ki te ao", etc. Here koiwi ora does not, apparently, denote spirit, but a living member of a new race of beings about to be generated.
We have not much data available from Polynesia concerning subjects that call for long and careful enquiry, such as spiritual concepts for example. Hawaii and New Zealand have put the most native lore on record, but at many isles opportunities have been neglected.
The two expressions, ira atua and ira tangata, as denoting supernatural or spiritual life and mortal life, have been explained in Bulletin 10, pp. 61 and 122, et seq.
Although these atua possessed bodies composed of bones, flesh and muscles, and had eyes, yet they had no blood, no form of moisture pertained to them; it is because we possess blood and moisture that we do not resemble such as the poutiriao. The eyes of those beings differ from ours, hence all things and all actions are clearly seen by them; therefore blood was bestowed upon the ira tangata (mortal man), because he is of the earth, so it is that we cannot see, we do not possess such powers of sight as are held by atua.
The most remarkable feature of the maori concept of the spirit world is that he had evolved a belief in two distinct realms in which spirits of the dead took up their final abode. Apparently the belief in the underworld of spirits was much the older one of the two, and knowledge of this realm was universal. As to the other home of departed spirits, the supernal realm known as the Toi o nga rangi (summit of the heavens), which is the uppermost of the twelve heavens, knowledge of this haven seems to have been less widely distributed. Our own knowledge of this upper spirit world of the Maori was long confined to a few vague statements in early works, and these were not generally accepted by collectors of ethnographical data. During the past twenty years, however, we have collected a large amount of Maori Ms. matter written by natives from the dictation of old men forty-eight to sixty years' ago, and here we find many references to the belief in the upper spirit world. There is some evidence to show that this spirit world in the sky was the aristocratic realm of the two, for apparently it was not so widely known among the people as the underworld. This, however, is not borne out by a number of statements to the effect that the ultimate destination of spirits of the dead is an optional matter, any spirit can make its home in either the underworld or sky world.
There is one marked difference between the accounts of these two spirit worlds, as given by natives. We have collected a number of myths and folk tales that illustrate very material views of spiritual life in the underworld, where spirits apparently regain material bodies, cultivate food products, manufacture garments, and even tattoo themselves. Now in no case have we gained any information as to life in the sky world; the only item of information gained is to the effect that each spirit reaching that realm gradually loses all memory of this world, its former home. We ourselves laugh at the Maori for his belief in potato-growing spirits in the underworld, and yet we believe, or rather teach, that our own spirit forms play on harps in the sky world; this condition may be owing to the retrograde teaching of the resurrection of the body. However, whatever may be the conditions of life in the two spirit worlds, it is well assured that the Maori took but little interest in either of them so long as he was a resident of the ao mamma, or world of life, whatever he may have done when he reached them.
With regard to life in the spirit world and the movements of the spirit after the death of its physical basis, there was much kehua or whakahaehae, which, he will tell you, are ghosts, spirits of the dead. As noted among ourselves, the feeling seems to be that such fearsome apparitions are not abroad during the hours of daylight. How many times have I heard natives, when moving abroad at night, singing in the most lusty manner in order to scare the prowling kehua; such nocturnal travellers appear to derive much comfort from these vocal efforts. The carrying of a torch also seems to give them confidence, and, in former times, the carrying of a piece of cooked food, ensured at least partial freedom from the terrors of the night.
When questioned as to the contradictory nature of his evidence on this subject the Maori will explain matters by giving his own opinion thereof. If he has no opinion ready then he will probably formulate one with despatch. Now here we have, I believe, the origin of many irresponsible statements that have found a place in published accounts of Maori life, beliefs, etc. The opinion of an individual has been recorded and accepted as a general or widespread belief, a sporadic belief, custom, or isolated usage has been looked upon as evidence of widespread belief or practice. There are numerous instances of such errors, and all of us who have written extensively on Maori topics have committed such errors.
In dealing with the somewhat confused ideas of the spirit world held by the Maori, and his belief in two such realms, it is well to bear in mind the fact that similar confusion existed in certain communities occupying a higher plane of culture. In examining the religion of ancient Egypt we note a most extraordinary jumble of religious conceptions, many of which are of a contradictory nature, and no attempt was apparently made to reconcile them. Those old-time folk believed in the existence of a spirit world in the heavens, of another in the underworld, another on the earth, and also that the spirits of the dead went to the west where lay the land of the dead. Earlier beliefs seem to have contained no form of reward or punishment in the spirit world,
In one version of these Egyptian beliefs the denizens of the spirit world passed their time much as they did in this world. They cultivated the soil and produced grain foodstuffs, fought, hunted, and played games, including a form of draughts. Another view was that all spirits of the dead were malevolent and ever inclined to molest the living.
In the remote period prior to the construction of the pyramids, the common form of burial in Egypt was that followed by the Maori, the burial of the trussed body. The knees were drawn up to the breast, the arms rested on them, the hands were placed over the face. As observed by Wiedemann in The Realms of the Egyptian Dead, "The dead must rest in the grave in the position in which the child awaits its entrance into the world, which by further analogy was ascribed also to the soul awaiting the resurrection." (p. 41). One belief was that, assisted by magic, spirits of the dead might pass with the sun, through the underworld and rise again with it in the east. At an early period exhumation of the bones seems to have been practised to some extent.
The underworld of old-time Jewish faith seems to have been a shadowy realm wherein souls of the dead continued to exist, but neither rewards nor punishment awaited them therein. Such a shadowy, poorly defined religion seems to have been an early concept among all peoples, in some cases to develop into a belief in two different spirit worlds, a place of rewards and a place of punishments, such as we are blessed with. The spirit world of Babylonian belief was a gloomy subterranean region. Through-out the Polynesian area the concept of the underworld shows a general sameness, but with differences that were probably of local origin. We are told that at Niue Island "the good went to a separate place from the bad" (Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 11, p. 197) in which one suspects missionary influence, though we do not know the local definition of the two terms. As in many early and primitive systems a "good" person may simply have meant one who showed respect for the gods and was subservient to the priesthood.
As further proof of the presence of spirits of the dead in this world the common belief in such manifestations of spirit forms as tira maka and parangeki may be cited. The former term denotes companies of wairua, spirits of the dead, that are said to be occasionally seen roaming about in space. These are evidently purely spiritual forms, lacking all material qualities, inasmuch as I was always told that they can be seen only by matatuhi (syn. matakite), seers, persons possessing the power of second sight. The presence of these ghostly beings was not considered desirable, any misfortune might follow such a visitation, hence whenever seers observed them hovering about they would at once proceed to banish them by means of certain rites. By these means the aitua or evil omen would be averted. Some natives state that these kahui atua, as the tira maka are sometimes termed, come hither from the underworld in order to warn living relatives of some impending misfortune. Ever the Maori believed that the wairua of man is always striving to succour its physical basis during its life in this world; when that basis perishes, and the wairua takes up its abode in the underworld, its activities in that direction do not end, but it will continue to warn, assist, succour its living relatives in the world of life.
The parangeki are also spirits of human beings (wairua tangata), who seem to come from the underworld. These beings are heard in forests, usually at night apparently, and any unusual sound was attributed to parangeki.
The Maori had no great fear of death, indeed very much less than the average person among us has. His outlook is much the same as is that of the Oriental, and this is probably owing to the fact that his mind has never been terrorised by truculent teachings of post-mortem tortures. Wiedemann, in his Realms of the Egyptian Dead remarks: "The thoughts of the Egyptians dwelt much and gladly on death, which had no particular terror for them any more than for modern Orientals." (p. 14). They may have had no fear of death but it is very improbable that they welcomed it, unless they had a very unpleasant time of it in this world. Max Muller has even more assurance, and so tells us that "To rejoice in death is a purely Christian idea." If this is so then it is an idea that does not get far. How many of us, apart from a small proportion who suffer in an abnormal manner, can be said to rejoice in death?
Assuredly the desire for continued life in some form after the death of the body is a universal attribute of the human mind. Hence we find that most, if not all, peoples have produced some Discourse on Matters pertaining to Religion, maintained that there must be an after life because: (1) It is a general belief. (2) It is a general desire. (3) Because we suffer in this world there must be recompense hereafter. These reasons for a belief in such an afterlife furnish no proof that such a place exists. Certainly many hapless ones among us do seem to deserve some recompense after a life of suffering, but the spirit world of which we have been furnished with the most particular description by our priesthood can scarcely be described as a haven of rest.
The belief in a spirit world in which forbears of the living live much as they did in the upper world of life, is closely connected with ancestor worship. So far as the Maori is concerned I would prefer to call this ancestor placation; there was no worship connected with it. We shall see that the Maori had very material views of life in the underworld, but no such accounts have been collected concerning those spirits that ascend to the uppermost of the twelve heavens. No Maori has ever shown me in verbal explanation that he knew of any belief in the resurrection of the body, but all say that the spirit alone goes to the spirit world, and their accounts of life in the underworld alludes to the denizens thereof as corporeal beings that require food and so cultivate food products. But when the spirits of dead forbears come to visit their living descendants in this world they invariably appear in spiritual form. Such discrepancies are constantly appearing in native accounts of the spirit world of Maori belief.
Winwood Reade, in his Martyrdom of Man, treats of the material aspect of life in the spirit world according to savage belief, and remarks: "The two worlds adjoin each other and the frontier is very faintly marked" (p. 169). This thin, frail barrier between life and death has been recognised by the Maori who alludes to it as the wharangi rau angiangi, frail as the thin leaf of the wharangi (Brachygloths repanda) but, like that leaf, opaque, a barrier that cannot be seen through though it is easily penetrated.
The question has frequently been asked—Did the Maori of pre-European times believe in transmigration? He did, but only to a limited extent. The faith in metempsychosis as held by certain Oriental peoples the Maori knew not, and certain aspects ira atua already described. Still the Maori relates stories of ancestors having reappeared as taniwha or water monsters, as in the story of Te Tahi given elsewhere in this chronicle. In the tale of Hineruarangi we see that a woman reappeared as a cormorant that acted for centuries as a tribal banshee in the vale of Te Whaiti. Then in the case of tipua we find that certain trees, rocks, etc., are, or were, animated by the spirits of defunct forebears, though this again clashes with the belief that souls of the dead hied them to the underworld. A form of temporary transmigration also appears in Maori myth, as when some hero assumes the form of a bird or some other creature for a time. Such episodes will be described in the story of Maui. One of the most famous of human petrifactions is Haumapuhia at Waikare Moana. This person formed the lake bed in long past times, when mighty deeds were performed by the sons, and daughters of man. This particular person seems to have been first transformed into a taniwha, a monster of subterranean habits, and, later, into a mass of rock of imposing dimensions.
The Maori concept of the spirit world was assuredly in an interesting stage of development, though perchance all development had ceased long before Europeans broke into the Pacific; quite possibly the Maori would never have carried the concept any further. He had formulated his concept of two distinct spirit worlds; in the sky world to which spirits of the dead went, the Toi o nga rangi or uppermost of the twelve heavens, all came under the sway of a beneficent deity, Io the Parent, and no antagonistic or evil being pertained to that realm. In the underworld we find a different state of things, for here abide two antagonistic powers that are ever striving against each other. We have already seen that, when Hine-titama, the Dawn Maid, descended to the underworld she discarded that name and became known as Hine-nui-te-Po. Her task in the underworld is to rescue the souls of her descendants, mankind, from the fell designs of Whiro, who ever attempts to destroy them. Whiro is the personified form of evil, darkness and death; he and his myrmidons dwell within Taiwhetuki, the abode of death, and among them are the dread Maiki brethren who represent sickness and disease. Ever these baleful beings attack man, the offspring of Tane and Hinetitarua, in the upper world, taiao, the world of light and life; ever man succumbs and flows like water down to the underworld; ever the brood of Whiro assails the souls of men in the lower world, striving to destroy them. But Hine of the red Maku e kapu i te toiora o a taua tamariki" (I will secure the spiritual welfare of our children).
The popular conception of Hine-nui-te-Po is that she is the destroyer who ensnares mankind in the snare of death; the higher teachings are that she is the defender of the endangered soul of man, the saviour of the multitude of spirits in the underworld. Here, then, in this underworld we have antagonistic forces, for Hine the empress of the lower world is aided by many beings known as the Tini o Puhiata and the Parangeki, while the followers of Whiro are known as the Tini o Rohena and Tini o Potahi. A short account of this version of the Hine-nui-te-Po myth tells us that it is Whiro who breeds all forms of disease and sickness that ever assail men and sweep them away to the Po, the underworld of spirits. Also that had not Hinetitama the Dawn Maid hied her to that realm in order to guard and succour the souls of men, then assuredly they would have perished at the hands of Whiro and his dread hordes. These spirits from the upper world are congregated in that region of the underworld wherein abides the erst Dawn Maid, now known as Hine-nui-te-Po. That, we are told, is the division of Rarohenga in which the spirits find safety, where Hine has secured their welfare, where all spirits retain life. Had it not been for Hine then all spirits would have come under the sway of Whiro and Uru-te-ngangana, in which case they would have been haled within Taiwhetuki, Taitewaro and Horonuku-atea, the homes of all calamities and death, and so destroyed, for therein lurk the dread multitudes of Rorinuku, of Rorikauhika and of the Parawhaka-wairuru.
The Dawn Maid had but a short reign, like all dawns, and she passed to the realm of darkness as all dawns must pass. In that realm of Po, or Rarohenga, the shadowy underworld, she awaits the souls of her descendants of the upper world. Those souls are conducted to her by Ruatoia and Ruakumea, whose names betoken their duties.
Now the fire that burns in the underworld at Taiwhetuki appears in this upper world in the form of volcanic fire. From the time that Whiro and his companions descended to the underworld there has been a ceaseless contest in the realm of Rarohenga, the underworld. Whiro and others who held his views are ever assailing Hine-titama, her offspring and descendants. The Moriori folk of the Chatham Isles replace
In one version of the Dawn Maid myth, as preserved by the Maori, Hine turns to Tane the sun lord, who is pursuing her, and sends him back to the upper world, saying: "Return, O Tane! to our offspring; cherish the welfare of our children in the upper world; when death comes to them I will see to their spiritual welfare."Even so does she preserve the life of the soul of man, hence are human spirits seen and heard giving warning of dangers and coming misfortune. Against this superior teaching we have plentiful evidence of the popular belief, as contained in the well-known saying: "He ai atu ta te tangata, he huna mai ta Hine-nui-te-Po" (Man begets, Hine-nui-te-Po destroys). Another such saying is "Mate tangata e ngaki, ma Hine-nui-te-Po e kukute", which bears a similar meaning. Hine is said to have been taken to wife by Ruaumoko, another denizen of the underworld, by whom she had many children, and who was an ally of Whiro in his ceaseless attacks on the denizens of the upper world. Hineoi was a daughter of the above twin, and she represents the activities of her sire, and so is connected with all volcanic activity in the upper world. Another saying pertaining to the underworld of spirits is the following: "He nui tangata e haere ana ki te Po, he iti tangata e haere ana ki te ao" (Many persons fare on to the spirit world, but few to the upper world of life.) An allied saying is: "Ko te Po te Hokia a taiao." (The spirit world from which none return to the upper world, or, as the Maori has it—the spirit world from which the upper world is not returned to.)
The foregoing data serves to show that the Maori concept of the continued life of spirit of man after the death of the body had reached a most interesting phase, and yet one can but wonder if it could have been retained indefinitely under that aspect. The belief in two spirit worlds, upper and lower, celestial and subterranean, and in controlling beings beneficent and baleful, seems to demand a belief in the reward or punishment of the human soul after the death of the body, in a supernal heaven and subterranean hell. Yet the Maori had evolved no belief in any punishment of the soul after death. Punishment for offences against the gods certainly lay in the hands of those gods, but such punishment was inflicted in this world, and, moreover, it followed quickly upon the hara or wrong committed. It was his firm belief in this swift retribution in this world that caused the tapu, and so to induce a form of the discipline that he needed. Now it is clear that Io would have filled the place of a beneficent deity passing well, and Whiro would have been equally at home in the place of our old friend Satan. But the Maori never advanced so far in his conception of spirit life, he was still in the intermediary stage when we broke in upon his solitude and gladly offered him a readymade devil of a highly truculent disposition.
In several systems of mythology two spirit worlds pertaining to earth seem to be alluded to, one situated in the interior of the earth and the other in the far west. Quite possibly such beliefs resembled that of the Maori folk of these isles, where we are told that the underworld of spirits lies far within the body of the Earth Mother, also that spirits of the dead proceed to the far west under the setting sun. But we find that all spirits were believed so to pass to the far west in order to reach the old homeland of the race, from which place they proceeded to one of the two spirit worlds.
In Mr John White's lectures we are told that the Maori believes that there are three heavens; in the Life and Times ofPatuone, by Mr C. O. Davis, the number increases to twenty (see White, Ancient History of the Maori, vol. 1, p. 20, and Davis, op. cit. pp. 12-13). In the Bay of Plenty and some other districts natives have given the number as ten. In all the superior versions of native lore collected among the Kahungunu folk the number is given as twelve, the names of which have been preserved, as also those of the beings who inhabit them (see Dominion Museum Bulletin 10, 1976 reprint, pp. 72-74). Fornander noted how the number twelve was favoured by Polynesian myth makers of yore, and here among our Maori folk we find that the number frequently occurs as already shown.
The statement made by Davis concerning the number of heavens appears at p. 12 of his Life and Times of Patuone, and runs as follows: "Direct communication with the inhabitants of the first and up to the twentieth heaven was also an article of faith." At p. 13 he remarks that, on the death of the body, the manawa ora, or living principle, mounted to Heaven or descended to Hades. But the manawa or a of Maori belief is the breath of life, not the life principle, and it is the wairua that passes to one of the two spirit worlds. Again, on p. 12 he states that the ancient Maoris "apprehended a Supreme Being known under various designations, as Ranginui, i.e. The Heavenly Great etc." Not only is the rendering of the name Rangi-nui incorrect,
Ellis, in his Polynesian Researches, states that a series of ten heavens was believed in by the natives of the Society Group. In the Paumoto Group the number is nine.
Thomson makes the following remarks on the Maori belief in the world of spirits, or rather of two such realms: "There were two distinct abodes for departed spirits: one was in the sky, and called Rangi; the other, denominated the Reinga, was in the midst of the sea, and its entrance was through a cavern in a precipitous rock near Cape Maria van Diemen…. They believed that their spirits after death fled to join their ancestors in one or other of these two abodes. In the future world under the sea there was only one division, but in the sky there were ten separate dwellings. The lowest was separated from the earth by a clear substance, and here the god of winds and storms resided; in the next divisions the spirits of men lived; and in the highest of all the other gods…. In the next world all spirits do not live on an equality. Slaves on earth are slaves in the future state. In the Rangi and in the Reinga spirits occupied themselves as men do on earth. For this reason, on the death of chiefs, slaves were slain to do them menial service in the next world. Neither of the abodes of the departed was a place of punishment. There is no trace among the people of any idea of the resurrection of the body." (Thomson, The Story of New Zealand, vol. 1, pp. 112—113).
The worthy medico gave us in the above work one of the very best publications on the subject of our Maori folk that has appeared. Any errors that we are now enabled to correct are but minor ones. Thus the Reinga or underworld was believed to be within or rather below the body of the Earth Mother, but spirits passed through or over the ocean in order to reach the underworld. There were certainly two divisions in the underworld, one occupied by Hine-nui-te-Po with her countless charges, the other by Whiro with his numerous followers. There is some slight evidence that further divisions were believed in by at least some persons. The ten dwellings in the heavens referred to are the ten separate heavens of widespread belief. As we have seen the superior teachings of the east coast of the North Island
The Rev. R. Taylor in Te Ika a Maui, 2nd ed, p. 114, speaks of ten heavens, and states that the tenth heaven was the chief residence of the gods. Again, he writes: "The New Zealander also has some idea of high chiefs, or ariki, going to heaven after death, whilst those of inferior note went to Po or Hades."
The Rev. J. Buller in his Forty Years in New Zealand also mentions the ten heavens, and tells us that the third heaven was the abiding place of spirits, while Rehua abides in the tenth heaven although the gods dwell in the sixth. Further on he writes: "The heavens, to which the deified chiefs go brighten in beauty as they ascend." (p. 202). All these works on the Maori written by missionaries show us that the writers were never allowed to acquire any of the esoteric knowledge of the Maori.
The Rev. Mr Gill has shown that the natives of Mangaia have also a belief in two spirit worlds, and also believe that many spirits of the dead are transformed into clouds; which cloud-spirits are sometimes so numerous in space as to obscure the heavens and conceal the sun. This latter quaint fancy has not been heard of in connection with the Maori of New Zealand (Gill, Myths and Songs from the South Pacific, pp. 172-175).
The natives of the island of Niue also believed in the two spirit worlds, but we are told that the "good" went to a separate place from the "bad". One may be fairly confident that the Niue natives did not assign our meanings to those two words, or the belief is modern and the result of missionary teaching.
The poutiriao or guardians, appointed in the beginning of things, when order was established throughout the universe, to preserve order in the underworld were Kekerewai, Takaurunga and Takatua. That underworld is known by several names, as Rarohenga, the Po, the Reinga, and is occasionally alluded to by the use of a term that bears no such specific application; for instance, the word raro is sometimes used in referring to the underworld. The name of Paerau is also used in some cases as muriwai hou ki Rarohenga is apparently the entrance to the underworld. Muriwai bears some such meaning as "entrance", one of its meanings being the mouth of a river.
The common name of the underworld is the Reinga, while the more correct and special name for it is Rarohenga. A famous expert used the former term in an explanatory manner in the following sentence: "Ka oti atu a Whiro ki te Muriwai hou ki Rarohenga, or a ki te Reinga e kiia or a" Tahekeroa is alluded to as the path of death down to the Po, to Rarohenga. The word reinga denotes the time, place of circumstance of leaping, jumping or descending; properly speaking Te Reinga is the name of a place at the North Cape of New Zealand wherefrom spirits of the dead were believed to descend into the ocean on their way to the spirit world. It is therefore merely the starting place for the spirit world, but it has been accepted as the popular name for the underworld. One never hears among the Maori folk any reference to the current of death (au o te mate) in connection with the upper spirit world; it flows downward to the Po only. In the days of Maui and the gods that ceaseless current was established, when the Dawn Maid descended into Rarohenga and so passed into Night, when Whiro retired before Tane the sun god to continue his ceaseless assaults on mankind. Then it was that the current of death by way of Tahekeroa was established for all time, ever it flows downward from the ao marama, the realm of light, to the region of intense darkness, of palpable darkness. As the men of yore put it: "Ka maro nei te ara i Tahekeroa e kume nei i te au o te mate ki te Po tangotango, ki te Po whawha." One explanation that occurs in an old recital includes another name for the long descent to the underworld—There is a path that descends to Rarohenga, to the muriwai hou; the name of this path is Tahekeroa, another of its names is the Broad Path of Tane, offspring of Rangi. (Kotahi te ara e heke ana ki Rarohenga, ki te Muriwai hou, ko te ingoa o tenei ara ko Tahekeroa, tetahi a ora ingoa ko te Ara Whanui a Tane nui a Rangi.) This broad path will be described anon. The expression Muriwai hou ki Rarohenga is occasionally changed in form, as seen in the following: "Haere ra, e tama ma el I te ara ka takoto i Tuhekeroa; kia karangatia mai koutou ki te muri ki te wai hou." This looks as though muriwai should be written as two words, and this would make one doubtful of the meaning of the phrase. See Williams's Maori Dictionary (p. 250 of the 5th edition), where it is shown that muri wai hou. The word hou denotes a downward movement.
The underworld is often alluded to as the Po, a peculiar term that means "night" but also carries the meaning of "the unknown", as explained elsewhere (Dominion Museum Bulletin 10, 1976 reprint, p. 59). From this point of view darkness is inseparably connected with the underworld; also Whiro is connected with darkness, and Hinetitama the Dawn Maid passed downward to Night. At the same time many myths and other recitals describe the underworld as being a place of light. We must abide by the sacerdotal use of the term po and look upon the underworld as denoting the unknown, the invisible.
The descriptions of the underworld of Maori belief given in vol. 16 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society, p. 47, is entirely imaginary, it is not a translation of the origin that precedes it, and it is utterly misleading.
It is often necessary to be careful in assigning a meaning to the word po, for a native may use it in the sense of night, the spirit world, darkness, the unknown, ignorance, etc. In the following saying po is used to denote darkness, but it is the darkness of trouble, while welfare is represented by light. "Anei tatou na ko te po, ana tatou na he ra ki tua."Here we are in darkness, there we shall be in sunlight—but this is just such a saying as the Maori delighted in, and therefore we must not render it in too literal a manner. A free translation would run:—Here affliction grips us, yonder is relief.
The expression Tatau o te Po is generally taken to denote the entrance to the underworld, the Gates of Night, but some tribes seem to have applied it to the underworld itself, the Ngai-Tahu folk are said to have done so. It is also said to have been the abode of Tumatauenga and Miru—"The abode of Tumatauenga in which was conserved all knowledge of evil was Tatau o te Po; his companion was Miru" (Ko te whare o Tumatauenga i takoto ai te wananga o te kino ko Tatau o te Po; ko Miru tona hod). The evil knowledge referred to consisted principally of the arts of black magic (see Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 7, p. 59, and vol. 30, p. 179).
The name of Hawaiki is sometimes confused with the underworld, but in New Zealand it was not a name for that realm. It might be said of a defunct person that he had returned to Hawaiki, or gone to Hawaiki, which simply meant that his spirit had gone to the unknown, the real locality of the homeland being unknown. I once received a print of a photograph of a native Kua hoki pea ki Hawaiki" (Maybe he has returned to Hawaiki). In parts of Polynesia the name of Hawaiki is applied to the underworld, but, as Mr S. Percy Smith has pointed out, that is probably the result of confusion, inasmuch as the word raro means both "below" and "west"; all Polynesians maintain that the homeland of Hawaiki is in the far west. The belief held by Polynesians that spirits of the dead fared westward was an additional reason for the above belief, they went raro-wards, and that was enough. The Rev. W. W. Gill tells us that in some isles of eastern Polynesia the far west where the sun sets is called the Po, the darkling region, and so they say that their ancestors came from the Po to the isles of Polynesia. The natives of Mangaia applied the name of Auaiki (Hawaiki) to the underworld (Myths and Songs from the South Pacific, p. 168).
In many isles of Polynesia the natives have their local Reinga or starting places of spirits when commencing their long journey. Such places are situated on the western or north-western coasts of the different isles. Fornander speaks of several such "casting-off places" in the Hawaiian Isles. Gill tells us that there are three reinga raerua on Mangaia isle, all facing the setting sun. Turner describes the Samoan place of departure of spirits as being at the western end of the island of Savaii. These spirits lived much the same life in the underworld as they had known in this upper world, the belief of our Maori folk. Further notes on this Samoan spirit path are given at p. 39 of vol. 5 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society.
Wohlers, in his paper in Transactions of New Zealand Institute, vol. 8, pp. 108-123, on South Island Maori myths, etc., explains a native account of the Reinga. This realm of spirits, we are fold, is surrounded by hills and in the middle of it is a lake. On the shores of that lake dwell the spirits of men that come from the upper world, and there they regain in some unexplained manner their bodily forms and occupy themselves much as they did in the upper world. After a certain and unstated lapse of time these body-possessing spirits again die or pass into another stage of existence, and, apparently during this transaction, the spirits have to pass through a narrow space on either side of which passage stands a being that tries to catch them. These two beings are named Tuapiko and Tawhaitiri. Light, agile spirits are said to pass safely through, but heavy, slow-moving ones are caught, wairua tangata (human souls). This was the final stage. We are not told that the end was extinction, but presumably the death of a soul-moth would end the soul's existence. Wohlers also speaks of evil spirits that lurk about deserted homesteads, burial places, etc., in this world and destroy persons by entering their bodies and consuming their vitals. These demons are called ngingongino and rikoriko.
The division of the underworld into ten different regions seems to be confused with a belief in ten different stages of existence for the soul. Another version, however, states that the soul passes downward from one plane to another until the tenth and final one is reached. The process seems to have been a much prolonged one, the soul sojourning for some time in each division.
The old men of Ngati-Awa of the Bay of Plenty district told me that the Reinga is divided into ten different regions. John White collected the same version, Ancient History of the Maori, vol. 1. Taylor (Te Ika a Maui, 1st ed., p. 104) states that "there were several compartments in Hades, the lowest being the worst, had no light or food, and there the spirits were thought gradually to pine away, and to be finally annihilated." In an old song we note the line—Ite Reinga tuarua te whare i a Mini; ko te otinga atu o te wairua, kei wheau ake ki te ao." (In the second Reinga the abode of Mini, the final abode of the soul, that it may not linger in this world). In Buller (op. cit., p. 201) we read of the Reinga—"In that domain there were many rooms, each having its own name. The lowest of them was the worst, having neither light nor food. In that one the spirits pined and became extinct." Compare these remarks with those of Taylor above; is it a case of plagiarism or one of "two souls with but a single thought?" Both of these writers then inform us that in the uppermost region of the underworld spirits regale themselves upon sweet potatoes and taro, and that to reach that underworld spirits had to cross a river named Waiora-a-Tane by means of a plank, the manipulator of which sometimes sent a spirit back to the world of life. Taylor (op cit., p. 104, 2nd ed., p. 233) introduces one statement not included by Buller, that spirits (of the lower regions apparently) fed upon flies and filth. Elsewhere Taylor states that "The New Zealand natives think that the inhabitants of the Reinga or Hades feed on human excrement and drink wine." Wohlers refers to something similar. At p. 233 of the second edition of Te Ika a Maui Taylor tells us of a woman who returned hither from the underworld where she had been offered filth as food. Such tales are numerous among our Maori folk. I have never heard a native relate this filth eating aet but evidently others have, and parallels are found in other lands. The belief in the final extinction of the soul was also widespread. In New Zealand it was apparently a common or popular belief, but does not appear in what may be termed superior teachings.
White (in his Lectures on Maori Superstitions p. 117) states that—"The Reinga is like a house partitioned off into apartments; the first one is the entrance, the second one is called Aotea … Aotea is the west of the entrance. The next division of the Reinga is Te Uranga o te Ra, to the east of the entrance. Here man becomes possessed of another but degenerate spirit. The next compartment is Hikutoia, north of the entrance, where man is put through another process which gives him a still more degenerate spirit. These three are, as it were, the first set of rooms in the Reinga. Man then descends to Pouturi, the next lower apartment, where he becomes still weaker, and lastly he descends to the final apartment called Toke (which name means worm) where he becomes a worm that returns to earth, and when a worm dies a man's being is ended."
In White's description of the region of the underworld (see Ancient History of the Maori, vol. 1) we find that he marks ten such divisions, No. 1-2 and 8 of which have no names attached. The third division is called the Reinga, the fourth is Autoia, the fifth is Uranga o te ra, the sixth is Hikutoia, the seventh is Pouturi, the ninth is Toke and the tenth Meto. The first four of these divisions, the four uppermost ones, are said to be under the control of Hine-nui-te-Po; the next three are under the sway of Rohe, and the lowermost three under Meru (Mini). Herein the order of names of planes or divisions differs somewhat from the first given, and the lowermost region is styled Meto, a word meaning "extinct, extinction". Whiro, we are told, belongs to Autoia, the fourth region; Rohe to the fifth where she endeavours to destroy the souls of mankind; Meru abides in the eighth region and also attacks the spirits as they arrive.
This name of Meto is sometimes given as Ameto by White, and it occasionally appears as though Meto were a personification of extinction, as in the phrase ki Ameto, which some of us have viewed as a misrendered form of ki a Meto. As a personal name it has been queried. In White's Ancient History of the Maori, p. 95 Maori part, appears: "Kua heke atu ra hoki tara wairua i te ara e heke ai ki A-meto". Herein the hyphen in A-meto seems to be unwarranted. This is a clear statement that the
In a paper published in a publication of the Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science in 1891, Mr White speaks of twenty different divisions of the underworld. He had evidently had the same experience that has puzzled so many collectors, that is in collecting different and contradictory versions of usages, myths, beliefs, etc.
Of the beliefs of the Moriori folk of the Chathams in connection with the destination of the soul we know almost nothing. A few of their archaic formulae that have been preserved seem to point to a custom of f are welling spirits of the dead to the heavens. Some of the old men questioned by Shand appeared to have a vague notion of the spirits of evil doers going to the underworld to eat worms and excrement. We may fairly safely credit the evil doer part of the statement to missionary influence.
In Moriori myth Rohe, the wife of Maui, appears as a sister of the sun. Maui caused her to change faces with him because she was the better looking of the two, and then killed her by magic arts; later on her spirit was the cause of the death of Maui. Rohe became controller of the underworld and she it is who catches all spirits, souls of the dead, as they descend to the underworld; she occupies the place of Hine-nui-te-Po of Maori myth. Tane, Hinetitama, Maui, Rohe, all these are connected with the sun.
The slaying of Rohe by Maui is said to have been the origin of death and black magic. Moriori myth refers to another female being resident in the underworld, one Hineiti, but we have no particulars concerning her functions. In an interesting recital repeated over a dying person by Moriori folk that person is urged to proceed to the rays of the sun and the heavens. The reciter held the head of the dying person on his arm during the recital, and, at the same time pointed to the sun. But we are also told that Rohe in the underworld captures the souls of the dead. It would
It is an interesting fact that we have no mention of all these different regions of the underworld noted by White and of the gradual descent and final annihilation of the soul in that realm, in the large amount of the superior teachings of the schools of learning of the North Island. Much of this latter data has been placed on record. There may have been a sporadic form of belief in eventual annihilation, but I much doubt if it was ever an actual teaching of experts, those who retained racial and tribal lore. Assuredly the Maori is given to individual statements concerning ghosts and spirits, that is he expresses his own opinions. Neither is it by any means clear that he dwelt much upon eternal life in the upper world or anywhere else, or promulgated any such teaching. We are merely told that among the spirits of men that went to the supernal spirit world remembrance of this world of life gradually faded away.
Rohe seems to have been known to the natives of the island of Mangaia in connection with the spirit world as shown on p. 1 of the Rev. W. W. Gill's Myths and Songs from the South Pacific. The diagram on p. 2 of that work shows a series of the ten heavens of Mangaian belief; also nine names of the different planes of the underworld. I feel certain that many of the characters in Maori mythology could be traced in Polynesia had we fuller records of the myths, beliefs and legends of that region. Mini is another important denizen of the underworld known alike to natives of New Zealand and Polynesia, but among our local Maori folk Hine-nui-te-Po is by far the most prominent of these controllers of the lower world. The sex of Miru differs in Maori versions of the myth; she, or he, is sometimes referred to as a controller or guardian of the lower world, and she dwells in Tatau o te Po. She is associated with lizard demons or atua known as Mokohikuwaru and Tutangata-kino, also with other dread beings, such as kiko-kiko: Miru appears in the mythic recitals of Mangaia, Aitutaki and the Hawaiian Isles, and doubtless elsewhere.
At p. 117 of vol. 6 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society is a story telling how the sister of Miru died and he (Miru) went to the spirit world in order to recover her soul. He took with him a net in which to capture her wairua, but her spirit was within the house of Kewa and Miru could not lure it forth until he erected a swing which caused it to come forth and join in the pastime. Miru
A better known story locates Miru in the underworld where she was visited by Ihenga and Rongomai who went from this world in order to acquire a knowledge of occult lore, magic, etc., as possessed by Miru; the abode of Miru was at Tatau o te Po (door or entrance to the Po), which is spoken of as a house. The above twain, with a following of seventy persons, descended to the underworld by means of a rope. When the knowledge seekers had satisfied their desires they started to return to the upper world, but Miru caught and retained two of the party, Kewa and Ngo, as recompense for the prized knowledge disseminated. The remainder of the folk from the world of life sought to escape, but found that the followers of Miru had cut the rope by which they had descended. Believing themselves lost they returned to the Tatau o te Po and burned it, so destroying Miru and others; thus were the deaths of Kewa and Ngo avenged. The party wandered long and suffered from hunger and hardships, many died, but some found their way back to Hawaiki, their homeland, by sailing across the ocean. In after times this story was brought to Hukurangi (New Zealand) by those who came hither from Hawaiki.
It was from the Tatau o te Po in the underworld that all evil emanated, magic and all distressful things. This Tatau is apparently equivalent to Taiwhetuki, the abode of evil, in the myths of the Takitimu folk of the east coast of the North Island. It would seem that Miru dwells at the entrance to the underworld, but that Whiro is controller of a division thereof, the area of which the denizens are powers for evil. Apatari and Te Kuwatawata are alluded to as guardians of the entrance to the underworld in a number of recitals, the latter name being always employed by Takitimu informants. It is of some interest to note that Fornander, in his great collection of Hawaiian lore, states that Milu was the chief of a band of demons or mischievous beings banished by Kane (Tane) to the underworld, and that another name for Milu (Miru) was Kanaloa (Tangaroa). This is somewhat startling, as we have nothing in recorded Maori myths to show any connection between Miru and Tangaroa, for the
At Mangaia Miru becomes a ravenous cannibal female who controls the underworld and devours the spirits of mankind as they arrive from the upper world. Prior to being cooked these spirits are fed on worms and beetles. This Avaiki or underworld of Mangaian belief is a much more unpleasant sojourning place than the Reinga of the Maori, and approaches nearer to the hell of Christian teachings. The only way, apparently, to escape this fate was to be slain in battle, which ensured the passage of the spirit to the sky world.
In some cases the name of Miru appears as Meru, and possibly the Maori did use the two forms. One version of the myth makes Ruakipouri the abode of Meru, and therein abide Meru, Ruatoia and Ruakumea, ever awaiting the arrival of wairua tangata or human spirits from the upper world.
In an old Maori recital occurs the following remark—"The abode of Tumatauenga wherein was deposited the knowledge of evil was Tatau-o-te-Po; his companion was Miru." Herein Tu, who represents war, strife and death, appears as a denizen of the underworld. In Mangaian myth Ra the sun descends each evening to the underworld, so lighting up the nether world. In that realm he is said to visit his wife Tu, who dwells in the lower region of Avaiki, the underworld. There may be no connection between these two mythical Tu, but it is not improbable that Tumatauenga of Maori myth (usually termed simply Tu) is the personified form of the setting sun, a surmise brought forward in the first place by Fenton.
The brothers of Miru are said to have been Ihu-atamai and Ihu-wareware, the persons who found Hinauri, sister of Maui, after her long swim across the ocean, that is if this be the same Miru.
Before proceeding to discuss further the subject of Maori belief in the conditions of life in the underworld, and certain statements made by writers anent such life, we will introduce an extract from a recital of the myth of Mataora and his visit to the underworld of
Here the narrator, Te Matorohanga, a famed authority, remarked: "Observe these remarks; it is only in the upper world here that evil acts prevail, while as to the Po, Rarohenga, there are no evil doings in that place, indeed there is no night, it is a realm of light and life wherein desirable conditions alone exist. That is the reason why, of all the wairua or spirits of the dead from the time of Hineahuone and all her offspring even to our own time, never yet has a single one returned hither to dwell in this world."
As early as 1827 Earle (in A Narrative of a Nine Months 9 Residence in New Zealand, p. 125) noted the attitude of the Maori toward the spirit world. He writes: "They refuse to believe that the Good Spirit intends to make them miserable after their decease. They imagine all the actions of this life are punished here." The last sentence is, of course, not strictly correct, but one can see that he intended to convey the existence of a belief that all
Earle (ibid., p. 125) makes the mistake of locating the Reinga on an island near the North Cape, "where both the necessaries and comforts of life will be found in the greatest abundance, and all will enjoy a state of uninterrupted happiness", but this writer did well for a collector of the "twenties". Savage, who visited Some Account of New Zealand, 1st ed., p. 24.)
The following remarks on Maori beliefs are taken from Yate's An Account of New Zealand, p. 140: "It were impossible to describe the belief of the New Zealanders respecting the state of the dead; for they know not what they themselves believe. They do, however, all hold that when the body dies, the spirit does not cease to exist, but goes away to some distant regions, either for happiness or woe. Some think that all spirits go to the Reinga, a place of torment; the entrance to which, they suppose, is at the North Cape, a steep cliff with a large cave, into which the tide rushes with great impetuosity, causing a deafening noise to proceed, apparently, from the bowels of the mount. Here it is supposed that Whiro, the evil spirit and the destroyer of man, dwells, and feasts himself upon those spirits whose bodies he has brought into the dust of death." The "place of torment" here referred to did not exist in Maori belief, and we have no further information anent the cannibalistic activities of Whiro, but Yate is near the mark in his statement concerning the vagueness of Maori beliefs concerning the spirit world. Yate also tells us an amusing story of a native who looked upon the Pakeha heaven as being quite unattainable. "Taki, an old man at Ohaeawai, is still hard and stubborn. He said he was quite satisfied to go to hell, so long as he could get what he wanted in this world before he went there, as he was quite sure that he should never reach heaven." (ibid., p. 225). One can but sympathise with the heroic Taki.
Some of these missionary gentry weary one beyond expression. Here is another extract from the gospel according to St. Yate. He asked a sick Maori where he expected his spirit would go after death: "I shall go to hell, " said he, with terrible emphasis, "I shall go to hell. Whiro is there, and I shall be his companion for ever … I shall go to hell, where else, where else should I go?" Evidently the hapless invalid was aweary, for he died ere the missionary had left the village, and the genial Yate remarks—"I dare not pronounce what his state is now: man is not the judge." Well, well, and this gentle apostle came hither to "civilise" the Maori who had no hell to go to! Earle (op. cit., p. 126) gives an amusing account of the Maori reception of this dreadful teaching: "The missionary then began to expatiate on the torments of hell, at which some of them seemed horrified, but others said 'they were quite sure such a place could only be made for the white faces, for they had no men half wicked enough in New Zealand to
In his Maori and Polynesian Prof. J. M. Brown tells us that the offspring of the primal parents who rebelled against and separated them were "cast into hell", but they were not "cast" anywhere, and assuredly there was no hell to cast them into, for we must abide by the modern definition of this term, lest readers be confused. Tane and his followers defeated Whiro, hence the latter retired to the underworld, and a few who sympathised with him accompanied him. Tane, who was the leader of the "rebels", certainly was not so banished. The author's use of the terms "good" and "evil" are misleading and do not represent the Maori view. Rongo is classed as an evil being, whereas he represents peace and the arts of peace. On reading p. 145 it is clear that the author had not grasped the Maori concept of the spirit world, and the remarks on Maori "gods" on p. 146 are remarkably incorrect.
The adoption of a belief in two distinct spirit worlds, upper and lower, has been shown by Max Muller to have been the origin of the concept of hell and its priest-invented horrors "which are supposed to have influenced the lives of men more powerfully than any other article of religious faith." At first the underworld of spirits has no terrors, it is but a shadow-laden region wherein exist no fiends, and to which go the spirits of all persons. The Maori, as shown in these pages, had gone a little further than this; he had evolved, borrowed, or inherited a belief in two spirit realms, albeit this teaching had not become stabilised. He had the material for an excellent devil in the underworld but had located the saviour of souls in the same realm. Also some at least taught that the conditions of life in the underworld are quite desirable. It was necessary to provide a saviour of souls below because Whiro strives to destroy all such, while proceeding to the underworld was a matter of choice, of sentiment, and no belief existed of any punishment of the soul after the death of the body. Had the Maori proceeded further in his concept of two spirit worlds then presumably the Reinga, Po or Rarohenga would have become a place of punishment for the wicked, and it would have become necessary to abolish the protecting ex-Dawn Maid. But the Maori had to advance much further in his code and study of ethics ere he could formulate a belief in a system of rewards and punishments based on morality. With the Maori there was no division of tangata kino or evil person because he was a danger to the community. Tribal enemies might safely be described as evil persons.
Although we are told by the Maori that the spirits of men that descend to the underworld assume material forms and partake of such foods as they did in this world, yet when offerings of food were made to ancestral spirits and the gods, those beings, we are informed, did not consume the substance of such foods but merely the ahua or semblance thereof.
The conception of the punishment of the soul after death would presumably, when once acquired, become more and more developed as time advanced, and as the supporting priesthood increased its influence over the people. This teaching has assuredly placed great power in the hands of tohunga, barbaric and civilised, and has caused an appalling amount of suffering and misery in this world of life. Referring to the four stages of development of the belief in spiritual life after death as tabulated by Max Müller at p. 342 of his Anthropological Religion, then it may be said that the Maori belief was just entering on the second of such stages, so far as the majority of the people was concerned. Yet we can see that some of the more advanced thinkers of Maoridom were treading the path of a more philosophical theory; they had evolved the idea of the purification of the soul after death, and of the Universal Soul in Nature, also that of the ascension of at least some of such spirits to the uppermost of the twelve heavens, there to abide in the realm of the Supreme Being. This concept occupies the same plane as Muller's fourth stage referred to.
We have been told by sundry writers that all the Maori gods, so called, were evil, all malignant beings, but they cannot be entirely evil when they are ready to assist and succour mankind, so long as they are placated and the rules of tapu are adhered to. Whiro is spoken of as being the most consistently "evil" being, but even he could be placated, apparently, otherwise why were offerings so frequently made to him, as they were, with the remark "Ki a koe, e Whiro" (To thee, O Whiro). We have not made any real attempt to understand Maori thought and beliefs in this direction,
The Maori despatched the souls of his dead to the underworld, there to live as men live in the upper world, or to fade away into nothingness. Some are said to have ascended to the sky world, there to abide with the supernatural denizens of those regions. In neither case was there any terrorising of the human mind. Such were the beliefs and teachings of the primitive Maori.
The following extract from an old chant illustrates the popular belief in the function of Hine-nui-te-Po, the erst Dawn Maid:
(Where, where is the source of death? It is above and below, it is connected with Hine-nui-te-Po.)
With regard to the Maori concept of a spirit world in the heavens, it seems probable that this is a much later belief than that concerning an underworld. Doubtless our Maori folk once held such a belief concerning the underworld as did the early Jews, but they had evidently endeavoured to brighten its gloom, as witness such stories as that of Mataora. Also they had certainly commenced to "invent" a heaven, and it seems probable that this supernal realm was the aristocratic one of the two, or at least was so viewed by the chieftain class. There was, apparently, some higher plane of thought reached in this concept than the desire merely to obtain segregation of the souls of members of the chieftain class, and of the belief in the souls of mankind dwelling in the realm of Io, together with the realisation of a single origin of all things, we have already submitted evidence. The Maori tells us, anent the sojourn of the purified soul in the upper spirit world—Ka whakaoti te mahara ki taiao—all remembrance of this world fades away. The following extract from Draper's History of the Conflict Between Science and Religion closely approaches what was working in the minds of the ancestors of the Maori, that is to say of a small minority endowed with superior mentality. Assuredly the bulk of the people did not hold these superior beliefs, and they were not even divulged to them: "The return of the soul to the universal intellect is designated by Erigena as Theosis, or Deification. In that final absorption all remembrance of its past experiences is lost."
Among the ordinary folk, they who knew nought of what we may term the higher teachings, there was, however, some dim idea of superiority as pertaining to the heavenly regions. In the atua, they know not death; in like manner the Whanau marama, the Light Giving Ones, the sun and moon, with their younger relatives the stars, live for ever. Again, the superiority of the male sex was ever recognised by the Maori. Rangi the Sky Parent represents the male sex and the heavens were termed the whare o te ora, the abode of welfare. The earth is represented by Papa, who is the Earth Mother, and our mortal nature is derived from her through Hine-Ahuone, who was fashioned from a portion of the body of the Earth Mother. Ever the female sex is inferior, hence the earth was termed the whare o aitua, the abode of misfortune, afflictions, death, as we have already seen.
Having described the location and conditions of the two spirit worlds, so far as they are known, it now behoves us to explain how the spirit reaches the realm to which it is bound.
An old recital states that Tamarangi-tauke, Whatu-taka-taka, Pu-whakarere, Haere-tu-te-rangi, Marere-i-waho and Taka-rawaho are names pertaining to the soul that leaves the body at death; the body is abandoned and the disengaged spirits proceed to the underworld, to Hine-nui-te-Po. No other hint is given as to the signification or purport of these names.
As death drew near the Maori partook of his final meal, the o matenga or food for the journey of death, the last drink of water taken by him being known as the Wai o TanepL In his last moments the breath is said to cause a slight movement of the nostrils as it passes from his body, as the Tahitians say that the wairua keeps fluttering about the lips during the pangs of death. White has left us a note to the effect that, among the Ngapuhi folk, a charm termed a whakaheke was repeated over the dead in order to facilitate the descent of the soul to the spirit world. Taylor stated that a charm called a whakaeke was employed in order to enable the spirit to ascend to the heavens. Shortland, in his Maori Religion and Mythology, pp. 44-45, gives a charm to enable the wairua to reach the heavens. The object of this ceremony was to despatch the soul to the spirit world, to dispose of it, lest it remain about its former abode and so distress the living. In some districts the act is called tuku wairua or soul despatching, and in others wehe (to separate). Some natives state that spirits of the dead remain about their old homes until the karakia wehe has been recited over the dead. A charm styled tuku was repeated by the Moriori folk over their dead.
When the wehe charm was recited over the dead the parents or other near relatives might chant a brief farewell to the dead. The following is a specimen of such farewells: "Haere ra, e taku tamal Kei mihi mai koe, kei tangi mai hoe, kei aroha mai koe, kei konau mai koe ki to matua i waiho e koe i te ao nei. E oti atu koe. Haere ra, oti atu koe!" (Farewell, O my son! Greet not, weep not; give not way to affection and yearning for your parent whom you left in this world. Go for ever. Fare you well, depart for ever).
After this the kirimate, the near relatives of the dead, would cut their hair short, using sharp flakes of obsidian or shells for this purpose. In some cases a long lock of hair would be left on the crown of the head, to which some attached the skin of a dog's tail with its long hair, and this swayed to and fro as the wearer moved. In some parts a long lock was left on the side of the head. Laceration of the skin was also practised, and much blood was so shed.
"When a Maori died then a formula was carefully recited so that the wairua might proceed direct to the Reinga." Such were the words of an old native in long past days. A brief northern note is to the effect that, when a person died, a lock of his hair was cut off as the tuku wairua charm was being recited, but there is no explanation of why the hair was cut or as to what became of it. In some cases when a person knew that his end was close at hand he would say to his relatives—"Tukua au", that is "Despatch me", meaning that someone should recite over him the tuku wairua or "soul despatching" formula. Hammond related to me an interesting story concerning an old age-worn couple of the west coast. These old folks were trudging along a path leading to a distant village when the old man was called. He said "It is well." But his wife was seriously disturbed, for there was no person nearby to recite the tuku. Said she: "O sir! Who will despatch you?" Then, seeing but one way out of the difficulty, she cried—"Ah well, I will despatch you." Even so the old woman lifted her voice and chanted the magic words that cause the soul of man to pass from the world of life to the spirit world.
Taylor remarks in his Te Ika a Maui, 1st ed., p. 100, that a raw taro (Colocasia) was placed in the hand of the dead ere the tuku formula was recited. This shows that the ceremony was sometimes performed after death.
In cases of severe illness among the Moriori folk it was believed that the wairua left the body of the sufferer, and so a charm was wairua had re-entered his body.
A brief recital contributed by a Ngato-Kahungunu elder is of interest in this connection; it runs as follows: "A usage pertaining to Rarohenga. When a person of the upper world is lying near unto death and, through mystic influences, this becomes known to the spirits of his dead relatives in Rarohenga, then those spirits come hither to fetch the spirit of the one near to death, or perchance to cause the spirit of the invalid to return within its abode, that is the body of the invalid. Now if such was the decision of the spirits of Rarohenga, then that sick person would not die. But should they take the spirit of the invalid then he would not survive. Yet the spirit of that invalid will tarry to greet its relatives of this world for such period of time as elapsed between the birth of the person and the dropping of his umbilical cord. Then the spirit of the dead person of this world turns its face towards Wharekura, that is to Hawaiki-nui. The company of spirits that came hither to fetch it will accompany and guide it to Wharekura. On arriving at that place the spirit is subjected to the pure rite by the guardians of Wharekura and then either despatched by way of the broad path of Tane to Rarohenga, or by the way of the whirlwind path to the bespaced heavens of which I have already told you. If the spirit proceeds to Rarohenga then the spirits of Rarohenga conduct it to that place; should it finally pass to the bespaced heavens then the spirits of those heavens conduct it thither by way of the whirlwind path."
This brief account is an illuminating one and was given by an expert record-keeper. This belief was probably not generally taught, and perhaps not widely held, but another peculiar belief concerning death certainly was commonly held, namely that the spirits of the dead relatives of a dying person call to him to join them in spirit land. How often have we heard of a person in extremis saying—"Ko Afea ma kei te karenga mai or some such remark. He hears, as his faculties are failing and strange fancies flit through his disordered mind, the voices of lost friends and forebears calling him to join them. The brief sojourn of the spirit in this world in order to greet friends is a quaint fancy, and I myself have had several such experiences as caused the Maori to accept this belief. The sojourn referred to would be one of about a week, according to native evidence.
The place known as Wharekura or Hawaikinui, the broad path of Tane and the whirlwind path will be described anon.
Shortland gives the following account of the spirit's journey by way of Te Reinga or the Rerenga wairua at the North Cape of New Zealand: "When the spirit leaves the body it goes on its way northward, till it arrives at two hills. The first of these hills is a place on which to lament with wailings and cuttings. There also the spirit strips off its clothes. The name of this hill is Waihokimai. The name of the other hill is Waiotioti: there the spirit turns its back on the land of life, and goes on to the Rerenga-Wairua [Spirit's Leap]. There are two long straight roots, the lower extremities of which are concealed in the sea, while the upper ends cling to a pohutukawa tree. The spirit stands by the upper ends of these roots, awaiting an opening in the sea weed floating on the water. The moment an opening is seen it flies down to the Reinga. Reaching the Reinga, there is a 0river and a sandy beach. The spirit crosses the river. The name of the newcomer is shouted out. He is welcomed and food is set before him. If he eats the food he can never return to life." (Maori Religion and Mythology, p. 45.)
The above writer gives no explanation of the names of the two hills mentioned. Waihokimai is, as the name denotes, the last place from which a spirit can return to this world of life, as persons recovering from a trance or state of coma are said to do. Passing Waiotioti means that there can be no return, no regained life. Other versions of the myth have it that Waihokimai, or some equivalent, is situated within the underworld. Shortland's account seems to be a combination of two differing versions. Scarcely any two natives give the same account of the soul journey.
Now the above extract from Shortland is the account usually given by the Ngati-Awa folk of the Bay of Plenty district, and I feel sure that it was there collected. Here follows a brief account given to me by Hamiora Pio of Te Toko. The spirit proceeds to the spirits' leaping place, and, on arriving at the ridge, there halts to lament the world of life left behind, also to lacerate its body with sharp stone flakes of which there is a heap at that place. When the mourning concludes the spirit descends by a hanging root or vine and stands below. It then proceeds onward to stand upon a certain rock where yawns the opening that leads to the Reinga. The waters well forth, seaweed swirls about, then the waters subside and the way is open down which the spirit leaps, and so reaches the other world. There the sun is shining, there is no gloom, it is like this world. The spirit comes to a wall; if it leaps over that wall then it returns hither to this world; if it passes
In the above account the spirit lacerates its body, and, later on weeps and is offered food. Apparently the Maori sees no absurdity in these statements any more than we do in some of our statements. The remark about light in the underworld is quite a common one and may be the result of dreams, and that concerning the effect of partaking of food is even more common. I have never heard from a native how the underworld is kept dry when such material spirits pass down through the ocean in order to reach it!
Ngati-Porou folk tell me that Te One i Rehia is the name of a sandy beach near Te Reinga, and that Te Wai o Raropo is a stream there. If a spirit drinks of the waters of that stream then it will never regain this world. A similar story pertains to the stream Waiora-a-Tane, a goodly distance south of the Reinga.
The place whereat spirits are said to tarry awhile in order to bewail themselves and farewell this world, is known to many as the Taumata i Haumu, i.e., the taumata at Haumu, which leaves Haumu as the true name of the place. The word taumata denotes the brow of a hill, also a resting place at such a spot used by travellers. Such a resting place situated on a plain would not be termed a taumata. This place was described by one as "Te taumata i mahue ai nga kakahu, katahi ka rere ko te kiri tangata anake ki te Reinga, ka ruku ki te moana, a ka ora wairua atu." (The tarrying place whereat garments are discarded, whereupon the spirit descends naked to the Reinga, hurls itself into the ocean and survives as a spirit). One would suppose from these utterances that the dead proceed to the Reinga in the body, wearing garments.
Allusions to these names are often noted in songs, as"Rukuhia, e tamal Nga rimu e mawe i raro oHaumu", wherein one calls upon the spirit of her son to descend to the spirit world through "the sea week that swirls below Haumu!" Another name that occurs in the same connection is that of Morianuku, and this appears to be applied to the ridge of Haumu. In a Whanganui legend concerning one Hurutara the following occurs: "Now when Hurutara died his spirit departed and went to the Rerenga wairua. The people of those parts saw his spirit passing, saw him ascend the hill at Morianuku, where he sat down to sing his farewell to relatives and home, which song was heard by the Me ruku ware au te reinga tupapaku, he i whakamau kau ki Morianukuku." Herein the singer decides to throw himself into the depths and reck not of the result, lest he be marooned in solitude at Morianuku.
The swirling rimu or seaweed at the Rerenga wairua is often alluded to in song as the rimu ki Motau, the seaweed at Motau. Occasionally the name appears as Motatau. "Ite rimu e mawe ra ki Motau" (By way of the seaweed that swirls at Motau) is a common form of expression. "Ka rere whaka aitu ki te Reinga, te rimu ki Motau" occurs in another song.
My worthy old friend Hamiora Pio of Ngati-Awa (Bay of Plenty) knew nought of a celestial spirit world, yet I was told in the same district that wairua are denizens of the tenth or uppermost heaven. In no case did I ever hear a native of the Bay of Plenty district allude to twelve heavens; they all put the number at ten. The Takitumu folk maintain that there are twelve. Pio remarked: "Rangi never said 'Let my descendants ascend to me, ' for Papa had said—'Our children, let them return to me and abide within me. Although they have striven against us and parted us yet are they still my children. Mine shall be the care of the dead.' Now there were two men of these parts named Toihau and Kukia. These men died and their spirits descended to the Reinga, but their relatives warned them and sent them back to this world. They stated that the underworld is not a realm of darkness, but is light even as this world is. I am telling you this to show you that spirits do not ascend to the heavens." Another member of the tribe explained that, when the spirit of Toihau entered the underworld, it was met by the spirit of one Nahu, an ancestor of Toihau, who warned it not to pass under a certain obstruction and to refuse all proffered food. Through following this advice Toihau was enabled to return to the upper world, guided by the spirit of his ancestor. His own spirit re-entered its body, and so, after lying in death for three days, Toihau lived again. A Tuhoe native told me that the wife of Pukenui was carried off by spirits on one occasion, conveyed to some place where she saw all her old friends who had gone before. Apparently trance and dream were so explained by Maori folk.
In Taylor's Te Ika a Maui, p. 104, we are told the soul, ere it can enter the Reinga, has to cross a river named the Waiora-a-Tane, the guardian of which might assist the spirit to cross by means of a plank, or send it back home to live again the life that men live. Buller, in his Forty Years in New Zealand, p. 201, says pua. At the western end of the isle of Rarotonga is the place wherefrom spirits leave on their journey to the underworld. At that place, we are told, stands a pua tree, a species of Gardenia, and into its branches ascend spirits on their way to Miru. Such spirits as climb on to the rara mata or live branches will return to life, but those that ascend by the dead branches (rara mate) fall into the clutches of Miru, and so perish. Gill calls this place Tuoro. He also states that, on the island of Mangaia, are three such departing places of spirits, all of which face the setting sun. He also mentions the pua tree in connection with these Reinga vaerua, as he calls them. It was taught that, when souls reached the cliff edge, a big wave swept in to the base of the cliff "and at the same moment a gigantic bua tree (Beslaria laurifolia), covered with fragrant blossoms, springs up from Avaiki to receive on its far-reaching branches unhappy human spirits." The pua tree of Samoa is said to be Hernandia peltata.
The following references to the pua tree and departing souls are culled from Maori songs. The name has been preserved by the Maori in this manner but he has long forgotten the meaning of it, and the explanation came to us from Rarotonga. The same may be said of the expression tawa mutu referred to below.
"Ka rumaki au ki te pua ki te reinga." In this line the reference is to disappearing in the entrance to the underworld. "Kia tuku pototia te tinana te pua reinga ki taku matua." Here the composer betrays a desire to hasten his passage to the Reinga. At p. 187 of vol. 27 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society we find a reference to the pua tree and the passing of a spirit in the Rarotongan dialect: "Kua mate iora a Kui-ono, kua aere atura tona vaerua, ka kake i te Pua, ko te rere ra i Taua." (Kuiono died and his spirit went and ascended the pua and leaped into Tava). This Tava is the chasm or abyss into which the departing spirit descends on its way to the underworld. It is alluded to in Maori songs as the tawa mutu or final abyss as in the following two verses:
Here the singer says—Let me descend into the final abyss.
The underworld was held by the natives of the Cook Group to be a much more gloomy and dangerous place than that of Maori belief, for the only souls that escaped being devoured seem to have been those of persons who had died in battle, and they went to a different region, and so did not fall under the power of dread Miru.
The people of ancient Egypt held the belief that the spirit of man was exposed to many dangers after the death of the body. It became subject to the attacks of hostile spirits. In both this world and the spirit world the one safeguard was the knowledge of the appropriate spell to ward off the danger, and these spells or charms were exceedingly numerous. This universal and far-reaching faith in charms bears a close resemblance to Maori beliefs, and a further parallel is noted in the fact that, though it is possible to translate the Egyptian formulae, it is often impossible to understand them. Those who have attempted the translation of Karakia Maori will sympathise with this statement of the difficulties of Egyptologists.
The Maori believed in certain signs that were supposed to emanate from the spirits of relatives abiding in Rarohenga who thus manifested their desire that a certain person should join them in the spirit world, or at least it was an intimation that the end of such person was near. I remember a native being seized with a serious illness in the Bay of Plenty district some thirty years ago. On enquiring as to the nature of his illness a native remarked: "I doubt if he will recover, because, one morning last week when he rose he saw indications that a lizard had visited his bedside during the night. "Na, e aro ara i a koe he tohu tena" (Now you are aware that that is a sign.)
Puckey has left us a record of his visit to the Reinga in the far north in December, 1834 (see Missionary Register, 1835). A number of natives objected to his going to the place, fearing that he would interfere with the facilities that enabled spirits to proceed to the underworld. Their expostulations ran as follows: "You must return, for if you cut away the aka by means of which wairua descend to the Reinga then the whole island will be in distress. It may be all very well for you to go to the heavens, but leave us our old path to the Reinga, and let us have something to hold on by as we descend, or we will fall and break our necks." Ever this materialistic view was taken of the passing spirit.
Mr Puckey was informed that spirits coming from the interior carried with them small bunches of palm leaves, probably the Cordyline was meant, as a token of the place whereat they had lived when in the flesh, whereas those from coastal districts carried bunches of a seaside grass. These tokens, we are told, or parts of them, were left at different resting places on the way to the Reinga; such tokens are termed whakaau. Our writer proceeds: "We came to another and the last resting place of the spirits, which is on a hill called Haumu, from whence they can look back on the country where their friends are still living, and the thought of this causes them to cry and cut themselves. Here we saw many dry whakaau, which, as a native … said were the tokens of the spirits who had rested at this place. I asked him if it were not possible for strangers who passed this way to do as my natives were then doing, namely twisting green branches and depositing them there as a sign that they had stopped at that notable place, a general custom of the natives when they pass any remarkable place."
After a rough walk our questing traveller was conducted down to the beach. "Here there is a hole through a rock into which the spirits are said to go; after this they ascend again and then descend by the aka which is a branch of a tree (projecting out of the rock) inclining downwards, with part of it broken off by the violence of the wind, but said to have been broken off by a number of spirits which went down by the aka to the Reinga some years ago, when great numbers were killed in a fight. After we had looked a while at the aka of the Reinga our guide took us about 100 yards further along, when he directed our attention to a large lump of seaweed, washed to and fro by the waves of the sea, which he said was the door which closed in the spirits of the Reinga. This latter place is called Motatau, where, our guide remarked, they caught fish which always are quite red from the kokowai or red ochre with which the natives bedaub their bodies and heads; the natives believe that painted garments go with the departed spirits.
"The scenery around the place where I stood was most uninviting, and not only so but calculated to inspire the soul with horror. The place has a most dismal appearance … it must have been the dreary aspect of the place that led the New Zealanders to choose such a situation as this for their Hell."
Like most others of his time and training our worthy writer could not break away from his beloved Hell.
A quaint form of popular belief among some Maori folk was that waterfalls became silent when spirits of the dead were passing them.
Since the days of Mataora no living person of the upper world has been allowed to enter the underworld, only spirit forms can do so; these can pass from one realm to another, as we have seen. The Polynesian myth concerning the kainga huna a Tane or hidden home of Tane to which spirits of the dead are said to go, is a far-spread one, as well it might be, for the hidden or unseen home is the underworld to which Tane (the personified form of the sun) retires each night. This passing of the sun has furnished Polynesians with one of their most picturesque flights of fancy, a myth that seems to clash with others.
A curious passage in a Maori recital at p. 46 of vol. 22 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society refers to spirits of the dead being seen as they passed over the ocean singing, lamenting and sounding flutes, farewelling the isles of Maui-iti and Maui-nui as they returned to the Honoiwairua in the distant homeland of Irihia. Here appears a different version of the passing of the soul to the spirit world; in this version the spirit does not descend to the underworld here where its abode was in life, nor does it make any submarine passage, but passes over the surface of the ocean in its journey to the homeland of the race. This belief was a prominent one among the natives of Mangaia, and also is noted in the Maori concept of the ara whanui a Tane or broad path of Tane. It is, perhaps, one of the oldest of human concepts, for it connects the flitting soul of man with the sinking sun.
The ara whanui is the path of the setting sun as seen extending far across the poho o Hinemoana, the breast of the Ocean Maid, when Tane the sun lord is descending to his hidden home; it is the gleaming sun glade that lies like a path across the ocean. In common with other peoples the Polynesians f arewelled the spirits of the dead to the far west, the region of the setting sun, and, in the glittering sun glade, they saw a convenient path for those spirits to traverse. Moreover, that path is seen only when the sun is setting, and so it was an especially appropriate pathway for such a use, inasmuch as the setting sun is connected with death, and so many a Maori singer has sung—"Tarry yet awhile, O sun! That we may descend together into the abyss." At Mangaia island the spirits of the dead cross the ocean in like manner at eve and sink with the sun into the underworld. The Rev. Mr Gill told us that, in his time—"To this day it is said of the dying at Rarotonga—'So-and-so is passing over the sea'!"
E. B. Tylor, who made a special study of these matters, wrote as follows in his Primitive Culture: "The scene of the descent into Hades is in very deed enacted before our eyes, as it was before Primitive Culture, vol. 2, p. 44.)
The natives of Hawaii called the west ke ala ula a Kane, the red road of Tane, the gleaming path of the sun. The Maori of New Zealand employs the same expression te ara kura a Tane to denote the east, the red sunrise.
The following saying is a very old one: "He mata mahora no te ara whanui a Tane." It might be rendered literally as "An open face of the broad path of Tane, " which same is far from being its meaning. The "open face" means a fine frank countenance, or rather the fine qualities and character that lie behind it, while the ara whanui is the path of the dead, and the whole is equivalent to saying that another good man has gone. This saying was quoted when an admired person passed away.
Not only is the name of ara whanui applied to the sun glade traversed by spirits across the ocean to the old homeland of the race, but it is also used in relation to the last stage of the spirit's journey, the actual descent to the underworld, the ara or path that runs by Tahekeroa and the Muriwai hou ki Rarohenga. The passing of the soul of man to the spirit world is a direct movement in ordinary or popular belief, but in the superior version of the story or teaching, the one we are now dealing with, the flitting spirit traverses the surface of the ocean back to the old homeland of the Polynesian race, there to tarry a brief space ere it proceeds to its final destination. That brief sojourn in the homeland of Irihia or Hawaiki represents one of the most interesting of the spiritual concepts of the Polynesian race. We cannot say that this belief was confined to our local Maori folk, inasmuch as we have very little information on these subjects from the isles of Polynesia. The belief referred to is that, in the homeland is situated an edifice, known by several names, wherein a ceremony of purification is performed over each spirit ere it passes to its last home; moreover each such spirit selects its own destination, it is escorted to the underworld or the heavens according to its own desire.
Both the Maori of New Zealand and the Rarotongans have preserved traditions of an important edifice that existed in the old homeland in the far west, a place of exceeding tapu connected with the gods and with spirits of the dead. The Maori calls this edifice or temple by several names, as Wharekura, Hawaiki-nui, Hawaiki-rangi, Hawaiki-whakaeroero and Poutere-rangi. It was situated at a place called Te Honoiwairua, or the Rake-
Now it is not easy for us to believe that the ancestors of the Maori ever achieved such a cultural condition as would enable them to erect anything more than wooden buildings of modest dimensions, yet the Maori tells us of the tapu edifice of Hawaiki-nui, with its four entrance ways, and Rarotongans of that of Korotuatini that was twelve fathoms in height. Apparently the two traditions refer to the same place, but if the Maori ever did know such a large edifice the tradition thereof is now so encrusted with myth that it can scarcely be viewed seriously. Below are given a few brief traditions of the famed "spirits' house" or spirits' meeting place of the many names, as preserved in Takitumu tradition. The translation of one runs as follows:
"In the time of Ngana-te-ariki, and before his generation, a certain lofty mountain called Irihia, the ascent to the summit of which occupied two full days, was made tapu as to its upper part, which was set aside as a place whereat to recite the most tapu ritual to Io the Parentless, and the whatu-kura, and marei-kura, and uruao, and rahui-kura of the bespaced heavens, as also other supernatural denizens of those heavens.
"Now it is said that ceremonial feasts and offerings to the gods were conducted on that mountain; also that on that mountain are lying the bodies of the offspring of the children of Rangi-nui and Papa [Sky Father and Earth Mother] on account of their being tapu, for they were supernatural beings. Standing there also is a large house named Hawaiki-rangi; it has four entrances, one at the south side, one at the west, one at the north, and one at the east, and within it are deposited the whatu kuraof Tane and of Tangaroa. Supernatural beings coming from the south enter by the door of the south. In like manner those from the west, from the north, and from the east, enter in a similar way, as also do all such priests as are entitled to enter that house, each priest enters from the direction of his own home. Likewise spirits of the dead from the south, west, north and east never enter at random, but each by its proper entrance, but the supernatural beings of the bespaced heavens all enter by one way, the way of the eastern entrance only. Also those about to migrate to other regions must convey the talismanic symbol of the migration, and the semblance of the vessel, and the gods they are to take with them, to that place [Hawaiki-rangi], so that the pure rite may be performed
In another account we are given a brief description of the homeland of Irihia, and of the arrival of a band of immigrants from the land of Uru, lying to the westward. These immigrants were under the leadership of a chief named Kopuratahi, who acquired much influence over a certain people of Irihia—just here we pick up the translation of the original:
"Now when the powers of leadership had been acquired by Kopuratahi and his subordinate chieftain companions, and all those people acknowledged their sway, also their control of people, of lands, and of priestcraft in connection with all the gods of those people of Irihia, then the priestly experts of Irihia said to Kopuratahi and his five hundred chieftain companions:—'Inasmuch as you have all settled here as chiefs for us, then do you come and be conducted to the summit of the mountain of rites of our ancestors, the offspring of Ranginui who stands above us.' At that place stands their edifice Hawaiki-rangi, also at that place are their dead buried. There are four doors that face the four winds—Paraweranui, Tahu-makakanui, Tahu-mawakenui and Hurunukuatea [honorific terms for south, west, east and north]. Those are the ways by which diverged the offspring of Tane-nui-a-Rangi, and by which the souls of his descendants return to the source of supernatural powers, to fare on to Hine-nui-te-Po at Tahekeroa, others to ascend the toi huarewa to Ranginui and the bespaced heavens above.
"Then Kopuratahi and his companions agreed to go and see that sacred place. This was the first they had heard of it; it was a tapu place whereat were arranged all matters connected with godship in the upper world. So the journey was agreed to, and it is said that two days' climbing were necessary in order to attain the summit of that mountain. At that place Kopuratahi and his companions were subjected to the pure rite, sacred formulae were recited, invocations to Io the Parentless, to his attendants the whatu kura and marei kura, to the male and female denizens of the bespaced heavens, also all other companies of supernatural beings of those heavens.
"Now it is said that ceremonial feasts and placatory offerings to the gods were conducted at that place, all important and sacred rites; there are many more reports of this nature. Well, such is the trend of these explanations; the greater part of these recitals had been formulated when the offspring of Ranginui and Papa-tuanuku assumed their various tasks, including matters pertaining
"Now some of the descendants of the offspring of the Earth Mother fared to the south and there died; in like manner those who went to the west there died; those who went to the north died in those parts, and those who went eastward died there. Their spirits then returned by the same route as that traversed by their bodies. On entering the edifice of Hawaiki-rangi the spirits of those who sympathised with their father ascended by the whirlwind path to the bespaced heavens, to Io of the Hidden Face and the various companies of denizens of those heavens. Those spirits that sympathised with the Earth Mother proceeded to pass down the long descend of Tahekeroa to the underworld of Rarohenga."
As we have seen Irihia is but one of at least four names applied to the tapu mountain mentioned above; it is also the name of the homeland wherein that mountain is situated. (Some information concerning the sacred 'house' Hawaiki-nui or Hawaiki-rangi will be found in Smith's The Lore of the Whare-Wananga, Part 1, pp. 112 et seq., 149, 153, 189, etc.). The pure rite referred to is one of a purificatory nature, but several rites differing somewhat in nature and effect come under the heading of pure. Anyone visiting a very tapu place had to be prepared in this manner, as Tane was when he visited the realm of the Supreme Being, and this rite is also performed over spirits of the dead when they enter the tapu edifice of Hawaiki-rangi that stands on the summit of the mountain of Maungaharo or Tihi-o-manono. Evidently the belief was that some gross qualities still clung to the spirit after it had left its earthly tenement.
Each of the four entrances to Hawaiki-rangi is said to have had its proper name, and there were four takuahi or fire pits, one opposite each entrance; these were probably used for sacred or ceremonial fires, which entered largely into Maori ritual performances. The two passages (kauwhanga) that passed through the edifice were in the form of a cross, their exits being the entrance alluded to. These four roads from north, south, east and west were termed ara matua (main roads), and they met in the middle of the thrice tapu edifice of Hawaiki-nui or Hawaiki-rangi. It is worthy of note that the term ara matua is also
It is explained that all spirits of the dead must return to the old homeland of the race and enter Hawaiki-rangi, the "clearing house" of all wairua. After undergoing the pure rite the spirit then chooses its final destination, and the decision is based on the feeling entertained toward the primal parents, the Sky Father and the Earth Mother. As excess of affection for, or sympathy with, the latter is followed by the descent to the underworld of Hinetitama by way of Tahekeroa, the long descent. Those spirits that feel more drawn to the Sky Parent ascend to the heavens, but pass far beyond the lowermost heaven that is viewed as the parent of mankind; they pass to the uppermost heaven, the Toi o nga rangi, the realm of Io-matua, where they are welcomed by the attendants of Io, the denizens of that region. Spirits that leave Hawaiki-rangi to descend to Rarohenga pass out through the western entrance by the sunset route; those that ascend to the heavens leave by the eastern doorway. The path or means by which spirits ascend to the heavens has two names applied to it, viz., ara tiatia and toi huarewa. Explanations of these terms do not agree. Some assert that both are honorific or sacerdotal terms for whirlwinds, but others seem to believe that the ara tiatia is but the first part of the ascent and that beyond it is the toi huarewa. The ordinary explanation of the toi huarewa is to the effect that it is a sort of spiderweb-like cord hanging from the heavens. We are told that Tawhaki ascended to the heavens by that means. It is probably the same as the ara taepa or pendant way mentioned in some myths. The experts of the Whare Wananga or school of learning, however, taught that toi huarewa is a special term used to denote the whirlwind path to the heavens, the ordinary names for a whilwind being awhiowhio, awhiorangi, urupuhau and rorohau. The special terms often appear in chants and laments for the dead, as:
In these tones the spirit is called upon to enter the "spirit house" where the toi huarewa is, that it may ascend to the summit of the heavens, there to enter the Rauroha, the domain of Io, whereat Tanematua underwent the pure rite.
The bulk of evidence goes to show that ara tiatia is but another name of the toi huarewa, though the first name denotes a means of ascent consisting of a series of pegs used as steps, a form of ara tuateka and arawhata. The ara tiatia o Tane is the way by which Tane and the Wind Children ascended to the heavens, and this, the way we are discussing, the whirlwind path. This ara (path or way) leads from the eastern doorway of Hawaiki-rangi to the heavens.
In an old song occurs the following:
So that the use of this means of ascent was not confined to spirits of the dead, as such supernatural beings as Tane and Tawhaki also ascended by it. Farewelling spirits of the dead in laments was much favoured in days of yore, and the various stages of the journey are sometimes alluded to in such effusions. Here is a lament composed by one Wharepatari for his child:
Herein the singer asks his child as to whither it has gone, and that the child's spirit may appear to him like unto Puaroa in the heavens (Puaroa seems to be a term applied to comets). The child is farewelled to celestial regions by way of its "ancestors" who gleam in the Milky Way, to pass upward by the toi huarewa to the uppermost heaven, there to enter the realm of Io the Supreme Being and join the company of Whatukura, the male denizens of that heaven, leaving the parent sad and lonely in this world.
The four-way path that meets in the tapu edifice of Hawaiki-nui is termed the ara matua. By those four roads leading to north, east, south and west the descendants of the primal parents, Sky and Earth, wandered forth to all parts of the world, by the same path their spirits return to the old homeland of the race. Hawaiki nui o Maruaroa is the tuahu or place of rites at Hawaiki-nui, and Maruaroa is the season of the winter solstice, the takanga o te ra or changing of the sun, while the term ara matua is also used to denote the ecliptic as well as the famed four-way path of Hawaiki-nui. Could we but ascertain the origin of these superior myths of Polynesian folk I am convinced that they would prove to be primarily astronomical. The Hawaiki-nui to which the souls of the dead journey is, we are told, the true and original Hawaiki after wairua are "i kia ki tev Po" or swept away to the spirit world. Various meanings have been assigned by different writers to this name of Hawaiki, but little satisfaction is so gained, and the same may be said of the Rarotongan name of Koro-tuatini given to a great edifice in the old homeland, a place twelve fathoms in height and enclosed within a stone wall, wherein spirits of the dead foregathered with the gods.
Another short discourse on the spirit house known as Hawaiki-nui, Hawaiki-rangi and Wharekura has been recorded. Herein we are told that the form, semblance or design of the edifice was brought from Rangi-temaku, the second of the twelve heavens, counting upward, by Tane and others. It was the first house constructed in this world, and it was situated at the Hono-i-wairua according to some authorities, while others say that it was at Tapu-te-ranga in the vicinity or district of Takewhenua. The original at Rangi-tamaku belonged to Nuku-te-aio, and it was erected at Parauri by Rua-te-pupuke. The one on earth, Wharekura, was constructed by Rua from the same design, and it was reserved as a sacred place, and as a repository for all lore pertaining to Io and the twelve heavens, also all the denizens of all the different heavens, hence the intense sacredness of that edifice which was named Wharekura. Tupai, Tane and their companions acted as guardians of that edifice. "However, enough of this, " the text says; "your elders Te Matoro-hanga, Pohutu, Ngatoro-i-rangi and others will adjust these statements if necessary."
Now the next house after Wharekura was Taiwhetuki, which belonged to Tangaroa; this was an evil place that blighted or destroyed fish, crops, spiritual beings, birds, persons and all other things. This "house" belonged to Tangaroa and Whiro-te-tipua, and it stood at the Pakaroa, Kaupekanui; to it pertained all evil, pernicious activities and influences; it was the origin of the whare maire, so well known as the source of the arts of black magic.
This recital gives a repetition of some descriptions, how the descendants of the Earth Mother went forth by the four winds and settled on all parts of the body of Papa the Parentless, and how, after death, each one returns by its own "wind" to Hawaiki-nui, to enter therein by its own proper entrance. Be it observed that the Maori employs the word hau to denote both "wind" and compass point, more especially the cardinal points. We are also told that the name of Hawaiki-nui was applied to the place when spirits of the dead proceeded from it to traverse the long descent E aroha ana ahau ki toki whaea" (I sympathise with my mother) then it proceeds to Rarohenga, so to dwell with the Earth Mother. After our missionaries had introduced their dreadful teachings concerning hell fire then the old belief of the barbaric Maori became tainted, and so we have such misleading remarks as occur at pp. 46, 113, 153 of the Kauwae-runga (Smith, The Lore of the Whare-Wananga, Part I).
At p. 401 of Dominion Museum Bulletin 10, 1976 reprint, I have stated that Te Kuwatawata, Kurumanu and Taururangi were appointed as permanent guardians of Hawaiki-nui. Of these we have seen that the first named performs the duties of janitor where the path to the underworld leaves Hawaiki-nui. As to Hurumanu, it is not clear as to why a being that represents sea birds should be appointed as a guardian for the spirit house.
The following song, the concluding lines of which alone are given, is a lament for the dead, for a daughter of the composer; it illustrates the Maori belief in a celestial spirit world.
In this interesting song the parent addresses her dead daughter as follows: "My rare white heron, you are no ordinary being but a prized jewel. Let your footsteps turn direct to the ara tiatia and the toi huarewa by which Tane ascended to the uppermost heaven; that you may enter the Rauroha and Rangiatea; that you may mingle with the mareikura and whatukura who will be companions for you in your ramblings; that you may abide within Matangireia…; gone forever, O maid of mine."
The words te mata i a Io mata ngaro, represented by a blank in the translation, form the most interesting part of this lament, but I am not clear as to its meaning as here employed. In addition to its many recorded meanings mata has at least one unrecorded sacerdotal meaning. It is, however, most interesting to note that the composer of the song believed that the soul of her lost daughter would enter the realm of Io the Supreme Being in the uppermost heaven and there abide with his attendants, and near him. One of the meanings of mata is "face", and Io mata ngaro or Io of the hidden face, is one of the names of Io. The composer
A lament composed by one Hineraumoa for her grand-daughter Hinekakerangi contains a similar farewell to the above. The little girl, in the absence of her elders, endeavoured to secure a heavy stone adze that was suspended on the hut wall; it chanced to fall upon the child's head, killing her. The mother sings "Farewell O maid! By the broad path of your ancestor Tane that leads to Tahekeroa. Be eager to enter Hawaiki-rangi; ascend by the ara tiatia and toi huarewa that you may surmount the twelve heavens and enter Rangiatea." In another interesting farewell song to the dead the spirit is farewelled by the path of Maikiroa, he who destroys mankind.
We have seen that, when spirits of the dead entered the edifice of Hawaiki-nui, they were subjected to ceremonial lustration ere they fared on to one of the two spirit worlds. We have also learned a Maori belief that, some time after the death of the body, the wairua sloughs off its grosser parts, leaving a purer, more ethereal spirit termed the awe, a spirit that, unlike the wairua, cannot be seen by mortal eyes. Now these two beliefs have never been brought together; there is no evidence to show that the wairua was refined to the awe condition by the ceremonial purification of Hawaiki-nui. It is possible that the two beliefs were not connected.
A northern pundit explained that the wairua goes through such a metamorphosic process as do butterflies, from which the haumano or awe, the purified spirit, emerges, which proceeds to the heavens. He rather spoiled his recital by saying that only the spirits of well-born persons were so honoured. The word haumano describes the precise centre or core of a thing, as of a tree, while awe is a word carrying the sense of extreme lightness, hence it is applied to feathers, down, soot, etc. A peculiar use of this term awe is noted in a recital of the well-known story of Tama-i-waho and the wife of Toi, given at p. 120 of vol. 14 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society. It is there employed as a native would use the word wairua, and it is quite possible that the majority of the people were not acquainted with such subtle concepts as that of the refined essence of a spirit. At p. 127 of the above mentioned volume the awe is mentioned as returning to this world when the wairua had no power to do so, but according to experts of the east coast tribes the exact opposite was the belief in former times. At p. 25 of vol. 29 of the above Journal the term mauri appears to be applied to the refined wairua, the true mauri of man survives the death of the body. The mauri is the physical life principle.
We have now to leave the Maori concept of the spiritual nature of man and of the spirit world in a remarkably interesting stage of development, knowing not as to whether it would have developed any further had not Europeans broken into these silent seas. Possibly isolation would have prevented any such change, but if any occurred it would probably have first affected the conditions of spiritual life in the afterworld and the selection by each spirit of its future home. Even so we leave the Maori of stone age culture faring out upon the red west road, the broad path of Tane that crosses the heaving breast of Hinemoana, the Ocean Maid, even to the old, old homeland that lies far away beneath the setting sun. And, as the beckoning hand of Whire touches him, he chants the line that occurs in so many songs of the Maori: "Descend, O sun, to the horizon, but tarry yet a while that we may go together."
Terms denoting black magic. Magic a disciplinary force. Makutu and hospitality. Magic widely employed. Magic protective and destructive. Black magic affects man's spirit Ohonga or mediumistic objects used. Intolerance and persecution of Christian lands unknown here. The practice of makutu. Irresponsible wizards liable to be clubbed. Whakaha and Ngau taringa ceremonial. Whakamania. Insults repaid by black magic. The whare o aitua. Taiwhetuki the source of black magic. Tangaroa connected with magic. The warlock and his powers. White magic. Rotu moana, etc. Ceremonial stone adzes. Alleged power of tohunga over elements. Winds affected by charms. Natural laws interfered with. Sickness and magic. Mental and moral qualities affected by magic. Spiritual condition affected by female sex. The umu hiki rite. Stream, etc., formed by magic. Fire walking. Animate and inanimate things affected by magic. Unuaho and the missionary. Black magic. Whare maire. Tests applied to wizards. Ordeals of the whare maire. Mahu and Taewha Manea. Paths rendered dangerous by magic. Rongo takawhiu. Doorways bewitched. Kai ure rite. The matatapou spell. Owl connected with magic. The hoa spells. Tipi a Houmea. Magic and tribal feuds. The hirihiri rite. Huki toto. Wairua (spirit) of man destroyed by magic. Thieves punished by magic. Wizards slain as public nuisances. The rua torino, etc. The ahi whakaene. Maori dread of lizard. Matapuru: how makutu was averted. Gifts received with caution. Dangers that beset travellers. Rahui enforced by magic. The act of kaihau.
The Maori term makutu, employed both as noun and verb, denotes what we usually term black magic; many acts that may be placed under the heading of white magic are not viewed by the Maori as pertaining to makutu. Other words used to denote the darker forms of magic were whaiwhaia, maui, kanakana and kanakanaia. Makutu and whaiwhai are the terms in common use.
The belief in makutu was universal and prominent in pre-European times, and this belief assuredly had far reaching effects on Maori life and behaviour. Such belief has by no means died out at the present time, but it has been much weakened since the European occupation of these islands. It is certain that the belief was a disciplinary force in the old days; it was one of the substitutes for civil law that preserved order in a Maori
Our own knowledge of magic as believed in by our forebears centres on the dreadful persecution to which so-called witches were subjected, but such persecution was never a feature of Maori life. Should a practiser of black magic become a public nuisance, a danger to the community, then he was liable to be put away, not tortured or subjected to ordeals, but simply knocked on the head. The fear of makutu was preserved by the nature of Maori mentality, and it must ever be borne in mind that there was no sharply defined boundary between the natural and the supernatural in the Maori mind: given certain conditions anything was possible. Love of the marvellous and of exaggeration, in conjunction with the above mentioned peculiarity often led to the formation of myths on extremely trivial bases, and I have myself witnessed some singular illustrations of the propensity, notably in connection with the New Messiah craze among the Tuhoe folk during the first decade of this century. Hence those who are acquainted with these characteristic traits of the Maori do not, as a rule, bestow much thought on native recitals of the marvels performed by their ancestors.
The Maori folk have ever laid much stress upon the desirability of cultivating the virtue of hospitality, and proof of this is found in many sayings, recitals and homilies. A chieftain who was credited with this quality was popular, a woman spoken of as a wahine marae received the encomiums of all. The Maori is very apt to draw comparisons between the open-handed native hospitality of former times and the much more constricted exercise of the virtue among Europeans; he does not pause to consider how far sundered are the modes of life of the two peoples. Native hospitality was necessarily indiscriminate, inasmuch as the communistic mode of life led by the Maori rendered it imperative, public opinion was thus strongly against inhospitality. Now magic impinged upon even this condition, for a number of anecdotes have been recorded concerning shafts of black magic levelled against certain niggardly persons who had refused to share their food supplies. Another aspect of the matter was given as follows:
"Ki te mea ka puta te manuhiri ki te kainga, a rokohanga mai e tai ana te tangata whenua, ka hohoro te karanga kia peka mai ki te kai me to hoatu kai e te iwi whenua ki te manuhiri, he mea hoki kei noho te manuhiri kei titiro ki te tangata whenua e kai ana, a ko ia e noho whakatiki ana, ka makuturia nga kai e te manuhiri, a ka mate te iwi whenua. Kia mohio hoki, ki te mea ka makuturia te tangata i a ia e kai ana ka tino mana ai te whaiwhaia." (Should a visitor come to a village and find the people thereof partaking of a meal, they would quickly call to him to turn aside, and would place food before him, lest the visitor should sit there looking at them eating while he was foodless, and lest the food should be bewitched by him and the people of the village perish. For you must know that if a person is bewitched while he is actually partaking of food, then the magic charm has special power to destroy.)
The above method of bewitching persons as they are eating food means that food and deadly charm enter the body together. This mode of slaying a person is known as matakai. We now see how magic may have considerable effect upon the social usages of a people. The Rev. T. G. Hammond, who has passed a long life among our Maori folk, has written as follows: "There are indications that the Taranaki tribes recognised in heathen days "Makutu" as a legitimate method of the execution of persons who had become obnoxious to the people, and were interfering with the peace and well-being of the tribe. The sentence was the result of the judicial decision of the leading men of the tribe." (Hammond, The Story of Aotea, p. 230.)
In the case of an economic prohibition (rahui) a certain symbol was placed in the prohibited area, and that object served as an abiding place for the spirit gods who rendered effective the magic spells. This then was a form of preventive magic, but in cases of ordinary theft magic was resorted to as a means of punishment after the theft had been discovered. Theft was not common and undoubtedly the feat of such punishment was inflicted by the wizard, unseen and terrible, acted as a potent preventative.
Magic was employed in connection with many activities of Maori life, and, as will be seen in the following pages, it was sometimes relied upon for a very singular purpose. For example, several natives have told me about a peculiar rite of white magic formerly practised in order to awaken a person's conscience, to render him mentally uneasy and so lead to his mending his ways. This peculiar ceremony or charm was known as ka mahunu and whakapahunu. In one case mentioned an ancestor named Whakarau had been treated in a manner inhospitable and so resorted to this charm in order to cause the churlish one to repent and be more gracious.
Another form of magic was of a protective nature and by its means the life and welfare of man, birds, fish and all food supplies were protected, also the fertility and productiveness of lands. Yet other ceremonial had a restorative effect, and so the fertility and productiveness of lands, forest, etc., might be restored, also a seriously wounded person be brought back to the ao marama or world of life. A form of protective magic was much relied on in connection with food supplies received from members of alien tribes, as at meetings and when travelling. In such cases charms were quietly repeated in order to nullify the effects of possible attempts made by enemies to destroy one's life, and any other evil influences that might pertain to such supplies, I have already explained the remarkable protective powers possessed by the male organ of generation, in Maori life.
The Rev. Mr Taylor seems to have believed that in Maori witchcraft it was necessary that a bewitched person should be aware of the fact that magic spells had been directed against him to render them effective. This view was certainly held by the Maori himself. Taylor also tells us that attempts were made by natives to destroy European missionaries at Otaki and Whanganui by means of magic in the early days but that the dread spells had not the intended effect. Not only so but those spells seemed to react on the wizards who died themselves shortly after, which was attributed solely to their having failed in injuring the parties sought to be destroyed. This "poetic justice" view of the matter would be quite in keeping with Maori thought.
In the case of a person being bewitched the Maori tells us that it is his wairua or spirit that is affected by the magic spells. Wizards were called tohunga makutu, Tohunga whaiwhaia and tohunga ruanuku and the office did not necessarily descend from father to son, that of "general practitioner" was more likely to be so passed on. Any persons who confined his tohunga activities to magic was necessarily a person of inferior status compared with those experts who merely practised that art as an adjunct to other and more pacific branches of knowledge. Although the Maori believed in and practised black magic yet he recognised it as an evil, as a portion of the contents of the Basket of Evil. At the same time we must remember that many acts of what we may term white magic did not, in Maori estimation come within the meaning of the term makutu. Apparently women did not practice
Persons believed to possess the power of makutu were undoubtedly capable of destroying human life, simply because fear would kill the hopeless victims. In some cases a brief sentence has been sufficient to cause a person's death. There were also cases wherein the supposed victims of magic died natural or accidental deaths. At one time Pereha Te Kune, a warlock of sorts, was annoyed and jeered at by some young folks. He said to them: "Are you fit persons for this world?" Ere long all those young people died during an epidemic of rewharewha (? influenza), but it was firmly believed that they had been slain by the magic power contained in the above words.
Many different articles were employed as mediums in sympathetic magic. A garment was sometimes so used, and the warlock would take it to a place where he was in the habit of performing his magic tricks, where, waving the garment to and fro, he repeated over it his spell or charm. The garment was then sent as a present to the person to be injured, and, as the bearer handed it over to the recipient, he repeated the name of the latter in an undertone. Only the gods or demons (atua ngau tangata) were supposed to hear it, for it is the power of such demons that render charms or spells effective, the incantation itself is merely a vehicle, a medium, as much so as the garment mentioned. Over this garment would have been recited such charms as would make it a dangerous article to wear. Should the recipient, when wearing it, enter such a place as a cooking shed, or pollute that garment in any other way, he would have been slain by the gods. We now see the meaning of another Maori custom, that of performing a certain ceremony over any gifts received, in order to remove or nullify any evil influences pertaining to them, if any, in order that such influences, or evil designs, and designers may be baffled (roria/i>). These precautionary acts were specially important in regard to gifts of food. One method by which a peculiar influence was gained over a person, so that magic arts would affect him, was the repeating of a certain spell over some food, which was then left at some place where such person would be likely to find it. Should he eat of such food he would be brought under the desired influence. A slave might be stationed nearby to see that no other person ate of such food.
The Maori wizard would also be a seer (matakite or matatuhi) one who sought out the cause of sickness and foretold coming Wairoa Tapoko rau, and this is said to refer to the many persons who have there perished at the hands of wizards. Another saying is Taranaki waewae hakoko, and this also is said to refer to witchcraft. But personally I have never succeeded in overtaking a tribe of wizards. When living among Tuhoe I was told that their Wairoa neighbours to the eastward were most unprincipled warlocks, whereas, when I shifted camp and sojourned among those dour thaumaturgists I was informed that it was all a mistake, and that Tuhoe were the real culprits, and a people steeped in wizardry. At one place whereat I was camped for many months I was myself looked at somewhat askance on account of my having been too diligent in seeking magic formulae of dead and gone warlocks. Of these perpicious charms I had quite an interesting collection and an uneasy feeling seemed to prevail that I might turn these fearsome weapons against my Maori neighbours. At the same time I have been told by several natives that the shafts of makutu were harmless when directed against Europeans. Now we hear that magic formulae, if correctly repeated, are effective if the reciter is a person having sufficient mana to empower them. But mana is not a self-supporting quality, both tapu and mana are really dependent upon the gods for their vital force, and this applied to even personal mana. If a Maori endeavours to bewitch a European he may possess the necessary mana and also deliver his recital in a faultless manner but the destructive power of his charms emanate from the gods of the Maori, and those gods are powerless against the white man.
The following pages will show that magic was a part of the social system of the Maori, that it was one of the substitutes for that civil law that preserves order in communities of the higher culture stages. It had not the extraneous aspect that marked the use, or alleged use, of magic in Britain a few centuries ago. The wild orgy of witch-hunting and fiendish cruelty that raged for some time was rooted in fear that was the fruit of ignorance and superstition. Ignorance alone may be viewed as deplorable, but combined as it usually is with strong prejudices, and often with gross superstition, it may lead to anything. The Maori was terrified by firearms when he first encountered them, and looked upon them in some cases as atua, or manifestations of such. The effect of them, men and animals struck down from afar, seemed appalling.
Dr Thomson in his Story of New Zealand explains clearly the cause of many deaths among the Maori folk in former times, and some of us who have lived among these people have seen individuals will themselves into the spirit world, that is they made up their minds that there was no hope for them. Of a native seized with an illness Thomson wrote: "Instantly it flashed through his mind that he was cursed for doing what he ought not to have done, and that a spirit was feeding on his vitals; he refused food, and lay prostrate in a state of apathy. Bereft of hope, the great sustainer of life, and worn down by want of food and a disease of the imagination, he died." (The Story of New Zealand, vol. 1, p. 177.) It may be said that the two most prolific causes of sickness and disease, in Maori belief, were magic and hara, the latter term denoting all acts offensive to the gods, all derelictions and transgressions connected with the potent quality of tapu. The term mate maori (native complaint) is often employed to denote an illness caused by makutu.
It has been stated by well informed natives that only low born persons indulged in the arts of makutu (see The Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 30, pp. 175-177), that it was not practised by the higher class of tohunga. It is quite possible that a few superior experts in oldtime lore confined themselves to what may be termed white magic, though there is not actual proof of this. On the other hand we note a number of cases in recitals of olden days and their doings wherein tohunga of apparently high standing practised destructive magic. An illustration of this will be given in the story of Mahu and Taewha. It seems not improbable that natives who made the above statement drew a line between what they deemed necessary and unnecessary exercise of magic powers. We must bear in mind that magic formed, as it were, a part of the constitution, it was, as we have seen, a disciplinary force, and such a use of it might be deemed legal. The employment of magic in a haphazard way, to destroy human life for insufficient reasons, would be quite another matter. An almost parallel case is the use of firearms in well-ordered civilised communities at the present time. We march an armed multitude to break German aggression, but we do not allow the individual to redress his wrongs with firearms. It will be seen that Taewha himself, a noted expert, warned Mahu concerning the use of his newly acquired powers of magic. Te Matorohanga also condemned the art of black magic, even as it was recognised as an evil force in the days of Tane and Whiro, hence the latter became head of the famed Taiwhetuki, the makutu. The indiscriminate or irresponsible use of black magic was a serious danger and an extremely disturbing activity, hence such firebrands were sometimes put out of action by the community, as Ruru of Ngati-Tawhaki was shot at Ruatoki in 1865. As in the case of fear-crazed European regulations of former times we may be sure that innocent persons sometimes suffered in Maoriland.
The Rev. Mr Yate (in An Account of New Zealand, pp. 95-96) tells us that the belief in makutu was the cause of much suffering, of many unjust acts. Thus the illness or death of a prominent person might be attributed to magic arts of some neighbouring folk, who would be attacked in order to equalise matters. Or some person or persons much disliked would be accused of bewitching people, and so be attacked and slain. He also notes that few of the professors of black magic attained old age, enraged natives or those who were supposed to have been bewitched attended to that matter. Such attributing of death to sorcerers, often of other clans or other tribes, was by no means uncommon, and such things were done long after the introduction of Christianity; a number of cases occurred in the "sixties" and "seventies" of last century.
We are told by anthropologists that a gulf exists between magic and religion, but one cannot explain the religious beliefs and rituals of the Maori without entering the realm of magic, as one finds much of myth and magic mixed with Christian teachings. Joshua and Maui both arrested the sun in its course, but we have committed the error of proclaiming the one case as an actual occurrence and the other as a myth, whereas both belong to the realm of myth, albeit they might both be credited to wizard craft. In the case of the oho rangi rite, to be described anon, the highest grade of tohunga would certainly perform it, but, although it comes under the range of our word magic, yet the Maori would scarcely admit that it could be described as an act of makutu. These matters are by no means clear in the minds of any European I have discussed them with. When Te Matorohanga said of makutu "Na te ware ena mahi, na te marua a po, he mahi kohuru" (Such acts pertain to plebeians, they are evil, and treacherous) he assuredly did not include all that comes within the meaning of our term magic.
The tohunga of old have been credited with strange powers by their descendants, marvellous stories are told of their exploits in days of yore, to all of which the present writer pays little heed. tohunga maori with posessing powers of hypnotism and telepathy, and possibly he did possess them, but I cannot prove it.
As in the case of Asiatic myths described in the Bible we find many interferences with natural laws in Maori traditions and accounts of old usages, and the Maori faith in his powers in this direction is copiously illustrated in the following pages.
When a Maori possessed of any prized or hard earned knowledge wished to pass such on to a son or other relative, together with the mana pertaining to it, then a peculiar ceremony was performed in order to effect the desired transfer. The striking part of the performance was a certain personal contact that was deemed necessary, and which is said to have marked the precise moment at which the knowledge passed from a dying parent or other relative to the recipient. Among the Takitimu folk the act is called whakaha and consisted of making contact with the head of the repository of learning or pu wananga. The recipient placed his mouth to the crown of the head of the dying expert and just closed his teeth on it, at the same time making a short inspiration, a breathing inward. In some districts the act was that known as ngau taringa or ear-biting, though no actual biting occurred, but merely contact. Another recital mentions the big toe as being the part so treated. Shortland, in Maori Religion and Mythology, p. 53, refers to another such incident in which the teeth were placed in contact with the forehead and the tahito. Shortland renders the latter work as "perineum", but a considerable amount of evidence collected shows it to be a term employed to denote the generative organs.
When reciting any karakia of importance, such as those pertaining to black magic, it was considered highly necessary that the charm, incantation or invocation be rendered in a faultless manner. Should any error be made in the repetition, the omission of a word for example, then the charm was powerless to effect the desired purpose; not only so but the error recoiled as it were with the probable result of the death of the reciter.
The mentality of the Maori is of a peculiar quality and interesting withal. It is sometimes extremely difficult to follow his channels of thought, while at other times he assuredly followed the methods of direct action with what appears to us to be remarkable simplicity. These singularities are likewise noted in his language, and similar evidence will appear in the descriptions of his thaumaturgic activities. We have seen that evil influences may pertain to any form of gift received, also when a person passed outside the bounds of the tribal lands he was surrounded by evil influences and hostile powers; such conditions called for extreme care and the exercise of precautionary measures. On the other hand a person afflicted by demons, say in the form of sickness, was often relieved by removing to another district for a time. The belief seems to have been that he left the local demons behind him when he moved away, and so found relief; such a movement, however, would scarcely be made to an extra-tribal district. This method of foiling malicious demons is termed whakaheke by the Maori. Again, any form of insulting, contemptuous, or belittling expression was looked upon as being possibly dangerous, and such expressions or incidents were called whakamania. When the sons of Tuwharetoa wished to set off to follow and attack certain raiders who had harried the vale of Kawerau, near Te Teko, their father objected and wished to postpone the expedition for a time. His impetuous sons announced their intention of starting at once, and made a petulant remark to their father, who replied with: "Very well. Go your own way, but you will probably meet with disaster." Now, that remark was a whakamania; an unlucky and ominous utterance, to the Maori mind it was equivalent to consigning the party to death. The Maori views of such things is that the remark itself would be the cause of what ever misfortune followed. In this case the Kawerau party was defeated by Maruiwi at Kakatarae and lost a number of men; it was only by resorting to the kete poutama rite of black magic that the survivors were enabled to obtain some revenge for their loss, and so Maruiwi pursued their way exulting, but nevertheless "foredoomed to dogs and vultures".
There is ever an element of serious danger in insulting a person, for the injured person may clutch with his hand (kapo) the biting words hurled at him, and so, by the powers of black magic, bring disaster upon the offender. In such a case the avenger is said to catch the breath or tenor of the speech of the offender, and over this medium the dread makutu recital would
It is generally admitted that strife, dissension, evil generally, entered the world when the primal offspring turned upon their parents, the Sky Father and Earth Mother, and forcibly separated them. Then came the long drawn contest between Tane and Whiro, and the Dawn Maid opened the path of death to the underworld. The sky world is termed the whare o te ora, the abode or home or life, of welfare, among the Matatua tribes; all denizens of that realm know eternal life. The lower world, the world we live in, is the whare o aitua, the abode of misfortune, the origin of calamities, the home of suffering, decay and death. These concepts are based upon a very old belief, that of the inferiority of the female sex. Mortality itself emanated from the Earth Mother, Papa the Parentless, immortality pertains to celestial realms, to the Sky Father Rangi. The female organ of generation represents destructive power, that of the male creative and protective power. It was the tawhito of Hine-nui-te-Po that destroyed Maui; from the whare o aitua man comes forth into this world to meet tribulation and death. Makutu or black magic is concerned with death and the female principle, hence it is known in, and confined to, this world and the realm of Whiro.
We have seen that Wharekura was the first house erected on earth, at a place called Rangitatau, situated on the mountain Tihi-o-manono in the land of Irihia, and that house was designed after an edifice that existed in the third heaven. Now the next place constructed, we are told, was Taiwhetuki, and this stood at the Pakaroa, Kaupekanui, in the underworld, the subterranean realm of the dead. This edifice belonged to Tangaroa and Whiro; it was a place of evil powers and arts, the home of makutu, in it were conserved the dread arts by means of which are destroyed men, birds, fish, demons, trees, and all other forms of life. This place was the true origin of the whare maire, the school of black magic, the arts of makutu that destroy life. It is interesting to note that, in this myth, the Maori connects Tangaroa with evil and the underworld, an unusual position for that being a local myth, but a well known one in the Hawaiian Isles. The following comes from the East Coast:
Na, ko te whare tuarua i muri mai o wharekura ko Taiwhetuki, no Tangaroa tenei whare. Ko tenei whare he whare kino, he whare patupatu i te ika, i te kai, i te atua, i te manu, i te tangata, i nga mea katoa; no Tangaroa raua ko Whiro-te-tipua tenei whare; itu ki te Pakaroa ki kau pekanui; he whare no nga karakai kino katoa, koia nei teputake mai o te whare maire, e kiia nei he whare maire, ana he whare whaiwhaia.
The Taranaki folk seem to apply the name of Tatau o te po to the place in the underworld from which the knowledge of black magic was obtained. This brings us back to the story of Miru of the underworld already given, and of the visit of Ihenga and Rongomai to that realm, whereby they acquired knowledge of the fell arts of the warlock.
We have another reference to Tangaroa that throws quite a new light on that being's disposition and activities, and this item was given by a responsible po korero expert of the Takitimu folk. It is to the effect that Tangaroa indulged in magic arts whereby are destroyed man, birds, fish, food products, waters, the ocean and lands, but, on the other hand he possessed and exercised great restorative and preservative powers, he was the repository of many potent charms whereby the vitality, productiveness, health and general welfare of man, animals, trees, sea, land, etc. were preserved, promoted or restored. He held the power to succour all things, or to alter them in any way that he saw fit. The original follows:
Nga mahi a Tangaroa Koia tenei—he makutu i te tangata, i te manu, i te ika, i te kai, i te wai, i te moana, i te whenua kia mate e enei mea katoa. Na, he mea ano nana tenei, te karakia whakaora i te tangata, i te kai, i te ika, i te manu, i te wai, i te moana, i te whenua, i te rakau me era atu mea katoa, ka taea e ia te mahi kia ora, kai pai ranei, i a ia ki tana i whakaoro ai.
This dual character of Tangaroa is a revelation to us, he now appears as both destroyer and preserver, and it seems possible that this fact has reference to the double aspect of makutu. The power to destroy may be a terrible one when exercised in destroying what is beneficial, but when that power to destroy is employed in defending what is beneficial or in destroying what is evil, why then good may result. Much harm was done in former times by persons who exercised these pseudo-powers of makutu, but the belief in those imaginary powers certainly had a steadying effect on turbulent persons in the Maori community. The above surmise, however, is a mere conjecture of my own, and so may be negligible.
So it was, saith the Maori, that the knowledge of black magic entered the world of life. It originated in the days of the gods in remote times, it sprang from Whiro and Tangaroa in the underworld, it was then introduced into this world, the world of life and light, where its shadow still lies. So it was that Maui fell in
The Maori has ever held very peculiar views as to what is good and evil, right and wrong, harmless and harmful. He certainly made no attempt to abolish the practice of magic, but occasionally disciplined fervent wizards with a club. He did believe, and state, that black magic was bad, kino, but kino and riri are words used in a very peculiar manner at times. At least the Maori placed his higher myths, early traditions and religious formulae far above magic in general estimation. In some places the arts of makutu were not taught in the same house wherein superior matters were taught, but in a separate building or out in the open. Thus we hear of pupils in wizardry being instructed at or near the village latrine, or in some forest solitude. The school of magic was known as the whare maire among the Takitumu folk of the eastern side of the North Island; this term denoted the curriculum, the course of study, it might or might not be taught within a building. In the same district superior subjects were alluded to as whare wananga matter and the name was applied to the building in which such matter was taught. Among the Tuhoe folk, the term whare maire and whare takiura were applied to ordinary schools of learning in which tribal lore was taught. Altogether it seems as though the Maori looked upon makutu much as we do upon a standing army, as being a bad thing from one point of view but at the same time necessary and useful.
In my own time we have heard very strange and impossible stories concerning Maori powers of magic, owing to the love of the marvellous inherent in our native folk, some curious examples are given in the Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 29, pp. 132-4.
In the fight at Tapiri in 1865 the Tuhoe folk had with them a female tohunga who undertook to catch the bullets of the enemy in her hands, however, some hitch occurred, for she not only failed to catch all such bullets, but those she did catch did not seem to do her much good.
The late Colonel Gudgeon told me of an incident that he witnessed during the sitting of a Land Court in the Cook Group. An old man giving evidence was much annoyed by an opponent constantly ridiculing that evidence. At length the old fellow turned furiously, pointed at his opponent, and said, "Go away and die." The condemned one turned as white as he conveniently could and was slinking away when the people interfered and induced the warlock to recall his anathema.
Innumerable attacks and raids have been the result of the belief in makutu. A person would die a natural death, friends would suspect witchcraft, probably a seer, a matatuhi, would be called in, his reply might be "the cause of death lies in the south!" Enough said, an armed party would lift the war trail for the south, a village would be surrounded and rushed at dawn, or some workers or stragglers cut off and slain. Result, a sense of injury on both sides, an inter-tribal feud started that might be kept green down the changing generations and claim victims by the hundred. We hear of a few cases in which clans or weak tribes have been expelled from certain districts because they were held to indulge unduly in makutu. Thus it was that the Ngati-Hika clan was driven away from Te Mahia some 200 years ago to find a refuge at Ruatahuna.
In the first place we will deal with the milder forms of magic, forms that do not come within the meaning of the Maori term makutu. In this survey we shall note the firm belief that the Maori had in the alleged powers of his tohunga or experts, including that of controlling the elements and natural phenomena generally. Illustrations of such beliefs have already been given elsewhere and others, with examples of the charms employed, etc., come under the present heading.
We have already (Dominion Museum Bulletin 10, 1976 reprint, p. 388) noted one method of laying a storm at sea and so calming the ocean. Such an act, also the charm used, is sometimes termed rotu moana, while another form of rotu charm served to put persons to sleep. When repeating charms we are told that it was quite necessary to concentrate one's attention on the matter in hand, and not to let one's thoughts stray to other subjects. In the story of the coming of the Arawa vessel from the isles of Polynesia we are told that, owing to an indiscretion committed on board, the vessel was swamped and came perilously near to disaster in the rough sea raised by the magic arts of Ngatoro, who called upon Tawhirimatea (representing wind) and Hinemoana and Ocean Maid to work their will upon the craft. He was induced, however, by Kearoa to calm the ocean and rescue her by means of his marvellous powers, and so "ka rokia te moand", the ocean was calmed, and "ka tupea te hau a Tawhirimatea kia mutu", the wind of Tawhirimatea was deprived of power and so laid. Ngatoro had been induced to come on board the vessel by tohunga might be utilised in protecting the Arawa from the ocean surges, the tuaropaki of the Ocean Maid, to weaken the powers of Tawhirimatea lest the vessel be roughly buffeted by the winds, to regulate the ocean currents that they might flow direct to Aotea (New Zealand), and to ward off Hine-te-ihorangi the Rain Maid. Such were the powers held by the expert Ngatoro-i-rangi.
In Bulletin 10, 1976 reprint, p. 388 may be seen a brief reference to ceremonial stone adzes employed in a symbolical manner during the recital of a charm to calm an angry sea. These implements were manipulated by the tohunga, ritual experts, and were used to metaphorically hew a passage for the vessel through the billows, the waves were thus chopped up, as the recital has it, and so weakened. When, on her voyage to New Zealand some 500 years ago or more, the Takitimu vessel reached the Tuahiwi-nui-o-Hinemoana in mid-ocean, then a rough sea was encountered, as is usual in those parts, hence something had to be done whereby to subdue the wrath of Hinemoana. So Te Tongopatahi and a companion expert procured the two tapu stone adzes named Te Awhiorangi and Whironui, that were employed for such ceremonial purposes, and were kept in a small vessel brought hither on Takitimu. There were two implements that, on certain occasions, were "waved" (poia) to the gods Kahukura, Rongomai, Tama-i-waho, Hinekoraki, Uenuku-rangi, Tunui-a-te-ika and other deities. The experts wielding the implements went through the motions of "chopping" the waves with them, at the same time reciting a charm.
The rotu moana or ocean calming ceremony is paralleled in dealing with persons, who can be caused to sleep by means of reciting the following rotu charm:
Spells employed to weaken and unnerve people are sometimes termed rotu, and tamoe is also used in this sense. This form of charm was employed when fighting. A form called wheawheau was one of several used by the Tuhoe folk when advancing against an enemy. The tohunga advanced to the front, thus preceding the fighting men; in his hand he carried a branchlet which he flourished before the enemy, at the same time reciting a charm designed to render that enemy nerveless, irresolute.
A form of charm was employed when it was desired to put an end to bad weather (see also Dominion Museum Bulletin 10, 1976 reprint, p. 388 et. seq., and Tuhoe, pp. 886-91). But if storms tohunga attempted to raise a storm that would swamp the canoes. Unfortunately the personal mana of the expert was at a very low ebb at the time, owing to the fact that his tapu had been much weakened by an inferior having stepped over him as he slept. Ngapuhi claimed that the storm was raised but that their own warlock, owing to his superior mana, was enabled to dispel it. The storm was laid, we are told, by very singular means, the Ngapuhi expert simply placed the bones of a celebrated ancestor in the waters of the lake. This would mean that the bones of an ancestor who had possessed great mana would empower the storm-dispelling charm of the warlock to perform its task, that is to say would endow it with mana. It is not explained how it was that the Ngapuhi raiders, so far from their homes, happened to be carrying the bones of an ancestor about the country.
When Manaia and Nuku had fought their sea fight off Pukerua, and landed at Paekakariki in order to settle matters of the morrow, Manaia seems to have taken a mean advantage of his enemy. In this wise: in the dead of night the warlock expert of Tokomaru, the vessel of Manaia, turned to his magic arts and called upon Tahu-parawera-nui, the fierce south wind, to arise and destroy. Then from the Anaputu hard by Pukerua to the Uruti and Otaki the very foundations of the roaring sea were torn up, sand and gravel were hurled ashore, in prodigious quantities, hence the long extent of sandhills now seen along that coastline, and hence the name of that long reach of sand dunes, the One ahuahu a Manaia. By that dread storm the vessels of Nuku, the enemy of Manaia, were broken up and most of his followers destroyed. The vessel of Manaia seems to have escaped the disaster, as also his followers, by some means or other, more magic possibly. On a previous occasion, when crossing Cook Strait from Rangitoto or D'Urville Island to Mana Islands, Manaia had raised by means of magic the southerly winds known as Mahutonga, Paraweranui and Tongahuruhuru.
Persons in distress at sea are said to have sometimes called upon ocean monsters to bear them to land, or so to shelter their vessels as to enable them to reach shore. Sometimes whales are mentioned as the rescuers. The person who recited the charm that compelled these creatures to serve mariners would need to possess mana in order to render his charm effective. The following formula used for the purpose was contributed by Ngati-Awa of the Bay of Plenty:
Herein a distinct appeal is made to the whale family to bear the applicant to land. A particular case of such a rescue appears in the account of taniwha or water monsters.
We have a number of myths concerning persons who succeeded in crossing wide ocean spaces on vessels no more seaworthy than a baler, or a piece of wood, or the back of a sea monster, all of which marvellous acts were effected by means of magic arts backed up by mana and the gods who stand behind both. When the Takitimu vessel made her voyage to these isles the sea stores of her crew became exhausted according to one version, whereupon magic was relied upon to cause shellfish to rise from ocean depths and adhere to the vessel, whence they were plucked by the hungry crew. Curiously enough the species of shell fish so obtained are not those that abide in deep waters, but are found in coastal sand banks or adhering to rocks. This tale is given under the heading of Fables. When in Maori folk tales, a person cannot secure a vessel of any kind, then he sometimes resorts to swimming, but he utilises the aid of magic to enable him to perform his task. It was thus that Hinepopo succeeded in crossing Cook Strait from Kapiti Island.
The oho rangi rite to cause thunder to sound has been referred to elsewhere in Dominion Museum Bulletin 10, 1976 reprint, p. 361. I am informed by Ngati-Awa that thunder so generated by means of magic spells is of the kind personified in Whaitiri-pakapaka, that is thunder unaccompanied by rain. But Takitimu folk have said that, when certain calamities befell a community, then tears were demanded from Rangi, the Sky Parent, and so a thunder storm with rain was summoned by the powers of magic; tapu-removing ceremony succeeding an important rite, during the exhumation of the bones of prominent persons, and on other important occasions. The cave called the Ana whakatangi whaitiri, at Maungapohatu, is said to be a place where the oho rangi was performed in former times in connection with the opening of the game season. The object in all these performances was to add mana and "éclat" to the occasion, and to prove and enhance the mana of the performer. Such was the dictum of my informants.
It must also be said that the tohunga held the power to banish thunder and two marvellous instances of this power are given in vol. 14 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society, pp. 56-57.
Mild forms of magic in connection with rain have already been dealt with in Bulletin 10, 1976 reprint, p. 389. A charm called tuku-rangi was employed when heavy rains were desired, and others recited in order to cause rain to cease were termed puru-rangi and tua i te rangi. When reciting a charm to cause a flooded river to subside the reciter of the spell would throw a stone across the surface of the flood waters. One way of stopping rain was to procure a handful of ashes, cast them toward the rainy quarter, and repeat the following:
The Tuhoe folk informed me that warlocks sometimes raised a wind for such purposes as the oho rangi rite, which was performed to give prestige to rite and man. In such cases certain winds were favoured, and different clans favoured different winds, so that one is inclined to speak of tribal winds; thus the wind of the Tamakaimoana clan of the Tuhoe tribe is the south wind called Tutakangahua, while that of the Urewera clan is Urukaraerae. When magicians wished to raise a wind for any purpose, offensive or otherwise, they were wont to rely upon these tribal winds. I cannot say as to how far this usage obtained among the various tribes. So to raise a wind is described by the expression whakaara hau, ere long we shall meet with various ceremonial performances into which magic wind raising entered. I have been told that, in some cases, a wind might be raised for some offensive purpose, as to cover an attack by raisers, whereupon it would be recognised as a magically raised wind by an expert of the enemy, and he would attempt to subdue it by means of more potent charms, thus a contest would arise between the two. The Hau-o-Rongomai, the Puaroa a Tairi, the Whakarara-o-te-rangi,
When the Nga Maihi clan of Ngati-awa of Te Teko was attacked in its formidable fortified village of Puketapu by Ngai-Tamaoki, the latter folk utilised fire as an aid to attack. The high and massive earthworks prevented them burning the main stockades apparently, but by making a great fire on the windward side of the village and throwing green fern and brush thereon they hoped to enter the place under cover of the dense smoke. But within the fort was the famed tohunga Te Hahae, a man of parts, a man possessing powers that demanded obedience from the elements. By calling upon the south wind to rise he prevented the entry of the enemy, and the smoke was blown northward to befog the assailants. A fire was then kindled at the southern end of the fort, but Te Hahae raised the paeroa wind, and again triumphed. So the contest continued with yet other winds, but the doughty warlock of Nga Maihi saved his clan from the ovens of the baffled enemy. In future pages we will discuss another and more startling exhibition of Te Hahae's power over the elements.
When Awe-tupuke fled from Turanoa owing to certain domestic troubles she reached Waiaua on the third night. On that same evening Rongo-whakaata heard of her flight and at once set about overtaking her. The task might seem an impossible one, but all things are possible in Maori folk tales, Rongo prepared himself for his rapid flight, he raised the winds by magic arts to bear him swiftly on his way, he recited the tapuwae charm whereby the footsteps of man are hastened. So the wind bore him swiftly to his destination and he reached Waiaua the same day. Awe saw him passing and called out to him, but he heard her not owing to the roar of the fierce wind raised by Rongo.
The umu puru rangi was a magic rite performed in order to "plug up" the sources of wind, in obedience to the far spread Polynesian myth of the winds being confined in certain confined spaces or receptacles that could be opened or closed by experts in magic. Thus the winds are often spoken of as being confined in a calabash from which they emerge at times. The principal feature of these wind-raising and laying acts was the recital of the necessary charm; the following specimen of such formulae is known as a tokotoko, and was formerly utilised in order to banish undesirable winds:
The next act was the repetition of the puru rangi spell by means of which the wind apertures in the sides of the heavens were plugged up. Such an act is described as a tuaumu i te rangi, depriving the weather of power, weakening its forces; imu, umu, tuaimu and tuaumu are allied terms, and are all applied to the "scarf" in tree felling, whereby the tree is weakened. The phrase patu i te rangi conveys a similar meaning to the above. In these simple ceremonies a woman was sometimes employed to recite the charm, for women were supposed to possess certain powers that were highly effective in ceremonial performances of a suppressive nature. In some places a peculiar act was performed when suppressing wind or a storm; the operator would take a piece of charcoal in his left hand, and, standing in the waters of a stream, he would pour the charcoal under his left thigh. Whakaeo, tupe and rotu are other terms used to denote the act of suppressing, weakening or calming undesirable forces or conditions.
A simple method of dispelling a fog was to cast a handful of ashes into it; doubtless a charm would be uttered at the same time. Another method was to procure a piece of fern stalk (common bracken) split the lower end of it, then stick it in the ground with the cleft end upward, and in the cleft insert a clod of earth. This performance, I was assured, is, or was, very effective, and two such sticks set up would cause the heaviest fog or mist to dissolve and disappear.
Another way in which the ruanuku or wizards of yore were wont to interfere with natural laws was by shortening or lengthening the day, hastening or retarding the movement of the sun. When Rata sailed afar to attack Matuku-tangotango, his vessels lay out at sea off Paritoa until nightfall, lest they be seen by the people on land. In order to acquire time for landing and other movements the fleet wizard, one Apakura, set to work and prolonged the hours of darkness. When the vessels had been protected and other arrangements concluded then Aparangi busied himself in prolonging the hours of daylight so that there would be plenty of time for the fighting that lay before.
Katahi ka tu a Apakura ki te kukume i nga po kia po anake nga ra, a u noa atu ratau ki uta. Ka u ki uta ka mahipa mo ratau, kia oti rawa ka totoia nga waka ki roto i o ratau pa. Tahi ka tukua kia awatea, ka kumea nga awatea kia roa, ki kore ai he po i a ratau e whawhai ana.
The here charm employed by travellers and others in order to "bind" the sun, to arrest it in its course, runs as follows:
In place of the above sun-arresting act Maori experts are said to have sometimes caused the earth to contract and so shorten the distance to be traversed. Conversely they, of course, held the power to cause land to expand when such a movement was considered desirable. When Manunui went to search for the bones of his son on the forest-clad Huiarau range he employed the following charm in order to cause the land to contract and so lessen his labour of searching:
Another illustration of this marvellous wizardry is given at p. 385, et. seq., of Dominion Museum Bulletin 10, 1976 reprint.
We have already scanned a number of superstitions and acts of magic connected with sickness, but other peculiar performances remain to be noticed.
The wero ngerengere is said to have been a malignant spell by means of which a person against whom it was directed was afflicted by leprosy. The natives of Taupo are said to have been endowed with the power so to destroy enemies. Any place at which a ceremony had been performed over such a sufferer with a view to healing him was afterwards treated as is a tipua, that is any person passing the spot would cast a stone upon it. The object of this act was to prevent the thrower being attacked by the disease. Probably some form of charm accompanied the act.
The superstitions pertaining to sickness and disease, and treatments of the same were legion (see Dominion Museum Bulletin 10, Part VII) Maori faith in the efficiency of charms, spells, incantations, call them that you will, was profound, and of these many pertained to the activities of the shaman. A long formula recited over a sick person by a so-called expert, is but one of a vast number of such recitals that were formerly employed by empirics of Maoriland. It is a remarkable compilation and seems to mention all possible sources of sickness from the Maori point of view.
When the Maori first became acquainted with European medicines and grasped these, to him, new ways of dealing with sickness, he soon invented a number of extraordinary concoctions whereby to combat the arts and devilries of Maiki-nui, he who personifies disease and sickness. But more of this when we come to deal with omens and superstitions.
In the account of Tyerman and Bennet's voyage 1821-29 we are told of a case in northern New Zealand in 1824 wherein a plaster of uncommon strength was applied to a native suffering from pleurisy. The native's account of the combat that ensued between the demon gnawing at his vitals and the even more powerful Christian spirit vitalising the plaster was highly entertaining and worthy of record.
Charms termed hono were recited over persons suffering from broken bones, and these seem to come under the generic term of whai, which denoted charms to cure wounds, burns, etc.
The following is one of these healing charms:
When a tohunga recited such a charm over a patient he would first place his left foot on his prostrate body as he repeated: "Haruru ki tua, haruru ki waho, haruru ki runga ki tenei tangata"
The left foot of the operator placed in contact with the body of the subject imparted the necessary mana to the rite, and that mana emanated from the manea or hau that pertains to the human foot and footprint.
There is a formula recited by experts over married persons who desired to be divorced, and the wording of this recital is peculiar. The first part is a statement made by the reciter as to his fitness and capabilities, and mana for conducting of such a rite. The wording calls for the separation of the two in sleeping, eating, sitting, moving about, etc., after the manner of the separation of Rangi and Papa. Included is a brief charm recited in former times in order to cure blindness.
The late Sir George Grey collected the following note pertaining to ceremonial divorce among the Maori. The direct object of this particular ceremony was to efface, horoi, the emotion of affection in the heart of the subject (see the miri aroha Dominion Museum Bulletin 10, 1976 reprint, p. 369). The priestly expert would conduct the subject, male or female, to the wai tapu, the stream, or pond, or pool at which many rites were performed, where he would take some mixed ochre, kokowai, and water from a small vessel and smear it on the face and breast of the subject, repeating a charm as he did so. He would then form at the waterside two small mounds of earth or sand and take his stand thereon, having a foot on each mound. He would already have provided himself with a wand, tira, a small branchlet, and with this he struck the surface of the water as he intoned another formula. Apparently the formulae were not collected. The performance is described as "hei wehe i te aroha kia mauru ai" a detaching of the affections that they might be allayed.
In both black and white magic mediums were employed; such vehicles were usually material but sometimes immaterial, as we shall see anon. A note before me describes how an expert would ascertain the result of a case of murder. When a man was slain in manner treacherous, some of his blood would be collected and over this an expert would repeat a formula that would cause the wairua or spirit of the victim to appear before him. From the appearance of the wraith the expert would draw his deductions as to whether or not it would be an avenged death, mate ea, whether a raid to avenge it would, or would not, be successful. In some cases, as has been explained to me, the object of a similar rite was to cause the slayer's spirit so to appear, so that he might be recognised and dealt with in the manner Maori.
The tamoe and taumata spells referred to in Bulletin 10, p. 383, are allied to others of a similar nature. There were, in former times, a great number of charms and ceremonial performances employed for the purposes of warding off misfortune, weakening and unnerving enemies, and the prevention and dispelling of nervousness, indecisions, etc., in one's own folk. The poutama or kete poutama was one of these performances to render enemies powerless, and it necessitated the kindling of a tapu fire by generation, over which fire the spell was repeated. By means of this rite disaster was made the lot of the fleeing Maruiwi folk at Pohue, a tragic tale already recorded elsewhere.
The charm called taumata or ahi ta whakataumata seems to have been much the same performance as the poutama. A party of raiders about to attack an enemy village would halt some distance away from it and an expert would launch his spells at the village in order to sap the courage, etc., of its inhabitants. Such ahi taumata charms:
These spells were often alluded to as ahi tahoka because they were launched at their objective. Tihoka, hoka and oka all mean to pierce, in various dialects. At such a time stormy weather would be produced by magic means to delude the enemy into the belief that no raiding force would move abroad in such weather. Tupe is another name applied to spells designed to deprive persons of power. The tamoe or umu tamoe spells would not only weaken the powers of an enemy prior to a fight, but would also prevent him obtaining satisfaction for his defeat. When the vessel Matatua arrived here from Hawaiki her experts pronounced the tamoe spell as the vessel ran down the coastline; this was with a view to suppress the evil designs of the coastal inhabitants of the new land. When Wharepakau prepared to attack the Marangaranga folk at Kuhawaea he first enfeebled them by means of this tamoe performance. The expressions rotu, whakangehengehe and whakaeo are used in a similar sense to that of tamoe, tupe, etc., the weakening of hostile persons, etc., by means of occult powers. Another term, that of tuaimu, has already been discussed. The hoa rakau or mata rakau charm recited over weapons in order to render them effective seems to be occasionally alluded to as a tuaimu.
When a Maori was about to step on board Cook's vessel at Dusky Sound he struck the vessel with a green branch held in his hand, and delivered some form of karakia ere he ventured on board. This would certainly be with a view to removing evil influences existing on the vessel, and not necessarily evil forces prompted or empowered by the people of the vessel. A very similar thing occurred when the vessel reached Queen Charlotte Sound.
The Maori was much influenced by fear of unseen dangers, and saw much danger in many strange places. There was always an element of danger in receiving presents, for example, for any gift might possibly be but a medium for the spells of black magic. But apart from such direct dangers as brought about by premeditated
Magic, deadly or otherwise, was resorted to for strange purposes. For instance, the form of spell known as papaki was employed by a man whose advances had been declined by a woman, and its effect, we are told, was deadly, which same appears to have been rather a severe form of punishment. (Ka haere atu te tangata ki te wahine, a ka paraia mai e taua wahine, kaore e pai mai. Na, katahuri te tangata ra ka papaki, ka pakia e ia te wahine; ehara i te mea ka pa tona ringa, he karakia makutu te papaki kia mate te wahine.) Another magic spell called a taupa, word meaning "to prevent, to obstruct", was employed by a man leaving his home for some time. He would recite it over his wife in order to protect her, and any man who might interfere with her would perish miserably. In these two cases we have entered the domain of black magic. Another form of spell allegedly efficacious was known as taupa and whakapa, and this was recited over women in order to prevent conception. A piece of stone was used in this rite to symbolise the sterility it was desired to produce.
The whakaiho or takapau was another rite designed to weaken the powers of man or atua.
The peculiar condition termed hauhauaitu described in Dominion Museum Bulletin 10, 1976 reprint, pp. 353—354, is not connected with fear or cowardice, but is the result of some infringement of the restrictions of tapu. The subject feels helpless because he knows that he is alone in the world, that the gods have withdrawn from him their support and protection. Hence he would get a female ariki, a woman of high rank, to step over him as he lay on the ground, or he would thrust his head between her legs for a moment. Such an act would divert all evil influences and restore him to a normal condition. In the case of a party on the warpath, where no woman of rank accompanied the party, then a garment of such a woman, her apron, or maro, might be carried by the party and in this a sufferer from hauhauaitu would enwrap his head for a brief space. I have been told that the Chief Rewi suffered from this disability during the memorable fight at Orakau in 1864.
When a woman wished to procure abortion she could do so by commiting a peculiar form of sin, hara, termed taiki, a pollution of tapu. To effect this she would procure a small portion of tapu person or place, or she might proceed to a tapu place, pluck and eat a leaf or fragment of some herb there growing. This would be quite sufficient, she had desecrated the place and so offended the gods, who would chasten her in the way desired.
A singular act performed by woman in order to cause conception was that termed piki whenua, which consisted of standing over the after-birth or whenua of some women who had just given birth to a child. Despite several narrations of such procedures, I collected no form of charm as pertaining to these acts and quite possibly none was employed. Another method explained to me by the Tuhoe folk was as follows: Acting under instructions from an expert the woman would procure a wisp of karetu (Hierochloe redolens) and place it in contact with her body, after which she handed it to the expert. He would recite over it a formula that would, in popular belief, have the desired effect, the following was the one employed when a male child was desired:
If a female child were desired then the names of Tu the war god would be omitted; also the references to bearing weapons, and the name of Rongo-mai-wahine would replace that of Rongo-ma-Tane, while words describing the tasks of females would be inserted.
The terms tumatawarea and tumatapongia denote two magic spells that were uttered in order to cause a person or a number of persons to become invisible. I am informed that these were extremely useful charms in former times, as in the case of fugitives from a stricken field. The last occasion on which the last named was employed to my knowledge was when, in May 1869, the stockaded village of Hareme at Ahikereru was taken during Whitmore's raid on Ruatahuna. On that occasion, I was informed, Tamehana of Ngati-Hamua lay in the fosse outside the tumatapongia, whereby he escaped the attentions of the Arawa Native Contingent when the place fell.
A charm termed pokohoi had the effect of causing deafness in persons, the deafness of stubborness that impelled them to disobey commands, etc.
The magic spell termed hiki is one that causes persons it is directed against to become nervous, unsettled, irresolute, and so destroys their self confidence. When the Maruiwi folk of Waimana slew a child named Waeroa with malice aforethought and a club, one Tonukino set about the task of expelling them from the district. He proceeded to the village latrine where he grasped one of the supporting posts and shook it as he repeated the words of the hiki:
He then recited the ue spell in order to expel the offenders, to cause them to fly from unseen dangers:
These spells are sometimes termed umu hiki and ueue. The result of the above act was the Maruiwi abandoned their fortified villages at Waimana and fled by devious ways to seek a refuge in the Heretaunga district; their flight was marked by many alarms and serious fighting, it ended in disaster of novel form that overtook them at Pohue, all of which is related in the pages of Tuhoe, pp. 63-79.
The peculiar action of shaking the post was a symbolical one, it exemplified the dislocating effect of the spell, the Maruiwi folk were to be shaken loose from the district as it were. Such symbolical acts were common in Maori thaumaturgics, they entered largely into both black and white magic.
In another version of the above tale, as given by Ngati-Awa, we are told that when the tohunga was about to repeat the magic charms that so affected Maruiwi, he dug a pit inside his hut and put his head in that pit, where he held it as he repeated his dread spells.
The people of Patea tell us of a marvellous act performed by a local magician in long past times. In order to avenge an injury he caused an area of land called Raumano to separate from the
A number of Maori folk tales are based upon the world wide myth of magic streams and springs, a myth that ranges from Sinai to Samoa, from Mesopotamia to Manawatu. Thus, when the vessel named Tunuiarangi arrived from Hawaiki, fresh water was urgently needed, hence one Kakako thrust his spear into the sand at Ngunguru, and from the hole so formed water flowed abundantly. Unhappily those who drank of that water died, and hence one suspects friend Kakako of some malpractice.
When the renowned Tamatea of Takitimu was sojourning at the Anawhakairo at Waitangi, in the South Island, he is said to have produced two streams by means of his powers in the line of magic. He sent one Kopuwai to fetch him some water, but so far had the latter to go in seeking potable water that day was dawning ere he returned. Hence Tamatea decided to have a handier water supply; he bade Kopuwai procure two stones, one of which named Kirikiritatangi he cast afar off, and behold, along the line of the cast a fair stream began to flow. The other stone called Aroaro-ngaehe, he also threw, and another stream came into being. Both these streams are said to flow into Waitangi (Waitaki), and a curious passage in the tale seems to show that the magician meant to render Waitaki waters useless. (He mea kia kino ai te wai o Waitangi, kia kore ai e inumia). This result is curiously like that of Kakako's effort related above. These stream makers appear to have been strangely malevolent.
The old story of the Puna takahi a Ngatoro-i-rangi is a well known one, the spring that Ngatoro produced by merely stamping his foot on the ground.
Fire was also occasionally procured by means of magic in days of yore, as we see in the case of Ngatoro who caused volcanic fire to be sent to this land from Hawaiki when he was suffering from cold on the heights of Tongariro. But the most interesting tale concerning fire marvels is that concerning fire walking in former times. The following tale was related to me by Himiona Tikitu of Te Teko: In days of old Rangikahu of Nga Maihi went out from the Awa-a-te-atua on a fishing expedition, a storm arose, swamped his canoe, and Rangi perished, his body being cast ashore at Wairakei where the Tauranga folk found it and tapu steam oven. When digging the pit he repeated a charm; when he arranged the fuel therein he recited another; when placing the stones of the fuel he delivered yet another, and so on. When the fire had burned down and the stones were red with heat, then Te Hahae laid aside his garments, donned a frail girdle of green branchlets and leaves, stepped into the umu or pit and took his stand on the heated stones. There the old wizard stood as he repeated his magic spells that were to avenge the death of his relative, nor, as we are told, was he injured in any way by the heat. Having concluded his karakia he stepped from the pit and proceeded to arrange therein the specially grown taro. These he covered with leaves and fern fronds, over which he put a covering of earth, repeating further spells as he did so; then the umu was left until the contents were cooked, whereupon it was opened, the contents taken out, placed in baskets and presented to the guests.
The next part of the story deals with a consultation among the guests as to how they should make a return gift to Nga Maihi, but this would probably take place after they had returned home. They resolved to go fishing until they acquired a large number of fish to serve as a return gift to Nga Maihi, so the canoes of the fishermen put out to sea. Then Te Hahae proceeded to the bounds of Hinemoana, at the marge of the land he took his stand in the water and by his powers of magic raised the urukaraerae wind in furious violence. The sea was torn up, the fishing fleet was destroyed, the men who had eaten Te Rangikaku were no more. Of the above story we have no explanation, we know not why the taro were specially grown for the purpose, or why there should have been just seventy of them. Presumably the fire-walking act, if it may be termed so, and the accompanying incantations were connected with the final act of revenge, but still a final spell was needed when the fishermen were at sea.
The fire pit performance would certainly aid the warlock in avenging his relative in that it would enhance his mana, and mana or powers of resistance of his enemies. The narrator of the tale informed me that only one taro was allowed to grow in each prepared pit, all others that formed being taken away, as also were many small rootlets. Old leaves of the plants were removed and placed around the roots of the plant and covered with earth to serve as a form of fertiliser. The production of the single rootstock to each plant helped in some way to give force and power to the spells of the magician.
The late chief Tutakangahau of Maungapohautu informed me that, after Tuhoe had defeated Ngati-Awa at Te Kanga, his father, Tapui, performed a peculiar rite over the ahua or semblance of the victory in order to nullify any endeavours made by Ngati-Awa to avenge their defeat. In this case Tapui acted as had Te Hahae before him, he entered the heated pit and stood therein as he repeated his incantations. This singular act endowed the incantation with mana or power, such appears to have been the belief. The performance of Te Hahae should come under the head of black magic, but I did not gather that any fearsome qualities pertained to the rite performed by Tapui; it would probably be such a ceremony and spell as those termed tamoe and taumata already explained.
The Rev. T. G. Hammond has a few remarks on fire-walking among the Maori in his Story of Aotea, and makes it clear that the umu ti of Polynesia was also a ceremonial affair in New Zealand, and connected with fire-walking, he writes as follows: "I have often conversed, in different parts of New Zealand, with old Maoris on this custom of fire-walking, and they all agreed that at one time there were men among them who knew the secret, but it is now forgotten. At Temuka, South Island, during a visit to the Maoris. I was surprised to find the correct name was not Temuka, but Te Umukaka (a fierce oven). On making inquiries I found the name had relation to the cooking of the roots of the cabbage tree and the ceremony of fire-walking; but, as with other tribes, the art had long been lost; only the tradition remained. Paraparaumu, a station on the Manawatu railway line, is another place where this ceremony was at one time practised. The Patea and Waitotara Maoris assured me that the ceremony of fire-walking was at one time quite common among their ancestors, and they had a very clear traditional knowledge of that peculiar function." (The Story of Aotea, p. 61).
In the above extract we have allusions to the "secret" and "art" of fire-walking. Was there truly any secret or art in walking over Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 33, p. 158-159).
The expression umu kaha, as referred to above, seems to have been merely a term to denote fierce fire kindled in an umu or pit used for cooking purposes, the Polynesian steam oven. In the Matatau district umu kaha was the name of a rite performed in order to endow artisans with the necessary energy, industry, perseverance, to enable them to accomplish a task, such as making a canoe or building a house, in an expeditious and satisfactory manner. It is described as an umu whaihanga or rite pertaining to artisans; the charms pertaining to it are unknown to us. In addition to such precautionary acts of a general nature there were a number of ceremonies and charms connected with various phases of such labours, as with tree felling and hewing for example.
In Dominion Museum Bulletin 9 appear instances of magic arts, and perhaps the most interesting of such practices connected with agriculture was that in which bones of the dead were employed in order to empower certain charms and acts designed to produce a bountiful crop (1976 reprint, pp. 93-96). Another medium so employed was the so-called "Kumara god", a rudely fashioned stone in more or less human form. The inherent powers of these two objects emanated from different sources; in the case of the bones the mana, power or influence, of dead forebears was the cause of the fertility powers, but with the stone figure it was the influence of an atua enshrined in the stones.
The late chief Ropiha gave an account of a tame bird, a tui owned by Iwikatere of the Wairoa in past times. This bird had been taught to repeat certain karakia, charms, etc., including one that was chanted over the sweet potato crop, and so was sometimes employed to perform that important duty. In Maori tradition we have also the story of how quipu messages were carried by birds in eastern Polynesia in former times. Here magic enters into postal arrangements. When it was desired to send a knotted string message the bird messenger was conveyed to the local sacred place, tuahu, and there some form of charm was repeated over it. Presumably this charm gave the bird knowledge of its route and destination!
Another way in which flight was controlled by means of magic was in connection with darts, such darts as were used in the game teka. There are a number of folk tales into which this peculiar act enters. One sets out to find a certain person or place, and the first act is to cast a dart over which a charm has been repeated. This dart always seems to speed through the air in the right direction and to cover marvellous distances in its flight. The magician follows the dart for many miles, and, no matter how bush-ridden or fern-clad the land may be he always seems to find the dart with marvellous ease. Another cast is made with a similar result, until at last the final one lands the dart at the sought for place or person, to be followed by the seeker. When Tama-ahua was seeking his errant wives, the Greenstone Maids, he employed the above method of tracing them, and so found them up the Arahura river. Owing, however, to the disregarding of the rules of tapu, those hapless women were all turned into stone, which stones still lie in the wilds of Arahura.
The story of Whare-matangi and his search for his father, one N0garue, contains a good account of the manipulation of the magic dart. Now Ngarue had left his wife many years before and moved south from the Kawhai district to his old home at Waitara. He had, ere he left, told his wife to send their son to seek his father, when he was grown up. He also handed her a dart named Tiritiri-o-rria-tangi to be used by the lad when seeking him, and told her of the charm to be repeated over it. This was a teka tipua, an uncanny or magic dart. Even so, when the lad Whare-matangi grew up he went forth to trace his parents in the south land. Now Ngarue gave distinct instructions as to how Whare was to employ the magic dart in seeking him, but, inasmuch as Ngarue was about to return to his old home at Waitara, there to end his days, one marvels at the use of the magic dart for finding him. The old track from Kawhia southward was one well known and would lead Whare direct to the home of his father. Such inconsistencies as this are numerous in Maori tales, but do not in any way disturb the equanimity of the Maori narrator, or that of his audience.
Ngarue gave instructions as to what charms were to be repeated over the dart by Whare, and these are here given:
Here the dart was to be cast and the following charm repeated:
The first of these charms is addressed to Ngarue "Here am I, a scholar of thine, O Ngarue … To thee, O Ngarue!" The second recital partakes largely of the nature of the tapuwae class of charm, which are employed for the purpose of rendering a traveller fleet of foot. The reciter calls upon the winds to blow towards the south as a help to him in his journey, and asks that his footsteps be charmed, assisted by supernormal powers.
When Whare made his first cast with his dart ere he left his home, his mother insisted that he should cast it so as to glance off her back, instead of utilising the small mound of earth usually made for that purpose. This act appears in several old myths, and the practice seems to have originated with Maui, hence the groovelike vertebral hollow seen on the back of man. So Uru the mother lay on the summit of the hill Potau while her son cast his charmed dart so as to glide along the awa or spinal groove of her back. Then the magic dart Tiritiri-o-matangi flew through space to come to earth at far Tirau. We are told that Whare saw it quivering as it struck the earth ere he had parted from his mother, which seems to point to marvellous powers of vision.
When Whare arrived at Tirau he recovered his dart, again recited the charm over it, and again cast it, to come to earth at Otara, Mokau district. In this case Whare was guided to the place where his dart fell by a rainbow. The next cast brought his dart to Parininihi (White Cliffs), another goodly throw, and the next to Rau-tahi-o-te-hui, Onaeroa. Then the final cast was made and the dart fell on the plaza of the house of Ngarue at Waitara, where it struck quivering in the earth before the eyes of Ngarue and his companions. These recognised it as a teka tipua, a magic dart, and so certain wise men rose and recited the charms taupa and takapau, in order to nullify any evil influence pertaining to that dart. Later Ngarue recognised the dart as the one he had left for his son Whare in the north, hence it was conveyed to the sacred place, tuahu, and, when Whare arrived, following the trail of the dart, then the pure rite was performed over man and dart alike.
When Whare, as a lad, used the famous dart in the throwing contests, toro teka, he employed the following brief form of charm:
This is simply "Give me my dart Tiritiri-o-matangi, a magic dart belonging to Ngarue-i-te-whenua". It is difficult to see what effect the words of such a so-called charm could have on the flight of the dart, but in the simpler forms of karakia the Maori seemed to care little what the wording might be.
In the story of Maui we find an account of the teka incident alluded to above. He first induced all his brothers to lie down, and then so cast his darts as to glance off their backs, a ricochet motion, and this, was the origin of the curve in the human back. This is an interesting folk tale in the original. The Ngati-Awa folk give the following as the charm used by Maui when casting his dart:
(My dart your objective is man; speed forth beyond the ranges and assail man.) This, however, seemed to be a charm used on a special occasion, when Maui pierced with his dart the jawbone of Muri-rangi-whenua.
The tapuwae charm mentioned above in the story of Ngarue and Wharematangi is one of many that come under the generic term of hoa. The tapuwae was often employed in warfare by pursued persons, to enable them to escape, and by pursuers to enable them to catch the pursued.
The Maori seems to have placed but little reliance on amulets, but a great deal on charms and divers superstitious observances. The only true amulet I know of is that known as a pitopito, which was worn suspended from the neck in order to ward off sickness and disease. It consisted merely of a short piece of fern root, the edible rhizome of Pteris aquilina var. esculenta, which is personified in one Ariki-noanoa. Apparently the preventive or protective powers of the amulet were derived from Ariki-noanoa, to judge from explanations given by natives. Ko Ariki-noanoa, ara ko te aruhe, he atua ano, ina hoki ka mate te tangata i te mate aniani, rewharewha ranei, i etahi atu mate ranei, ka whatua te aruhe ka heia ki te kahi o te tangata e mate ana; ka kiia taua aruhe he pitopito, hei arai atu i te mate. We have already seen that a kind of restorative magic was practised occasionally on wounded persons (see Dominion Museum Bulletin 10, 1976 reprint, pp. 370-376).
At p. 75 of vol. 16 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society, we find an account of a Maori "miracle" that has created some interest; many have derided it as an absurdity, others explain it by saying that some of the old tohunga must have possessed hypnotic powers. The story is of a visit made by Mr Chapman, an early missionary, to Te Unuaho, a famed tohunga of the Arawa tribe. So excellent an opportunity was not to be wasted, and so the saver of dark-hued souls endeavoured to save one more, that of a rival practitioner. Unfortunately he was, we are told, somewhat tactless, and so offended the warlock, who finally said that he would consent to be baptised by the missionary if he could show that he possessed superior powers. Unuaho then procured a dead dry leaf of ti, the common cabbage tree or Cordyline and asked the other if he could make that dry leaf fresh and green: "No, no man can do that" replied the missionary. Then Unuaho doffed his garment in manner orthodox and proceeded to recite a spell over the dry leaf, which turned fresh and green in appearance as he proceeded, whereupon the missionary retired.
Now the above is assuredly an interesting tale but it has one fatal weakness, it appears to rest on native evidence, and the Maori's love of the marvellous can accomplish many wonders. Miracles decrease sadly in numbers as knowledge and daily papers increase. If the above incident ever occurred then the worthy Unuaho must have been a hypnotist.
The story of the magician Te Mahoihoi and of how he clave asunder the hill known as Ruawahia, in the Rotorua district, is cast into the shade by the wondrous feats of Pourangahua, he who separated into two hills Orakaiwhaia and Taunga-a-tara at Te Papuni.
We have now scanned many illustrations of the milder forms of magic as practised in the Maoriland of other days; many other examples have been given in Bulletin 10, Part VII, Ritual Performances, pp. 305-391. We will now examine the darker side of the warlock's art and give some illustrations of black magic, the true makutu.
We have now to deal with the whare maire the "basket" of evil, kete tautea. On the east coast of the North Island, or at least in that area of it occupied by the Takitimu tribes, the term whare maire is employed to denote the arts of black magic; in the Bay of Plenty and some other districts the name of whare maire is used in a very different sense, inasmuch as it includes the knowledge of ritual, of tribal history, etc. The kete tuatea is one of the three "baskets" or budgets of knowledge obtained by Tane from the Supreme Being in the uppermost of the twelve heavens. It represents the knowledge of all evil things, but most prominent of these is the art of makutu. The Maori freely condemned the practice of black magic as an evil, but never made any attempt to abolish it, possibly he recognised its use as a disciplinary force. In like manner he condemned the use of fire-arms when Europeans arrived, though he found it necessary to obtain and use them.
In some places the arts of makutu do not appear to have been taught at the place, or in the house, where superior and tapu lore was imparted to scholars. In such cases a separate hut was used for the purpose, in some cases instruction was given out of doors; we know of cases wherein lessons in magic were given at or near the village latrine. In the story of Mahu and Taewha we see that the latter, a famous tohunga, had two houses in which scholars were taught, one was reserved for the teaching of tapu and superior matter, the other was utilised for the teaching of black magic only. The former was the famed whare wananga named Rangi-te-auria, the latter was the whare maire called Paewhenua. In other parts of the North Island we do not hear of this division of teachings into different curricula; at the same time it must be said that we have no precise information as to modes of teaching in those other districts.
There is a brief recital descriptive of the whare maire as it existed among the Ngati-Kahungunu folk. In this account we are told that the whare maire was a whare makutu, a house for the preservation and teaching of the art of black magic, but the term whare, house, is often used in such a sense as is implied in the expression "house of mourning", and one may say in this case that the term whare maire denotes the curriculum of this pseudo-science. Scholars undergoing this course of training were instructed in the dread powers that enabled them to destroy life, fertility, etc., in man, food products, trees, land, the slaying of man through the medium of an ahonga, such as the manea or hau of the human footprint, of which more anon, also the destructive powers that come under the head of, hoa, powers that enable the warlock to destroy inanimate objects, or to endow them with destructive power, such as the mata rakau. When a house or hut was actually erected for the teaching of these arts but one stone whatu or mauri, was utilised, it was placed at the base of the central post supporting the ridgepole, and in some cases a piece of the stone called mata waiapu, a form of chart was so employed. When a scholar had passed through this school of magic he was required to test his own powers, to show that he had or had not acquired the necessary knowledge and mana to render his spells effective. This he would do by means of the destructive spells that are known collectively as the Tipi a Houmea. He would be required to blast a tree by such means, also to kill a bird, after which came the culmination act that was looked upon as the severest test of all, the slaying of a person by means of his vril-like powers. The most extraordinary features of the whare maire was that, in at least some cases, the person so slain was not a slave or member of another community, but a near relative of the pupil slayer. Thus we are told that the pupil might be charged to destroy one of his own parents, his brother or sister, or his own child. In most cases a pupil seems to have been instructed to bewitch and so slay the first human being he might chance to see after he left the place of instruction. Thus, in the tale of Mahu and Taewha, we see that Mahu was compelled to take the life of his own sister's child. This slaying of a relative was, we are told, the price paid by the pupil for the gaining of magic powers. Occasionally the teacher of magic would himself take the place of the victim, and command the pupil to direct his fatal spells against his teacher.
The whatu of the whare maire alluded to was probably a stone talisman that was usually buried at the base of one of the posts supporting the ridgepole. In the recital given, however, the stone was apparently placed above ground at the base of the central post, therefore it may not have been the talismanic stone, but a stone at which certain ceremonies were performed, as was the case in the whare wananga (see also Dominion Museum Bulletin 10, 1976 reprint, pp. 147-148 and Dominion Museum Monograph 6, The Maori School of Learning). Apparently the stone referred to above was one possessing certain mana inasmuch as the whakangau rite was performed at it, during which, I believe, the scholar had to pretend to bite the stone. With regard to the bird slaying test it is usually explained that the pupil operated on the first bird seen by him after he left the place of instruction, and so in many cases the bird was on the wing when seen, and it might be of any one of many species. In the recital given only two species were mentioned as serving as victims, the tomtit and bat. Should the scholar succeed in the various tests assigned to him then it was mana to exercise the marvellous powers of magic, that the gods appealed to were assisting him, and that he could now assume the status of a wizard, a warlock of parts.
The whare maire of the Tuhoe district appears to have been a system of teaching tribal lore generally to ordinary persons, while the whare takiura denoted the teaching of youths or young men of superior status, the more tapu class. A haphazard mode of teaching, or unorthodox methods, and the teaching of a single scholar by a relative would all come under the term of whare porukuruku among the Takitimu tribes. These tribes make it clear that, among them, the teaching of matters pertaining to the world of life and being ao marama was ever kept apart from the "basket of evil", the arts of black magic—"E kore te kauwae runga o te whare wananga e uru ki roto o te whare maire". The same expert might teach, say, historical traditions, charms connected with industries etc. and makutu, but certain beliefs had to be respected, and so there were certain reservations, etc., connected with the teaching of magic. The power of dealing death cannot be lightly transmitted or dealt with in any way, but, at the same time, it is fairly evident that there were two grades of wizards in former times, one of which was composed of more responsible men than the other. The former class of practitioners appear to have ever kept in view the welfare of the tribe, and to have declined to kill persons simply because they were asked to do so. The low class warlocks seem to have been less scrupulous, and were ready to turn their karakia batteries on any person—for a consideration. The emoluments reaped by such gentry usually consisted of some form of food supplies, or possibly a garment, or implement.
The Maori believed that anything that possessed a mauri, or life principle could be destroyed by makutu, the arts of black magic. A brief note contributed by Hori Ropiha of Waipawa runs as follows: "Now man possesses a mauri, as also do whales, fish, eels, whitebait, greyling and birds. Hence these things may be destroyed by means of magic, and so pass away; however big or numerous such things may be, if bewitched they perish utterly".
There is one point in the exercise of wizardry that has never been clear to the writer. Many of us know that Maori belief in makutu is a serious matter, that if a native believes that he has been bewitched then there is little hope of his surviving, he will, raweke, as the Maori puts it. When we come to deal with the hoa class of spells we shall see that the Maori firmly believed that an utterly unsuspecting person could be slain from a distance merely by the utterance of a magic spell, so long as the utterer thereof was a person possessing the necessary mana.
The name of kete tuatea, employed to denote the knowledge of evil, in which makutu was to the Maori the principal force, is sometimes replaced by the term kete uruuru tawhito, or that of kete uruuru tau. Of the latter expression an old native remarked: "Ko te kete uruuru tau, he makutu nga taonga o tenei kete." (As to the uruuru tau basket the contents of this basket was the art of black magic).
The Maori had not the intense belief in, and fear of, the evil eye that many uncultured folk had, and this fact is paralleled by his lack of amulets. He is said to have held the belief that persons having prominent eyes kanohi whetete were usually given to the arts of wizardry, or possessed such powers.
In a general statement above the tests to which learners of magic were subjected have been referred to, and this is a matter that calls for further remarks. It was considered absolutely essential that the learner of the arts of black magic should exercise those powers, should give an exhibition of his command over them ere he went forth as a tohunga ruanuku. Those acts of disclosing his powers were known as the wahangaw or whakangawhatanga that is the exposition of his newly acquired powers. Should the scholar fail to make good his claim to be a tohunga, then the result was not only a failure to render spells and acts effective, but also, as the Maori puts it, those spells recoil and grievously afflict the learner, possibly to the point of death.
We have been repeatedly told by old natives that instructors in makutu who were old and felt their powers failing would sometimes take advantage of these trials of skill (in order, doubtless, to escape a decrepit old age) to leave this world. Thus karakia hoa over it, after which he dashed the stone on the ground and it would be seen that it was broken. Was it not broken then test and scholar had failed. Then possibly a dog would be willed to death, that is slain by a magic spell, in which case the gods or demons of magic were supposed to be the vivifying power behind the spells. This same authority stated that the pupil might be expected to slay by similar means his own father or his own wife, and near relative, so that, in some cases apparently, a great price was demanded for the impairing of the powers of black magic. The object of these sacrifices was probably to show the ruthless determination of the warlock. Such was the real price paid by the pupil; no gifts to teachers of black magic sufficed, human life, the lives nearest to the sacrificers, must be given to the dread gods who empower all karakia makutu.
The older Tuhoe folk told me that if a learner of black magic simply made gifts to his teacher instead of offering the human sacrifice, then his own spells would never be effective. Tutakangahau explained that a person was slain, hai pupuri i nga korero, to enable the pupil to retain the teachings of the experts. This authority also maintained that to utilise a slave as a human sacrifice would be quite useless, such an act would nullify the powers of all charms etc., acquired by the pupil. Evidently in at least some districts public opinion, or expert opinion, demanded the death of a near relative, and the expert teacher had the privilege of naming the person to be sacrificed. The body of a relative so slain was, of course, buried, not consigned to the family oven.
In vol. 35 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society, p. 83 et. seq., appears the best account of the ordeals of the whare maire that has been placed on record. Those ordeals, apart from the exercise of the powers of magic described above, were extremely disgusting, inasmuch as they included the swallowing of human excreta by the pupil, all of which is described in the story of Mahu and Taewha. Lest the reader imagine that such repulsive practices were confined to the Maori, or to folk in a low state of culture, it may be pointed out that such ordeals have been world-wide usages and were at one time common in Europe. Now this is exactly the explanation of the usage that I always received from manawa-nui or stout-hearted enough to go through anything, even to the slaying of a friend by means of magic. We have, in another Maori usage, a similar but less trying ordeal. This was when, as a way of asking armed assistance in war, a person would place before another some very badly cooked or otherwise objectionable food. The man who was thus silently asked to take the war-path would at once understand this tiwha, as it was termed, and, if he agreed to take part in the raid, then he would set to and consume the unpalatable food before him. By doing so he expressed his intention of braving all dangers and unpleasant experiences, and such modes of expression were of common occurrences among the Maori folk, just as many charms, spells, etc., were partially acted, such acts were of a symbolic nature.
We have a good illustration of procedure in the story of Mahu. Taewha was a tohunga ruanuku of wide renown and by no means a low class shamanistic juggler, hence he warned Mahu of the responsibilities and dangers pertaining to the practice of black magic. If properly controlled and cautiously used by a person of discrimination the powers of makutu may be a useful restraining force and efficient means of punishing those guilty of serious misdemeanours. In Mahu's case the power was craved as a means of punishing thieves. Mahu is, in the narrative, specially warned to be careful when asked to exercise his powers in slaying man, he must employ those powers only in a just cause, should he take to man-killing without good cause then his own life would be taken by the people. Also he must be inflexible in his determination, otherwise he could be found lacking in the tests and ordeals to follow, in which case the acquirement of the formulae would be of no avail. In one ordeal Mahu came near to failure, and that was when he was commanded to swallow a living lizard, but when the efficiency tests came he seems to have destroyed his niece, daughter of his teacher, Taewha, and a whole community of related folk, with the utmost calmness. He was commanded by Taewha to exercise his powers as soon as he left the hut, to blast a tree, to slay the first bird and the first person seen by him, no matter whom the person might be; also he was to shatter a stone. All these things were to be effected simply by repeating charms, those charms being backed up by mana, let us say psychic force, and the dread powers of atua maori. In one version Mahu is told
The slaying of the daugher of Taewha by Mahu is an illustration of the hoa already referred to, the vril-like power to destroy from afar by means of a recited charm plus mana. When Mahu launched his charm at the girl she was some distance away from him, in a swamp near the village. Many things tend to show that the Maori believed such acts to be possible.
The account of the destruction by magic arts of the armed force that came to slay Taewha and Mahu in order to avenge the death of Taewha's daughter, is given with much detail, at p. 103, vol. 35, Journal of the Polynesian Society. In this case the probable method employed was to bury; under the surface of the track by which the force would approach the village, certain objects that served as connecting links, mediums between the active spells of the warlock and the persons to be destroyed. Or there may have been no such material links employed, simply a small hole made in the pathway, over or into which the magic spell would be uttered, after which the hole would be carefully filled in lest it be noticed by travellers it was intended to slay. When a wayfarer traversed a patch so bedevilled he perished as he attempted to pass over the charmed spot. As to Mahu's great bag at Maungawharau we are told that the persons slain are still to be seen in the form of stones; spells having such an effect are termed karakia matapou. In describing such an act as Mahu's bewitching the path a Maori would say "Ka whakauohoia ko mea atua ki taua huanui". Such a god was located at that path.
Mahu was a brother-in-law of Taewha, the sister of Mahu, Makaweroroa, having married Taewha. Now Mahu lived at Nukutaurua, he and his wife Te Atinuku dwelt at the village of Parinui-a-te-kohu. The people living at Nukutaurua turned to the
So lived the people, and, as time went on, the stores of sweet potatoes, of some hamlets became depleted and so short commons became the lot of some of the folk of some villages. Then people heard that the store pit yet untouched was that of Mahu. On a certain night some persons went to examine that store pit, when it was seen that the potatoes at the front end of the store pit had not yet been touched. Then it was said: "We are distressed for want of food, let us procure some potatoes for ourselves from the pit of Mahu, let us purloin them by excavating under the floor of the pit at the rear wall." This raid was agreed to, and so it was asked: "Which of us shall go and obtain some potatoes?" Kokouri and Kokotea replied: "We will go and procure them." So the potatoes were obtained by digging under the floor of the rear wall.
Upon a time Te Atinuku went to fetch some potatoes to serve as food for a certain party of visitors from the east, that is from Turanga, that had arrived at their village. On reaching the store pit Te Atinuku opened the door, and, on looking in, saw that the stored crop had subsided at the rear end of her pit. She then returned and said to Mahu: "O Sir! We are undone, our store pit has been robbed by some person." Mahu enquired: "How was it effected?" Te Atinuku replied: "By groping for them at the bottom of the pit." Then Mahu lamented the rifling of his potato pit. Whiro-te-tipua and Paerangi enquired: "What is Mahu wailing about?" Te Atinuku answered: "He is lamenting our potato crop that has been tampered with at the bottom by some person." Then said Whiro to Mahu: "O friend! Why did you lament; can you not look forth and see Kahuranaki standing afar off to the south? There is Maungawharau, the home of your brother-in-law Taewha; he is the person among us whose skin has been bitten by the south wind and all the frigid winds that beset the path of man who seeks the dread arts of Maikinui and Maikiroa beyond Paerau and within Poutererangi."
Whiro continued: "Procure a paua shell wherewith to scoop up the earth from the place whereat your pit was broken into; take it with you, and be careful to touch no food or drink, when you have reached your destination then may you take food and drink." Mahu consented to this and so procured two shells; as
Mahu then took his two garments, one of which was a dog skin cape named Kaputauaki, and a garment covered with pigeon feathers called Kaweka, and these were put in a basket and given to his servant to carry. The party of Mahu and Whiro and the latter's son now started, and, on reaching Whakaki, night had fallen; they travelled on through the night and next day reached Mohaka. The party of Whiro and the son Paerangi remained at his fortified village of Matairangi, which was their home.
Mahu and his servant kept on and on reaching Kairakau saw some persons engaged in collecting food supplies from the sea. Mahu enquired of them: "O friends! Where is the home of Taewha?" Te Oki replied: "You have left it behind you at the small stream you crossed. When you see a path turning off inland that is the way; keep right along it, and, where the ridge is less steep you will see the track ascending, proceed by that path and when you arrive at a place between two hills and look round you will see the village situated on a ridge, below it is a flax swamp." When the directions of Te Oki to Mahu came to an end Mahu turned back to the path mentioned by Te Oki.
Then Te Oki remarked to his companions: "O friends, that is Mahu, the brother-in-law of Taewha." So they named that cliff whereat Mahu had stood Pari nui o Mahu (Great Cliff of Mahu). When Mahu came to the place between the hills he saw the village, whereupon he took his two dress garments and donned them. He took in his hand the basked containing the paua shells and proceeded on his way; when he came to a certain house standing without the fortified village he seated himself on the outer threshold thereof.
Now Makawe-roroa, sister of Mahu, came out and, looking forth, saw her brother seated at the entrance to the house. Makawe-roroa called out: "O Taewha! Here is your brother-in-law Mahu; come out here." Taewha went forth and saw his brother-in-law sitting at the entrance of the tapu house. Taewha then advanced and on nearing the house called out: "What of your party?" Mahu replied: "Misfortune is the cause of my being here, and we will not greet each other until my troubles have been dispersed by you." Said Taewha: "Come let us go." When
In the early morning Taewha and Mahu proceeded to the latrine, where the shell was taken by Taewha, who then said to Mahu: "O friend! In a house does man find shelter from rain and storm, fire finds its food in fuel, now only by just treatment and kindly behaviour can man survive. If we slay these men, Kokouri and Kokotea, who will replace them?" Mahu replied: "O friend! I am sore distressed after my long journey; destroy them." But Taewha said: "No but if you are stout-hearted then you may acquire the knowledge and powers of the uruuru tipua 'basket' and take it home with you and there exercise those dread powers." Said Mahu: "Now at last is my mind easy." Taewha remarked: "Go, convey the stone to the latrine and there deposit it, then put yourself in contact with the latrine beam and return to me."
When those commands had been obeyed Taewha said to Mahu: "O friend! You must be stout-hearted in order to acquire what you desire; you will not acquire it unless you are stout-hearted." Mahu replied: "Assuredly I will be stout-hearted, inasmuch as it was I who sought this knowledge of you." Taewha said: "Now we will touch neither food nor water, we must remain within until our task is properly completed." Mahu replied: "You are the leader in this function, I merely follow your directions."
Mahu was then conducted to the stream, and when all his disabilities and peccadilloes were removed then they entered the tapu house. In the first place the kairangi was deposited, then Taewha said: "With regard to the gods; Tunui-a-te-ika is consulted in matters divinatory, and when information is sought; Maru is employed to obtain the blood and gnaw the heart of victims; Uenuku is the destroyer; these, with Tumatauenga, are the gods appealed to. Be careful in your treatment of your ancestors (the gods) of whom Rakaiora is another, one who is despatched to distant places in order to slay man, his companion tuahu or taumatua. These gods have many forms, their activities are of many kinds, their influence extends over land and water, even to the clouds and winds."
When the subjects were disposed of, with their charms and spells pertaining to invoking, despatching, terrifying, stimulating afflicting, weakening, repelling and freeing from tapu, then Taewha went outside and brought in Rakaiora, that is a green lizard, which he handed to Mahu to be swallowed alive by him, and Mahu so swallowed it. When that was over then Taewha defecated into a paua sheel and gave it to Mahu to swallow. When Mahu had consumed it his brother-in-law said: "You will pass the ordeal, there is but one thing remaining, you must swallow this stone." So the stone was swallowed and the Taewha said: "When you pass beyond the latrine of our house let the tuata spell be the first you repeat. If you see a tree then blast it by means of the powers of Tahuwhenua and Tahumaero. If that test be successful then slay the first person you see by the help of Kahukura, Tumatauenga and Uenuku, after which dash two stones together, and, if they are broken by you action, then you will hear the resounding heavens greeting you. You will then have acquired the supreme powers of the whare maire, there will be no residue of the contents of the basket of evil procured by our ancestor from the bounds of the summit of the heavens above us."
Mahu passed out and took his stand outside the outer threshold of the house. He then launched the magic blasting spell termed tahu at the child of Hine-te-ngawari and Puwhenua, the kahika (white pine tree).
The following is said to have been the spell employed by Mahu when blasting the pine tree, it appears in another version of the tale:
When Mahu passed out on the marae he directed his spell toward a tree standing on the southern side of the village:
Mahu then passed along outside the stockade of the village, and, looking down, saw a person cutting flax in the hollow below. Mahu then launched his tuata spell empowered by Uenuku the destroyer if man, and so perished Kurapati, daughter of Taewha and Makaweroroa. He then took in his hands the two stones haded to him by Taewha, struck them together in his hands, but a single concussion and they were broken. At this juncture thunder sounded in the resounding heavens.
The Mahu entered the village, and Taewha enquired: "Who is the person you have slain?" Mahu replied: "I know not. He was cutting flax for himself down there." Taewha went and came upon his own daughter, Kurapati, lying dead. The body was carried up and deposited in the porch of the house; then Makaweroroa raised her voice in lamentation for her child Kurapati; all the people of the village joined in the lament.
When the news reached Kairakau, Pourere, Waimarama, Parimahu and other places that Kurapati was dead, then mourning parties came to wail over her. Then Mahu went in the night time to the slope of the range and dug a pit in the path by which the visitors would descend; having done so he located the man destroying gods, Kahukura, Uenuku and Tumatauenga in that pit, so that when the visitors passed over it they would perish. When the first party of visitors, composed of Teawha's own clans, arrived at that spot they perished, and so the name of Kaiwhakatutu of Mahu became famed as the name for that place. The slaying of those persons was intended as an avenging of the death of Kurapati.
Such was the end, and Mahu at this juncture returned to Nukutaurua.
Here ends this version of the strange tale of Mahu and Taewha. It is about the best description yet collected of the ordeals and tests pertaining to the acquirement of the arts of black magic. Another version (published in vol. 35 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society, pp. 78-79) gives some additional details, and explains how it was that the visitors from other villages came to be destroyed. It was a party of avengers coming to slay Mahu and Taewha for having killed Kurapati, daughter of Taewha. Then it was that Mahu busied himself, and, by means of his newly acquired powers, he literally petrified the whole party, every member of which was transformed into a block of stone and those stone folk still stand on the far hill slope at Maungawharau, the hill of Kohuipu.
The Maikinui and Maikiroa mentioned are personified forms of sickness, disease and other afflictions that destroy man. The earth procured from the store pit and conveyed in a shell to the magician of the south served as an ohonga a connecting link between the act of theft and the thieves on the one hand, and the magic spells uttered to destroy them on the other. The version here given ends lamely in that it does not tell us that the thieves were slain by makutu, as other versions do.
When a person was engaged on such a task and quest as was Mahu it was forbidden the seeker to indulge in any form of food until his object was attained, in many cases he was forbidden to speak to any person during such a journey. Hence Mahu is said to have walked from Nukutaurua to Te Mahia to Maungawharau without partaking of food and apparently without resting. Taewha carefully warns Mahu as to the dangers of indulging in black magic; he declines to slay the thieves by his magic spells, but agrees to impart those spells to Mahu.
Taewha compelled Mahu to perform the peculiar ceremony of ngaau paepae, already described in Bulletin 10. In one version he says: "ka ngau e koe i te pae, tea hotel mai" (you must bite the beam of the latrines and then return hither). The act of immersion would obliterate all hara (sin) clinging to Mahu, and so fit him for the task before him, which necessitated approach to the gods. The kairanga referred to was probably a whatu or stone pertaining to the tapu house of learning; it may be a variant form of the name whatu kairangi, one of the tapu stones referred to.
In another version we are told that Mahu ate several lizards, apparently he masticated them; he is thus said to have devoured four lizards, each one a distinct species, and to have wound up by consuming a tuatara, truly a satisfying meal!
In another version still it appears that the stone deposited at the latrine (paepae kairangi) was the one swallowed by Mahu, after which he had to perform the whakaha. This was in conjunction with his teacher, and so he absorbed the knowledge and mana of that teacher, he who had said: "hamama te waha whakaha tei runga i taku tipuaki." Small stones were swallowed by learners in different branches of knowledge. The resounding of thunder in the heavens was, of course, ample proof that Mahu had acquired the mana that he craved.
The various personifications whose names commence with Tahu are confusing: some represent afflictions, sickness, makutu, etc., as Tahumaikinui and Tahumaero, while some represent winds or compass points. About the slaying of Kurapati, had not mana would melt away, such are the beliefs of the Maori. The slaying of persons by means of burying some charmed object in a path over which they must pass was a well known method of disposing of enemies, and concerning which we have some further data to give.
In a third recital concerning Mahu we have a brief version that refers to a further adventure of our hero. Again we find that no mention is made of the cause of the slaying of the travellers who came to Maungawharau. Reference is made to the slaying of one Haere by Mahu when returning to his home at Nukutaurua. It was in this wise: Mahu stayed a night at the village home of Haere and was given a portion of food, the kinaki or relish of which was a piece of human flesh. Mahu took the small open basket containing the food, we are told that he became, by some mysterious means, aware of the fact that the piece of flesh before him was a portion of the body of his nephew, who had been slain in a fight known as Upokotaua. He therefore refrained from partaking of any of the food. After dark he took it away and buried it; he then located his atua or god, say demon, one Tukaiwhakarongomina by name, at the village latrine, and also prepared and stuck in the earth near the squatting beam a pointed stake termed titi autahi. He then recited his deadly spells over it and retired. When Haere visited the latrine next morning he was pierced by the titi, (stake) and perished miserably. Others met a similar fate, and so the village was abandoned and a new one built elsewhere. Meantime suspicion had fallen upon Mahu and a party was sent in pursuit of him but Mahu, wise man, had lifted the northern trail under cover of night and was far on his way to Mohaka-whanaunga-kore.
Poetical justice demands the death of Kokouri and his friends, and the task of disposing of them was faithfully performed by Mahu by means of his powers of makutu.
We are told that the ordeals described above were necessary, and that great care had to be displayed by learners and teachers of black magic, or such teaching was fruitless. In the story of Ruawharo and Tupai, however, we see that the latter gained a knowledge of magic spells in a surreptitious manner, and without undergoing any form of discipline or ordeals, yet his hoa spells were highly effective and he killed a bird and blasted a tree by means of such "projected death".
The term ohonga is used to denote any object used as a medium in magic arts. Its use seems to be usually confined to what we term black magic; it is but occasionally heard in connection with white magic, wherein the term ahua is often applied to the medium employed, such ahua, however, may be either material or immaterial. Aria is more rarely used in place of ahua. The great aim in procuring the ohonga was to obtain something that would represent, or convey, the personality or hau of the person to be bewitched. The ohonga is quite often spoken of as the hau, a term that has already been dealt with. Anything that has been in contact with the body of a proposed victim forms an excellent ohonga or medium. Thus a shred of a garment, a lock of hair, nail clippings, a portion of saliva or of perspiration, any of these will serve as an effective medium between the magic spells of the wizard and their objective, the hapless victim. Dr Shortland has truly said that the Maori folk were extremely careful about expectorating if they suspected any one of a desire to bewitch them. This writer makes, however, a dubious statement when he says that the ohonga was obtained by a warlock "in order to treat it in a way to ensure the rage of his Atua." The dire effect of makutu was not due to anything done to the mediumistic object, but to the magic spell empowered by the atua (Shortland, Traditions and Superstitions of the New Zealanders, p. 117).
The hau of man could be taken to serve as an ohonga so that it was not necessary to obtain a material medium. This hau, being an external quality, a kind of vital aura pertaining to the body, is accessible, and, moreover, Maori belief is that a portion thereof is transferred to any object with which the body comes in contact. Thus, when a person feared the activities of wizards, he would, when he rose from a seat, pass his cupped hand across that seat, so as to scoop up and carry off any of his hau that might be clinging thereto. When we reflect that any article touched by a person retained a certain modicum of his hau, then we can see how a man with enemies around him was beset by danger. We are told that the hau of man can be taken by means of a certain charm or spell, but that it is necessary that the warlock is actually looking at the victim as he recites the spell. (Ko te hau o te tangata he mea riro i te karakia makutu, arangi kia kite toru atu i te tangata ka tangohia mai tona hau.) In describing the use of a medium in black magic the late Colonel Gudgeon wrote: "This is however but a vulgar form of bewitchment for an artist in the black magic art can take the hau of a man's voice while he is Journal of the Polynesian Society vol. 14, p. 128). As an old native once put it to me: "Should a person be talking to me and I think that he is trying to bewitch me, then I take the hau of his voice, that is I take it with my voice by reciting a suitable charm." At p. 103 of vol. 2 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society are given different spells repeated over ohonga; there are five in all, each of which is employed for a particular purpose at its proper place in the proceedings. The charm recited when actually taking the ohonga is of a pleasing brevity:
It is only excelled in that respect by one given by Tamarau of Tuhoe:
This brevity was demanded by the circumstances under which such media were obtained in many cases, as when a thread of fibre was filched from a garment.
Among the Matatua folk a material ohonga was tied to a wand of Coprosma (karamu) and taken by an expert to the local tuahu or place where rites were performed, and there he would repeat over it the spells that would cause the death of the victim.
We have now another aspect of the hau of man to note, and that is what is termed manea by the Matatua tribes. This is explained as te hau o te tapuwae tangata, the hau of the human footprint, it is that modicum of a person's hau left clinging to each of his footprints. A person can gather the soil on which the footprint is impressed, take it away, and utilise it as is any other form of ohonga. It was owing to these beliefs and practices that persons who considered it necessary would often avoid paths, and also, if practicable, walk in the waters of a stream or sea beach merely to avoid leaving their manea for ill disposed persons to purloin. To leave one's footprints on the sands of time may be a laudable ambition, so long as those sands are not infested by pernicious warlocks.
In his excellent work, Where the White Man Treads, p. 52, W. Baucke mentions a curious usage in connection with the manea of a person. He remarks that some earth from the offender's footprint was enclosed in a quill, and either burned or thrown into a stream where it would be carried over a waterfall,
Among the Aotea tribes of our North Island manea seems to denote a sacred place, and in some districts it is applied to what is generally termed a mauri or whatu, a talisman. The Rev. T. G. Hammond gives manea as an Aotea name for certain stones possessing baleful powers implanted in them by magicians (Story of Aotea, p. 191). It would appear that any person touching, or even passing near, such stones would perish. Stones used as boundary marks were sometimes so charged with deadly powers. A Hawera native stated that such stones were sometimes placed in streams the waters of which would probably be drunk by enemies, such as raiders, with deadly effect. Mr Hammond tells us that Taranaki warlocks sometimes placed ohonga in a little canoe shaped vessel fashioned from bullrush leaves, which craft was then allowed to drift away on the waters of a stream. The spell recited over the medium would effect the desired result. The Tuhoe folk told me that the portion of earth representing the manea or hau of the human foot might be deposited at some tapu place, such as the whatapuaroa, for a time. Then, when the mara tautane for the next crop was planted (see Dominion Museum Bulletin 9, 1976 reprint, p. 116) the ohonga would be recovered and buried with one of the seed tubers, and again the spell would be effective.
I have heard the term ohonga applied to tubers of the first planted hillock of a sweet potato crop because such were employed as a form of offering to the stone image representing the "god" of agriculture in whose care the crop was placed. (Ka tangahia te kumara tuhatahi o te tiringa atu ka waiho hai ohonga ki te atua ara te kopatu.) This seems to show that the term ohonga is derived from oho "to arouse, to wake up", the medium employed serves to stimulate the atua to attend to his duty and so produce a bountiful crop. Here we are invading the field of white magic.
The burying of bewitched objects under a path with the object of destroying or otherwise affecting persons who passed over them, was essentially a Maori usage. The effect on the trespasser was regulated by the spell recited over the medium employed, thus the result might be death within a short period of time, or merely a weakening of mental or physical qualities, according to the desire of the wizard as expressed in his noxious charm. We are told that, if a warlock wished to destroy or weaken the people of a hamlet, he would bury a duly bewitched object, probably a marae or plaza, a place frequented by all. As the people chanced to walk over the spot they became affected. In like manner practically anything might be employed as a medium in magic, as garments, articles of food, implements, hair, spittle, etc. We have noted two ways of destroying enemies in the story of Mahu. In some cases a sweet potato tuber was the medium employed, we are told that such was sometimes buried in a patch over which a party of raiders was advancing; as they crossed the spot each man would be affected and become nerveless, irresolute, and so be useless as a fighter.
Another method of foiling a party of raiders may also be noted. When news arrived of the approach of enemies then one or more experts would hasten to lay magic traps for them. In many cases a fording place of a stream was selected as a place for operations, or a bridge, or a place whereat a path entered or passed out of a forest; at such a place the potent spell would be repeated. This charm was recited over a length of a forest vine, the stem of a climbing plant. Two warlocks held this across the path each holding one end of the vine, as they faced their home village, or any force of their fighting men that might be awaiting for the time for action—and so the spell was repeated by them. When they came to the words "Takiritia max nga mana hapai rakau" the warlocks laid the vine down on the ground so that it lay across the path; each end of the vine was pegged down and the whole was covered with earth etc., so that it might be concealed. The two men then rose, and, facing the direction in which they were going, they again recited the formula. As they finished the recital they shook the dust from their feet and left it lying on the near side of the length of vine, after which they expectorated on the spot and repeated another formula in which they called upon the vine to do its work and destroy man even as the bird of Ruakapanga, the kuranui (moa) has been destroyed. They then retired to where their armed party was awaiting them, and that party advanced to some suitable confined place whereat to attack the enemy. The first man of the enemy caught or slain was set aside for the gods, that is the heart of such man was utilised as an offering to the gods.
The formula repeated over the vine medium contains some peculiar expressions. The first one asks for the necessary powers to be assigned to the experts and their acts, after which the wording is that of a rotu, a charm to cause persons to sleep or to sink into a condition of lethargy. This latter condition is also carved in connection with the gods, mana and courage of the
In some cases a spear was buried under a path, and that spear was more deadly than any "live wire" of modern times, for it was not necessary that a person should come into actual contact with it, to pass over it spelt death. The Tuhoe folk tell me that some warlocks, when bewitching a path, would simply make a mark across it with the end of a stick, and repeat over that slight furrow the necessary spell. This method seems to be empowered by one Rongotakawhiu, a malevolent atua of surpassing powers. As an old warrior expressed it "Ko Rongotakawhiu ka haea te kahu o te whenua". He also explained that the warlock carried a short staff, on one end of which was carried a figure in human form, and this was a sort of emblem of Rongotakawhiu. With the uncarved lower end of this short staff he would make the mark across a path; the following was one of the formulae employed on such occasions:
Herein the victims are consigned to the spirit world and destruction.
Another informant told me that a stick over which the proper spell had been recited might simply be thrown across a path to have the desired effect. In other cases, when a man was pushed for time, he might simply make a pass with his hand through the air as he repeated his spell. This was done by a person fleeing from enemies, as an escape from a fight, he would make a pass with his hand behind his back as he ran and recite the punga charm whereby to weaken the running powers of the pursuers. Probably no Maori believed that a person perished as soon as he crossed one of these charmed spots, but he would be enfeebled thereby rendered comparatively harmless by the powers of magic and perhaps perish later. Pio, an octogenarian of the Awa folk of Te Teko once said to me: "Now when Ngati-Awa went to Whangamata the canoes of Ngati-Maru were seen approaching and bringing many fighting men. Some of Ngati-Awa proposed a retreat, but my ancestor Tohia restrained them. He grasped the spear named Rongotakawhiu and recited over it a karakia hoa; pawera, pahunu, mahunu, etc., that is they become nervous, apprehensive, and lose their self confidence, and so are easily defeated. This was the true effect of the magic spells, which did not themselves cause death.
One can but wonder why, in such case as the above, the acting warlock did not employ the more violent form of hoa and thereby utterly destroy them without the aid of armed men. When, however, one puts such a query as this to a Maori he seems to show, by word and manner, that such an idea has never entered his head. Bearing in mind that the Maori is by no means a dull witted person, what does this lack of acumen denote?
It will be remembered that voyagers and explorers often resort to the drawing of a line when interviewing natives of new found lands, and little known places, Cook and Crozet both adopted this device when doubtful of the attitude of Maori folk. In the case of the Maori the assembled people would probably accept the act as an example of such acts of magic as those referred to above.
When a band of raiders from the north passed up the waterway to Wairarapa lake early in last century a pole having a bunch of fern tied to its upper end was found standing in the river. This was held to be a tohu makutu, a token of an act of makutu active magic. But why conceal such a medium in some cases, and leave it exposed in others; in the latter case an approaching enemy would probably suspect the meaning of a pole or transverse stick, or disturbed ground and avoid it, either retire and advance by another route or endeavour to nullify the powers of the medium by means of virulent counter-spells.
There is another method of closing a path to an approaching person or party, and one that, apparently, was never meant to destroy or endanger life, in some cases at least no harm was intended and probably no spell or charm was uttered, the interdiction was simply based on the mana of the individual who imposed it. The visible sign of such a blockade would be a log or branch placed across the path, perhaps a branch or pole suspended over it. Such a block to traffic is termed a pa, and this rangiora, a shrub, was placed across the path by one Muruhakapua in order to block the path to one Kaituareka who was said to be coming with evil intent. In like manner did the place name of Pa-puweru originate; in this case a garment (puweru) was suspended across the path. I was told that no form of makutu pertained to this act, that a party was on its way to visit the hamlet, and that, for some reason, the presence of these people was not desired. The party turned back simply because to proceed would be an act of takahi mana, a belittling or disregarding of the prestige of the local headman.
Another peculiar use of a garment was connected with the punga rite performed by a person being pursued by enemies. As the pursued finished the recital of his charm he threw the garment behind him, and, when his pursuers came to that garment, they at once became ngenge (weary) and so powerless to effect their object.
Stones placed as boundary marks were certainly bewitched in some cases, and Taranaki natives tell us how lizards were placed at the bases of such stones when the death laden magic formula was recited. These lizards are said to have been so placed to act as guardians of the stone, really as a medium for the magic spell. This custom was extended to the stones placed to mark the bounds of the different family plots in a large cultivation ground. Any person moving one of the stones would, of course, perish, in Maori belief. A Maori, in alluding to these lizard guardians, speaks of them as though they live for centuries.
At one time during the 19th century, there chanced to be a serious number of deaths among the native children of the west coast of the North Island, and some of the elders came to the conclusion that the old native gods were punishing them for having abandoned their old faith and accepted Christianity. Their gods and ancestors were showing their displeasure, and their power, by destroying the children. The old boundary marks, with other tapu stones and places, were all considered to be especially dangerous to those who touched or trespassed upon them. Hence experts were employed to traverse the district and render such objects and places innocuous by means of a simple ceremony. The Rev. R. Taylor tells us of a case in which a native lad, suffering from some wasting complaint, was said to have tapu stones and so had become afflicted. The energetic and reckless missionary then busied himself in removing the stone and casting it into the adjacent river. As he was not stricken by the gods for this daring act the local natives came to the conclusion that those gods had no power over Europeans. One might suppose that the tapu stone lying in the river would render the water tapu and so unusable, possibly some expert would be employed to remedy the matter.
Another method of employing magic was to render a doorway dangerous to pass through. This was effected by means of spells and by the employment of some form of medium; such a medium was often concealed under the door-sill, and any person passing over this would be affected by the dread powers of the spell. This was equivalent to the burying of the mediumistic object in a pathway. Another method was to smear some substance on the doorposts or adjacent parts, cooked food was often used for this purpose.
When Maui and his companions were about to assail Hine-nui-te-Po the latter sent Namu-poto the silent sandfly to obtain some of their blood; when that blood was brought to her she smeared it on the lintel of the doorway of her house to serve as a vehicle or medium for her destructive spells. When Maui passed through the doorway he was foredoomed.
The sentence describing this in the original is illuminating. Hine obtains some of the blood of Maui and his companions—"Katahi ka parua (nga toto) ki runga i te kurupae o te tomokanga o te whare kia hou mai ra te ope nona ra nga toto ma raw. Katahi ka karakiatia e Hine, ki te tomo te hanga ra ki roto i tona whare ra ka poheaheatia ratau i o ratau toto" Here it is plainly shown that the karakia or spell was recited in order to render distraught those who entered the house.
The warlock Timu-whakairihia, when about to punish Ruawharo and Tupai for interfering with his wife, was careful not to destroy them, they being relatives of his, and so he merely worked his enchantments upon them so as to harass them and render them ridiculous. This is a case in which the medium employed consisted of human excreta, and this was smeared on the timbers of the doorway. (Katahi a Timu-whakairihia ka mau atu ki te wai o te wahine, pania atu ki te tomokanga o te whare hei, makutu mana i nga tangata ra.)
See White's Ancient History of the Maori, vol. 3, pp. 37-43, of original for another version of the foregoing.
When Hau was courting Rakahanga, daughter of Tumataroa, he seems to have employed some form of love charm to aid him, and so we are told of a doorway being charmed as it were so as to render a woman complacent. The act is not satisfactorily explained in the story as it has been preserved—Hau caught a fly, repeated a charm over it, and having done so, he then left it under the doorway of the house. (Mau tonu a Hau ki te rango, karakiatia ana, ka oti katahi ka waiho i raw o te tomokanga mai o te whare.) No explanation is given, but evidently the charmed fly formed an important medium in this act of atahu. Quite probably it was supposed, as in the case of birds so employed, to settle on the woman, and so transmit to her the powers and effect of the charm.
Another form of magic pertaining to houses and huts consisted of spells intended to destroy or cripple any thieves endeavouring to enter the place.
The ohonga employed by Hine when planning the death of Maui was, as we have seen, a drop of his blood. She had wished to obtain the hau or vital aura of Maui as a medium to base her spells on. One version states that she endeavoured to obtain his aria for that purpose, and I believe that the drop of blood obtained by Namupoto would be viewed as the aria of the hau of Maui. Another version explains that Maui was overcome and slain by the genital organs of Hine because she had deliberately prepared it as a destructive agent by reciting a spell over it; Katahi ia (a Hine) ka raweke i a ia, ka whakakoia tonutia toua werewere hei patu mana i a Maui. Ko te karakia ahu tenei a Hine i toua werewere hei patu i a Maui:
The wording of this spell is peculiar and the second line may be incorrecty given here. The Maori firmly believed in inherent powers, both destructive and beneficial, as pertaining to the sexual organs. This belief has been explained elsewhere in Dominion Museum Bulletin 10, 1976 reprint, pp. 353-354. Tutakangahau of Tuhoe explained to me the qualities of the ure or phallus. Take the case of a person engaged in an argument or quarrel, he suspects that another is silently endeavouring to bewitch him, to injure him by means of magic spells. He will go aside to some secluded place, there grasp his ure, penis, and retract the prepuce, after which he will expectorate into that hand, close it, and return to the vicinity of his adversary. He then kai ure rite:
He who gave this formula described the kai ure act briefly thus:
The curious remark made by a native anent the koutu mimi, as given at p. 353 of Bulletin 10, serves as a striking illustration of the mentality of barbaric man, hence it is here given in the original: "Taku titiro ko te or a o te Pakeha e or a nei, e kore nei e mate i roto i nga tau katoa, e kore e wareware tona koutu mimi i nga po katoa. Ko te tawhito tena, ara ko te ure, koinei te ora o oku tipuna; ko taua mimi hai whakakuruki atu i nga mea raweke mai."
We have seen that the spells coming under the head of the term matapou had what one may term a paralysing effect, indeed often a petrifying one, inasmuch as by such means persons and animals were turned into stone. The same term, however, was applied to the act of causing a canoe to remain motionless, to bring it to a halt, so that no efforts of the members of the crew, paddle they never so bravely, could move it.
In the quaint story of Hau and Wairaka the former overtook his fleeing wife on the beach at Pukerua and at once put an end to her escapades by levelling a matapou spell at her, which spell transformed her into a rock that, for long centuries, has withstood the surging billows of the Sea of Raukawa. This is referred to in a well known song:
This Hau was the person who prevented the vessel of his brothers coming to land at Nukutaurua by means of a matapou spell. I mate te Whake a Muturangi ki Tuahiwi nui o Moko i te whanga o Raukawa nei, he mea matapou na Kupe.) When Tamatea sent his wife Turihuka to procure some water some five or six centuries ago she wasted time by sitting down and weeping for her far distant home in eastern Polynesia. This so annoyed her worthy husband that he transformed her into a stone; he also left their dogs at the same place, so that she might have company, the two dogs named Haumai and Mitimiti, and his attendant, Kopuwai was left to look after them. When Tamatea reached Putiki at Whanganui he heard the two dogs howling, whereupon he knew that Kopuwai had deserted them, hence he turned both dogs into stone by the matapou, and transformed Kopuwai into a lizard. As these persons and dogs had been left in the South Island then Tamatea must have possessed the power to project the force of his spell for long distances.
In the story of Mahu we had another illustration of this turning of folks into stone, and in that case a large party was so petrified. The sentence describing this act of Maho and Taewha is a striking one: "Ka tu raua ki te karakia i nga atua e rima kia whakamaikitia te ope taua ra ki te whanau a Hinemoana, a Tuamatua, kia poua hei kowhatu te iwi nei." Many such cases as this are recorded in Maori folk tales, but the most remarkable illustration I wrote of is that where Rehua repeats a matapou charm in order to halt the ata (shadow soul) of Io the Supreme Being so that he might speak to it.
The matakia method of employing magic is another matter that calls for some further explanation. To wait until a person is in the bush partaking of food ere one repeats a spell of black magic directed against him seems to be a very singular procedure. The Maori belief respecting this singular usage appears to present a twofold aspect. In the first place the noxious powers of the spell were swallowed as it were together with the food, both entered the body of the victim, and so the spell became effective. In the second place there seems to have been a belief that, because the spell was co-mingled as it were with cooked food, then it must necessarily be more effective. We have already noted how cooked food acted as a potent medium in the arts of witchcraft.
The late Kawana Paipai once explained that, when persons were partaking of food and a person chanced to arrive at or pass near the hamlet, he was at once invited to share the meal. Were this not done then the visitor or wayfarer might silently repeat a matakai spell and so bring disaster upon them. A peculiar account of an act of matakai was given by Tarakawa. A warlock named Te Wheuki came upon some children who were eating food and asked them for a portion, whereupon one of them enquired: "Why do you not prepare some food for yourself?" His reply was: "How can I, am I not tapu?" As no food was forthcoming Te Wheuki, with a movement of his foot spurned the dust of the path in the direction of the children, who died the same day. Doubtless the warlock would silently repeat a brief spell as he performed the act.
Cruise tells us that "It is customary, when the natives of this country sit down to their meals, for the slaves to put the portion of each individual before him in a new basket, made of a kind of flax; nor are those baskets under any circumstances used twice; and at the termination of the repast every person carries away the remnant of the food set before him." (Cruise, Journal of a Ten Months' Residence in New Zealand, p. 108). Cruise does not explain matters, but one of the reasons for this carrying off the remainder of the food and the use of new baskets was the fear of witchcraft.
The Rev. R. Taylor has the following among his remarks on makutu: " … the person who bewitched another remained three days without eating; on the fourth he eat (sic), and his victim died. The natives were afraid of their food being bewitched; when they embraced Christianity they were very particular in asking a blessing on it to prevent the evil wishes of their enemies taking effect." (Te Ika a Maui, 2nd ed., p. 204).
When a person had been insulted, as by the utterance of a kanga (a term implying execration, abuse or insult), he would probably repeat some formula supposed to have the effect of nullifying the evil effects of such insult. About the shortest of such formulae consists of the two words: "Turou whakataha". In many cases a man would make no reply to the spoken insult.
Should the injured party consider himself in danger, he would certainly make no reply, but would go home and carefully refrain from taking any food for three days. The idea was to let the offender to be the first person to eat food, in which case his evil utterance, curse, spell or insult would recoil upon himself. It would be highly dangerous for the injured party to eat first. It was also advisable to repeat such a charm, or countercharm, as the following, when danger from evil spell and evil wishes was apprehended. It was repeated silently, never aloud, while standing at the village latrine, facing the east:
Herein the reciter proclaims that the known and unknown betoken his superiority over his adversary, and consigns his powers to banishment in lower realms, chastened and humbled, concluding with "Go to your death, let your spirit begone forever to the unknown!"
Our cautious man would then order some food to be cooked, and while this was being attended to, he would return to the latrine, taikawa, kneel down before the paepae, or horizontal beam thereof, and bite it or apply his teeth to it, an act known as ngau paepae. This is another way of nullifying the effects of magic arts. He then obtained a small piece of the dessicated faeces, wrapped it in some grass and took it home. When the cooked food was ready, he would obtain a piece thereof and put it with the other item. He then plucked a hair from his head and another from his body, and put these with the other objects, which he took to the stream beside which certain ceremonies were performed, and cast them into the water, repeating as he did so:
He then returned to the village and partook of the food prepared for him, after repeating his final protective charm:
It is impossible for us to see any sense in some of these formulae or karakia employed as charms; possibly he who employed them was no wiser. For instance, the first of the above two may be rendered as "I generate my fire to great ocean, to vast ocean, to restless ocean", but as to how such words could save a man from the dread shafts of black magic passeth the understanding of man, at least of the man now writing.
Ngati-Porou informants stated that it is the wairua(soul, spirit) of man that is affected by makutu. Kahui of Taranaki stated that a warlock would capture, or gain control over, the ata of a person whom he wished to destroy. Both ata and wairua carry the
The owl (ruru) was connected with makutu`and was looked upon as a bird of evil omen. I well remember a native neighbour of mine in a far forest land being seriously perturbed because, on two consecutive evenings, he had seen an owl in the porch of his hut. Evidently this was a portent of some dire misfortune, trouble loomed before. A would-be warlock of a local hamlet heard of the occurrence and at once announced to my neighbour that he himself had sent the owls, and that, unless certain articles were handed over to him, trouble would assuredly follow. My neighbour came to me in distress and explained matters, whereupon I persuaded him to let me handle the case, explaining that, being but a godless and abandoned foreigner, the gods of the Maori, including owls, had no power over me. In the negotiations that ensued racial antipathies and superstitious fears were prominent; but the end was not well for the despatcher of ominous owls, and he did not acquire the coveted property.
The many acts, rites and spells that come under the heading of hoa are mostly concerned with destructive forces. The tests made of the powers of learners of black magic, the slaying of persons, birds, etc., the blasting of trees, the shattering of stone, are all included in the term hoa. Charms or spells termed hoa are employed whereby to energise, to strengthen, to render effective persons or inanimate objects. The hoa tapuwae is a charm designed to render a person fleet of foot; the hoa rakau is another formula that renders weapons extremely effective; also the word is employed as a verb—ka hoaia te rakau, a ka maroke. Any object, a stone or stick, might be hoaia, so that it would serve as a suitable medium in a divinatory rite. Hoa is employed also when a spell is recited for the purpose of affecting some distant object—ka tahoka atu, ara ka hoa atu i te taumata ki tepa. Here the taumata spell was launched at the distant village.
The hoa tapuwae is a charm that was much relied on by both pursued and pursuers during fighting operations, and doubtless this item should be included under the head of white magic. The following is a specimen of such charms; it is one that was employed by Te Waitere at Kaiwaewae, where, I am told, it enabled him to capture one Hiwikai:
In a tapuwae charm given by Pio of Ngati-Awa occur the following appropriate lines:
(Bend of the path before me stand thou behind me. Bracken clump before me stand thou behind me. Hill range before me stand thou behind me. Let me speed forward like a meteor darting across the heavens.)
The hoa rakau or mata rakau charm is one that was repeated over weapons prior to a fight, the object being to cause the weapons to do good service, to render them highly efficient. I have been told that if the point of a weapon that had been so charmed inflicted but a slight wound death would follow, for such is the faith of the Maori. One devoted enthusiast assured me that it was not even essential to wound an enemy with a weapon so charged, that enemy would perish if it were but pointed at him.
When Whironui prepared for his combat with Te Rama-apakura he first placed his spear in water, he then took it out, and, holding it in his left hand, he scooped up some water in his right hand and sprinkled it over the point of the weapon as he recited the following:
Here is another of these old death dealing hoa rakau charms:
When Tane assailed the Whatu kura a Tangaroa in Taiwhetuki he repeated this charm over his spear:
When people expected to have to use their weapons ere long spears were placed under water so as to render them more pliant and less liable to fracture. When taken therefrom just prior to using them the hoa rakau charm was repeated over them, a form of recital that seem to have been known as wani in the Wairarapa district. After this karakia had been so recited the weapons were tapu, and great care had to be displayed lest they become tamoatia or polluted. Thus when about to partake of food all weapons were placed a little space aside, kei tamaoatia te mata o te rakau, lest the point of the weapon be defiled, as by contact with cooked food. When fighting was over then the tapu was lifted from men and weapons. The hoa charm was repeated in an inaudible manner, and, among the Matatua folk, the reciter expectorated upon his weapon as a part of the ceremony.
We occasionally meet with a case when the word hoa is not used in connection with destructive forces so much as repressive powers, as in the phrase ka hoaia te ara o te waka. Here the path or course of a vessel was so influenced by the powers of a charm that a smooth sea and a swift passage were supposed to be the result. Again in the sentence—Me he mea ka tu i te huata ka hoaia ki a Titikura kia ora. Here Titikura is the name of a certain ritual relied on to succour persons afflicted by illness, wounds etc. A wounded person was affected, acted upon by means of the repetition of the Titikura formula, and so we see that, in this case, the directed force was beneficial, restorative, and not destructive or harmful in any way.
We have another term to consider in the word tipi; this term is often used instead of hoa, but I think that it referes to destructive force only; the lengthened form Tipi a Houmea is not infrequently met with. In vernacular speech the word tipi means
In describing the tests for those who had learned the ritual of makutu an old sage remarked: "Ka tipia te tipi a Houmea i konei ki te rakau, ka maroke te rakau" (At this juncture the tipi incantation was directed against a tree, and the tree was withered.)
The act of blasting land, of destroying its fertility and its food products, of impairing or vitiating the hau of such land, was alluded to as papaharo. The following is a specimen of the incantations employed for the purpose:
I was informed by Tuhoe that the land around my old camp of 1898 at Ngaputahi had been impoverished in the above manner by one Koura, he who abode at Pa-matangi, opposite Oromaitake. Also I was told that the great number of dead trees seen on the Huiarau range and the hills around Waikare Moana represented the activites of certain pernicious wizards of the Wairoa district.
In the story of Raumati and the burning of the Arawa vessel we are told that Raumati met his death at the hands of Hau-tupatu (Ha-tupatu in Arawa version). But no weapon struck down Raumati, it was the fell work of magic that sent him down to Rarohenga. The party of Raumati had been defeated by Nga-Oho and he was endeavouring to escape when Hau-tupatu called upon his powers of wizardry. Raumati chanced to be at the base of a cliff, whereupon Hau cast a stone so that it struck the cliff far above him, after having repeated a hoa or tipi spell. The power of the formula was, as it were, carried by the stone, and the result was that the part of the cliff struck was shattered and so fell upon Raumati. This account appears at p. 309 of vol. 34 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society. It also appears at p. 41 of vol. 24 where, however, tipi is mis-spelt tipu.
It has been seen that the term tipi enters freely into what we may term long distance magic, and that it is used as a verb. It is so used in the story of the death of Tauhou of Papa-o-tiri at tipia from a distance on account of Tauhou being one of the persons who had slain his nephew at Te Upoko-poito. Even so Tauhou still lies there where the winged death of Mahu struck him down as he was digging fern roots; in the form of a stone he lies at the path side for all men to see.
When Ngamoa lay stricken unto death it was known that he had been bewitched. When the end was near he said to his young folk: "Heed what I say to you. Do not die of old age, or by the house wall (i.e., of sickness). It were better for you all to die in an endeavour to avenge my death and dignify my name, and so show yourselves to be men." So Ngamoa passed away, and then his nephew Tahamate set out with a party to avenge his death. At Opunua, at Nga Tarawa seventeen persons were slain by Tahamate and his band of raiders in order to avenge the death of Ngamoa.
Now in the above tale we see an extraordinary usage that was a prolific cause of strife in old-time Maoriland. A man was seized with some form of illness, and a shamanistic juggler might assert that the sufferer had been bewitched, and would even give the name of the wizard who had been the cause of the affliction. When the sufferer died then anything might happen, and we see in the case of Ngamoa what the procedure was in some cases; an attack would be made on the hamlet where the named wizard lived in order to avenge the death of the bewitched person; in the case quoted seventeen persons were slain. The raided hamlet might be that of another division of the same tribe as that to which the dead man belonged, this was so in many cases. Now the raided folk would probably look upon the attack as an act of treachery, an unprovoked and brutal slaying of innocent people, and so the raid might initiate a feud that would be carried on for generations.
In another and longer version of the above story Ngamoa tells his young men to avenge his death: "… that, even as I dwell in the underworld, my grateful ears may hear of your deeds and your fame." We are also told that, as the Upokoiri folk who were defeated by Tahamate could not avenge their injuries by fighting, they resorted to whaiwhaia (witchcraft) and so slew Tahamate. Then Ngati-Te Rehunga, under Te Pakaru and others marched to avenge the death of Tahamate, slaying some of the Upokoiri at Ongaru. The Upokoiri attacked the Parinui-o-whiti village at Waimarama under cover of night, and took it. One Weka escaped from the killing, and roused the people of the fortified
It sometimes occurred that a dying man would state that he had been bewitched by a certain person. If the accused happened to be a person of importance his death would be avenged by his friends, who would go and slay the accused, who might be utterly ignorant of the cause of such an attack. When the sister of Taui (a practiser of black magic) died at Hokianga on 9 March 1851, she said, just prior to her death, "I have been bewitched by Mapiria." In this case no action was taken on account of the woman being of inferior rank and having been a slave.
In some cases, when it was believed that a person had died from the effects of black magic, a tohunga would make a small and rude representation of a human figure, which he placed at the edge of the stream or pool of water where he was accustomed to perform his rites. He would then, by reciting a charm, cause the wairua or double of the wizard to appear. The body of the dead person was then buried, and the double or wraith of the wizard caused to appear again at the side of the grave, whereupon the adept would recite such a charm as the following, in order to prevent the wizard slaying any more of the clan:
This effusion runs somewhat as follows: I recite my diverting charm to divert evil and misfortune; that evil influences may not recoil upon me. Begone thou to the heavens above, to the earth below.
The following note refers to the rude image of a human being employed as a medium. "In order to have a medium through which to afflict a person by means of magic charms or rites, a tohunga would procure some raupo (bullrush leaves) and fashion thereof a crude image of a person. This represented the man makutu or black magic were to be directed, and into it he thrust a stone to represent the heart of the person. The warlock then placed the image in an upright position in a stream or pool or water and, during this rite, it was necessary that he should be alone and quite naked. He would leave his garments at some distance from the scene of operations. Having fixed the image in position, the tohunga stood on the bank of the stream, on the west side of the image, and, looking at it, repeated his charms or spells, waving his hands to and fro as he did so. Having finished such repetition, he spits towards the image and, at the same time, endeavoured to catch the spittle in his left hand. Should he so catch it, he struck the palm of that hand against his forehead. The augury derived from this catching of the spittle was to the effect that the spells uttered would have effect on the person against whom they were aimed."
Among the Ngati-Porou folk, when it was suspected that a person had died from the effects of black magic, a tohunga would proceed to whakatara the corpse. This he did by prodding it in the stomach with a stick, as he repeated the words: "Are you at the south?" Another prod accompanied the question: "Are you at the west?" and so on round the compass. Should the body move in any way, or appear to, at any of these prods, then it was known in which direction the wizard resided. The operator then dealt out another prod, and asked: "Are you connected with … ?" mentioning the name of some person living in the ascertained quarter. This was repeated until some sign indicated the offender.
The attributing of sickness and disease to the arts of the wizard was of common occurrence, and the late Dr W. H. Goldie has recorded a considerable amount of data pertaining to this subject in a paper entitled "Maori Medical Lore", published in vol. 37 of the Transactions of the New Zealand Institute, pp. 1-120, esp. pp. 45-48. When a tohunga performed a hirihiri rite over a sick person, an act usually performed at a stream or pond, he might say: "Your affliction is the work of makutu, I see the spirit of the wizard standing by your side. What shall be done?" The patient might reply: "Patua atu" (destroy him), and then steps would be taken to slay the wizard by means of magic.
When performing the divinatory hirihiri rite at the waterside both patient and diviner were in a state of nudity, tapu rites always necessitated the discarding of clothing. The tohunga dipped a branchlet into the water and sprinkled drops thereof on
In this formula the reciter, a member of the Ngati-Awa tribe, sought to ascertain the cause of the illness of a tribesman, hence the mention of ariki, matamua, wananga, tapu, and the names of two local warlocks. He kept on repeating the names of social classes, tapu places, wizards, etc., until the patient gave a sign that betokened the cause of illness. In this particular case the dying man gasped and breathed his last just as the name of the wizard Te Haraki was uttered. It was thus clearly shown that the dead man had been done to death by that warlock. Te Reretautau was another local wizard. Had the sign come when the word ariki was uttered, then it would have been known that the invalid had interfered with the condition of tapu that pertains to an ariki or high class chieftain, and was being punished by the gods for that offence; and so with the other classes and conditions mentioned. In like manner the words whare (house), kakahu (garments), moenga (sleeping place) were sometimes introduced into these recitals, and should a sign come when one of these words was spoken then it was known that the sick person had interfered with the tapu of a house, garment, or sleeping place.
The Rev. Mr Yate tells us in his Account of New Zealand that he seldom knew a man who for any length of time had practised witchcraft die a natural death: "… he has fallen by the hands of the violent man." (Yate, Account of New Zealand p. 96). Angas wrote in the "forties" of the last century: "Amongst the heathen tribes they attempt to cure all diseases by witchcraft or sorcery." (Savage Life and Scenes, vol. 2, p. 46).
It is certain that wizardry was relied on to punish offenders and to destroy enemies in some cases wherein they were deemed to be too powerful to attack openly. Among such a superstitious folk as the Maori the knowledge of this proclivity must have acted to some extent as a deterrent.
We have a brief account of a peculiar rite termed huki toto that was collected by the late Sir George Grey. It concerns the case of a person who has been foully slain, and the steps taken by tohunga, experts in divinatory rites, to ascertain whether or not rua torino. The following is a rendering of the recital.
"When a person died the tohunga immersed themselves in water, and, on emerging therefrom, they proceeded to the tapu place of the hamlet, or to the place where the person had been slain, there to take steps toward the avenging of the dead. The ceremonial rods of the experts were set up at the place where the ceremonies were performed, and the experts busied themselves in collecting the blood of the dead man, whether such blood, or other properties, were in a dry state or still fluid. Now the spirit of that dead person would appear to them as they were reciting their charms, or possibly when they were sleeping. That apparition would appear in brave array, with his hair combed and dressed, and his head, back and front, adorned with plumes. Then the experts would know that the death of that person would be avenged, and they would tell the people so and all would rejoice."
The immersion of the body in water and the discarding of clothing were considered highly necessary acts where tohunga were performing important rites, as has already been explained. The blood of a slain man was usually taken by means of a stick, a small portion thereof being taken up from the ground on the end of a stick, hence probably the use of the word huki. This portion of blood served as a medium, the wizards' spells were repeated over it. The ceremonial rods (toki or tird) are described else-where (pp. 344-345 of Dominion Museum Bulletin 10, 1976 reprint).
We have already noted that the arts of black magic were often directed against the wairua or spirit instead of against the bodies of enemies. In some cases the aim was to destroy the spirit, whereupon its physical basis would likewise perish; in other cases the avowed aim was to so influence the spirits or soul of enemies that they would become apprehensive, nervous, and lose their self-confidence and courage. Tutakangahau of Tuhoe has explained how a defeat may be avenged by magic, and there are many ways of effecting this result. The one that he explained is that known as umu parapara or koangaumu. In describing this a Maori speaks of the spirits of enemies being 'cooked' by means of umu, the common name for a steam oven or steaming pit in which food is cooked. Also the points or edges of the weapons of such enemies were blunted by means of magic spells. Ka taona nga wairua o nga hoariri ki te umu karakia, ka patua nga mata o nga rakau o te hoariri. When a raiding party was defeated, and the survivors thereof returned home; then those survivors, their weapons and garments served as mediums over which avenging spells were uttered.
Tatakangahau also explained how the wairua or spirits of enemies were captured and slain by means of the kete rite. In this performance a tapu basket (kete) was employed, and the karakia was partially acted, the basket being so placed that its open mouth faced the people to be affected, wherever they might be. A spell known as Haruru was then recited and this had the effect of attracting the wairua of the enemies against whom the spell was directed, and causing them to enter the receptacle. The kete was then closed as another charm was recited, after which a third spell was repeated, in order to destroy the confined spirits. Now such a tapu wallet, often alluded to as a kete pure, was certainly often carried by tohunga accompanying raiding parties, and invocations and spells were often half acted, but it needs close enquiry to ascertain just what was done, the exact mode of procedure. The performance of a wizard might be of a symbolical nature, his utterances metaphorical. A Maori tells you that a pit was dug into which the souls of enemies were lured, also that a tapu fire was kindled, but on enquiring closely you find that no real pit was excavated, it was presented by the noxious spell uttered. Also that no actual fire was kindled, the experts merely going through the motions of generating fire.
Some accounts tell us that the spirits of enemies were lured into a fire, and there destroyed, but it was by no means necessary to have a real fire. The aspect of detachment and the curious phases of abstraction that pertained to Maori thaumaturgics and other activities were highly remarkable and form an interesting study.
We have an account from Taranaki of a case in which a person stricken by illness was said to have been bewitched, and so the shadow (ata) of the invalid was taken by the priestly expert, the local warlock, to the local wai tapu, and there, at the waterside, was recited a spell whereby to destroy the wizard who had afflicted the invalid. Evidently the ata of the sufferer served in some way as a form of ohonga or medium, a link to connect the ata denotes shadow and reflection, but in some cases it is certainly used to denote the human spirit or soul, the wairua. Moreover this word wairua bears the same double meaning of "shadow" and "spirit". As to the actual object that represented the ata, and that was taken to the place of rites, it would be something connected with the sick person. Our Taranaki informant mentioned above, in describing the tiratu or waitokorau rite in connection with a bewitched person, stated that the expert would take a small lock of the sufferer's hair to the wai tapu and there place it on a rock (tira) set in an upright position (tu) in the water. He would then recite a spell that would cause the spirit of the hostile sorcerer to appear by the rod, and another one whereby to destroy that spirit. In a number of cases the wairua of the sorcerer, compelled by the powers of the spell to appear, is said to have done so in the form of a fly or rango, as we shall see where describing the rua torino.
Witchcraft was resorted to in some cases for the purposes of punishing theft, even in cases where the thief was unknown. The story of Mahu, already given, casts some light on this usage. Many offenders were punished by the agency of magic, and we have already scanned a number of such cases. As Shortland puts it it was the weapon of the weak, but his remark that, in a Maori community, the law of force generally prevailed, is somewhat misleading.
The dread of punishment per medium of black magic was sometimes the cause of stolen goods being returned. For instance, if a person, on returning to his home after an absence therefrom, thought that his hut had been entered, he would refrain from entering it himself, and would obtain the services of a tohunga, who would take a piece of thatch or other material from the right hand side of the doorway, take it to the rear of the hut, and there bury it, as he did so he recited over it a charm that was supposed to be most effective, but as the writer can see absolutely no sense in it, it is omitted. The owner of the hut would not enter it until the matter was cleared up. If a thief had been there, he would hear of the above ceremony, and fear of consequences would probably cause him to return any stolen goods. He would return them under cover of night.
One account of the procedure of a tohunga when calling up the spirit of a thief is to the effect that he struck the water with a wand or rod (tira) as he recited the necessary formula. It is generally ata-a-wai or reflection would be seen. The whakamatiti is one of the spells employed for the purpose of punishing thieves, it has the unpleasant effect of causing their limbs to contract and wither. In this connection some remarks made by the author of Rovings in the Pacific from 1837 to 1849 are of interest. Speaking of the above curse, as he terms it, he says: "Such is the extraordinary influence acquired by the craft of one savage over the fears of another. I have seen living instances of the effect of these maledictions, and Europeans who have watched the result … have assured me that, without apparent cause, a sound and healthy limb has gradually withered and contracted until the foundations of its strength have dried up, and it has hung a useless incumbrance to the body; so much for the effects of the imagination, the power of mind over matter." (Lucatt, Rovings in the Pacific from 1847 to 1849, vol. 1, p. 114).
Old folk of the commoner class, and of both sexes, sometimes took up the practice of magic; the evidence gathered is to the effect that what may be termed malicious magic was principally in the hands of such folk. The more responsible tohunga were far more wont to exercise discretion and confine their activities in that line to legitimate channels, and to study the public weal. It was the attitude of the more irresponsible warlocks that caused so much trouble in the Maori commune, that prompted parents to warn children to be very careful in their behaviour toward some repulsive shaman, and made it necessary to frequently supply such persons with food.
In one case that came under my notice a man had stolen some eels from a person's eel pot. The owner procured a fragment of the material of which the pot was composed as the ahua or semblance of that pot, to serve as an ohonga or medium in the divinatory rite that was to indicate the thief. These Matatua folk told me that the expert would call up the spirit of the thief and describe its appearance to the applicant for redress who often recognised the culprit from the description given, the applicant might go to the person whom he believed was the thief, and demand the return of his property. If no satisfaction was received then the matter might be handed over to the professor of makutu for him to deal with. It might be decided to utterly destroy the offender, or merely afflict him by means of the ahi matiti or whakamatiti charms mentioned above.
Those of the warlock fraternity who met with violent ends were, as a rule, the more irresponsible practitioners alluded to above, but I remember a case in which a man of good standing was suspected of makutu, and that in connection with his own near relatives. His own son was so excited by superstitious fears that he cautiously stalked his own father and shot him, whereupon he was forced to retire to the depths of the forest there to reside for some years, owing to the unpleasant attitude of the administrators of the laws of the white man.
It seems clear that, when a tohunga accused a person of being the cause of the illness or death of another, and an attack was made on the culprit's clan in order to equalise matters, the attacked persons would simply maintain that the attack was an act of treachery, that no cause existed to justify it, and so trouble would commence. It is also clear that tohunga were possessed of dangerous powers when they could accuse innocent persons of various crimes and misdemeanours, and so bring trouble or disaster upon them, also upon many other people.
Ruru of Tuhoe was essentially an upholder of the policy of direct action and self-reliance, hence he achieved fame in the annals of Tuhoeland. He it was who killed Kahu at Pukareao in order to maintain his right to a certain parcel of land at that place, and also slew his ika hui ma, to wit two men of Awa, at Waihua, in defence of his fishing and game rights in that lone vale. In his later years Ruru resided at Owhakatoro where his presence was by no means welcome, and when he was credited with causing the death of a man by the agency of makutu in the year 1865, then local regulators of the community resolved to remove this menace, whereupon Ruru was promptly shot.
About the year 1879 a party of Tuhoe folk was busy in the gum digging industry at Whitianga. One member of that party, Petera Koikoi by name, came to be suspected of indulgence in the arts of black magic, hence the local natives decided to hasten his departure to the spirit world. They persuaded him to accompany a party said to be going to Katikati by canoe, and, when well out from land, they knocked him on the head, and cast the body overboard.
Te Kooti, author of the Poverty Bay massacre of 1868, posed as a tohunga, and, ere long, it was seen to be a highly dangerous pursuit for any person within his reach to practise as a rival in thaumaturgic arts, hence the sudden and violent death that overtook Penetiti of Orakau fame, and other would-be experts.
The Maori was always prone to look upon any unusual phenomenon as ominous, something betokening evil influences, hence he would resort to some of the many rites and spells employed for the purpose of diverting such influences. The appearance of a comet was looked upon in this light, as also was the seeing of a planet during hours of daylight; a meteor was sometimes viewed with alarm, the belief being that it was an atua despatching enemies to assail the local folk. In such cases the aim of the rite performed was not only of a defensive nature, but also endeavours were made to cause the evil influence to recoil upon and destroy the originators of the scheme.
In the teaching of the arts of magic the tribes of the east coast of the North Island employed certain tapu stones termed whatu. Two of these were known as whatu puororangi and whatu kai manawa, and these were used in connection with magic rites. Those pupils who were successful in passing the various tests were presented with such stones.
The five terms rua torino, rua ngana, rua haeroa, rua iti and rua tupo are used to denote the old magic practice of destroying the wairua or spirits of enemies. The idea was to lure such spirits into a pit and there destroy them by magic spells, whereupon the physical basis of each such spirit would also perish. Rua and umu are synonymous terms when used in this connection, and their meaning is "pit"; a pit was supposed to be excavated for the performance of the rite, and in some cases such a pit was made and used, but such terms as rua, umu, waro, ahi, etc. were often used in a symbolical manner, no pit or fire being made. When such a pit was made it was a small one excavated at the local sacred place (tuahu) and we are told that a fly was usually the visible form of the wairua seen to enter the pit of death. Tarakawa tells us that the warlock held in his hand a small branchlet wherewith to drive the fly into the pit, and that during this performance the person whose wairua was being lured and destroyed would be in utter ignorance of the fact. He further explained that the form of tuahu used on such occasions was that known as an ahupuke, situated by the brink of a stream. The operating warlock would doff his garments, tie a piece of flax leaf rua torino into which the spirit was to be lured. He then took a stone in his hand and repeated his compelling charm, repeatedly striking the earthen figure as he did so, and mentioning the name of the doomed person. Ere long the fly representing the wairua of that person would enter the hole, the stone was clapped on the mouth of the hole to confine it therein, and the final spell to destroy the spirit was repeated. The Ngati-Porou folk say that a tohunga would perform this rite without the aid of the mound in human form in some cases, the fly-wairua settling on the earth immediately before the performer, who would destroy it.
Ngati-Awa informed me that the hole for the wairua was made in the earthen form itself. The Tuhoe folk explained that the rua iti was simply a hole made in the ground in which was placed one end of a piece of cord, or twine, or some other fabric that has been worn or handled by the person who was to be bewitched; this would be the ohonga or bait object. A spell was then repeated to cause the wairua of the doomed person to descend the cord into the hole, wherein it was confined and destroyed by another incantation termed kopani harua. The word whaka umu is sometimes used to denote this method of makutu, and umu pongipongi is applied to a similar performance. I have also been told that the wairua is not represented by any visible object in some cases, and that only an expert would know when it has entered the hole, all of which I am quite prepared to believe.
Some lengthy karakia or spells pertaining to the rua torino appear in Sir George Grey's Polynesian Mythology pp. 86-90, Maori part, where it is termed rua haeroa, and we are told that shells were used to sweep the doomed spirits into the pit. A more detailed account of this rite is given in White's Lectures entitled Maori Customs and Superstitions (see Gudgeon, The History and Doings of the Maoris, pp. 150-160).
In the story of the Upoko-poito we have an account of another very singular performance. This is applied to what was possibly an actual fight that occurred on the east coast in past times, but magic the marvellous creeps into this tale as into many another. Rangi-te-kahutia was a man of parts and also he did not enter this world in the usual way but came forth from the groin of his mother. He was an important chief and a medium of the gods, he it was also who caused the defeat of Ngati-Kahungunu in the fight known as the Upoko-poito. A war party of the Kahungunu tohunga and proposed joint action, but Pakatore declined, and so Rangi set about resorting to magic. When Rangi recited his magic charm he put his head down and elevated his rear, into which he drew and enclosed the wind, rain, thunder and lightening. Ere he had released the wind, rain, thunder and lightening for long all the enemy vessels were overturned at sea, even those that reached land were again swept away by the waters; so perished at sea the men of Ngati-Kahungunu. This affair became known as the Upoko-poito because the heads of the men who had been capsized into the sea looked like the floats of a fishing net. This item was contributed by Hori Ropiha.
The name of ahi whakaene seems to cover a number of ceremonial performances of olden times. In some of these a tapu fire seems to have been really kindled, in other cases the name was used as a figurative expression. The name covers a number of magic rites (see Dominion Museum Bulletin 10, 1976 reprint, p. 323). Spells concerned with black magic were recited thereat and such performances as the whakautuutu were carried out there. This was a ceremonial averting of dire calamity shown to be impending. One of the most ominous of such signs was that termed a kotipu, which is nothing more nor less than the seeing of a lizard on the path during one's walks abroad. This referred principally to the moko kakariki or common green lizard, to meet with which was, to the Maori mind, a case of death staring one in the face. This extremely strong superstitious feeling regarding the lizard did not, apparently, extend to the tuatara (Sphendon punctatum) which formed a part of the native's food supply in olden days, hence an old saying concerning Mt. Edgecumbe "Ko Putauaki te maunga he ngarara tona kai?—"the tuatara lizard was about the only food product of those infertile lands. It has been recorded by the Rev. W. R. Wade that the lizard represents Whiro, who in his turn, represents evil and death, hence possibly the intense fear of the lizard displayed by the Maori.
When a Maori so encountered a lizard he would at once kill it, for he would know that its appearance betokened some impending misfortune, probably it has been sent by some enemy of his to destroy him. If possible he would then get a woman to step over the body of the lizard to avert the evil omen, an act ripa or whiti. The act of whakautuutu, was as follows: A fire was kindled and the body of the lizard was cut into pieces, one for each person or clan that might possibly have been the cause of the appearance of the ominous lizard. The conductor of this performance would then take up the pieces of the lizard's body one by one and cast them into the fire. As he threw each piece in he would repeat a short sentence calling upon a certain clan or suspected warlock to eat the fragment so consigned to the fire, as follows: "Ma Ngati … hapu koe e kai." This procedure had not only a defensive aspect, but it also was designed to afflict the person or persons who had sent the lizard. A form of hirihiri charm would also be repeated so as to banish the threatened trouble. When the lizard was killed the persons present would expectorate upon it, and each one would pull a hair from his head and cast it into the tapu fire. These acts, I was told, would be very effective in causing the threatened afflication to recoil upon those shameless persons who had despatched the lizard to destroy them.
That rites do destroy the wairua or spirit of man in Maori belief is shown in the following line from an old song: "I tahuna mai ahau ki te ahi whakaene kia mate te wairua" The singer is weary with grief and asks to be relieved of his, or her, sad feelings, either by means of the miri aroha rite, or by death, hence she asks that her wairua be slain by means of the ahi whakaene rite.
Moser, in his Mahoe Leaves, tells a story of an old native who believed himself to be afflicted by a lizard that kept gnawing at his vitals, hence he moved about from one place to another in his endeavours to avoid his tormentor, but all to no purpose. Moser remarks: "I am not naturalist enough to know what lizards feed on, but if they are partial to fleas and other vermin I can understand their following old Lazarus about." (p. 79). This was during the famous lizard-killing craze in the Whanganui district, when the natives spent their time in hunting and killing the lizards that were said to be destroying them.
The ahi tirehurehu was a rite performed in war time, the heart of a slain enemy being roasted at a fire especially kindled for the purpose, while an incantation was repeated over it in order to render living enemies nervous and faint hearted.
The Maori ever depended largely on dreams to warn him of dangers threatening his existence, or, as he put it, his wairua wandering abroad during his hours of sleep, observed such dangers and hastened back to warn him. Should he so dream that some person was endeavouring to raweka or meddle with him, taura) belonging to the supposed wizard, and this served as a medium between the active spell of the coming performance and the person against whom it was launched. An incision was made on the left shoulder of the threatened person and blood therefrom was smeared on the piece of cord, which was then burned as an incantation was recited over it. This spell had the effect of averting all danger and also, if sufficiently empowered by the gods, it might cause the death of the offender. It was then necessary to lift the tapu from the participants in the rite, and from the proceedings, the condition of tapu having been induced by the appeal to the gods who had empowered the magic spells. This removal of tapu was effected by repeating a certain formula, and by cooking a single sweet potato tuber, which was eaten by a woman, the ruahine or priestess, if the term be permissible. In some cases the cooked kumara was placed under the threshold of the dwelling hut of the threatened person, and the ruahine simply stepped over the threshold; the female element is destructive to tapu.
In the story of Ngarue, as we have seen, the dart thrown by Wharematangi was thought to possess supernormal qualities, hence certain tohunga busied themselves in reciting the takapau and taupa charms to prevent it injuring the local folk, or, as the narrator put it "koi ngau ki te tangata"—lest it assail man.
The term matapuru is employed to denote all acts and spells the object of which is to avert the effects of witchcraft and of any disregard of tapu. When an old man of Tuhoe had been giving me information as to old Maori customs, rites, etc., he said: "I must now go and matapuru, lest the information I have given you return and destroy me." In a case where a man suspected that some person was trying to bewitch him he would procure some strips of flax leaf and tie pieces thereof round his body and limbs after which he would recite a spell such as the following, termed a momono, as a matapuru:
In the serious crises of life the Maori put himself unreservedly in the hands of his gods, with such remarks as "Kia koe, e Rehuar!" (To thee, O Rehua!). This he might do when seriously endangered by terrors of makutu. At Taranaki the term kaiwhatu seems to be applied to such incantations as were of a protective nature. Dr Shortland uses the word whakahokitu with a similar meaning, while Tarakawa employed whakangungu. In the data furnished by him to the Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 27, p. 81, Tarakawa describes a ceremony performed over a man threatened by makutu; he was taken at sunset to a stream in the waters of which he was told to immerse himself. The tohunga then repeated some formula, whereupon he saw the spirit of the wizard hovering over the water; this spirit, we are told, was not seen by the patient, a statement that seems quite credible. On the following day the twain repair to the tuahu or place of rites, where more incantations were recited, also the expert struck a short rod in the earth and buried at the base thereof a few hairs taken from the head of the patient. By these means it seems that the wairua of the man under threatment was caused to leave him for a space, though the object of this severance is not explained, after a time the absent spirit was brought back to its physical basis and the danger was removed.
Te Kahui of Taranaki gave some account of the tiratu or waitokorau or waihuri ceremony that was performed in order to counteract the effects of makutu. As explained this rite resembles that termed tira ora and toko ora by some tribes, which is explained earlier in this paper. In this Taranaki performance two rods (tira or toko) were set up at the water side (wai tapu), one of which represented the absent wizard, and the other stood for the patient, a lock of whose hair served as a form of medium. By means of certain spells the spirit of the wizard was brought to the rod representing that person, which rod was erected in the water of the stream, and there it was destroyed.
An East Coast native explained a different ceremony performed for the same purpose, and he had himself been subjected to it. He was taken by an expert to a stream and told to immerse himself in the water. He had then to face the east and throw a handful of sand from the stream bed to each of the four cardinal points; this was he arai i te makutu, a warding off of the magic spells of his enemy. The narrator continued: "When I had followed his directions the spirit of the wizard appeared to the tohunga, although I did not see it. He gave me a description of the appearance of the wairua, and I recognised it as that of a
The tapu stone adzes that were so highly prized, even venerated, by the Maori were utilised in a ceremonial manner, and we are told that such implements were "waved" to or towards the gods during ritual performances connected with black magic, war, infant baptism, etc. Na, ko te Awhiorangi, ko te Whironui, enei toki e rua he toki tapu, he toki poipoi ki nga atua mo nga makutu, mo nga haera taua, mo nga tuatanga tamariki, mo nga purenga tamariki, me era atu mahi atua e hiahiatia ana.
There were a number of charms and acts employed whereby to avert harmful influences that might possibly pertain to gifts received. One of the simplest of these performances was explained to me by Tutaka of Tuhoe; when a tahua or pile of food had been apportioned to a party of visitors, and these wished to nullify the powers of magic spells that might have been repeated over it, the matter was left in the hands of any expert of the party, often the principal man thereof. He would proceed to one end of the pile of food supplies, take a basket of food therefrom, convey it to the other end of the heap and there deposit it, after which he transferred a basket from this latter end to the other end. The charm or spell used on the occasion was not collected.
Life insurance among the Maori was not conducted on modern European lines, but when recompensed by a gift one expert would protect a person from the effects of makutu. This was effected in different ways, one such was to take the ahua of the hau of the person and bury it at the local tuahu or place of rites, the actual medium taken would probably be a few hairs from the man's head. Certain recited formulae completed this ceremony.
Travelling outside tribal bounds, even in times of peace, was looked upon as a most dangerous proceeding, and many precautions were taken to avert harmful influences emanating from magic, also unknown spirits and atua. The path such a person traversed might be bewitched; he might inadvertently trespass on a tapu place or touch a tipua tree, log or stone. Any food given him might be saturated with makutu. In his speech and general conduct he would need to be very careful, a slight offence might lead to magic spells being directed at him. Prior to entering a village the traveller would repeat some form of matapuru defensive charm. In some cases a person about to travel through such dangerous territory would hie him to an expert who would provide him with a protective talisman to carry with him, and which, on his return, would be handed back to the expert, who tapu relating to it and its bearer. This method of insurance seems to come under the heading of whakau. One form of whakau is that termed the uruuru whenua rite in this paper, and another form was repeated over food prior to it being eaten, in case some warlock had tampered with it. Travellers would sometimes take a small portion of cooked food and repeat the following formula over it:
This whakau charm would "blunt" the shafts of magic and so preserve the life of the traveller.
When Hinauri of Maori myth, the sister of Maui, crossed the ocean to the land where dwelt Tinirau, she came to land at the headland of Rangitapu at Wairarawa, the home of Ihu-atamai and Ihu-ware ware, brothers of Mini. Now Hinauri was taken to wife by these two persons, but when she encountered Tinirau she resolved to be his wife and abandon the two brothers. But Tinirau had already two wives, named Horo-tatara and Horo-mangarau, who showed great hostility towards Hinauri, and so she took steps to destroy them.
There is a class of Maori songs known as tangi tawhiti and specimens of these collected from the Tuhoe folk show a peculiar combination of lament and karakia makutu in some cases. A lament for a dead tribesman would have included in it, often as concluding lines, a form of magic spell intended to avenge the dead by destroying his slayers. In some cases makutu was avenged by makutu in the form of a tangi tawhiti, the vril-like powers of which destroyed persons afar off.
I have been informed that a simple way of disposing of an objectionable neighbour is to makutu the steam oven in which his food is cooked. To effect this, secure one of the stones used in heating the oven, repeat the necessary spell over it and then when the food so cooked is eaten, the world of death closes in on the consumers thereof.
We have seen how a path was rendered dangerous by means of magic, and in like manner were streams treated occasionally. This was generally for the purpose of destroying hostile parties passing up or down the river in canoes, but occasionally magic was resorted to in order to prevent fish passing up a stream above a totara log embedded in the channel of the Rangitaiki river at Nga Huinga held the remarkable power of preventing eels passing further up the river. This log had been assigned a special name, that of Tangi-auraki, and its strange powers were the results of charms repeated over it. The decline of the mana maori, however, had resulted in eels passing above the charmed log ere I visited the district.
When the Maori wished to preserve the birds of forest or waters, fish or any natural product he would proceed to rahui the same. The word means to preserve or protect by such means, and a material token of such act was also termed rahui. Any post set up to mark such preserved products was called a rahui or pou rahui, the latter term being also applied to boundary marks, at least in some districts. In some cases the interdiction seemed to rest solely on the mana of the man who had imposed it, but in others it was backed up by the dread powers of makutu. In this connection was the term waro rahui or "rahui chasm" employed. A Maori speaks of a waro or pit being excavated whereby to destroy persons who had ignored the interdiction and had committed kairamua, that is had helped himself to the protected products. As a matter of fact no such pit was ever dug, the term waro rahui is purely a figurative expression, the magic spells that destroyed trespassers and poachers represented the pit of destruction.
A waro rahui might be represented by almost any object, or possibly by nothing material. A boulder at Ruatahuna known as Tumatawhero was formerly a waro rahui, i.e., it represented one. The warlocks of former times repeated their magical formulae over it in order to endow it with powers to preserve the products of the surrounding land. Ko Tumatawhero he waro rahui, he kohatu kei Ruatahuna, he mea karakia e nga tohunga o mua hai rahui mo taua whenua.
The offence known as kairamua was a serious one in all cases wherein the instigator of the rahuiwas an influential person; it was more than serious when the rahuiwas supported by black magic. The act of poaching in areas not under rahuiwas known as kaihaumi, and this was sometimes punished by means of magic. If, for example, the poacher had been snaring birds, then a search would be made for an ohongaor medium to connect the punishing spells with the poacher; a loose feather from one of the birds he had handled would serve as such. It will be seen that the custom of rahuiwas one of the substitutes for civil law in the Maori commune.
One aspect of rahui, consisted of rendering tapucertain lands, or a path, or stream, or an area of the sea or a lake; this might be done in the case of the death of some person of influence, and this placing of tapuon paths, etc., has already been explained. Any kind of rahuimight be indicated by such a mark as a post set up, with sometimes a bunch of fern fronds tied to it; in some cases, however, no such sign was employed.
The form of rahuithat protected natural products might or might not be strengthened by makutu, and it might be extended to any product, thus we hear of forests, birds, fruit, fish, shell-fish, timber trees, crops, fern (bracken) roots, ochre springs being rahuitia. In some cases at least a pou rahuiserved the place of a material mauri, say of a forest, and possibly this was the origin of the burying of a kapuor whatuat the base of the pouor post.
Tutakangahau of Tuhoe gave the following explanation of instituting and utilising a rahui. The expert would probably set about the task of setting up a post at some suitable place; ere erecting it he would repeat the words: "He rokiroki, hepenapena, he rakai-whenua." These words carry the general meaning of conversation. He would then proceed to set the post up in the hole made to receive it, and to tamp the same, after which he attached some herbage, often a few fronds of the kiwikiwifern to the post; this was called a maw. He would then make a pass over the ground at the base of the post as though marking a line of it (katahi ia ka hahae i te kahu o te whenua), but no actual mark was made. This, Tutaka assured me, was the waro rahui, the imaginary pit in which poachers were to perish. The expert would then proceed to 'sharpen the teeth of the rahuithat it might destroy man', which he did by reciting the following spell:
Now the repetition of this spell endowed the pou rahui with the power to destroy human life, it did indeed "sharpen the teeth" of the rahui. But the actual repository of the said power was not really the post itself but the kapu. After the above formula had been repeated the expert took the maro or apron of leaves from the post and placed it with the stone that was known as the kapu or whatu of the rahui. The mana of the post was represented by the kapu which was really a mauri. The expert made a movement with his hand as though plucking something from the head or top of the post, and by this means he is said to have taken the semblance, the immaterial ahua or aria of the magic post, and this was represented by the kapu. The immaterial representation of an immaterial quality was transferred to or represented by a material body. These two objects, the stone and the maro, were not buried at the base of the post, or left anywhere near it, lest they be found by enemies and deprived by them of all virtue; they were taken away for some distance and carefully concealed. I am told that a false maro might be attached to the post in order to delude poachers, or other ill-disposed persons wishing to nullify the powers of the rahui. For no empowering spell has been uttered over the false maro, it has not been hoaina, it can neither protect the fruits of the earth nor destroy man; as my informant put it "it has no teeth".
Should a person be desirous of finding the kapu of a rahui, so that he might nullify its destructive powers, he would endeavour to whakaoho (awaken, or rouse) it and so he would wander about seeking the stone and repeating the following formula:
and so on to the tenth—
after which he repeated-—
By means of the repetition of these demands he hoped to influence the stone, kapu, the very kernel of the rahui to disclose its presence, its hiding place.
It would appear that the destructive and protective powers of a kapu were wont to weaken after a time, and so steps would be taken to rouse it, to cause it to become efficient. When its destructive powers so needed rousing the term turiuki was kairamui (break prohibition) had not been automatically destroyed by the magic powers of the kapu of the rahui. The kapu had evidently gone to sleep and must be roused or awakened, and so the expert would proceed to turiuki it, that is to repeat an incantation over it to reinforce its powers.
A similar act would be relied on when it was seen that the productiveness of lands, forest, waters had waned, that food products were deteriorating. In such a case, explained Tutaki, the expert would proceed to generate a tapu fire termed the ahi taitai, to which he took the kapu and there repeated over it a form of whakaoho charm to cause it, or the gods behind it, to restore the productiveness of local forests. Having kindled the fire the tohunga stood by it, hand in hand, and repeated the following formula that rendered the fire tapu and located the gods therein to render effective the rites performed at it:
In some cases rahui posts had designs carved upon them, usually grotesque human heads showing distorted features, of these I have seen a number. We must note that the term pou rahui was also, in at least some districts, applied to boundary marks that might be either wooden posts or stones. In an account of inter-tribal quarrels among the Ngati-Kahungunu folk we are told that two pou rahui were effected at Marukaretu and Whakatau apparently to make a boundary of certain land claimed. (I te haerenga atu o te Rehunga, o Te Mana-a-kawa, o Te Rangikoiamaka ma ra, ka toe ki te ngutuawa o Marukaretu ka poua te pou rahui whenua a nga tangata nei, he pirangi whenua; ka tapaia te ingoa ko Numia. Kapoua tetahipou ki Whakatau, ka kiia te ingoa ko Kau te awha tena pou.) The post erectors seem to have been taking possession of land. It may be noted that both posts were assigned special names. In the following case also rahui posts appear to have been erected by persons endeavouring to take possession of land belonging to others, hence men were despatched to burn the posts. (Ka rongo a Te Nahu rua tu nga pou a Te Wanikau, a Ngati-Te Upokoiri hei rahui i te whenua. Ke tonoa mai e Te Nahu a Te Mautahi, a Whakahoki, a Parapara, a Kauanga kei turaki, hei tahutahu i aua rahui.)
In another recital we are told that Wanikau set up the rahui to preserve the fish and birds of the lakes of Roto-a-Tara, Roto-a-Kiwa and Poukawa. When Mautahi burned the posts he said: "These burned posts are the bones of Wanikau." This caused the burning to be viewed as a direct insult, hence Wanikau went to Taupo and persuaded Te Heuheu to march a force to Roto-a-Tara and attack the fortified village on the small isle of Awarua-a-Porirua therein (see Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 9, p. 157).
When Koroua was slain at Otaketake, Paeora, by Ngati-Whaoa he was decapitated and his head was set up on a pou rahui that preserved certain tawaha aruhe a place where fern roots, the edible rhizomes of bracken, were obtained. When Tionga of the Arawa was slain by Tuhoe the head of that warrior was cut off, smoke-dried and set up on a famous tutu or tree on which birds were snared, in order to protect it. A stone called Tumatawhero, that lies in the bed of the Ruatahuna stream, a tributary of the upper Whakatane, served as a pou rahui and waro rahui to protect the products of the surrounding lands. Streams were rahuitia in order to prevent fish being taken out of season, as well as for the purpose of punishing poachers from other clan areas. The person who instituted a rahui over stream or lake could do so only over such portions thereof as were under his control, and the matter would be discussed and agreed to by all owners of such lands or waters. Thus it might be made known that a certain river was under rahui within certain limits, the extent of the interdict being mentioned. I was told of a case in which a spring of water, a wai manawa whenua, was placed under rahui, lest some person pollute the water thereof, and a stone was the tohu or token of the ban. In this case either the spring was kept for the special use of a person of importance, or it was used as a wai tapu, as explained thereto fore.
Not infrequently a single tree was placed under rahui, one specially suitable for a particular purpose, such as canoe making, and in such a case a stone might be placed at the base of the tree as a tohu or sign of the prohibition. Occasionally magic was employed when so preserving trees, but in many cases it was not considered necessary.
A man of influence would sometimes commandeer and reserve for his own use some object, to which he would attach maybe a fragment of his garment. Five generations ago Tahu and Ruamoko of Ngati-Patumoana named two rocks in the Waioeka river after themselves to serve as pou rahui. In 1895, when rahui post erected by Tukuha at Te Rautawhiri was still standing, though Tukuha had long been camped in shadowland. This rahui was instituted for the purpose of preserving the eels in the Rangitaiki river. This post was a permanent fixture, and, when eel taking was banned, Tukuha would suspend an old garment on the post. At one time he placed a ban on those eels on account of an offensive remark made by some person. At the Wheao stream he set up another rahui post that he named after his own daughter Kiritapoa. At Ruatoki was a grave of tutu bushes that was formerly put under rahui during the fruiting season, lest the ripe berries thereof be taken by unauthorised persons. The Ngati-Pou folk of Pokohu used to obtain their ochre for making red paint from a place at Otutauira, and that place was under rahui.
Groves of flax (Phormium) often came under rahui so useful a plant was it. Trees, such as totara and kohikatoa, from which bark was obtained for roofing purposes were protected in like manner. Unauthorised taking of products under rahui not infrequently led to fighting. A shaggery named Whakatangihau at Okarika was put under rahui during the bird-taking season.
There was some form of rahui connected with the ceremonial destruction of pests that attacked sweet potato crops into which a form of magic entered. The field would be under tapu while the ceremony was being performed. To disregard such a rahui was dangerous to the trespasser, and his act would render the function a futile one. (Te rahui i te mara he mahi na nga pakeke hai patu i nga ngarara kai kumara. Ki te takahia e te tangata taua rahui ka mate tonu te tangata, engari kaore horei e mate te ngarara.)
On one occasion I heard the term rahui hakari applied to a post set up to commemorate a social function, a ceremonial feast of hakari. On rare occasions, said a Ngati-Kahungunu informant, such a post might be erected, as in connection with such functions pertaining to sessions of the whare wananga, house of learning, also to birth and marriage in high class families. Such a post would be adorned with carved designs, and it would add to the prestige of the particular family concerned.
The institution of rahui was introduced here from Polynesia by the ancestors of the Maori, it is still known by the same name or its dialectical equivalent in many of the northern isles.
Pio of Te Teko used the term kairamua to denote the act of eating tapu food reserved for the first born member of a high class family. This hara would be detected by the seer when he recited the hirihiri charm over the sufferer because naturally, the gods Kotahi koe ki reira, kotahi ki nga matamua"—some sign would be inadvertently given by the sufferer, and so the seer would know the cause of his ailment, and would proceed to relieve him.
When a person bestowed a gift upon another, and no return gift was made as time rolled on, then the giver would say: "My gift has been kaihautia" whereupon he might bewitch the negligent recipient. It appeared to be sufficient for him to call upon heaven and earth to witness the offensive neglect and repeat the following: "E Rangi e! Titiro ihol E Papa el Titiro ake!" Followed by: "Te taonga, e te taonga, nau ra e te taonga, e kai ra koe i au, e te taonga."
A somewhat rambling communication from Hori Ropiha contributed in the "nineties" contains the following remarks.
"Now some of the atua of the Maori are visible to man as reptiles, stones, cuttlefish or owls, for the Maori had many gods. These were the beings that destroyed man, but it would always be ascertained as to which being it was that so afflicted a person. When an expert ascertained what particular demon was afflicting a man he would proceed to expel it, using a ceremonial wand and reciting charms to influence it, and so that demon would leave the body of the man, who would then recover. In those days the formulae employed by the Maori to influence his gods were very effective. If an expert demanded that thunder should resound, then it would do so, should he ask for wind, then that wind would rise, should he proceed to lay in wind, then it would cease. Should a person be bewitched he would die; should eels, fishing grounds, lamprey, grayling, birds, or kahawai, be bewitched, then they perished. The Maori possessed great powers in former times, as also did his gods and his charms, and the gods would heed the demands of man. In these times those gods and charms have been abandoned by the Maori, as when Europeans and their gods arrived. It was said by Europeans that the Maori folk must wash their heads in cooking pots, which they did not decline to do, they at once consented to the deceitful behest. They washed their heads in cooking pots, but afterwards found that Europeans used special basins in their rooms for washing purposes, while their cooking pots were kept in the kitchen and used merely for cooking. Europeans played many deceitful and treacherous acts on the Maori; the only good thing they did was to introduce Christianity, that was a worthy act, but their conduct towards the Maori was quite wrong."
Myth, magic and religion. Scope of Part XI. Animism and personification. Myth making. Myth and history. Myths as a medium for imparting knowledge. Fictitious genealogies. Folk tales and moral teachings. Two classes of myths. Interpretation of myths. Polynesian myths. Many Maori myths introduced from Polynesia. Korero purakau. Polynesian and Melanesian myths intermingle. Our knowledge of Polynesian mythology fragmenting and in many instances unsatisfactory.
We have already seen that the religious beliefs and practices of the Maori cannot be described without invading the realm of magic, and it is equally clear that myth also enters into such beliefs. We have scanned a considerable number of the superior myths of the Maori in Dominion Museum Bulletin 10, these coming principally under the heading of cosmogonic, theogonic and anthropogenic myths. There remain to be dealt with what may be termed second-class myths, such as origin myths, nature myths, and following these, folk tales and fables. The final section will deal with superstitious beliefs and omens. This part will merely contain illustrations of the various forms of myths and folk tales, fables and omens, much more has been collected and recorded, and again much has been lost through lack of field workers.
It is not necessary, in a study such as this, to discuss the origin of myths, but it will be seen that, of those given in the two parts (Bulletins 10 and 11) of this study, a large proportion is composed of origin myths and nature myths, and that these two classes intermingle to some extent. The curious form of belief termed animism, with which is connected that concept termed the Universal Soul in Nature, would naturally tend to promote the growth of myth, and, in popular folk tales, it has led to the endowing of inanimate objects with the powers of speech and locomotion. Many myths represent attempts to explain natural phenomena, and we have noted that many of the Maori gods were personifications of such phenomena. When a personified form is credited with, say the power of speech, then it is but a step further to endow an inanimate object with such power. As Tylor Primitive Culture, vol. 1, p. 269; elsewhere he refers to Nature-Myths as: "those most beautiful of poetic fictions" (Tylor, ibid. vol. 1, p. 257). The close fellowship with Nature felt by such folk as the Maori would not merely render myth making easy, it would as it were be a natural sequence.
Myths are the fruit of a certain phase of mentality and a certain stage of culture, both of which we ourselves have outgrown, and yet we occasionally "slip a cog" in our onward path, and so put faith in a prophecy as to the end of the world, in faith healing seekers of shekels, or in Angels of Mons that make a mess of their job. But if myths are the product of a certain mental condition, it is also clear that they have, on their part, affected the development of human mentality. And if we have given up, or almost given up, the making of myths, such cannot be said for our children, who are still given to the invention of fairy tales and other simple recitals, at least it was so as late as my own childhood. The sort of occurrences from which myths were evolved of yore are still occurring, but, without mental outlook, we fail to evolve the myths. No longer does Uenuku stride across the vast realm of Watea in search of his lost bride Hine-makohu; albeit the rainbow, and space and mist are still with us. When Mahuika, in fiery wrath, assails us, we do not call up the battalions of Te Ihorangi to save us, but merely ring up the fire brigade. The past that was never present has held many charms for mankind throughout countless centuries, and still abides with us in written form. But even as Tane banished the Dawn Maid from the world of light to the underworld of Rarohenga, so has the developing mentality of man driven the mythopoetic concepts of our forbears into the realm of oblivion.
C. O. James considers that mythology is largely the product of the religious nature of man. One can but suppose that he was referring to superior myths, such as those given in Part 3 of Bulletin 10; but as to myths of a lower type, and folk tales, such as we are about to scorn, it is certain that other origins must be admitted. Another point is worth stressing here, and that is the fact that the mental capacity of myth makers differs widely. The superior myths of the Maori referred to above would be sought in vain among the Australian blacks and other similar races of mankind. The mythopoetic nature of many of our Maori myths renders them peculiarly attractive. Yet another matter worthy of mention is that of what constitutes a myth. For instance, our teachings concerning the Supreme Being, the origin of the
During my sojourn among our Maori folk of New Zealand I have noted occurrences that, in pre-European times, might well have led to the formation of myths. In many of these cases I observed that a single occurrence, possibly one easily explainable, was so exaggerated as the story was passed on from hamlet to hamlet, that at last it had grown into quite a respectable myth. This aspect was specially noticeable in the case of the doings and prophecies of my worthy friend Rua-tapunui, the so-called New Messiah, he who caused the "temple" and village to be constructed at Maungapohatu; a settlement known, I grieve to say, among the ungodly as Kekataone (Crazytown). Assuredly love of the marvellous has been the originating impulse behind many of the Maori folk tales. An active mind prompted the study of causality, and that study led to the innumerable personifications connected with Maori myths. Explanatory myths must necessarily be numerous among such a people as the Polynesians. Tylor has drawn attention to a class of myths evolved in order to account for certain place names, and these are represented here in our isles (Primitive Culture, vol. 1, pp. 357-8). I have known cases wherein several different stories were told in order to account for such a name. Early settlers and others might have collected a great amount of interesting data pertaining to Maori lore, but few of them seemed to take any interest in such matters. Missionaries were disappointing in this respect in nearly all cases, but among them rises an exception in the Rev. R. Taylor, he who wrote "Maori mythology is extremely interesting and quite different from what we should expect from a people sunk in barbarism." (see Taylor, Te Ika a Maui, 2nd ed., pp. 108-9). Even in his time the writer tells us the younger Maori folk were indifferent to the traditions of the past, on account of the many fresh subjects of interest introduced by Europeans.
However, fanciful and improbable myths may be, however puerile the folk tales of a people, yet there is much to be learned from them with regard to the mental characteristics, habits and mode of life of such people. Marett tells us, in his Psychology and Folk Lore, that the study of folk lore means "The study of the life Primitive Culture—"It always happens, in the study of the lower races, that the more means we have of understanding their thoughts the more sense and reason do we find in them." A Maori myth that we look upon as being meaningless, puerile, or downright absurd, may have been the result of much thought, as in the case of some origin myths, for example. The Maori indulged much in recitals that we might term parables, and employed personifications and figurative expressions to such an extent that in some cases we do not grasp their meaning or teaching. We have never realised the Maori reliance upon personification and tutelary beings. When a Maori remarked that—"E kore a Para-whenuamea e haere ki te kore a Rakahore" how could we know that he meant that there would be no water springs if rock did not exist. "Para' will not move abroad in the absence of Rakahore" tells us nothing. When, after much travail, we ascertain that Para' is the personified form of water, and that Rakahore personifies rock, we still need an explanation of the saying. This explanation is to the effect that water springs would not exist were it not for the rock that lies below the surface of the earth, the water is unable to sink far within the body of the Earth Mother, and so finds an outlet in the form of springs or rivulets.
Origin myths contain many personification terms. When we are told, for example, that eels are descended from a being named Te Ihorangi, we find, on equiry, that Te Ihorangi, alias Hine-te-ihorangi, is the Rain Maid, who provides the earth with fresh water; at the same time Para-whenuamea, the daughter of Hine-tupari-maunga, the Mountain Maid, represents the waters of the earth, but not rain. Many illustrations of the Maori love of mythopoetic imagery and ambiguity (from our point of view) will be given later on.
Mythology, we are told, is not history, but, at the same time, it intrudes upon the sphere of history as it does upon that of religion. Tylor refers to one aspect of such intrusion in the following sentence: "The invention of ancestries from eponymic heroes or name-ancestors has, however, often had a serious effect in corrupting the historic truth, by helping to fill ancient annals with swarms of fictitious genealogies." (Tylor, Primitive Culture
We must ever remember that the Maori drew no line between purely religious beliefs, practices, teachings and the higher class of myths, though he did assign a separate place to ordinary folk tales, likewise a special term. But do we not ourselves act in a very similar manner? We teach many things as part of our religious beliefs that would be viewed as myths by those who uphold other faiths. When viewed by a disinterested observer both systems of teaching, European and Maori, would be classified as teeming with allegorical concepts. We see, among even a backward folk like the Polynesians, how truths pertaining to natural laws and phenomena were presented in the form of allegories; in some cases we even see how moral lessons, the forerunners of Aesop's Fables, were expressed in a similar manner. An examination of Polynesian mythology and spiritual concepts impresses one with the truth of a remark made by Baring-Gould in his Origin and Development of Religious Belief—"The uneducated and vulgar mind at once personifies what is absolute, and materialises what is abstract." As for the comingling of myth and religion, is it not universal in all the more important cults?
Reference may here be made to the two aspects of Maori myths and legends. This refers not only to myths but to many legendary recitals, such as those describing the doings of famous ancestors. The superior versions of such things are of an esoteric nature and were preserved by a few trained experts. The common version, as known to the bulk of the people, is a much cruder form as a rule; in the case of historical legends the common version contains much more of the marvellous. In some of the superior myths, cosmogonic and anthropogenic, we have already seen that a wide difference may exist between the esoteric and popular forms. The latter are ever the more literal, more materialistic, in some cases gross, and this reminds me of a remark in MacKenzie's Indian Myth and Legend, "the speculative sages who, in their quest for truth used primitive myths to illustrate profound doctrinal teachings. By the common people these myths were given literal interpretation."
In an account of Asiatic methods of conserving and teaching venerated and sacerdotal lore given in Hewitt's Primitive Traditional History, the author describes how the old time folk of Southern Asia kept national records in the form of stories. These were preserved by priests appointed to retain the old history, and to add to it new chapters summarising the events of their time. The historical abstractions preserved by bards are often of a mythopoetic nature, and man is shown to be descended from the gods. The writer then remarks: "As time elapsed the memory of the past died out and was only preserved in the ritual of which the inner meaning was kept by the priests secret from the public, and only imparted to select pupils in guild schools of India, Persia, and the Semitic countries and in Greek mysteries. Hence all real acquaintance with national History expired." He goes on to show how the inner meaning of the stories, at first orally preserved, was retained by a few, and in some cases entirely lost. All this is very Maori, and illustrates Maori methods. These are the methods by means of which the ritual of the cult of Io was conserved and retained by a few. Now that the few who possessed knowledge of that nature, as also the inner meaning of historical and cutural myths, have passed away we have no Maori folk to explain things to us, and the Maori of today are woefully ignorant of the meaning of their own myths, allegorical stories and personifications.
A number of able judges have expressed a belief that, owing to the long isolation of the Polynesian people, their mythology is of particular interest to anthropologists. It can certainly be said that the mythopoetic allegories and innumerable personifications of Polynesian mythology are extremely enlightening in connection with the mind of barbaric man and its mode of working. When couched in the native tongue, with its figurative expressions and peculiar idioms, they are decidedly attractive. The task of translating such conceptions I do not enjoy, inasmuch as they appear to lose so much when rendered into English. This leads me to remark that in order to understand and appreciate the myths of a people, it is necessary to study them in the native tongue.
Many of our Maori myths of New Zealand are known far and wide across the Polynesian area, and a few are found to the
One of the best Maori authorities of the past century informed his people that the expert retainers of native lore clearly understood that all folk tales, korero purakau, korero tara, were quite distinct from genuine traditions of tribal history, etc. He alluded to such popular folk tales as korero whaihanga, i.e., invented stories, fiction. At the same time we see that such inventions often enter into historical traditions, owing to the Maori love of the marvellous. There is another origin to which some folk tales may be referred, that is such stories as have been evolved in order to emphasise some social usage, disciplinary measure, or moral lesson. Thus we have tales of persons having been carried off, and in some cases devoured, by monsters, on account of their having transgressed some rule of tapu. We will, anon, deal with such a tale in the story of Parekawa.
Another expert explained that the story of Maui fishing up land from ocean depths is a mere fiction. It was ever a mere fireside tale, and had no place in the superior teachings. Na, ko te korero mo te hiinga a Maui, he korero tera na te takurua, ehara i te korero wha kaheki iho no roto i te whore wananga.
Fornander, in his remarks on the origin of the Polynesian race, speaks of "that mixture of myths, that jumble of confused reminiscences, which stock the legends and load the memory of the Polynesian tribes." I am by no means assured that all such matters were a jumble in the minds of Polynesians, but they have often been confusing to us, and for two reasons. In the first place we could not view these myths and traditions from the native point of view, their modes of expression were often not
In The Mythology of all Races, vol. 9, treating of the Pacific area, Roland Dixon makes some enlightening remarks on the presence of Melanesian myths in the Polynesian area. In the first place he deals with incidents of wide Melanesian distribution "which occur only in a single group or in a restricted area in Polynesia." Of these he says: "As regards Samoa … almost half of the episodes which are purely local and confined to Samoa, so far as Polynesia is concerned, are recorded in Melanesia. In New Zealand the comparable figure rises to nearly three-fourths; but, on the other hand, there are practically no episodes of this type in the Society and Cook Groups. It is clear, then, that from this point of view there is a very strong Melanesian element in New Zealand and Samoa … The individual incidents of Melanesian similarity are, moreover, different in each case, one series being found in New Zealand, another in Samoa, and a third in Hawaii. Those occurring in Samoa and New Zealand are … especially characteristic of Eastern Melanesia. The ancestors of those [Polynesian immigrants] who reached Samoa and New Zealand must have passed through much of eastern Melanesia." (Dixon, Oceanic Mythology, p. 95).
Of the second type of agreements, those dealing with myth-incidents, which are not confined to single portions of Polynesia, but are common to two or more island-groups, our author states that they include a fifth of Hawaiian myths as of Melanesian origin, slightly less of the Society Group, slightly more of the Samoan and the Cook Group, but nearly one half of New Zealand myth-incidents.
This paragraph concludes with the remark: "The great proportion of Melanesian incidents in New Zealand would argue a strong infusion of this darker blood among the Maori." (Oceanic Mythology, p. 96).
If the above statements are correct then they provide much food for thought, for instance, how and by whom were such myth-incidents brought to New Zealand, were they acquired elsewhere by Polynesian folk and by them introduced into these isles, or were they brought hither by immigrants from the Melanesian area? Did Maruiwi mothers impart their folk tales to their children begotten by Polynesian immigrants, and were Maruiwi Melanesians, or partially so?
A third series of far spread myths is represented by such as that of Maui, universally known throughout Polynesia and also in at least some parts of Melanesia. Possibly these were carried westward by Polynesian migrants.
It is not intended to include in this study all the better known Maori myths, inasmuch as a number of them have been placed on record in such works as Sir George Grey's Polynesian Mythology, the Rev. R. Taylor's Te Ika-a-Maui, and other works, including the Journal of the Polynesian Society, John White's Ancient History of the Maori, and the Transactions of the New Zealand Institute. Such tales as are not included in their entirety will, however, in most cases be included in an abridged form, and this remark applies especially to such semi-historical traditions as those concerning Kupe the sea rover, the voyage of Rata, the adventures of Whiro and Tura, and others of that class. So far as we can judge these are tales concerning genuine ancestors and their doings in the world of life, but the marvels beloved of the Maori have crept into them; in some cases such weird accretions consist of old, old fables that are encountered far and wide across the Pacific, and occasionally still further afield. In the case of the well known Maui myths the above mentioned intention seems to be disregarded and this for two reasons. In the first place some little known aspects are illustrated in the versions herein published and moreover it is considered desirable to place on record some of these recitals of Maori myths accurately translated from the original tongue.
In his work already quoted above, Roland Dixon alludes to the confusion that exists in Polynesian mythology, the several conflicting versions of origin myths, etc. At p. 27 he alludes to the dual aspect of Tiki, but data obtained from the Maori of New Zealand has now cleared away our former misconceptions regarding that being. This author has, however, on the same page, touched one of the most important of keys to Polynesian mythology, as follows "… many or most of the characters in the myths are nothing more than thinly disguised personifications Bulletin 10 the two aspects of Maori cosmogonic and anthropogenic myths. Most of the data collected has certainly been contributed by what we may term second class authorities, men who were not acquainted with superior versions. I have often been inclined to divide such contributors into three grades—(1) The high class experts who have very seldom divulged high class teachings to Europeans, and only to a select few of their own people. (2) Men who were taught by their elders second class teaching, e.g., the evolutionary cosmogonic myths as opposed to creation by a Supreme Being. (3) Persons who were never taught tribal lore but merely picked up a certain knowledge of second and third class matter by listening to recitals delivered in public. These latter are by far the most accessible and are, moreover, often irresponsible, and so lend confusion to divers subjects by means of careless discourse.
The writer who essays to give an account of the myths of a particular island is fortunate in having a simple, or at least comparatively simple task before him. He who endeavours to perform such a task in connection with a group of islands encounters many difficulties and will probably have to explain the different versions of a myth. But the man who tries to make a clear survey of the myths of such a region as Polynesia, of a verity he wadeth in deep waters. Apart from the confusing effect of movements of peoples in past times, he has to deal with the effects of isolation of people in small and far scattered communities. Again, the data supplied by different authorities differs much in value, and with regard to some isles one may have little or no data to work on. Our collection of Polynesian myths has been carried out in a sporadic manner by a few men who took an interest in such researches; men of the Ellis and Fornander type did excellent work in the days when natives were conversant with old usages. The trained specialists of late years have not enjoyed such advantages, neither would they possess those derived form a long residence among the native folk. The weakness of our comparative work is the result of two things, the most important of which is the fact that the gaps in our recorded data are many and serious; the second cause is that such data differs much in value. The Hawaiian Isles and New Zealand have
Attention is drawn to the Maori genius for personification, and this is most noticeable in his origin myths. Many of these personification terms were known to all, and were frequently employed in everyday life. Thus, on observing a tree falling, a Maori will exclaim "E! Kua hinga a Tane" (O! Tane has fallen). Many a time, when engaged in felling a tree, has the writer been accosted as follows: " Kei te raweke koe i to tipuna i a Tane" (You are meddling with your ancestor Tane). In the following extract from a farewell to dead tribesmen, those dead ones are compared to forest giants, the larger and more useful trees, while survivors, living persons of the tribe, are likened to small trees of inferior quality: "Haere! Haere! Haere ra, tama nui ma, tama roa ma Kaere ki te Po. Kua hinga nga rakau nui a Tane, kua how te pa i Monoa; waiho iho nei matau, nga mahoe, nga mako, nga kaiwhiria." (Farewell ye great ones, farewell, to the spirit world. The great and lordly trees of Tane have fallen, the stronghold at Moana has fallen, and we alone, the inferior mahoe, mako, and kaiwhiria trees, remain).
Mythical accretions universal. But the Angels of Mons do not disprove reality of Great War, Kupe and the Octopus. Story of Rata. Ha-tupatu and Hine-in-goingo. Story of Hau and Wairaka. Whiro and Tura.
It has been observed that historical traditions are ever liable to be affected by myths, often owing to a love of the marvellous. Among barbaric and scriptless peoples such records may be honey-combed with wonder tales, and a people may attain to a fairly high stage of culture and yet retain such abnormal features in their literature, as witness the marvellous miracles we read of in the west, and the mixed fable and history of some oriental folk.
It is but a few days since that I read a cablegram from Italy describing a volcanic outburst and the destruction caused by flowing lava. In order to save a doomed village an image of a revered atua was brought from a church and placed in front of the lava flow, where it was besought to stay that flow. Alas for human hopes, for the lava flowed on and that image had to be hurriedly placed in a cart and trundled away. This is 1928 and we still marvel at the blind faith of the barbaric Maori who carried the amorangi of his atua at the head of a raiding party in order to confound his enemies. Some cast doubt on all traditional lore of scriptless folk, but this extreme course is too severe in the case of a people noted for the careful preservation of tribal lore; myths creep into historical events even among modern civilised nations, but they cannot persist to the extent that they formerly did. We cannot affirm that the Great War never occurred because of the existence of a childish myth concerning the Angels of Mons. Even in our own time wondrous tales are related regarding individuals among highly civilised folk. As Tylor put it—"Nothing is more certain than that real personages often have mythic incidents tacked onto their history, and that they even figure in tales of which the very substance is mythic." In Maori lore we find that Rongakako, evidently a genuine ancestor, is credited with having traversed the east coast of the North Island by taking prodigious strides many miles in length, and, as proof of this we are referred to his footprints, deep holes in far-sundered rocks. A great number of such illustrations might here be given.
We will now scan some old time legends pertaining to what were apparently genuine historical characters, and note how they have become encrusted with myth, commencing with a survey of the story of Kupe the seafarer, who reached these isles from eastern Polynesia apparently about one thousand years ago.
The full story of Kupe the Polynesian voyager has been recorded in Vol. 4 of the Memoirs of the Polynesian Society, pp. 41-68. This is the version generally known; another version differs somewhat. Kupe and Ngake (also known as Ngahue) were two seafaring men of the eastern Pacific who made a voyage into these southern seas and discovered New Zealand; they are said to have found these islands uninhabited by man. Kupe is said to have lived at Tahiti, though his father hailed from Rarotonga and
Tradition states that the cause of the quarrel was the antics of a cuttle-fish, said to be a pet or retainer of Muturangi, a chief of those parts. This pernicious cuttle-fish always appeared when Kupe and his companions went a fishing, and filched the bait from their fish hooks, hence they could catch no fish. In this activity the cuttle-fish is said to have been influenced by Muturangi, to whom Kupe appealed without avail. Kupe then busied himself in fashioning a canoe, the vessel known as Matahorua, the stone anchors of which were obtained from the Maungaroa hill at Rarotonga. On this vessel he and his companions set forth to slay the giant cuttle-fish that had interfered with their fishing operations at the fishing ground known as Whakapuaka. That creature was a giant size, its body being three arm-spans in length while its arms were five arm-spans long. The great Wheke-a-Muturangi, as it was termed, fled out into the deep ocean. Ngake, on his vessel Tawirirangi at once took up the pursuit of Wheke, this being employed in the narrative as a proper name for the creature, while Kupe hastened to land in order to procure a stock of sea stores ere he set forth to follow Ngake. Unfortunately Kupe was a married man, and so domestic troubles broke out when he stated his intention of faring out on the ocean. In the end it was decided that his wife, Hine-te-aparangi, and their five children should sail on Matahorua. Far out on the ocean the vessel of Ngake was overtaken.
Even so did Kupe the seafarer and his companions pursue Wheke across wide seas until they saw land loom up before them, and so they came to Muriwhenua in the far north of New Zealand. Still in pursuit they came down the coast, but Kupe landed at one place and went inland and across to Hokianga, where both he and his dog Tauaru left deep footprints in soft clay; in the course of time that clay was converted into rock, and in that rock are still seen the footprints of Kupe and his dog Tauaru.
Kupe overtook Ngake again at Rangiwhakaoma (Castle Point) where Wheke had sought refuge in a cave still known as the Ana o te Wheke a Muturangi. There is a place at Castle Point named Rerewhakakaaitu after one of Kupe's children, also another, apparently, lower down the coast at Pahaoa. Many places were so
Another popular tale connected with Kupe the voyager is that he severed several parts of this land and so formed islands. Thus he formed the isles of Kapiti, Mana and Arapawa, as shown in the following song:
Herein Kupe is also credited with having not only formed the three islands mentioned, but also with having explored Titapua, but if this is the name of Stephens Island, as stated by one informant, then it should not have taken him long to explore it.
Here follows another form of the short song concerning Kupe and his doings, it refers to his slaying the Wheke a Muturangi, To Nga Whatu islets, and the famed cormorant or Potoru that perished at French Pass.
Yet another myth that has been attached to the name of Kupe is to the effect that he and Ngake found Wellington Harbour a fresh water lake, and that both endeavoured to force an entrance thereto. Ngake tried to force his way through what is now Kilbirnie isthmus, but failed, he merely succeeded in forming Lyall Bay. Daylight overtook him ere he had completed his task, and these supernormal beings cannot continue such activities during hours of daylight. We are not told why he did not continue
When Kupe and his fellow voyagers reached Palliser Bay they landed at Oruapaeroa, near the outlet. This place was so named because of the long trench-like hollow formed by the canoe of Kupe in the sand when it was hauled ashore. Our voyagers then came onto Wellington Harbour, where they sojourned a space and then moved onto Sinclair Head. One version of the tale has it that Kupe left his daughters here while he continued his pursuit of Wheke, which he seemed in no great hurry to do. He was absent so long on his trips that his daughters concluded that he had perished, hence they mourned for him after the manner Maori, lacerating themselves and so causing their blood to flow and stain the surrounding rocks red, even as we now see them. Such was the origin of the colour of what we call the Red Rocks at Sinclair Head. These are samples of the myths that become attached to the names of famous persons in Maori tradition. In my own youth an almost equally absurd story was related in connection with Capt. James Cook, who was credited with having sailed into Wellington Harbour over the Kilbirnie isthmus.
While at Sinclair Head (Te Rimurapa) our voyagers saw afar off Wheke crossing the ocean, whereupon Kupe commenced to exert his magic powers in order to enfeeble Wheke, he did so by repeating certain charms termed tupe and matapou. He then despatched two of his young relatives, Titapu (or Titapua) and Whatu-kaiponu, also their attendant the komakohua (this is a shark name) in pursuit of Kupe. These overtook Wheke in Cook Strait, where Kupe joined them, and then occurred the great sea fight between Kupe and his companions on the one side, and Wheke, the great cuttlefish, on the other. Wheke grasped the canoe of Kupe with his long tentacles, and we are told in one version that the spread of these arms was forty cubits, which seems to indicate a robust form of devil-fish. Kupe threw overboard a bundle of gourds which Wheke at once attacked, and so Kupe was able to attack and slay the cuttle-fish. The eyes of Wheke were taken out and placed upon a rock at the islet known as The Brothers to us, but as Nga Whatu (The Eyes) to the Maori, and ever since that place has remained tapu, or at least until godless Europeans built a lighthouse there.
The next act of Kupe was to exercise his magic arts and so cause a strong current to be established near Nga Whatu so that no canoes would venture to approach the tapu spot. There are
Another weird tale is that connecting the famous Pelorus Jack of the French Pass with Kupe. This creature has been credited by the Maori with a fairly long life, inasmuch as it is said to have guided Kupe in his pursuit of the Wheke of Muturangi about a thousand years ago. Pelorous Jack was known to the Maori as Tuhirangi, and Tuhirangi guided the vessel of Kupe hither from the far-off isles of Polynesia. Even so was Kupe led to New Zealand, to Castle Point, and into Cook Strait, after which Tuhirangi took his place at Te Aumiti or French Pass. It was here that the vessel of Potoru was wrecked and so the duty of Tuhirangi down the changing centuries has been the guiding of canoes through the Pass, even as, in late times, he has guided the steamers of the white man. As usual we find references to these tales in Maori song, as in the following:
All these quaint fables have become attached to what was, apparently, a voyage made from Polynesia to these isles by one of the old Polynesian sea rovers in times when such adventures were not uncommon.
Now afar off at the Marquesas the word Veke denotes a malefactor, and in the Tuamotus "crime". It is possible that the wheke pursued by Kupe was a human enemy who was followed to these isles even as Manaia was hunted by Nuku. It seems at least possible that the wrong meaning of the word has been stressed.
In the story of Rata we have another illustration of what is possibly a distorted account of an old-time voyage. It appears under the heading of Nature Myths.
The story of Rata is one that was carried hither from Polynesia by the Maori immigrants from that region, but the following tale Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 34, p. 295) while that of the forest woman appears as Kurangaituku in the version collected by Sir George Grey and published in his Polynesian Mythology, pp. 114-125.
In the Grey version we see that the uncanny forest woman used her lips in order to spear birds, evidently she was provided with a birdlike form of beak. The term ngutu employed denotes both beak and lips. She captured Hatupatu in the forest simply because she was swift-footed and was also assisted by the use of her arms which she used as wings. The twain lived together as man and wife, and Ha found that his strange wife was a raw-eater, she never cooked any food, this meant that Ha had to do his own cooking, his wife being ignorant of that useful art. He found an assortment of weapons and garments in the cave dwelling of Kurangaituku and there were also in or about the cave a number of reptiles and birds that appear to have been familiars of Kuranga. At a certain time Ha told his wife to go afar off in the forest and there busy herself in spearing birds, and, during her absence, he strove to escape. He took a selection of garments and weapon from the stock in the cave, and then set about slaying the reptile and bird companions of Kuranga; one bird only escaped, and that one flew away to fetch Kuranga. She returned apace and pursued Hatupatu, but he saw her coming and, by means of his knowledge of magic, he caused a mass of rock to open and so afford him a place of concealment, when it closed again and so protected Ha for a time. The pursuit continued as far as Rotorua, where Kuranga perished in one of the boiling springs at that place. The further adventures of our worthy hero are not connected with Kuranga the forest woman.
In another version of the above tale collected by myself the name of the woman Tahurangi is given as Hine-ingoingo, but her other name is also mentioned. A rendering of it is given below.
This person Hatupatu was given to stealing food. He was in the habit of belabouring himself so as to cause blood to flow, which blood he would smear over his body in order to avert suspicion from himself; then he would rob houses and burn them, so that
Hatupatu consented to this and so they went off together, and, on reaching her home, Ha found that she was living in a cave. It was a large and far reaching cave, the interior being very fine and of a very singular appearance. Within was the couch of Hine-ingoingo, and there also were suspended native garments of all sorts, likewise such weapons as patu onewa, spears, and taiaha. Hatupatu enquired: "Where are the people of your home?" Hine-ingoingo answered him: "They ever dwell upon the lofty hills so that they may obtain a fair view of the far spread lands of the earth."
Now it came about that Ha and Hine-ingoingo became man and wife, and he was not yet aware that his wife was a Tahurangi or Turehu, that is an atua. He found her to be a very attractive and desirable person. Upon a certain day Ha enquired, "O Ingo! In what district of this land do your folk dwell?"
Hine-ingoingo replied: "No raw raw a au, no te aopouri." [This remark may be rendered as "I belong to the north, to the Aopouri (tribe)" or as "I belong to the lower world, to the realm of darkness." Aopouri is the name of a far northern tribe.] Said Ha to himself: "O my highborn one belongs to the Ngapuhi country, inasmuch as she is a member of the Aupouri."
Upon a time Hine-ingoingo said to Ha: "I am going to collect supplies of food for us two, remain you here at our dwelling place." He consented to do so, and, ere long, the woman returned with her basket full of birds, the feathers of which were plucked and utilised as floor covering for their reclining and sleeping places. Such then was their mode of life, and so time ran on until arrived the Ahoturuturu month of the tale of divisions of the year (July). By this time Ha was quite obsessed by a feeling of longing for his home and parents, but he also brooded over the strong affection of Hine-ingoingo for himself during all the time
When a certain period of the season was reached, the month of Taperewai (September) Hine-ingoingo said: "O Ha! Remain here at our home while I go forth to seek food supplies for us." Said Ha: "Go to Hurakia, the place most prolific in food products, where the back of a man bends when carrying a bag of birds." Hine-ingoingo replied: "It is well, I will do so." Ha enquired: "Are you looking at the ranges to select one by which to reach Hurakia?" Hine replied: "Yes, the way to the southwest lies just before me." Ha remarked: "Very well, proceed, but if you find birds plentiful and secure many, then put them in a safe place and we will convey them to our home later." Hine-ingoingo agreed to this, and so went on her way to Hurakia. Another name of Hine-ingoingo was Kurangaituku.
After Hine had departed Ha busied himself in collecting the native garments and weapons, with which he started for Rotorua. He first slew the reptiles and birds that guarded the cave, and tapu places used by her for ceremonial purposes during the time they had lived together there. Ha did this so as to deprive Hine of the power to harm him, or to pursue him; all these things were done by him. One bird eluded him and escaped, it was a miromiro; others were the titipounamu and tatahore. Those birds fled, and Miromiro the tit kept calling out: "O Hine-ingoingo. O! The home is destroyed, the property is gone, the tapu places are defiled, the sleeping places laid-waste, the innate powers of man have been tampered with by Hatupatu and taken away to his home; your place of refuge is deserted."
Hine-ingoingo now returned, calling out as she came: "O Ha! was it my fault or yours? Let your path be lengthened that I may overtake you." Then she repeated: "Hatupatu, draw out and lengthen; Hine-ingoingo to approach closely."—So the woman kept calling out as she advanced. The birds flew forward and hovered before Hatupatu, ever crying out "Koreti! Koreti!" [A cry betokening ill luck] so they continued to cry out before him. He concluded that the bird, the mata, was warning him that he would never reach his destination. He now noticed a rock standing by the wayside, whereupon he repeated the words: "O stone, split and open."—and the stone was open, whereupon Ha concealed himself within it.
Hine-ingoingo now came and stood by the side of the stone, and said: "O Ha! Here am I just outside; though you conceal yourself yet you cannot remain hidden from me; so come forth." Again she spoke, this time to the stone: "O stone! Split and open." Whereupon the stone lay open and she saw Ha lying therein, then she spoke: "O Ha! How unkind you have been to me, Hine-ingoingo." Ha now came forth from his hiding place, whereupon Hine embraced him and wept, saying: "O Ha! Unkind indeed has been your treatment of me; was it my own fault, or were you alone responsible for your unkindness to Hine-ingoingo?"
Hine-ingoingo or Kurangaituku is alluded to as a Tahurangi, which is equivalent to saying that she was a Turehu, or Heketoro, or Patupaearehe, for all these names were applied to certain mythical beings, forest dwelling folk of strange habits concerning whom we shall have much information later on. The hero of the story seems to have made but a poor return for the kindness displayed towards him by Hine-ingoingo, and he also appears to have left her to do all work in the collecting of food supplies. The ingoing means "yearning"; the term koroingo, employed by Hatupatu, bears a similar meaning. When we compare this tale with the version collected by Sir George Grey we see how discrepancies creep into folk tales. The endowing of animals, and even inanimate objects, with the powers of speech is, of course, a common feature of fables, so that we need not be surprised at the birds repeated warning. Hine resorted to the powers of charms in order to lengthen the path traversed by Ha during his flight from her, and also to contract that part of the path being traversed by herself. The cry of " Kore-ti" uttered by the birds in front of Ha is said, by Ngati-Awa of Whakatane, to be the call of the mata or fern bird, and to hear that cry is viewed as a sign of non-success. The rock opened by Ha through the power of a charm remains open, as it was when he left it; it yet stands by the roadside near Atiamuri, and upon it are seen the scratches made by the fingernails of the "ogress" when she was endeavouring to recapture the elusive Ha. An excellent illustration of this hollow rock appears in the late Capt. Gilbert Mair's Reminiscences and Maori Stories, p. 42.
The above story has not a satisfactory conclusion, perchance it has been curtailed; as a rule we are told that Hine-ingoingo, while in pursuit of Hatupatu, fell into a boiling spring and so perished miserably.
In Taylor's Te Ika a Maui, 2nd ed., p. 154, is given yet another version of the above tale, wherein Kurangaituku is described as a Patupaearehe and a giantess who speared birds with her long fingernails. Her house contained every kind of bird, and there Ha was entertained until he wearied of the life. In this case he did not slay the bird attendants but merely sealed up the house to prevent them escaping when he fled to his house, but through a small, crevice, the little riroriro bird escaped and flew to call Kuranga, crying out: "Riro! Riro! Riro!" (Riro bears the meaning of "gone away"). Then comes the rock opening episode, after which Ha sought refuge, underground, while Kuranga, when pursuing him, lost her life in a boiling spring at Whakarewarewa.
This tale includes names of some ancestors of the Maori folk, but, as in other cases, many marvels have been credited to those old Polynesian colonisers. The following table shows the position of the two leading persons in this legend—
The ancestor Poupaka was, we are told, a daring Polynesian sea rover concerning whom several sayings have been preserved. His daughter Aparangi was taken to wife by Kupe the sea rover, he who came hither to New Zealand, and whose surprising adventure in Cook Strait is related elsewhere in this chronicle. In as much as two near descendants of Kupe were named Haunui native speakers always add the name of the mother, as in the table, in order to avoid confusion. Popoto in the table came to New Zealand in the vessel Kurahaupo with Whatongo, grandson of Toi, according to traditions preserved by the Ngati-Kahungunu folk. Tauira, an elder brother of the Hau or Haunui of our story, seems to have been the eponymic ancestor of the old-time tribe of the Wairoa district known as the Tini-o-Tauira. According to a mean of sundry lines of descent Tauira and our hero Haunui-a-Nanaia lived twenty-seven generations ago. The two wives of Hau are shown in the table, Wairaka being the hapless one who yet stands on the drear, storm lashed coast of Pukerua, where Poawha looks out on lone Kapiti.
Hau and his elder brothers are said to have returned to the isles of Polynesia, if so then they may have gone with Tama-ahua, also a Kurahaupo immigrant, and who sailed back to Hawaiki. Hau left his wife Wairaka here when he sailed away; these folk seem to have lived somewhere about the Mahia, and we know that Whatonga of Kurahaupo settled at Nukutaurua in that district.
Some time after Hau and his brothers sailed away to northern isles his wife Wairaka was carried off by two slaves or serving men named Kiwi and Weka. They seem to have taken her across the island and down to Pukerua, just south of Paekakariki, Wellington district, where they were found by Hau on his return from Hawaiki.
Meanwhile Hau and his brothers had reached the far land of Hawaiki, where they heard of one Rakahanga, daughter of
All the people assembled in order to witness the dancing, and Hau entered the big house with the others. He now took steps to secure the famous Rakahanga for himself by the exercise of the powers of white magic. He caught an insect, a kind of fly, and repeated over it a form of love charm or atahu, after which he placed it beneath the threshold of the door. When Rakahanga arrived to join the assembled people, as she stepped through the doorway the powers of the charm affected her and caused her to look favourably on Hau, the worker of marvels. When she did so enter, Hau made his way to her and she made no demur when he claimed her as his wife.
On the morrow it became known the Rakahanga had taken a husband, and so her parents asked her where he was. She replied: "I do not recognise him among all these people, for as dawn came, he hastened to conceal himself." Her parents said: "When you come together again be sure to detain him when day dawns, should you not be able to do so then mark him by scratching his face." The woman now understood what to do. The next morning her husband attempted to withdraw again ere daylight arrived, whereupon Rakahanga strove to detain him, but he broke away from her, though not before she had succeeded in scratching his forehead.
Again the parents of Rakahanga asked where her husband was, would she point him out. She looked around her but did not see him, and said: "I cannot see him now." Again she looked for him: "Ehara! Yonder he is, sitting in the corner. Behold my husband; see the scratches I made on his forehead." Then all looked at the man, and brothers of Hau saw that it was he who had gained the love of Rakahanga and had been baffled by her. Those brothers then rose and returned to their own place, where they at once set to work to prepare their vessel for a sea voyage,
When the vessel sailed for Aotearoa, Hau was in his hiding place, while his friendly nephew was in charge of the baling well of the forepart of the vessel. So they fared hitherward across the Ocean of Kiwa. In nearing the coast of Aotearoa Hau's nephew left his post at the forward baling place, whereupon one of Hau's brothers proceeded to bale out the well. While doing so he discovered the stowaway in his place of concealment, and at once attacked him. Hau managed to escape from his brother, but was forced to leap overboard in doing so. He at once resorted to his own strange powers and so called upon the fish of the ocean to assemble and succour him by bearing him to land. Ere commencing this last and most extraordinary part of his voyage Hau found time to repeat a matapou charm in order to stay the progress of his brother's vessel, and render it immovable on the face of the waters.
Hau reached land at the beach called Rarohenga, at Kahutara, near unto Nukutaurua. Now when morning came Popoto came forth from his fortified village, and, on looking down on that beach, he saw some object bethronged by sea birds and concluded that it was a stranded fish. He sent a man down to the beach to examine the object, and, when the man reached it, he saw the eyes of Hau looking at him, but the body of Hau was hidden by sea-wrack. The man returned and reported to Popoto: "The stranded object is a man who says that you are his father, and he desires that a fire be kindled to warm him." Then Popoto took fire, and fuel, the same being wood of the maire tree, and descended to the beach; a fire was made on the strand and the body of Hau was warmed thereat, and many say that the remains of the fuel are still seen at that place.
Hau was conveyed to the village where his mother, Nanaia, enquired of him: "Where are your elder brothers?" Hau replied: "They are out yonder on the ocean, observe the sail of their vessel like unto a small cloud far away on the horizon." Then were performed the strange acts of yore, a tapu steaming pit was kindled, and food was placed therein to be cooked, then the
Hau then returned to his father's home where he questioned his mother about his wife, and Nanaia replied: "She has been taken away by your two servants Kiwi and Weka." Then Hau rose and went forth into the south in search of Wairaka his wife, and her two abductors. He came to Taiporutu but found her not, and Hau signed as he thought of his lost wife. At this time Kiwi, Weka and Wairaka had ascended Taumata-hinaki, where Wairaka heard the sighing of Hau, and so said her companions: "The sound that comes to me reminds me of Hau." They remarked: "How can the man who went over seas be here."
Hau now proceeded on his way and crossed over to Whanganui whence he turned southward and so came to Whangaehu, a name said to have been derived from the fact that he baled water out there, though we are not told what it was baled from. Turakina was so named because he overthrew something there (a tree in one version) and Rangitikei from his striding over the land. Other names given by him were Manawatu, Waiarawa, Hokio, Ohau, Waikawa, Waitohu, Otaki, Waimeha and Waikanae. At Paekakariki he reached the end of the sandy beach. Ere long he came to a barrier of rock through which he forced a passage by means of his powers of magic, and so we have the Ana o Hau or Cave of Hau.
Again Hau fared on, and, on reaching the beach at Wairuapihi, below Pukerua, he at last came upon Wairaka. He asked her where Kiwi and Weka were, and was told that they would return in the evening. Hau awaited their return, and, when they arrived, he attacked and slew them. Hau then commanded Wairaka to go to the off-shore rocks and gather shellfish, when she had waded out some distance he recited the dread matapou spell and thereby transformed Wairaka into a rock. Thus when you look down the iron road of the white man upon the bounds of the sea of Raukawa you will see the storm lashed rock that represents the hapless Wairaka.
In the above we have what may very well be an historical tradition into which Maori narrators have worked a number of their beloved marvels. So it is with the records of scriptless man, and not with such only.
Here we have another story that apparently pertains to another historical personage, an old Polynesian sea rover who eventually came to New Zealand. In one version of the story this hero of the southern seas has one Tura associated with him, and this version has gathered some peculiar mythical accretions in the course of time; certainly this is the more popular form of the tale. In another and superior version of the story of Whiro, for which see the Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 31, pp. 111-116, we find that the name of Tura does not appear, and that nothing more extraordinary appears than an exhibition of white magic.
In the former version Whiro and Tura set forth from one of the isles of Polynesia on a voyage, but after a time they parted company. We are told that Whiro sailed off to "the wawau", which may possibly mean the island of Wawau mentioned in Maori tradition (Vavau, an old name of Borabora Island, is probably the Wawau of the Maori). After this separation we hear no more of Whiro in this version, and the story then concentrates on the story of Tura. The superior version shows that Whiro reached New Zealand on that occasion, landing at Oakura on the Taranaki coast, where he is still remembered, from that place he moved to Karioi, hence the full name, Karioi-a-Whiro.
Meanwhile Tura is said to have reached a far land where he encountered a strange people who knew not the use of fire and lived on raw food products. Also in that land were seen certain singular creatures called in story the Aitanga or offspring of Nukumaitore, strange beings who lived in trees, who had bodies but no heads. Tura declined the uncooked food offered him and set about kindling a fire in order to cook food for himself; when the fire flared up, and the smoke rose, the people were so alarmed that they fled into the forest. When, however, the oven was uncovered, and the savoury odours of cooked food were wafted far, then some returned and begged to be allowed to taste the food so strangely prepared.
Tura the voyager took to wife a woman of the fireless raw-eaters, and, as time rolled on, a child was about to be born when some women came to the abode of Tura, women who brought with them keen edged stone flakes such as were used for knives.
Again time rolled on, until at a time the wife of Tura said to him: "O Tura! What are the white marks on your head, the white streaks I see among the black hair?" Said Tura: "Those white streaks are the grey hairs that betoken age, decay and death." Again she enquired: "Do they truly portend everlasting death?" And Tura replied: 'They are the forerunners of eternal death." "O Tura! Does man, then, die two deaths?" she asked. Then it was that Tura came to know that he must leave that land, that death must not be allowed to enter that realm, he must go far away, to some distant land, ere death came, ere Maiki-nui came from Taiwhetuki to call him to his fathers.
For the space of two days Tura wept over and greeted his child and wife, for two days his wife mourned over him. Then Tura, over whom hung the shadow of death, left wife and child and went forth from the land that death might not enter, to seek in unknown places a home whereat to die. When extreme old age came to him in a far land, when he could no longer walk erect, but crawled on all fours, then, in the dark hours of night, he called upon his son in his far away home. As that son, Iraturoto, slept, he heard the voice of Tura the mortal one calling: "O Iraturoto! O Iraturoto!" The son told his mother of the voice of Tura heard by him at night; then he took oil and oiled his body carefully, he prepared for a long journey and fared north across far lands in search of Tura, his father, ever listening to the cry of "O Iraturoto!" that came upon the night wind. In a far land that gives upon the hanging sky Ira came to the home of Tura at last; but one had reached that place before him, for dread Maiki-nui had come, borne by the Wind Children, and called upon Tura to tread the path that leads by Tahekeroa to the underworld of Rarohenga.
In another version we are told that Tura, Whiro and Hua, a brother of Whiro, sailed away over the ocean and encountered great danger in the wahu o te kanihi, whatever that may be, possibly something similar to the waha o te Parata. This latter is wai ora a Tane where it was bathed in those life-giving waters with marvellous results, for she at once regained the life of this world.
A brief version of the Whiro and Tura story was recorded by Wohlers; it resembles the first version given by John White, both pertaining to the South Island. (White, Ancient History of the Maori, vol. 2, p. 13). The Wohlers version speaks of the Nukumaitore folk as having shrunken bodies and very short limbs, and apparently living in trees (Transactions of N.Z. Institute, vol. 8, pp. 121-123).
Grey hairs are spoken of as though they originated with Tura, and they are termed the Tarutaru o Tura, or Weeds of Tura, often Nga Taru o Tura. In the second version mentioned above Turakihau asks Tura the meaning of his grey hairs, and he replies: 'They are a token of the decay of man, a sign of coming death." Then she asks: "O Tura! and will you truly die, and die forever!" When told that he would she took the child and fled from him, leaving Tura to end his days in sad solitude. But, when Tura waxed old and feeble his child sought him and tended him until his death. He conveyed Tura to the waters and bathed his body, but to no avail. So Tura died, and so, even unto this time, have greys hairs and death come to mankind.
In other accounts of Whiro, both Maori and Polynesian, no mention is made of Tura, and we have merely a tale of duplicity and tragedy pertaining to Polynesia, and the voyage of Whiro to New Zealand. Whiro was known far and wide athwart Polynesia, and there are several accounts of his doings in the Journal of the Polynesian Society, vols. 12, 21, 25, 26 and 31.
Polynesian origin myths illustrate the racial mentality. One god with many names. The twelve heavens. Whiro the malevolent. Origin of disease. Mataora and Niwa reka. Rukutia and Tutekoropanga. Cosmogonic myths. Origin of stones, of
The number of myths that come under this heading is remarkable, for the Maori seems to have possessed a genius for evolving such stories. In many cases it is seen that attempts have been made to ascertain origins, in others, there being no evidence available, from the Maori point of view, an entirely mythical origin was conceived and taught; hence many fabulous lines of descent are noted, also innumerable personifications, "parents"; tutelary beings, etc. It may safely be said that the ancestors of the Maori were given to the study of causality, and that this predilection was responsible for many highly interesting myths. R. B. Dixon has, in his work on Oceanic Mythology, referred to this peculiarity of the Polynesian mind as follows: "…it is clear that the Polynesian mind had something of a philosophic turn, and that it groped about for a real cause or beginning, seeking to derive the concrete and tangible from the abstract and intangible" (p. 22). Illustrations of this faculty have already appeared in Dominion Museum Bulletin 10, wherein are recorded many examples of origin myths, including those of a cosmogonic and anthropogenic nature. Other such myths appear in other parts of both Bulletins 10 and 11, and also in other Bulletins of the Dominion Museum, while many more are now about to be presented.
Owing perhaps to long isolation within various tribal areas differences are often noted as between versions and teachings from different districts. This is observed when scanning origin myths, and an illustration of the fact now lies before me. In some recitals given by learned elders in past years we note the names of many gods, originating beings, etc., who were apparently viewed as separate and distinct beings; in other cases we find that one of these supernormal beings, demiurgic or otherwise, is credited with many names and many attributes. For instance, Tane seems to have had seventy names assigned to him, each of which shows him to represent or to have originated something. Among these many names, these titles, of Tane, we find names of beings that, in most recitals, seem to denote atua, personifications, etc.,
Tane-nui-a-Rangi. Mahi i tepai. Author of beneficent actions, etc.
Tane-tikitiki-o-rangi. Mo te hiahia o te tane, o te wahine. Concerned with the desires of man and woman.
Tane-te-apu-o-tongo. Nga hau kino raw a; nga mate iputa mai i te hau. Represents the fierce southerly winds of Paraweranui and all afflictions caused thereby.
Tane-te-anurangi. Nona te mate matao. Origin of distressful conditions produced by cold.
Tane-te-waiora. Te ova o te tangata. Represents human welfare.
Tane-ahuarangi. Ka tohua te tangata. Represents conceptions and development of the human embryo.
Tane-punaweko. Nona te manu ngaherehere. His are the birds of the forest. Cf. Punaweko.
Tane-hurumanu. Nona te manu parae, te manu moana. His are the birds of open lands and those of the ocean. Cf. Hurumanu.
Tane-te-waotu. Nana te rakau. Origin of trees.
Tane-tawhirimatea. Nana nga awhiowhio. Author of the whirling winds of space. Cf. Tawhirimatea.
Tane-torokaha. Nana te kaha o nga tangata, o nga mea katoa. Origin of energy, strength, endurance in man and all other things.
Tane-tapurangi. Nana te tapu o nga atua. The tapu of the gods emanated from him.
Tane-haepuru. Nana i tutaki nga hau. He it was who controlled the winds. Cf. Haepuru.
Tane-uetika. Nana nga tohu or a o te tangata haere. He is concerned with the welfare of travellers.
Tane-te-kapua. Nana nga kapua, nga ua. Origin of clouds and rain.
Tane-te-ihorangi. Nana te hiko, te uira. The author of lightning. Cf. Te Ihorangi.
Tane-matakuka. Ka whew te rangi ka riri te tangata. Represents lurid appearance of heavens, anger and strife in Nature and man.
Tane-te-ahumairangi. Nana nga mea katoa. All things are his.
Tane-matua. Nana te kohatu, te kirikiri, ena mea katoa. Origin of stone, gravel, and all such things.
Tane-te-maikirangi. Nana te mate e mate nei nga mea katoa o te ao. All forms of sickness and disease (whereby all things perish) emanate from him. Cf. Maike-nui, Maiki-roa.
Tane-i-te-wananga-a-rangi. Nana nga mahi karakia me era mahi mohio katoa. The knowledge of ritual performances and similar things emanated from him.
Tane-te-ikaroa. I a ia te ra, te marama, nga whetu, era mea katoa. From him are the sun, the moon, the stars, all such things. (Te Ikaroa is a name for the Milky Way.)
Tane-tuhaha. I a ia nga matapou karakia, e kore e tau ki raw, e haere, e aha. From him comes the knowledge of magic arts that render things immovable.
Tane-te-kapurangi. I a ia nga kakano o nga mea katoa e tupu ana i te ao nei e whakahaere ana. He controls the fertility, the productiveness of all things growing upon the earth.
Tane-pukohurangi. I a ia te ua, te kohu, te hukapapa, te hukarere. He is the author of rain, mist, ice and snow. Cf. Hinepukohu rangi.
Tane-tahunui-a-rangi. I a ia te raumati, nga rangi pai. Represents summer time and fine weather.
Tane-muriwai. Kei a ia te tikanga o nga wai maori o raw nei. He controls the fresh waters of the earth.
Tane-te-muriwaihoe [? hou]. Ia ia te waipuke, te moana hei whaka-ngaro i te whenua. He represents flood waters and deluges that cover the earth.
Tane-irawaru. I a ia nga karere [?] me nga ngarara katoa o ia ahua o ia ahua i te ano. Represents karere [?] and every sort of reptile and insect in the world.
Tane-pukupuku-rangi. Nana te aruhe. The origin of fern root, the edible rhisome of the bracken fern.
Here we have what looks like the old Oriental concept of one god with many names, and yet the Maori speaks of these names as though they pertained to so many different beings. The man who recited the above list concluded his address with the following remarks: "There are yet more of these gods, it is said that there are seventy in all. These gods abide in the second heaven [counting downwards]; some of them are allowed to visit the first [uppermost] heaven, while others of them were not allowed to do so."
Many more names or titles of Tane have been collected, but no explanation concerning them is to hand, hence they are not given. See also Dominion Museum Bulletin 10, 1976 reprint, p. 117. As in the foregoing list some of them contain the names of atua, etc.,
After reciting the list of names given above, the expert (whose name I have failed to ascertain) proceeded to give some interesting matter that has not so far seen the light, and some that differs from published versions. The recital also contains some origin myths, hence it is included here.
Now this god Io was the supreme deity of all the gods of the heavens and of this world, he was the supreme power of the twelve heavens, and the numberless other realms. There are twelve divisions [ao ] of this world, and also twelve divisions of each of the twelve heavens.
The gods of this world were distributed among the different heavens, but malevolent demons, whether of the heavens or this world, might not enter the uppermost of the heavens. Now the names of the twelve heavens are:
(Here we have, in almost every case, names assigned to the twelve heavens that differ from those given at p. 73 of Bulletin 10, 1976 reprint. The two series would pertain to two different schools of learning.)
Te Ihirangi the uppermost of the twelve heavens, is the abode of Io and Ruhua, together with Tane-nui-a-Rangi and Whiro, all four of whom were spirit gods; these were the only permanent occupants of the uppermost heaven.
The second heaven, counting downward, was assigned to Whiro and his younger brother, Tane-nui-a-Rangi; these were the sole beings of this region. Whiro remarked to their elders, Io and Rehua, that he would not consent to this region being assigned to Tane, and himself, but would agree to it being set apart for himself, only whereupon Io and Rehua said: "Do not act in that manner toward your younger brother." This disagreement developed into the active hostility of Whiro toward his elder and younger brothers. So they strove against each other, and in that strife Whiro and his hordes of the Puwaitaha, Kura-te-au and Mokomokouri were worsted; and so Whiro and his fellow
Tau-te-ariki, from whom emanates leprosy, and all such complaints that come within the province of Whiro. This being has companions to assist him in his fell work.
Roiho, who has the control of wasting disease and all similar complaints; he also has assistants.
Iro-whitika, who holds the power of causing insanity and all similar trouble; he also has assistants.
Kikiroki has control of all aspects of fever, and others assist him in his task.
Taupuru, he and his companions control such affections as fatigue, weariness, indolence, etc.
Tane-tahupo, he and his companions control blindness and all kindred affections.
Ruakopito controls all stomach complaints and allied troubles, and has companions to assist him.
Tawhaonui-kaupeka is the author of suppurating and scrofulous sores, boils, and all such ailments; he also has assistants.
Now Whiro has a great number of assistants in these tasks, but all these come under the control of Whiro himself. The gods named Tawiri-nuku, Tawiri-punui, Tawiri-wanawana, Tawiri-papatua, and Tawiri-tikoko-nuku were the cause of all strife, of jealousy, envy, of sudden outbreaks of anger, and malice, ill-treatment, and all such unpleasant things; they also had assistants in their work. Moko-tititoa controls the arts of theft and falsehood, and has assistants to help him in his labours.
All these activities of the beings named represent the efforts made by Whiro and his companions to avenge their defeat by Tane-nui-a-Rangi and others. And this strife still continues, ever Whiro wages war against mankind. All these beings were
The above recital is one of unusual interest inasmuch as it contains certain data not hitherto recorded. Apparently it was not given by a person connected with the Takitimu schools of learning. Unfortunately, we do not know who supplied this information, or to what tribe the reciter belonged. The unusual statements commence with one to the effect that this world and each of the twelve heavens is composed of twelve different realms, another example of the Maori predilection for the number twelve. Then we come to what is to us a new series of names for the twelve heavens. Following this we have peculiar statements concerning Io and Rehua. In all our recorded data Rehua appears as an attendant of Io the Supreme Being, but in this recital he seems to appear as being almost on the same plane as Io. This aspect bears the appearance of being unorthodox, and altogether the recital does not occupy the high level that marks the teachings of such schools of learning as that of Rangi-te-auria at Maungawharau, and that of Te Poho-o-Hine-pae at Wairarapa. In this version also Whiro has assigned to him the heaven next the uppermost one; when driven down to the underworld he was accompanied by hosts of malevolent beings, among whom were included the Hakuturi and Turehu folk. These latter are certain elves and forest-dwelling creatures who are usually credited with somewhat mischievous proclivities, but are not spoken of as being malevolent, atua ngau tangata. The demons responsible for various diseases often appear under the generic name of Maiki, but in this recital we have quite a different lot of names given as pertaining to the authors of disease and other afflictions. Roiho usually appears as one of the attendants or messengers of Io. Moko-tititoa may be the Moko Titi mentioned in Taylor's Te Ika-a-Maui, 2nd ed., p. 137, but most of the names of these disease producing demons are new to us. It is explained that all diseases, etc., represent the means adopted by Whiro to avenge his defeat by Tane and others, ever these kikokiko or malevolent demons are by no means clear; these evil spirits are always explained as being atua ngau tangata or "man assailing demons". To associate these low-class spirit gods with Io, or even such beings as Rehua is something quite new to us. It appears to the present writer that the person who recited the above matter was not a first class authority and had got his data somewhat mixed.
In the story of Mataora, given below, we are entertained by an account of how the arts of tattooing by puncture and of weaving were acquired from denizens of the underworld of spirits, albeit those spirits seem to have been extremely gross and material with respect to their bodies and requirements. It is somewhat startling to find that these wairua residents of the realm of Rarohenga tattooed their bodies, cultivated food supplies, and built houses. The original text of the myths here given may be consulted in the Memoirs of the Polynesian Society, vol. 3, pp. 67-76.
'The maid Niwareka was a member of a race of Turehu whose abode is in the underworld, the spirit world called Rarohenga, to which descend the spirits of the dead. She was a descendant of Ruamoko and of Hine-nui-te-Po, the Lord of Earthquakes and the Queen of the Spirit World.
'Now it came about that Niwareka ascended to this world with a party of Turehu folk, and came to where Mataora lay asleep in his house. Those folk fell a guessing as to what Mataora might be: some said that he was a supernatural being, while others thought he was a tane [male, a man]. When Mataora awoke, he looked at the Turehu folk; then asked: "Are you females?" While they enquired: "Are you a male?"
'He then asked them to enter his house and partake of food, but they declined to enter. He then gave them food outside the house, but they would not eat it, exclaiming that it was putrid. Then he discovered that these folk were not acquainted with cooked food, hence he gave them some raw fish.
'On observing the party, Mataora saw that it contained a remarkably handsome woman. When the folk had eaten, he grasped his maipi [a weapon] and entertained them with an exhibition of his agility and dexterity. Then the Turehu party rose and performed a posture dance before Mataora. As they danced,
'Those Turehu folk were a fair skinned people with light coloured hair, having slender but well formed figures. Their hair was most abundant and fell to their waists, below which they wore aprons made of seaweed. Mataora asked that one of those women should be given him, and was asked which he preferred, whereupon he pointed out the handsome woman, she who had pranced before the ranks. This was Niwareka, daughter of Uetonga, of Rarohenga, the spirit world.
'So Mataora and the Turehu maid were married and lived happily together for some time, until he became jealous and enraged, and so it came about that he struck his wife. Niwareka then fled to Rarohenga, the home of her elders and parents, while Mataora mourned for and lamented her.
'Mataora resolved to go forth in search of his wife. He went to Tahuaroa, at Irihia, to the abode of Te Kuwatawata within Poutere-rangi, and enquired of that being: "Have you not seen a woman passing this way?" The other asked: "What is the token?" And Mataora replied: "Her fair hair." Said the other: "She has passed here, weeping as she went." Then Te Kuwatawata, who is the guardian of the entrance to the underworld, allowed Mataora to pass down to Rarohenga, the spirit world. He went on until he met Tiwaiwaka, and asked him what the folk of the underworld were doing. "They are tending the kumara crop, some are building houses, some are fishing, some are tattooing, some are kite flying, some are top spinning." Mataora enquired for his wife and was told: "She has passed on with swollen eyes and hanging lips." So he went on until he came to the home of Uetonga where he saw that chief engaged in tattooing a person, and the blood of that person was flowing freely, hence he called out: "Your mode of tattooing is wrong; it is not done so in the upper world." Uetonga replied: "This is the way we tattoo in the lower world. Your method is wrong." Said Mataora: "Our method is the hopara makaurangi." "That mode of tattooing, " said Uetonga, "is so termed when applied to house decoration, but when devices are merely marked on a person it is known as tuhi." Then Uetonga put forth his hand and wiped the painted devices from the face of Mataora. All the folk laughed to so see tattooing effaced, and Uetonga remarked: "O the upper world! Ever is its adornment a farce, behold how the tattooing is effaced; it is whakairo [adornment]; there is the female branch, the embroidering of cloaks; and the male branch, the carving on wood; that on your face is simply a marked pattern." Then Mataora learned that these people of the underworld tattooed by puncture, it was not merely marked on the skin. He said: "You have spoiled my tattooing and must now do it properly." So Uetonga called to those who delineated the tattoo patterns, and told them to mark them on Mataora, which was done. He then commenced to tattoo him, puncturing the marked lines with his chisel.
Mataora now experienced the intense pain of being tattooed, and sang this song:
'Now the younger sister of Niwareka chanced to be present and she heard the song, hence she ran off to Taranaki, where Niwareka was weaving a cloak, and said to her: "A certain person yonder, a handsome man, is being tattooed, and he keeps singing a song in which your name occurs." Then some cried: "Let us go and see him, " and Niwareka told them to fetch the stranger to the house.
'Now Mataora was in a sad condition, so swollen were his features after the operation of tattooing. As the women led him to the house, Niwareka said: "He walks as Mataora did, and his cloak looks like one of my weaving." So Niwareka and her female companions welcomed the stranger, and pitied him in his sufferings. As he sat down she asked: "Are you Mataora?" He nodded in reply, and his hands clutched at Niwareka. Then she knew that he was indeed Mataora, and greeted him with tears. When he had fully recovered from the severe operation of tattooing, the devices punctured on the face of Mataora looked very fine.
'He then proposed that they should return to the upper world together, but she said: "The ways of the upper world are ways of evil. Both realms have heard of our trouble; I will consult my father and brothers." Came Uetonga to Mataora and said: "Maybe you are thinking of returning to the upper world; if so return, but leave Niwareka here. Is it the custom of the upper world to beat women?"; and Mataora was overcome with shame.
'Then said Tauwehe, brother of Niwareka: "Mataora, leave the enduring world, the upper world, the home of evil. Hence we see all folk of the upper world eventually come to the lower world through violence and other evils. Let us dwell below; leave the upper world and its evil deeds as a realm apart from the lower world with its peace and goodly ways."
'Then Mataora answered Tauwehe: "I shall adopt the ways of Rarohenga [the lower world] as mine in the upper world."
'Said Uetonga: "Mataora, let us not hear tidings of a second evil act in the upper world. For look you, the upper world and its deeds of darkness is widely sundered from the underworld, which is a realm of light and benevolence."
'Observe well the words of Uetonga. Here in this world, alone are evil deeds known; this is the realm of darkness. As to Rarohenga [the underworld], no evil is known there, nor is darkness known; it is a realm of light and of righteousness. This is the reason why, of all spirits of the dead since the time of Hine-ahuone even unto ourselves, not a single one has ever returned hither to dwell in this world.
'Now at last Uetonga and his sons allowed Niwareka and Mataora to return to the upper world. The former said: "Mataora, farewell; return to the upper world, but beware, lest the evil of that realm afflicts us again." Said Mataora: "By the token of the incised tattooing you have embellished me with, the ways of the underworld shall be my ways."
'As a parting gift Uetonga gave to Mataora the famous cloak called the Rangi-haupapa, which was the pattern from which all garments of this world were made. The belt that confined it was the origin of all belts of this world.
'As the twain returned to the upper world they were stopped by Tiwaiwaka, the guardian of the base of the ascent, who would not let them ascend until the month of Tatau-uruora [November].
'When they finally ascended to the upper world, Tiwaiwaka (a bird name, the fantail), sent his children Popoia [owl] and Peka [bat] to guide them, and Patatai [another bird, the landrail] sent his child with them. Mataora feared that they might be slain, but Patatai told him to locate them in darkling corners and gloomy haunts, and his is the reason why the owl and bat never move in daylight, but only at night. Now if any of the birds, owl, bat or pied tit are seen at a place where people are assembled or dwelling then it is known that some misfortune is at hand. If either the patatai [rail] or tiwaiwaka [fantail] enters a house, that
'When the twain reached the entrance to the underworld, Kuwatawata, the guardian of the entrance asked what items of the lower world they bore with them. Mataora told him they took but his tattooing and the birds. Said the guardian to Niwareka: "What is the bundle on your back?" She replied that it merely contained some old clothing. As they passed on, the guardian said: "Niwareka; never again will the door of the lower world be opened to the upper world, but only downward to the underworld; only spirits shall traverse both realms." Mataora enquired: "For what reasons?" The guardian replied: "You have the Rangihaupapa [cloak] with you; why were you evasive?"
'Here we see the reason why men can no longer visit the underworld. Never since has living man passed through the door of the "Broad way of Tane" to Rarohenga, only spirits of the dead can pass through, and so visit both worlds.
'After the return of Mataora to this world, then the art of tattooing by puncture became known, and the fame of it spread Awarau, to Tonga-nui, to Rangiatea, and to Hui-te-rangiora, such being names of islands in the region of Tawhiti. A messenger came to ask Mataora to go to Irihia, to the home of Nuku-wahi-rangi, that the people of those parts might see him.
'The tatooing patterns acquired by Mataora in Rarohenga [spirit world] were the poniania, pihere, ngu and tiwhana. The tattooing of Niwareka was confined to a cross on the forehead and one on each cheek, also the poniana device. The pukauae and ngutu [chin and lip tattooing] devices are modern, and were evolved in this land, being first used as ornamental devices on gourd water vessels. Prior to the visit of Mataora to Rarohenga people painted patterns on their faces with red ochre, blue earth and white clay.
'The upper world invented wood carving; it was first performed by Rua-i-te-pupuke and Nuku-te-aio, who so embellished the first house.'
Such is the myth of Mataora, abbreviated in the above translation, but yet containing most of its items of interest.
The legend of Mataora contains some curious and interesting items. The adoption by the ancestors of the Maori of real tattooing by puncture, the fair haired folk who ate raw food and danced in a different manner to that of the Maori, may indicate
The Irihia to which Mataora went is the name of the fatherland from which the Maori migrated in long-past times. It is said to have been very extensive land, with a warm climate, and tribes of very dark skinned folk dwelt there. There, also, is the entrance to the spirit world.
It is curious to note, that, although the spirit only of man is said to descend to Rarohenga, the spirit world, yet Mataora found folk there who built houses, cultivated food, played games, and whose faces were tattooed, so causing blood to flow. Also was acquired there the art of weaving, both it and tattooing being introduced into the upper world from that subterranean region.
Niwareka, a being of the spirit world, ascends to this world and marries a man of the earth, hence both must possess earthly bodies. Mataora enters the spirit world as a living man, and returns here, though no other person of this world has since been allowed to visit the underworld in the flesh, apparently because he and his wife brought away a famed cloak, and concealed the fact.
But the most interesting thing in this ancient myth is the picture it presents of life in the underworld of spirits. It is not a dark or gloomy realm; it is a place of light and all things desirable. Evil is unknown there, it pertains only to the upper world. Such was an old time Maori belief, but unfortunately for anthropologists our Maori folk adopted the myths and teachings of Christianity, hence ideas of the spirits of evil person going to the underworld, and those of the good ascending to the heavens, have crept into their statements. Such beliefs were unknown to the Maori in pre-missionary days.
Mataora is asked to go to Irihia to exhibit his tattooing, apparently from Eastern Polynesia, although he had but just returned from Irihia, whereat is the entrance to the underworld.
It is possible that a tradition of some old time voyage reaching a far land where the arts of tattooing and weaving were known, and learned, has become encrusted with myths, such as the descent to the underworld, thus fact and fable have become sadly mixed.
A brief and unsatisfactory version of this story of Mataora and Niwareka is given in White's Ancient History of the Maori, vol. 2, p. 6 (Maori version), it did not find a place in Sir George Grey's collection. Another version presents a peculiar feature in that, in its latter part, Mataora has become confused with Mataaho,
'Waiongaru is a place at Tawhiti-pamamao whereat dwelt this person Mataora, his home was named Hui-te-rangiora. Now the people of Mataora, a clan known as Ngati-Wairehu, moved away to another place in order to clear scrub off the land called Haehae-te-ata, leaving Mataora at home. Then appeared the party of Tuta-hinga-a-rangi of twenty persons, coming to his home. Mataora invited the party into his house, and, when they were seated, Mataora procured a basket of charcoal and a firebrand, and, ere long, had kindled fires in the rear fire pit of the house and in that at the front end of the awarua or fairway of the centre of the house; whereupon Mataora said to his guests: "Make yourselves at home, here is the first comfort for the travellers." He then left the house and went to procure water at the spring; and so two gourd vessels of cold water were placed before the travellers, while Mataora said to them: "This is the second refreshment for the party." Again Mataora left the house and saw that oven pits were heated and food, sweet potatoes and fish, cooked therein; when ready the food was placed before the visitors, and Mataora remarked: "Here is the third provision for you."
'When the visitors had partaken of their meal they stood up to perform a posture dance, when Niwareka came forward to prance and grimace before the ranks, whereupon Mataora observed the charms of Niwareka, whose eyes resembled Venus as she appears above the water horizon. When the dancing came to an end Mataora called out: "O Give me one of your number as an equivalent for my hospitality." Tutahinga-a-rangi replied: "O Mataora! Point out the woman you have selected." Then Mataora advanced and pointed out Niwareka as the chosen one, when Tutahinga stood forth and said: "You have now rendered the underworld one with the upper world of life." Niwareka then consented to take up her abode in the upper world. Then Mataora came to know that these folk were Turehu.
'The visitors returned to their own place, leaving Mataora and Niwareka dwelling together, but after some time Mataora became jealous of his elder brothers and nephews with regard to Niwareka, and so he beat her. This occurred a second time, whereupon Niwareka wept and then said to Mataora: "Remain here in the upper world, for I now return to the lower world;" and so Niwareka passed out of Hui-te-rangiora.
'Mataora now bestirred himself to follow Niwareka, but he did not succeed in overtaking her. When Niwareka reached Poutere-rangi she descended the passage that leads to the underworld. Later on Mataora arrived at Poutere-rangi, and enquired of Te Kuwatawata; "Did you not see a woman who came this way?" Te Kuwatawata replied: "I saw her passing by with pouting lips and swollen eyes, she was far away when you arrived." Mataora asked: "Cannot I reach that place?" and Te Kuwatawata answered: "You can indeed."
'Mataora now descended to the underworld where he found that Uetonga was engaged in tattooing persons, so he said to him: "You folk of the underworld do not understand the art of tattooing; you see on me the style of tattooing of the upper world. Your method is a brutal one, the flowing blood shows, ours of the upper world calls for no such shedding of blood." Hereupon Uetonga stretched forth his hand and rubbed the designs marked on the skin of Mataora, thereby spoiling them, they were merely marked with blue paint. Said Uetonga: "Your tattooing is a mere farce in that it can be rubbed off." He then pointed out some true tattooing by puncture, which Mataora tried to rub off with his hand but found that it was not affected by rubbing. Mataora now said: "Well, you must now tattoo me in that manner." So now Mataora was tattoed by Uetonga, and when the instrument used pierced his upper lip, just below the nostrils, the pain was so distressing that he endeavoured to soothe it by singing to his lost wife: "Niwareka! Niwareka! Where are you hidden from me?" Said Uetonga: "Niwareka of this place is the only person of that name, there is no one of the upper world so named." Hinerikiriki heard the words of Mataora's lament and so went to Niwareka and said: "There is a person yonder singing—"Niwareka! Niwarekao! Where are you hidden from me?" Niwareka said: "Well now, of what appearance is he?" Her younger sister replied: "He has light-coloured hair." Niwareka now came to see for herself, and, upon seeing him, knew that he was her husband, whereupon she said to her father, Uetonga: "This is your own son-in-law who is being tattooed by you, be sure that you tattoo him well."
'When the tattooing of Mataora was finished he was conducted by Niwareka to her house, where they took up their abode; after some lapse of time Mataora said to Niwareka: "I have a longing to return to the world of light above, let us return to that upper world." Niwareka consented to so return, whereupon Uetonga spoke: "O Mataora! Farewell, abandon the behaviour that led to
'When they ascended to the place where Te Kuwatawata [guardian of the entrance to the underworld was awaiting the return of Mataora, that being enquired: "Mataora, what tidings from the lower world, what are Uetonga and his people doing?" Mataora replied: "They are tattooing by puncture." Te Kuwatawata looked at the tattooing of Mataora, at the grooved lines of the designs, and said: "How were the lines of tattooing produced?" Mataora said: "The cutting implement used was fashioned from human bone from the upper world, that used for the insertion of the pigment, also the tapper, were of similar material; the material for pigment was obtained from Te Whakahara at the One-pipipi, from where it lay in their house, One-tahuaroa." Te Kuwatawata enquired: "Did not the red fluid flow?" Said Mataora: "It flowed, and pain was felt." Te Kuwatawata continued; "These visits of yours to the underworld must now cease." And Mataora answered: "They will so end." He did not mention the gifts given him by Uetonga, the tattooing implements and the vessel of pigments, also the two garments to serve as patterns of taniko work, with the stone weapon, and the dressed fibre.
'Mataora passed out of Poutere-rangi carrying his basket on his back as Te Kuwatawata called out: "Mataora, put your basket down." But Mataora replied: "O, it is nothing, merely a basket containing my garment and comb." Te Kuwatawata repeated: "Put it down." Then the contents of the basket were examined, and so were seen the tattooing implements, the gourd vessel of pigment, the two garments named the Rangi-haupapa and Raumahora, also the stone weapon. Te Kuwatawata was annoyed at the action of Mataora and so remarked: "On account of this action of yours the underworld will be no longer accessible, never again shall living man be seen below."
'Such was the misdeed of Mataora that brought to an end the passage of living man to the underworld, and so after this none save spirits could pass down the way that leads to the lower world.
'Some time after the above, Mataora again became jealous with regard to Niwareka and again he beat her. Then Niwareka went off and returned to the underworld, and from this descent to the lower world was derived the expression Te Po Ka Wheau, a name that denotes the retirement of Niwareka to the Po; never again was the upper world returned to by Niwareka.
'Mataora now set off to follow his wife Niwareka, but found that she was afar off and had retired to the lower realm. Mataora strove to persuade Te Kuwatawata to allow him to descend to the Po in order to follow his wife, but that being replied by saying: "Go, return, for a barrier has been fixed between the lower and upper worlds, only the spirit shall pass to the Po, never again the body." Mataora was now angry with the guardians within Poutere-rangi, and so he returned to his own place. Certain laments for Niwareka sung by Mataora have been preserved but I did not acquire them.
'From this point onward the story differs from other versions. The name of Mataaho replaces that of Mataora in the original and incidents pertaining to the myth of Mataaho are introduced. Evidently the narrator has confused the two stories.
'These occurrences caused Mataora to be annoyed with his elder and younger brothers, for he believed that his desertion by Niwareka had been caused by instigation from them. Then Mataora returned to his own home at Waioagaru, and, on arriving there, he sent messengers out to acquaint all people with the fact that a barrier had been erected in Poutere-rangi as between the upper world of life and the spirit world below. The poutiriao or guardians had effected this so that Mataora might not succeed in reclaiming his wife Niwareka. He now set about causing heavy seas to rise so as to destroy man and cover the land. He prepared his canoe Nuku-taimemeha, the vessel of his ancestor Maui-tikitiki-o-Taranga that was lying in a cave on Maunganui, as some authorities call it, on Maungaparoro as I heard it. Then that vessel was hauled out of the cave and refitted, after which it was placed in the cave again. Mataora now returned home to his people, Ngati-Wairehu. Said Mataora: "Go you among the people and tell all that overwhelming floods are at hand that will cover the earth and destroy man, after which nought of progeny shall mature."
'Hineruhi, the principal wife of Mataora, enquired: "And what about my brothers and myself?" Said Mataora to the woman, also to his brothers-in-law and their wives: "Let us provide ourselves with food, for I am about to call upon the great waters to rise." That remark of Mataora's concerning the conserving of food referred to cooked food and also to raw products to serve as seed supplies. At this juncture Pani was appealed to in order that her child, the rat, might be placed in the gourd vessel, to be confined within the receptacle of Matuku (bittern) of Kautuku (heron), of Pakura (Swamp hen), of Whio (blue duck) and of Parera (grey tuatara lizard, the moko huruwaru, the ngarara pekepeke and Tutangatakino were placed at the thwart at the bow of the vessel.
'Then at last Mataora took his paddles, Tutewana-a-tai and Tutewana-a-ngaru, also the stone anchor of the vessel, named Pungatere, which is represented in this world by pumice stone, that was the anchor of Nuku-taimemeha. Then Puhi and his young relatives, the offspring of Te Ihorangi, were summoned by Mataora. Now the south wind was released by Mataora, then appeared storms and flood, and then his ancestor Whakaruaumoko with his family were summoned by him to send Tahupara, Turumakina, Takahuri-whenua, Te Oiroa and Puhoronuku. When these were brought by them the brothers-in-law were drifting on the ocean. Such was the huri-hanga a Mataaho, the overwhelming of [by] Mataaho, spoken of by man. Now it was that the land was destroyed by Mataaho, the broken appearance of the land was brought about by him. He controlled two destructive forces, earthquakes and water. Let this recital now be concluded.'
The above version of the Mataora is not equal to the first one given, but the addition to it by the narrator of a totally different myth shows how myths may be altered among a folk possessing no form of written language. An interesting description of the reception of visitors appears in this version. The account of how Mataora provided, first warmth, then water, then food for his guests well describes a local custom, and one that the present writer has had some experience of, occasionally to his discomfiture, as when he was expected to partake of three meals within a time space of four hours.
Our narrator employs a telling phrase when he compares the eyes of Niwareka to Venus flashing above the horizon. We see here how the arts of tattooing by puncture, of weaving and plaiting were acquired from the underworld; though the guardians of the entrance to that world seem to have objected to those arts passing to the upper world.
This version differs from the first one in its disposal of Niwareka; in this case she retires to her home in the underworld a second time, and remains there, Mataora being unable to follow her again; and so living man has never since entered the spirit world, and no spirit has ever returned hitherward to reside permanently in this upper world of light and life. Mataora seems to have called up his deluge and earthquakes in order to punish
Evidently the food supplies mentioned were to serve as sustenance until the flood subsided, and the raw products were to serve as seed when the flood subsided. The reference to the child of Pani is by no means clear; the rat is alluded to in Maori myth as the child of Hine-mataiti, the younger daughter of Pani, and Pani takes the place of Ceres of corn producing lands. The various birds and reptiles mentioned as being on the vessel seem to be the equivalent of friend Noah's menagerie. The Ihorangi mentioned is Hine-ihorangi the Rain Maid, and Mahutonga denotes the south. Whakaruaumoko was summoned because he represents earthquakes, and Oiroa (or Hine-oi) is also connected with such phenomena. Some parts of the narrative have not been made clear by the narrator, and the latter part reminds one painfully of the famed deluge in Noah's time; this unusual ending may be the result of missionary teachings.
In the South Island version of the story of Rukutia and Tu-te-koropanga, a tale preserved in New Zealand and the Hawaiian Isles, we have another allusion to the origin of tattooing, into which the name of Mataora does not enter. One Tama was the first husband of Rukutia, but the latter, in later days, preferred the better looking Tu-te-koropanga, and so went off with him. Tama decided to descend to the underworld and there consult the spirits of his forbears, and on this journey he assumed the form of the kotuku (white heron). In that realm he encountered two of his ancestors named Tuwhenua and Tumaunga, whom he found to be embellished with very ornate designs of tattoo. Tama desired to be adorned in a similar manner, and so his forbears marked such designs on his body, but they were merely painted patterns and so were not durable, while he was bathing they became effaced. He then asked to be tattooed properly by the puncturing method, but was told that he must apply to Toko and Ha, two more of his ancestors who abode at the place of Tuapiko and Tawhaitiri. These latter are two beings who are stationed at a narrow pass through which spirits had to pass on their way to a lower division of the underworld. Here at last was Tama properly tattooed, though he suffered excessively during the operation.
Tama returned home and then set off in search of his wife Rukutia, who had eloped with Tu-te-koropanga. He so disguised himself that his handsome tattooing was unseen, and forced his
When all the people of the house were asleep that night Tama produced some extremely fragrant substance, called rotu, that he had produced in the underworld. This delightful odour attracted the notice of Rukutia, who said: "What a sweet scent of rotu. Does this come from my husband, Tama?" Tu remarked: "How could Tama overcome all my spells and obstructions?" But Rukutia said: "Methinks the eyes of the mean looking man resembled the eyes of Tama."
Tama then left the house and went to the stream and washed himself, after which he donned fine garments and ornaments, and so appeared as a handsome, splendidly tattooed man. By means of reciting a certain charm he caused Rukutia to become restless and so to come out of the house. When she saw her first husband so brave and handsome she implored him to take her with him to their old home, and away from the man who had beaten her. But Tama said: "Not so, you abandoned me for a handsomer man, now stay you with him. In the days that lie before I will return hither." So Tama returned to his place.
In after days Tama set off in his vessel and sailed to the home of Tu-te-koropanga, but found that place surrounded by fierce sharks and other savage creatures under the influence of the magician Tu. When attacked by these man-rending monsters he confused some by throwing ashes into the water, while to others he cast pieces of timber, the which they stayed to rend; so passed the hero Tama on his way. When Rukutia saw the bright sail of Tama's vessel she swam out to meet it, whereupon Tama took her on board, where he slew her and then sailed back home with the body of his wife. Then Tama fashioned a form of coffin, placed the body therein and buried it in his house, near the wall. There, in the house of death, Tama remained mourning for his wife Rukutia; in the whare-potae the house of mourning he abode.
When Mahuru had come from afar, and the forerunners of Hine-raumati, the Summer Maid, were heard in the land, Tama
It is not quite clear as to why Tama should slay his wife and then spend so much time in mourning for her, but doubtless he believed he was doing the proper thing.
Another version of the above story gives the full name of Tama as Tama-nui-a-rangi, and Tama goes to Mataora in order to be tattooed. Tama goes "below" to see Mataora, apparently to the underworld. This version is inadequate and confused, in its latter part Tama, the husband of Rukutia, of eastern Polynesia, is confused with Tama-ahua who sought greenstone at Arahura. One of the concluding sentences of this version runs as follows: "Tama went to Aotearoa to settle and remained permanently at that place." This probably refers to Tama-ahua, though he did not settle permanently here. We are told that he went to Aotearoa (New Zealand) perhaps because the narrator was a South Island native. Long years ago, when some of the Ngati-Porou Native Contingent returned home to the east coast, I asked one of them what he thought of Taranaki, where they had been serving. He explained to me the inferiority of Taranaki as a place of residence, and concluded with the remark: "Nui atu te pai o Niu Tireni (New Zealand is a better place)." To him New Zealand was represented by the east coast of the North Island, while Taranaki was a foreign, and hence inferior land.
A third version of the story closely resembles the first given above, and ends with the account of Rukutia regaining life and smiling upon Tama—"Oreore ana nga paparinga o Rukutia ki te kata ki a Tama". It is often difficult to see the moral in Maori stories, and one wonders why Rukutia should smile upon the men who had cut her head off.
When Mataora returned from Rarohenga to this upper world many people visited his house, Poririta, in order to look upon this new style of decorating the body. One Tutangata persuaded Mataora to embellish his body with this marvellous tattooing of the underworld, but Mataora was not a skilled artist and so sadly disfigured the hapless Tu, who was known thereafter as Tutangatakino, Tutangata the repulsive. After that Maru and Uekaihau were tattooed, and then indeed were seen the beauties of this new mode of decoration, the fame of which spread to Awarau, to Tonga-nui to Rangiatea, to Hui-te-rangiora, which are names of isles in the region of Tawhiti. A messenger came poniania design on the nose, the pihere near the mouth, the ngu on the nose, and the tiwhana lines on the forehead. It was in this upper world that other designs were evolved, being in the first place carved by Nuku-te-aio and Rua-i-tepupuke on a wooden image. It was now that Huruwaru was tattooed in manner precise and admirable, so much so that the Pipe-o-te-rangi named him Moko-huru-waru. Nuirareka had but few tattooed designs, they were a cross on either cheek and one on the forehead, the lip and chin tattooing was a later usage. The latter was first employed in this land, being in the first place marked on a gourd water-vessel. It was first tattooed on Iranui by Kahukuranui, the design having been first sketched by Kuhukura-kotare.
I collected a brief recital in the original myths dealing with the origin of various aspects of the world.
It was delivered in the usual Maori manner and so is not remarkable for its consistency, and it ends abruptly, as many of such recorded narratives do. A free rendering runs as follows: "These are explanatory remarks concerning the night of time, Tiki, Hineoi, the wind family, the sun, the origin of fire and stones. They will serve to remind you of the subjects that our ancestors taught and so handed down to their descendants. As to the ten periods of chaos they are alluded to as po tiwha, periods of the unknown and unknowable. Then came the period of inclining toward light, the conditions that obtain in this world, and this is alluded to as the po ka wheau and the namunamu hi taiao. When the Milky Way bestrides the heavens then day is at hand. Then the periods of daylight were prolonged, and so the expressions denoting such conditions, ao nui, ao roa, and ao te whaia, are heard. At this juncture daytime became firmly established.
"The names Whakaraumatangi, Tiki-roa, Tiki-nui, Tiki-hahana and Tiki-ahua are names that betoken the ritual employed in order to energise the organ of Tane when he cohabited with divers female beings. Now Matua-te-kore (Parentless), Papa-matua (Papa the Parent), Papa-tioi (swaying Papa), Papa-tiranga (Tiraha?, facing upward) and Papa-tu-a-
Another recital gives Hineoi as the offspring of Whakaruaumoko and Hine-nui-te-po, also as the grandmother of Niwareka, she who was taken to wife by Mataora. The Maori took much interest in causality, and also traced his descent from a great number of mythical beings.
"Hineoi mated with Pumairekura, and so we have Tapaturangi, and Marunga-o-te-rangi and others, also Te Ihorangi (personified form of rain) whose brother was Tawhirimatea (who represents winds); from Te Ihorangi came hail, snow and ice. From the brother, Tawhiri-matea, sprang Punui-o-tonga, Te Winiwini, Te Wanawana (wind names), Pungaionui, Whakamoewaru, Aoaonui, Te Pumaranga, Whakarauwiri and Tahuaroa. Here we have the origin of the winds of this world, the offspring just given sprang from Te Ihorangi and her brother Tawhirimatea. The source of these folk, their abiding place, is Raurunui, also Mahutonga (the south), which place is situated down at the far spread legs of the Sky Parent. Maui succeeded in overcoming Mahuika by means of directing his magic powers toward that source of winds, thus he withdrew the plug of Mahutonga and released the chill south winds, and so Mahuika was overcome by Maui at Waikumia, at Waihapua, at Wiakapuka.
"From Rangirea sprang Rangiauake, Rangiwharo, Rangimatiti-nuku, Rangiaho, Rangiwhakaputa, Rangitamatama, Rangi-matiti-kura, Rangi-arohea, and the Rakura, who begat the sun that shines in this world.
"Now this concerns the fire of the fire-generating appliance of Rangi that was purloined by Whiro, elder brother of Tane, from the breast of Rangi, hence the hollow in the breast-bone of man. That appliance was named the Raukura, and the rubbing stick was Rangi-te-irihia; the fire produced by that appliance is the sun above us. The sparks of that fire that fell when Tane was generating fire at the Paerangi are represented by the fire that secretly burns in stones, wood, and in the earth, and which is represented in this world by volcanic fire. This kaunoti or firemaking appliance was the one by means of which the mana of Rangi the Sky Parent was filched away, also the ritual that caused Rangi and Papa to be overcome by Tane. Had it not been for this
"From the tenth period of Chaos sprang Papa the Earth Mother already mentioned, and then appeared Papa-matua-te-kore (Papa the Parentless) who mated with Rangi-a-Tamaku and had a firstborn Putoto, whose sister was Parawhenuamea (personified form of water). Putoto took his own sister, Parawhenuamea, to wife, and she bore Rakahore, who mated with Hineuku (Personified form of clay, the Clay Maid), who bore Tuamatua, from whom came gravel and stones. The younger brother of Tuamatua was Whatuaho, next came Papakura, then Tauira-karapa, whose sisters were Hine-tauira and Tuahoanga. From Tuamatua came all the kinds of stone found on sea coasts and in the interior, that is some kinds of stones of inland parts.
"From Whatuaho sprang greywacke, chert, etc., and the light-coloured huka-a-tai stone, also other kinds of stone of similar appearance. Papakura was the origin of volcanic stone and kauwhanga, also the whatukura, waiapu, kurutai, pakawera, pome, kapu and tuwhenua kinds of stone.
"Tauira-ka-rapa represents greenstone of different kinds, the kawakawa, auhunga, inanga, toroapunga, kahurangi, matakirikiri, and other kinds.
"Hine-tauira represents a stone that has abnormal offspring; it has a bright, gleaming appearance, and is but seldom seen, to see this stone was an occurrence ominous of evil in former times; it is not a stone seen in large blocks, and is merely chanced upon. Another kind of stone is mihiwai, another is whatukura, others are pungapunga and tahakura, these are all stones possessing weird powers, and are ominous of evil if seen.
"Now Tuahoanga represents another kind of stone, such are the wawatai, papanui, kauheke, and pipiwai, rekepounamu being another name of the pipiwai; another is matanui; these are all the known names [All these stones pertaining to Tuahoanga are different kinds of sandstone]."
The name of Hineoi in the above is occasionally given as Hineori, but oi and ori have both the meaning of "to shake", an appropriate name for a being closely connected with earthquakes. It is unusual to find her placed as a sister of Papa the Earth Mother.
The various qualifying terms attached to the name of Tiki describe him as long, big, heated or reddened, and as the former or fashioner. Tawhirimatea is viewed as the principal Dominion Museum Bulletin 10). Rakura is a honorific name for the sun, but is spoken of in this recital as the progenitor of that orb. In the next paragraph we are told that the origin of the sun was the sparks that fell from the fire-generating appliance of Rangi.
The origin myth connected with stones has already been given at pp. 166-167 of Bulletin 10 (1976 reprint). Rakahore is the personified form of rock. Another version of an unorthodox nature states that Parawhenuamea (personified form of water) was the first born of Rangi and Papa, Sky and Earth; then came Rakahore, then Rakau (trees), then the ocean came into being, then came Ngarara-huarau (taniwha, monster), then Punaweko (personified form of birds). Yet another version places Kiwa first, Tangaroa as fifth, the Ra-tuoi (sun) together with moon and stars in the sixth place, after which comes Ruaumoko, and then Tane and his many companions. A variant form of the myth given in Bulletin 10 makes Rakahore mate with Hineukurangi, who produces Tuakirikiri or Hine-tu-a-kirikiri, who represents gravel and sand. In the tale of Tawhaki we see that one Hine-murutoka, a daughter of Rakahore, became the mate of Tawhaki and produced Kamaka, who produced crayfish. In vernacular speech kamaka denotes rock and crayfish are found among rocks, hence the myth. These personification terms were often introduced into colloquial speech, thus in a recited account of the preparations made by the Atiawa folk of Taranaki for the long march to Wellington occur the words: "Some of the people set to work preparing supplies, the younger folk went shark fishing, the women collected shellfish." But sharks are referred to as "the rending subjects of Takaaho", while the women are said to have "clambered over Rakahore" to obtain shellfish. (Ko te tamariki ki te hi i te mokaitihaehae a Takaaho, ko te wahine ki runga i a Rakahore e haere ana ki te ripi i tepaua.) The narrator might have referred to the paua shellfish as uri a Hinemoana, offspring of the Ocean Maid, which they are said to be. Although many beings are mentioned as being the origin, producers or "parents" of various kinds of stone, yet the ultimate originating being was Tane-matua, Tane the Parent.
In the foregoing recital we see that Rangi the Sky Parent carried fire-generating sticks suspended from his neck, and that the awanga o te poho or hollow seen in the breast bone of man is
The ultimate origin of the fire of this world was the sun above us, the sun that abides with his parent Rangi, the sun who hath two wives, the Summer Maid and the Winter Maid. Look at the fingers of man, they represent the fire that cooks food for man. Now Auahi-tu-roa (syn. Upoko-roa, personified form of comets) was the male offspring of Ra, the sun, and Ra said to Auahi-tu-roa: "Go, convey a boon to our descendants in the lower world, the world of life." Auahi enquired: "In what form shall I take it?" Replied Ra: "Give your offspring fire; give the five of them; do not give them to the elder sister, but rather to the younger." So it was that Auahi-tu-roa came down to earth and took to wife one Mahuika, younger sister of Hine-nui-te-po, and their offspring were the five Fire Children, whose names are those of the five fingers of the human hand.
All those children of Mahuika were represented by fire, and that fire was the boon sent down by Ra the sun to comfort the ancestors of the Maori folk dwelling in the world of light. Were it not for that boon, the five Fire Children, then truly would man be in the condition of dogs and birds, eating uncooked food.
Such is a brief account of this sun-comet myth; the comet acted as messenger to bring fire to earth, and is still occasionally seen in Me oioi ki te ringa kaputa ai te tama a Upoko-roa, which simply tells us that, when the kindling material containing the dust ignited by friction is waved to and fro by the hand then the offspring of Upo-koroa, the comet, will appear. Taylor's pukuroa is an error, and should be Upokoroa.
The names of the Fire Children differ in different districts simply because the names of the fingers differ. Among Kahungunu they are Konui, Koroa, Mapere, Manawa, Koiti. The five fingers are alluded to as the Tokorima a Maui (the Five of Maui, the prefix toko is employed only when persons are spoken of). It was Maui who destroyed the Fire Children; but one escaping, Toiti the little finger, who fled and took refuge within the body of Hine-kaikomako, the Fire Conserver, and personified form of the Kaikomako (Pennantia corymbosa) tree, from the wood of which fire generating sticks were fashioned. In some recitals it is Mahuika who is said to have so taken refuge within certain trees, and we have the peculiar situation that Mahuika's fire children were her five fingers, and these finger-children were destroyed by Maui, hence Hine-nui-te-po slew Maui in order to avenge the death of her sister's children. Maui destroyed those children in a spirit of mischief apparently, as will appear when we come to relate the adventures of that irrepressible hero. It is sufficient to say here that fire seems to have been known in this world prior to Maui's adventure with Mahuika. Concerning the connection between the human fingers and fire it is of some interest to note that Agni, the fire god of far India, had ten mothers, and they were the ten fingers of the human hands.
The younger sister of Mahuika, viz. Hine-i-tapeka, is sometimes referred to as Tapeka, and she is spoken of by the tribes of the Bay of Plenty area as representing subterranean fire, termed the Ahi a Tapeka, also ahi tipua, or ahi tupua or ahi komau. We have already seen that the fire was obtained from Rakahore (personified form of rock) and given to Ruaumoko when he accompanied the Earth Mother down to Rarohenga. Te Pupu and Te Hoata are also said to represent subterranean fire.
Ira-whaki, or Ira the Revealer, is said to have taken Hine-kaikomako to wife. He it was who revealed fire to mankind, and so we find in an old song: "E Ira e! Whakina mai te ahi" (O Ira!
Ordinary fire of this world is known as "the fire of Mahuika" (te ahi a Mahuika), and, in former times, was often alluded to simply as Mahuika. Thus, if a Maori stated that his hut had been consumed by Mahuika, he simply meant that it had been burned.
When the monster Ngarara-huarau was slain by heroes of old at Wairarapa we are told that the slain persons were buried, but that Mahuika was allowed to consume the slain dragon ("Ka tanumia nga tangata, ka hoatu ma Mahuika e kai a Ngarara-huarau").
A peculiar and seemingly unorthodox position is assigned to Mahuika by Ngati-Awa of the Bay of Plenty: Here Mahuika appears as second in descent from Pu-te-hue, the origin of the gourd, while Hine-nui-te-po, the ex-Dawn Maid is two generations below her correct place as a daughter of Tane, the sun lord. Hine-te-iwaiwa, the Moon Maid, comes near to Tane, though the male representative of the moon seems to have been deemed older than Tane in the well known coupled form of Rongo-ma-Tane.
Mahuika is known far and wide across the Pacific, and appears as a male in some regions, in others as a female. At the Chatham Islands the name is Mauhika, and the story of Maui and Mahuika Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 3, pp. 122-3). Mahuie is the guardian of fire at Tahiti; in the Bowditch Islands the goddess of fire is Mafuike, at Mangareva Mauike, while to the Tongan mofuike denotes an earthquake. At Mangaia Mauike, a male, represents fire; and at Urea in the Loyalty Group Mafuike represents earthquakes. In New Zealand we also note that subterranean fire and earthquakes are associated in Maori myths, and in most isles Mahuika is spoken of as a denizen of the underworld. In the Tokelau Group Mafuike is a blind woman who guards fire in the underworld, and fire was obtained from her by Talanga, the Taranga, parent of Maui, of the New Zealand tale. (Such is the story at p. 147 of vol. 29 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society, but at p. 164 of vol. 32 of that Journal we are told that it was Lu, the son of Ikiiki, who so obtained fire. Possibly there are variant forms of the tale in the different isles of the Group.)
At Samoa Mafuie conserves fire in the underworld, and from him it was obtained by Ti'i-a-Talanga, the Maui-tikitiki-a-Taranga of the New Zealand version. In Turner's Nineteen Years in Polynesia the name is given as Ti'iti'i, and we learn that Mafuie (Mafui'e) is also the cause of earthquakes (pp. 252-255). At Mangaia, Maui has the same contest with Mauike that Ti'iti'i had at Samoa, but, prior to that time, fire had been obtained from Mauike by Ru, presumably the Lu of the Tokelau Group. Also, in the Mangaia version, Maui repeatedly extinguishes gift fire as in our Maori version, and so local peculiarities and certain incidents are wanting in some isles and reappear in others.
Fornander tells us that Mahuika appears in genealogies of the Hawaiian Isles as Hina-mahuia (see An Account of the Polynesian Race, vol. 1 p. 191).
As observed above the sex of Mahuika changes in different isles and appears in both ways in New Zealand. In most cases the Maori favours the female sex, but occasionally the male element prevails (see Te Ika-a-Maui, 2nd ed. pp. 13(M31 and 170-171, and in vol. 2 of The Ancient History of the Maori, p. 61, Maori part, though the female sex reappears in the same volume at pp. 65 and 102, in other versions).
Wiwi of Pipiriki, Whanganui river, stated that Mahuika was the daughter of Hine-kaikomako, the Fire Conserver; if so then she took refuge within the body of her own mother when assailed by the heavy rains of Uanui and Hine-te-ihorangi, the Rain Maid, at the behest of Maui. (A statement made at p. 93 of vol. 31 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society to the effect that, in Maori story, Mahuika is the father of Maui, is one that cannot be allowed to pass unchallenged, but it is quite possible that some irresponsible native has contributed a note to that effect.)
Lightning is alluded to as a form of fire and is called ahi tipua, and ahi tipua a Hine-te-uira (supernatural fire of the Lightning Maid). Volcanic fire is sometimes alluded to as ahi umuroa; it was found in the land called Tawhiti pamamao. Subterranean fire is also alluded to as the fire of Ue (ahi a Ue) in South Island myth (see the Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 24, p. 132, also in vol. 28 p. 50. At p. 156 of vol. 3 of that Journal is given an account of the contest between fire and water in the form of a fable).
Several folk tales of the Maori contain accounts of voyagers visiting lands where the use of fire was unknown and the folk thereof were raw-eaters. This, as we have seen, appears in the story of Tura, and it also enters into the tale of the voyage of Hikiparoa from Cook Strait, a voyage that evidently never took place. In vol. 8 of the Transactions of the New Zealand Institute (pp. 108-110) Wohlers gives a South Island tale of certain voyagers from Tawhiti-nui-a-Rua reaching a far land where fire was unknown, and where the voyagers freed the land from a dread scourge, viz, the ravages of a huge, man-eating bird that had destroyed many persons. This is practically the same story as that of Hikiparoa and Manini-pounamu, save that the latter is given as a sequel to the strange tale of Hinepopo. The name Tawhiti-nui-a-Rua above is in full Tawhiti-nui-a-Ruamatua, and is a Maori name for the island of Tahiti; this name partially reappears in New Zealand in Turangi-nui-a-Ruamatua (Gisborne district) and Tamaki-nui-a-Ruamatua (The Seventy Mile Bush area). In these place names the personal name of Ruamatua is usually abbreviated to Rua.
In Maori myth we meet with the idea that the original fire was the ahi komau or subterranean fire concealed within the earth and in stones; hence the wise men of old said "Na Rakahore te ahi"—fire emanated from Rakahore—the personified form of rock. We have seen that, when Sky and Earth were separated, Ruaumoko, their youngest child, was still suckling the Earth Mother, hence it was arranged that he should remain with his mother when she was turned face down to Rarohenga, to warm her breast and to serve as an objective for her mother love. Then Tu said: "She will suffer from cold; give her the ahi komau as a ahi komau was procured from Rakahore, who was its guardian, and given to Papa the Earth Mother, with the remark: "Here is fire for you." When Papa and Ruaumoko had been turned down to the underworld then that subterranean fire became the origin of earthquakes. Whiro joined with Ruaumoko in using subterranean fire as a weapon in assailing mankind in the world of life, hence we ever have Hine-puia, the Volcano Maid with us in the upper world. These beings are enabled to shake the earth because it became somewhat loose and unstable when turned over at the command of Io-nui, an occurrence known as Te hurihanga i a Mataaho. This Mataaho is a colleague of Ruaumoko and is associated with him, they are the cause of earthquakes and all volcanic action (Ko Mataaho, ko Whakaruamoko, ko nga tangata era i a raua te mana o te ru, o te puia).
A statement was made by Te Matorohanga to the effect that persons often insert names of personifications, etc., in genealogies, in which they should find no place. He also stated that the names Papa-tioi (the swaying earth), Papa-tiraha (Papa facing upward), Te Kuku, Pumairekura, and the Po ka taka i runga o Waowaonui are names or expressions that denote different phases of volcanic activity and earthquakes; Papa-tioi, Hine-oi and Papa-tiraha are specially connected with earth trembling.
The following brief communication from Nepia Pohuhu refers to the principal member of the earth-disturbing company of the underworld.
I mua atu i te haerenga o Tane-nui-a-Rangi i te ara tiatia ki te toi o nga rangi taupuru i te otinga o te wehenga i a Rangi raua ko Papa-tu-a-nuku, ka hurihia te aro aro o ta ratau hakui ki raw ki te muriwai hou ki Rarohenga; ko ta raua potiki e kai ana i te u i tera wa, ko Whakaruaumoko. Kati, waiho atu ana tena e ratou hei tanga manawa moto ratou hakui; kati, koia te putake mai o te ru, o te puia hoki e pakanga nei ki a tatou i nga wa katoa nei.
Here we are told that, prior to the ascent of the ara tiatia to the uppermost heaven made by Tane after the separating of Rangi and Papa, the Earth Mother was turned face downward to the entrance to the underworld. At that time the youngest child of the primal parent was still at the breast of the Earth Mother. This was Whakaruaumoko, who was allowed to remain with his mother as a comfort to her, and he it is who is the cause of earthquakes and all volcanic disturbances, by means of which he is ever assailing us, the denizens of the upper world.
The destructive powers of Ruaumoko are occasionally referred to in song, as in the following line—"Me ko te ma an o te Whakaruaumoko e how nei i te tangata ki te Po."
Another version of the origin myth pertaining to volcanoes includes the names of Ioio-whenua, Hine-tuoi, Hine-tuarang-aranga, Te Kuku, Te Wawau and Tawaro-nui as those of mythical beings connected with earthquakes and volcanoes. Hine-tuoi is probably one and the same as Hine-oi, Hine-ori, and Papa-tioi or tuoi, for the latter form appears in one version.
A brief Kahungunu note contains a statement that the Ru a Mahutonga or earthquake of Mahutonga is said to have been the name of a very severe earthquake that destroyed much land at the island of Rangiatea, an island that was once so extensive that a journey round it occupied three kaupeka or months. A later contribution couples the name of Whangara with that of Rangiatea, and states that many tribes occupied that land in remote times. A dreadful earthquake caused a large area of land to disappear into ocean depths, and many people perished, whole tribes were lost. A numerous people known as Ngati-Kaiperu so perished, leaving no survivor. It was the western area of Rangiatea that so disappeared, and on it stood a great mountain named Maunganui. That mountain was shattered and engulfed in the ocean, it had been active before, when its parapara (ejecta) was deposited in the ocean, but the final explosion was a terrific one and that part of Rangiatea known as Whaingaroa disappeared forever. This information is said to have been given by Te Matorohanga.
A gleaming red appearance of the sky, as seen in the evening, pertain to Oho, who was cooked, hence the faint appearance of the phenomenon. A similar aspect observed in the morning comes from Rauru who was subjected to intense heat, hence the deep red colour.
Clouds are personified in one Hine-kapua, the Cloud Maid, as a general thing, but there are many minor personifications representing, apparently, different forms of clouds. Tane is sometimes credited with having originated clouds, and in this character, he is spoken of as Tane-i-te-kapua. Clouds are said to represent the covering of Rangi the Sky Parent, even as the Earth Mother is said to be covered with trees and verdure to serve as a cloak for her, so were the naked bodies of the primal parents Kahui ao or Cloud Flock are, in local folk tales of Taranaki, said to be the offspring of Rangi and Te Mangemangerau. The apa or Cloud Maidens of the Vedas represent a Maori concept. The names of many of the minor personified forms of clouds include the word ao, denoting a cloud as seen in the list of personifications given elsewhere. One version of the origin of clouds is as follows:
'Tane observed that their parent Rangi had no covering for his body, that he was entirely naked, a lamentable condition. Hence he spoke to Tawhirimatea saying: "Go and procure the vapours emanating from the warm body of Papa, then ascend to upper regions and arrange them on the body of our parent Rangi-nui, to serve as a warm covering for him." Then Tawhirimatea (personified form of wind) went and procured the Ao-tu, Ao-hore, Ao-nui, Ao-roa, Ao-pouri, Ao-tutumaiao, Ao-kapua, Ao-tauhinga, Ao-parauri, and the Ao-whetuma, such are the names of vapour caused by the perspiration of Papa the Earth Mother, as produced by her ceaseless wailing and mourning for her husband, Rangi-nui. Those vapours so procured by Tawhirimatea and conveyed by him to the breast of the Sky Parent, truly are they the clouds we see above us.'
Two other beings connected with clouds are Tukapua and Te Mamaru, the former being one of the primal offspring. These are referred to by Nepia Pohuhu in one of his recitals as follows: "Now to Tawhirimatea (wind), Tukapua (cloud) and Te Ihorangi (rain) was assigned the realm of Tauruangi (the sixth heaven, counting upward)—Te Mamaru and Mawake-nui were assigned to the bounds of Rangi-nui (the heavens), as also was Te Ihorangi (rain). Their task was to control the clouds of the heavens so that they might form a screen between Rangi and Papa (sky and earth) and shelter their mother (Papa), for which purpose they called upon Hine-Moana (the Ocean Maid) and Hine-wai (fine mist-like rain), while Hine-makohurangi (the Mist Maid) was despatched to cover the body of their father (the Sky Parent), also to shelter Papa. Such are the clouds above, moist emanations from Hine-moana, Hine-wai and Tuanuku (Papa); such are the clouds, mist and rain."
A brief note from Te Mataorohanga tells us that the origin of the clouds floating in space is referred to Tama-nui-te-ra, the sun, who sympathised with Papa the Earth Mother in her nude condition. Even so was mist born of the warmth of Papa and assigned to the offspring of Tawhirimatea, and so the Mist Maid was brought from Hine-moana, the Ocean Maid, and from kapua, clouds. Another rendering of this version appears in the explanation of the origin of rain.
A popular fire-side myth explains that clouds and mist are love tokens sent up to the heavens by Papa the Earth Mother as a greeting to Rangi the Sky Parent, from whom she was separated in the days when the world was young. (Ko te ao nui, te ao roa, te ao pouri, te ao tamakurangi, te ao potango, te ao whekere, te ao kakauri, te ao kanapanapa, te ao takawe, koia nei nga ao a Papa i tuku nihi ai ki a Rangi e tu nei, he aroha to take.)
The guardians appointed as controllers of the ocean, its bounds and currents, were Kiwa, Tangaroa-whakamau-tai and Kaukau. At the same time Kiwa, Te Ihorangi, Tawhirimatea, Mataaho and Whakaruaumoko are grouped together in Takitimu teachings as regulators and controllers of the ocean, of all waters, of rain, mist, frost, earthquakes and volcanic activity. We now see why the overturning of the Earth Mother is credited to Mataaho, one of the beings controlling earth movements and volcanic upheavals.
The ocean is known as the Moana nui a Kiwa, the Great Ocean of Kiwa, but is actually personified in Hinemoana, the Ocean Maid. In one recital we are told that Hinemoana, Kiwa, Timutahi, Hakoa-koa, Kekerewai, Kaukau and Takaurutau were atua concerned with the control of the ocean; the second, third, fifth, and sixth of these names are those of members of the primal offspring, children of Rangi and Papa. In one version of our story Hine-moana is said to have been a daughter of Hine-hau-one (whose first name was Hine-ahu-one). Her place was out on the great waste of waters, on tiritiri o te moana, the far spread ocean solitudes, and it was then that she was taken to wife by Kiwa. She is spoken of as the "parent" of certain fish, including the moki and maomao, also of shellfish and seaweed. (Na, ko Hinemoana ko tetahi tenei o nga tamahine a Hine-hau-one, i moe nei i a Tane-matua. Ko te mea tenei i makaia ki te apaapa i a Tawhirimatea ma hei tiaki i ta ratau tamahine. I te wa rea oti te maka i tenei o tona whanau ki waho, kiia ake nei, ka moea e Kiwa hei wahine; koia te matua o te moki, o te maomao, me era atu ika pera katoa te ahua.)
Among the Matatua tribes one hears of Wainui as a personified form of the ocean, and she appears as the offspring of Sky and Earth.
Wainui here appears as one of a family of three and mates with Tangotango, who seems to have represented the Milky Way; their progeny are represented by the heavenly bodies, by phosphorescent light, and by Hine-rauamoa. A mythical genealogy collected at Turanga gives Wai-nui-atea as the second wife of Rangi the Sky Parent, their offspring being Moana-nui, the Great Ocean. The small river fish known as inanga are said to go to their mother Wainui in order to spawn, and Wainui is also spoken of as the mother of such water plants as the bulrush. Curiously enough Wainui is also said to be concerned with earthquakes, which, I have been informed, are caused by Wainui shaking her breasts; it is this shaking that marks, and apparently causes the seasonal changes.
There is ever a danger that land may be seriously injured by the encroachment of Hine-moana, the ocean; the bays and inlets we see have been formed by the ngaunga Hine-moana, as the Maori puts it, the "gnawing of Hine-moana" into the body of the Earth Mother. In this account it was that Rakahore, Hine-one, and Hine-tuakirikiri were appointed to protect Papa the Earth Mother from the attacks of the Ocean Maid. These three names represent the personified forms of rock, sand and gravel; these are the guardians who keep watch over the bounds of Hine-moana, nga tupaki o Hine-moana.
We have noted the word atea as attached to the name Wainui; this word denotes an open, clear expanse, and it is met with in the names of Tahora-nui-atea, Mahora-nui-atea and Marae-nui-atea, all of which denote a vast open expanse, and are employed to designate the ocean. Marae-roa is another term so applied to the ocean, while Tahuaroa seems to be applied to an expanse of either sea or land. The Moriori folk of the Chatham Islands applied the terms Hiku-watea and Raorao-nui-a-Watea to the ocean; the last is specially applicable; the vast plain of space; for Watea is the personified form of space.
Parawhenuamea represents water; she was the first wife of Kiwa and produced water. In the very beginning there was no land according to Maori myth, all was water and light was not. It was water that fashioned the plains and fair lying lands we see around us, but Mataaho and Whakaruaumoko are disturbing agents and break up the fair lands.
Some authorities seem to have held that Parawhenuamea represented fresh water only, as shown in the following note: "Ko Parawhenuamea, ko te tuahine tera o te Putoto; na, ko tana Parawhenuamea koia te matua o te wai e kiia nei he wax maori." Both Para and Tuamatua, who represents rock and stones, were the offspring of Tane and the Mountain Maid, Hine-tupari-maunga.
The origin myth concerning ocean tides is the well known tale of Te Parata, a monster said to be a denizen of tiie ocean, and who causes high and low tide by swallowing vast quantities of the waters of the ocean, and then ejecting the same. The name of the Waha o te Parata, the mouth or entrance of the Parata, is said to be a great abyss or whirlpool far out on the ocean, the same being a place highly dangerous to navigators. It was in this dread gulf, we are told, that the Arawa vessel narrowly escaped disaster, being saved by the potent charms of Ngatoro. It is interesting to note that one version of this tale of the Waha o te Parata makes Te Parata and Tangaroa one and the same person, and also mentions Karihi as, apparently, another name for Te Parata or Tangaroa. This latter name, we are told, originated in the fact that he breathes but twice in twenty-four hours, he is a deep, or long breather, hence tonga roa. (Te take o nga tai he mea na Karihi, ara na te Parata, koia e horomi ana i tei wai o te moana, koia te tai timu, a tea puwhaina mai ono e ia, koia te tai pari. Tera atua, a te Parata, koia te tino atua o te moana, a ko Tangaroa tetahi o ona ingoa. Te takenga mai o tena ingoa he roa no tana tanga manawa i a ia e ha ana i te ha o tona kopu; e rua ano hanga ona i te ra, i te po; koia ra te take o taua ingoa.) In a brief note from Takitimu sources we are told that the Parata abides at the Tuahiwi o Hine-moana, and that his body and arms are ten fathoms in length. The tuahiwi alluded to is, in Maori belief, a form of water ridge in mid-ocean, a place where very rough seas are encountered, and from which the ocean falls or surges both ways.
When guardians were being appointed for the heavenly bodies then Rona, Te Ahurangi and Te Rangitaupiri were made guardians of the moon, they control that orb. Then Tane-matua
A note that has a very unusual aspect makes Kiwa the offspring of the Po-tuangahuru, the tenth period of Chaos, at which remote time he took to wife Take-moana and by her had Te Moana (The Ocean).
In Maori mythology Watea is the personified form of space; when Watea appeared then Rangi and Papa, sky and earth, were separated, Rangi above and Papa below. It was also Watea who separated land from water. (I te putanga mai o Watea ka wehea a Rangi ki runga, ka waiho a Papa ki raw nei. Na Watea Hoki i wehea ai te wai kia puta ke he whenua.) The ocean is sometimes termed the marae o Hine-moana, the plaza of the Sea Maid, or the marae nui o Hine moana, the vast plaza of Hine-moana.
There existed some vague belief in mysterious beings who dwell far out in the great ocean spaces, and these denizens of the water deserts are said to have nurtured Maui and Uenuku-titi from infancy even unto maturity. The latter is said to have been so cared for by "the hordes of the Petipeti, of Waihekura, of Waihengana, of Waihematua", whoever they may be; when an explanation was sought by the writer he was simply informed that they were atua, sea-dwelling beings, possibly allied to the Tutumaiao and Turi-whekoi-rangi, but this did not make matters much clearer.
In Maori the origin of shellfish is often credited to Hine-moana the personified form of the ocean, but other accounts do not mention her. Hine is placed as a granddaughter of Tane:
In one version we are told that Hine-moana produced all forms of seaweed, and these were attached to Rakahore and Tuamatua, who represent rock and stones, in order to provide shelter for the
This seaweed family ever clings to the foster parents, Rakahore and Tuamata. (Koia nei te whanau a Hine-moana i tukua e raua hei whakaruru i a ratau tamariki, ka reawea e ratau ki te taha o Rakahore raua ko Tuamatua ma raua e tiaki, ewhangai hoki. Koia e kite na koutou kaore taua whanau, a te Rimurapa ratau ona taina, e taka i o ratau matua whangai.)
The nine kinds of mussels placed among the sheltering seaweeds clinging to Rakahore and Tuamatua were:
The kuku-ahupuke is a species found at Tawhiti (Tahiti), while the kuku-kaokao pertains to Rarotonga. One account states that the above mussel family are the offspring of Kaukau. The offspring of Te Arawaru and Kaumaihi were the pipi or cockle family, their names are as follows:
One wise man tells us that Pipihura cohabited with one Hunga-terewai, one of the offspring of Hine-moana, and had the following:
But these myths and fables show differences in the different districts, also probably some of our informants were at fault, being but indifferently learned in these quaint tales. For another version makes Hunga-terewai cohabit with Hine-tapiritia, a sister of Pipihura. This version assigns a family of ten to Kiwa and Hine-moana, and a list of these is given:
The same informant tells us that crayfish come from Tahumaeroa and Kohurau.
In one version of the myth of Tawhaki we are told that, during his search for a means of ascent to the heavens, Tawhaki took to wife one Hine-murutoka, a daughter of Rakahore, who bore one Kama, (rock, stone), who was the progenitor or introducer of the crayfish. The Seven kinds of crayfish said to have originated with Tahumaero and Kohurau are as follows:
The three species in the right hand column became the foster-children of Parawhenuamea.
In the cosmogonic myths of the Maori we see that trees, shrubs and herbage were brought into being in order to protect and cover the body of the Earth Mother. Then insects of various kinds were introduced as denizens of the woods, groves and herbage; then crags and many kinds of shellfish were placed in the waters.
The various kinds of octopus (wheke) are said to have sprung from Kaiwahawera and Hine-korapa; their names are as follows:
These are names handed down in recitals of olden lore; the names collected here of species known to the Maori are wheke-ngu, wheke-korako, and wheke-rauaruhe.
Our experts in these mythical origins also tell us that from Kiripaka-paka and Putere sprang the snapper, gurnard and trevally. From Te Kopuwai and Ihutaua came the pehipehi, herring, and garfish; the pehipehi, whatever it may be, is said to act as a guide in conducting whales to places where terehua (a form of whale feed) abounds. (Ko pehipehi ke te moana takawaipu e haere ana; ko tenei ika hei taki i te pakake ki nga wahi terehua, ko tenei he kai na te pakake.) One Kirimaihi was the origin of the rock-cod and the tangahangaha; Whatumaomao and Kohurau were the origin of the kingfish, groper and kohikohi, while Tauwhaiti and Parapara were responsible for the existence of the upokohue (1, blackfish, 2, porpoise) and its younger relative the rehu, whatever that may be. The offspring of Kirimaihi are descendants of Kewa, while those of the Tauwhaiti went to abide at the bounds of Hine-moana, after the strife of Puku-ahurangi that resulted from the ill treatment of Manu-hauturuki by Tangaroa-whakamau-tai. The maomao fish was utilised by Kiwa and Tangaroa as a propitiatory offering at tapu ceremonial fires, and it was so employed at a ceremony connected with the children of Hine-titama.
We have seen in Dominion Museum Bulletin 10 that Tangaroa is closely connected with the ocean and with fish, indeed his name is often employed by the Maori to denote all or any fish, as a personificatory term in fact. Two of his offspring were Tinirau and Tu-te-wehiwehi (or Tu-te-wanawana); the latter is viewed as tini = host, myriad, rau = multitude). Puna-a-Tinirau and Puna-i-Rangiriri (Spring or source of Tinirau, and spring or source of Rangariri) are names applied to a mythical place in the ocean whereat fish originate, a breeding place apparently. Puna is a word often employed in the sense of "fountain head" or "primary source". Tinirau is said to have had extensive fish preserves at his home, and it was he who took Hina-uri, the darkened Moon Maid, to wife; he also appears in the story of Kae and Tutunui. Tinirau is known in widely separated isles of Polynesia.
Punga is said to have been another of the sons of Tangaroa, and repulsive reptiles, etc., seem to be connected with him; ugly persons are called the aitanga a Punga or progeny of Punga. One version makes him the parent of Ikatere and Tu-te-wehiwehi, the former being connected with fish. Another version makes Tangaroa the parent of the famous Rua brethren, the personified forms of knowledge.
Rehua of realms celestial is credited in one story as having been the origin of the maomao, moki, and kohikohi sea fish, though a statement given above clashes with this claim, such clashes are, however, somewhat common in Maori mythology. As a rule Rehua is referred to as the origin of certain birds, and the small freshwater fish inanga. This Rehua is said to be represented by the star Antares, and his two wives are Ruhi (or Pekehawani) and Whakaonge-kai, who are visible in the form of two stars, one on either side of Antares. (A number of these myths concerning the heavenly bodies are given in No. 3 of the Dominion Museum Monograph series.) According to the Awa folk of Whakatane the offspring of Rehua are the inanga, the kaiherehere species of eel, and the bird called tui and koko. In times long past these offspring of Rehua enquired of him: "What is our task?" and Rehua said to them: "When you descry a certain red gleam in the heavens, know that it is a sign calling you to go to your ancestress Wainui [the ocean] and give birth to your young. When grown they will return to the rivers." Even so, down the changing centuries, the inanga and tuna (eel) folk have migrated to the ocean when the star Takero is seen in the heavens, on the Turu and Rakaunui (16th and 17th nights) nights of the moon they move seaward obedient to the behest of Rehua. There are three different inanga folk to the sea; in the fourth months (of the Maori year, September-October) the young fish come up the rivers. The abode of Rehua was at Tupua-a-te-rangi and Tawhito-o-te-rangi, which are like unto the mountain of Hikurangi.
From Te Arawaru and Raupara sprang the garfish, sting-ray and rerehau and kaikapo.
The origin of whales is given as follows in a Takitimu recital:
Another authority gives the following:
Here we are supposed to have the origin of whales, porpoises, and all similar creatures. Here Tinirau is not shown in connection with Tangaroa.
The origin of sharks is traced to Takaaho, an elder brother of Tane, but other beings named Rongohuakai and Punga are also mentioned as being the progenitors of sharks. In a list of tutelary beings, personified forms etc., we note the statement: "Ko Takaaho, te potake tenei o te mango" (Takaaho was the origin of the shark). Another recital includes Te Puwhakahara as co-progenitor with Takaaho, and these fare out on the vast expanse of Hinemoana in order to seek a roaming place for their offspring, also for whales and porpoises. These last two species were to have occupied the fresh water seas of the earth, but they were not agreeable to that arrangement and persisted in roaming the bounds of Hinemoana. (Ka haere atu a Takaaho, a Te Puwhakahara kia what takanga mo a raua na whanau, koia tenei, ko te mango-pare, te mango-urerua, te mango-ururoa, te mango-takapane, te mango-makomako, te mango-tahapounamu, te mango-nihotara, me era atu mango, me to kauika pakake o te whenga kauki o tutara kauika, o upokohue. Koe enei i tataitia hei noho i nga moana o uta nei, kaore i pai, tohe ana kia waiho ratau i whao i tupaki nui o Hinemoana, ka mutu nei.)
In the story of Rata we see that his mother gave him many instructions as to how to proceed ere setting forth on his voyage. He was to learn the charms by means of which the whales of the deep could be induced to protect his vessel and bear it swiftly over far seas: "That you may also be taught the charm to attract the offspring of Rongohuakai, the sharks known as the aupounamu, huritani-wha, makomako and wahatara, all of which are man-eating sharks."
In Punga we find yet another parent of sharks:
Here we have the Punga who was a brother of Karihi and Tawhaki, presented as the origin of four kinds of shark, while Karihi appears as a forbear of the frost-fish, barracoota, conger eel and freshwater eel. Punga is elsewhere given as the offspring of Tangaroa. Eels are also spoken of as being the offspring of Te Ihorangi or Hine-te-ihorangi, she who personifies rain, and eels were originally denizens of the heavens, but came down to earth when a drought occurred in those regions. In the myth of Maui and Tuna, as given by South Island natives, we have the fireside origin myth pertaining to eels. Tuna, the parent, or originating being, or progenitor of eels, was slain by Maui, who cut his victim into sundry pieces. The tail of Tuna escaped to the ocean, where it produced the conger eel; the head fled to the fresh waters and was the origin of the tuna or freshwater eels, while the hairs of the head developed into aka (climbing plants). How Tuna came to have the growth of hair we are not told.
In connection with Wainui, personified form of the ocean, we find the origin of the custom of placing sick persons in water, and there performing over them a divinatory rite in order to ascertain the cause of illness. (Ka pa te mate ki te tangata ka kawea ki te wai; ko te take o te kawe ki te wai he tupuna no te tangata a Wainui, no reira ka kawea ki te wai te tupapaku kia kitea nga mate, koia nei te kaiwhaka-marama o nga mate o te iwi Maori. Ka kitea i reira te mea e patu ana i te tupapaku, ahakoa whare, he moenga ranei, he whai tapu ranei, he kahu ranei, he rua koiwi ranei, he raweke i te whaiwhaia ranei.) They were so taken to the water because Wainui is a ancestor of man, and by taking them to her the cause of illness may be made known. No matter what the cause might be, whether a
As the origin of fish has been made more or less clear we may look into the matter of the origin of fishing nets. All such nets used by the Maori folk for very many generations back have been modelled on one that was obtained from the Turehu (a mythical forest dwelling people) by a man named Kahukura. This man noticed the footprints of a strange folk on the sandy beach at Rangiawhia, and one night he saw a number of the Turehu come down to the coast, where they proceed to drag a net, an artifact that was unknown to the Maori at that time. Kahukura joined the party and assisted in the hauling in of the net without being detected as a stranger. When the net was hauled in the Turehu folk hastened to string the fish so as to retire to the forest ere dawn of day. Kahukura endeavoured to delay proceedings so that he might gain an opportunity of securing the fishing net, the advantages of possessing such a thing being quite understood by him. So now Kahukura took part in the task of stringing the fish, but he cunningly neglected to secure the first fish to the cord, hence the fish slipped off as quickly as he strung them. Dawn was now at hand, and a Turehu ran to assist Kahukura, but he managed to delay the work until the brightening day sent the Turehu folk flying to their forest retreats leaving the coveted net on the strand. The deceitful action of Kahukura is recorded in the the old saying: "Te tui whakapahuhu a Kahukura", (Kahukura's slipping-off threading).
Timi Waata gives another version of the above story that has been localised in the Bay of Plenty district, and in which one Titipa takes the place of Kahukura. He delays the net hauling of the Turehu instead of the stringing of the fish, so as to gain his end. It seems probable that this story has been introduced from northern isles; it is known at the island of Niue (see Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 12, p. 178). An interesting version of the tale of Kahukura and the fair-skinned Turehu folk is given in Sir Polynesian Mythology (pp. 178-180); the place where the scene is laid is usually called Rangiaowhia or Rangiaohia, situated in the far north of the North Island, but that tale never originated in New Zealand.
Tane is usually credited with being the origin of birds but an examination of this origin myth shows that several other beings are held responsible for some species. At the same time there is a modicum of evidence in favour of the view that the different names do but represent different manifestations of the powers of the original Tane-nui-a-Rangi. Among the Tuhoe folk Tane-mataahi represents birds, either as a personification thereof or as the parent or origin, while Tane-mahuta represents trees. Notes collected from the so-called Takitimu tribes give the names of three bird-producing beings, Tane-te-hokahoka, Punaweko and Hurumanu. The first of these is usually mentioned as the origin of birds generally, but the other two have different spheres, Punaweko being the origin of land birds and Hurumanu that of sea birds. When various kinds of animal life were being produced it was noticed that reptiles were oviparous, and, inasmuch as this was deemed unsuitable, it was resolved that they should be viviparous in future. One Peketua then fashioned an egg from clay; he took it to Tane and asked him what he should do with it, and Tane replied: "Me whakaira tangata, " thus telling him to endow it with life, such life as is possessed by mortal beings. This was done, and that egg produced the tuatara (Sphenodon punctatum), a large form of lizard. Punaweko and Hurumanu then fashioned each a clay egg, and these also were vivified, the first producing land birds, while that of Hurumanu brought forth sea birds. These "eggs" are termed anga (shell) in the recital.
Among the Aotea folk Tiki-tohua seems to be known as the begetter of birds, Tiki-kapakapa as the origin of fish, and Tiki-auaha as the progenitor of man. All these names personify generative powers and organs.
"Ko Tane-te-hokahoka nana te manu" is an old saying that tells us that birds sprang from Tane-te-hokahoka. Another brief note states that Punaweko, Tane-te-hokahoka and Hurumanu are the origin of all birds on earth and in the heavens, and act as their guardians and sustainers. (Na, ko Punaweko, ko Tane-te-hokahoka, ko Hurumanu, ko enei nga putake mai o te manu, ahakoa i te rangi, i te whenua nei ranei, ko ratau nga pou o enei.) Ko Tane-te-hokahoka nana nga manu ririki" which limits his demiurgic or procreating powers to small species of birds. Yet another note states that one Hokahoka was the origin of the kahu (hawk), the karearea (Sparrow-hawk) and "such like birds". This last note also says "Ko Punaweko te putake o te manu o te wao", i.e., Punaweko is the origin of the birds of the forest. It is interesting to see that another native contributor places the name of Tane before those of Punaweko and Hurumanu as: "Ko Tane-punaweko nona te manu ngaherehere; ko Tane-hurumanu nona te manu parae, te manu moana" Of the first we are told "his are the forest birds", and of the second "his are the birds of the open country and of the ocean".
In the primal myths of the Maori we are told that Punaweko, Parauri and Tiwhaia were appointed by Tane as guardians, etc., of the forests, of Manganui-a-tawa, of Porinui-te-ra; it is they who preserve the welfare of the offspring of Punaweko and others. Also the names of Punaweko, Hurumanu, Hokahoka, Tane-te-hokahoka, Peketua and Parauri are those of members of the primal offspring, the children of Rangi, and Papa, Sky Parent and Earth Mother.
Among the Takitimu tribes Punaweko is well known as representing land birds, and we meet with many such references as the following in song and story:
The Tuhoe folk speak of Tumataika as being the origin of the Kaka parrot (Nestor meridionalis)—"Kaore e rikarika te tama a Tumataika e rere nei." It is also well to explain that some of our birds were brought down from the heavens in the days when the world was young, while others were brought up from the underworld. When Mataora and Niwareka were returning to the upper world from Rarohenga they brought with them Popoia and Peka, the owl and bat, two night birds. When Tane-matua was returning to earth after his ascent to the supernal realm of Io, he was attacked by the emissaries of Whiro, hordes of insects and birds. These were defeated and driven off by the Whanau puhi, the Wind Children, but certain birds were captured and brought down to earth; these captives were Kahu the hawk, Karearea the sparrow-hawk, Matuku the bittern, Kea the mountain parrot, Kakapo the ground-parrot, Pekapeka the bat, Rum the owl, and Kakariki the parakeet. The reader will note discrepancies and
Another account is to the effect that, when Tawhaki ascended to the heavens, he obtained certain birds that were in the care of Punga in Rangi-tamaku, the second of the twelve heavens, counting upward. The birds so obtained were the torea, karoro, toroa-a-ruru, tupuku, meho, weka, pakura, kaka, kakariki, mata, matuku, kautuku and huia; also, for some unknown reason, he introduced the koura or crayfish from the heavens.
Rakamaomao is said to have been the origin of all tapu birds. This Raka is connected with wind, and is evidently the same as La'amaomao, the originator of winds in Hawaiian myth. The tapu birds referred to are given as the hakuwai, taputurangi, korekerangi, kura-a-rangi, kaukaurangi, takahikare, amokura, kotuku, koekoea and huia. The hakuwai is apparently a mythical bird, the next four are said to pertain to the old homeland of Hawaiki, then come the storm petrel, tropic bird, white heron, long-tailed cuckoo and huia. These are birds that provided highly prized feathers used as decorative plumes, etc. The first, second, third, seventh, eighth and tenth, of the birds of the above list are said in one account to have sprung from Huru-te-arangi, a forbear of the Wind Children, he and his daughter Paraweranui, and Hine-takutai used their plumes as adornments, as also did the mareikura maidens and other denizens of the heavens. A few other birds were looked upon as being tapu for the other reasons.
When Tane visited Rehua the latter wished to provide food for his quest, and so he loosened his hair and shook it, so liberating the koko birds that were feeding upon the vermin of the head of Rehua that is to say upon the berries of the forest. Another account has it that Rupe or Maui-mua was the being who visited Rehua. The kopara or bell-bird is also said to have originated with Rehua.
Another note, from a Ngati-Porou source, tells us that the koko and bellbird originated with Rehua, as also did the moki, maomao, mullet, flounder, and the kind of eel called matamoe. These birds are described as being the vermin of the head of Rehua, and when visitors reached his home he shook these creatures out of his hair to serve as food for his guests.
The porete or kakariki (parakeet) is said by the Matatua tribes to be personified in one Hine-porete, who is also spoken of as the parent or origin of that bird; her descendants are the porete birds, whose cry is "Torete! KaurekeF" It was Hine-porete who destroyed the kumara (sweet potato) crop that Tutuni had pakura (pukeko, swamp hen); she is also said to represen the kokako or crow. When swamp hens invaded a sweet potato garden in order to pull up and consume the tubers, then some person would proceed to drive them out and order them to return to Hine-wairua-kokako in such words as: "Hie! Hie! Haere ki te huhi; haere ki te repo; haere ki a Hine-wairua-kokako. Hie! Hie!" (Be off! Be off! Depart to the swamp, go to Hine-wairua-kokako. Be off! Be off!).
It will be noted that the Maori gives one or several primary beings as the progenitors of birds, but he also enumerates a number of matua (parents), or originating beings of different species, and these names are often employed as representing personifications of such species. The weka or woodhen claims great Tane as its progenitor at least so say the Awa people of Whakatane. When engaged in his search for the female element that might produce man, Tane mated with many female beings who thwarted his desire. When he so mated with one Haere-awaawa, she brought forth the weka; her name may be rendered as "valley traverse", and so describes the prowling habits of the woodhen. In one Moe-tahuna or Sandbank sleeper, we have the parent of the parera or grey duck, who is much given to indulging in a siesta on such places. Rukuruku or Diver was the origin of the weweia or little grebe, and Noho-tumutumu the Stump-percher was the forbear of the cormorant, a bird that is much given to occupying such positions. A fireside folk tale of the Whakatane district is to the effect that birds and insects are traced back to Tangaroa, but such terms as uri (offspring, descendant) and mokopuna (descendant, grandchild) are used in a very loose manner by the Maori. Thus in one account old Hamiora Pio of Te Teko speaks of birds as being the "descendants" of the sun. When the sun leaves Hine-raumati, the Summer Maid, and fares seaward to join his winter wife, Hine-takurua, the Winter Maid, he finds many of his "descendants" out on the waste of waters: "Now, observe; when the sun returns seaward to his fishing wife, he finds many of his descendants out there on the ocean, such as Hine-karoro (sea-gull) and Hine-ta ra (tern), Hine-tore and Punga. From Punga sprang Haere-nui and Noho—tumutumu (cormorant) also Moe-tahuna (grey duck) while after Punga came Matuku (bittern). Now let me tell you about this person Matuku (bittern) and his voice; this anal voice of the bittern carries two meanings, it means that it is calling upon its forbears, and it also
Two beliefs concerning the cuckoo are held by the Matatua folk. One of these is that the bird is the offspring of the species of lizard known as the ngarara papa; the other is that these birds bury themselves in the mud in the autumn to reappear in the spring.
The term Tini o te Hakuturi (Multitude of the Hakuturi) is applied to certain hordes of forest dwelling spirits often mentioned in Maori folk tales; these were the beings who re-erected the tree felled by Rata, and who, in some versions, fashioned his canoe for him. Some narrators have plainly stated that these Hakuturi were the forest birds. Tutakangahau of Tuhoe gave the same application of the term Tini o te Mahoihoi; but this name may have originally been derived from mahoi, a spirit.
When, after the defeat of the emmissaries of Whiro, Tane brought certain birds down to earth, he also brought the following: the waeroa or mosquito, the namu-poto or sandfly, the naonao or midge, the ro or stick insect, the weta, the pepe or moth, the rango or fly, and the kowhitiwhiti or grasshopper.
The word ngarara is employed as a generic term to denote insects and reptiles, but is often taken as meaning simply "lizard". The word manumanu, employed in eastern Polynesia to signify insects may have been used here to some extent, but the evidence is slight. Insects are alluded to in Maori myths as the whanau a Torohuka or offspring of Torohuka. We are told that, after the return of Tane from the heavens, the seas and fresh waters of the earth were stocked with living creatures, also trees kutukutu or vermin infesting the body of the Earth Mother. "Then Ruatau and Rehua of the uppermost heaven said to Tane: "Treat kindly the offspring of Torohua and Muhumuhu that they may serve as companions for you all." Those offspring are of different natures, some are desirable while others are not. That remark of the whatukura was in reference to insects and reptiles, which preceeded other things."
Tunuiarangi of Wairarapa once contributed a curious note on the origin of certain insects, etc., including the whe or stick insect, the ant and the kekerewai. In the Bay of Plenty district the small green beetle seen on manuka brush is known as kekerewai. Tunui tells us that Tuwhaipapa (the offspring of Tuwhaitara ki te rangi), Ratorua and Kuranui-hipa were the origin of the kekerewai that is found near water, the whe that is seen on manuka, and the ant (rororo) that dwells within the earth. Many creatures sprang from Tuwhaipapa, but, at the same time, we are told that Tuwhaipapa and Kekerewai are both names for the same creature, possibly the former is employed as a personification term. The title of Tini o te Ponauwe is applied to some of these insect hordes, possibly to the multitudes of the green beetle; and these are under the sway of Hine-takohu-rangi the celestial Mist Maid, the personified form of mist, called elsewhere Hine-makohu and Hine-pukohu. She comes down during the night to feed her folk, apparently the above insects, and, in the morning, when a land breeze rises, she ceases to provide sustenance for the multitude called the Tini o Ponauwe.
The name of Ponauwe given above closely resembles that of Ponaua mentioned in the story of Tawhaki as that of one of the tribes concerned in the slaying of Wahieroa. (Ko te iwi i patua e Tawhaki mo te matenga o tona papa, o Whaieroa, ko Tini o Ponaua, ko Tini o Patuare, ko Tini o Awakati. Herein the name of Tawhaki should, presumably, be replaced by that of Rata, or that of Wahieroa be replaced by Hema, for Tawhaki destroyed the Ponaturi folk in order to recover the bones of his father, Hema.)
The Awa people of Whakatane tell us that the mosquito and sandfly are the offspring of Hekapona and Monehu, that the moth sprang from Putehue, the cicada from Hikawaru, and spiders from Katipo, who is an expert at 'house' building and decorative designs. Flies originated with Moenganui, and Iroiro anuhe (a large caterpillar) sprang from Nuhe (? Anuhe), who, when he saw the decorative markings on the offspring of Tangaroa (i.e., on fish such as the mackerel or tawatawa), filched them for his own offspring, hence the saying—he anuhe tawatawa.
Monehu above represents the common fern, bracken, and Pu-te-hue the gourd, while katipo is the name of a species of spider. Panewharu recalls wham, a species of earthworm, and whiti, and tea are other worm names, while mokoroa is a grub.
In another of these dissertations I was informed that spiders, including the pernicious katipo, were the offspring of Tu-te-wehi-wehi and descendants of Pari-kio-kio. Katipo is spoken of as an evil minded "person" who lurks within pu taihinu (shrubs, Pomaderris) in order to assail man. When man is bitten by that venomous creature he should be placed in a stream for some time, also placed in the smoke of a wood fire.
When Tane-matua cohabited with Hine-tu-pari-maunga the latter gave birth to Putoto, Tuamatua and Para-whenuamea. We have seen that Tuamatua was the origin of rock, stones and sand, and that Para-whenuamea is the mother of the far spread waters of the earth. Putoto cohabited with Takaaho and begat Tuarangaranga, Tu-te-ahuru and Takoto-wai, the first of whom became the forbear of all taniwha and tipua, all monsters, uncanny creatures and objects possessing strange powers. Takoto-wai cohabited with Tuamatua and produced the aforesaid stony offspring. Tu-te-ahuru took to wife one Hinepeke who produced the following:
These, and others not here enumerated, were the origin of all forms of insects, etc., seen by us—"and of some others we have
Our Ngati-awa folk of the Bay of Plenty tell us that the kutu or louse sprang from Ruaeo. Pio of Awa makes this matter quite clear: "Ko te kutu na Ruaeo:
Lizards are alluded to as the offspring of Punga, who is also connected with insects. But Peketua originated the tuatara lizard, it came from the onaga or clay receptacle that he made in the form of an egg, and which he was commanded by Tane to vivify. Rakaiora personifies the common green lizard, while Tu-te-wehiwehi and Tu-te-wanawana are also apparently personifica-tion terms that describe the repulsive and fear-inspiring aspect of lizards. These two beings were children of Punga and grandchildren of Tangaroa, the latter is said in one version to have been the parent of Ikatere, Moko-hikuwaru, and the reptiles called tuatara, kaweau, moko-papa, etc. Ikatere is connected with fish, and is given as the offspring of Punga in one version. Moko-hiku-waru (eight-tailed lizard) is one of the so-called "lizard gods" and is said to dwell with Mini in the underworld, and Tutangatakino is another such. The lizard was a common form of aria (form of incarnation) of Maori atua of the third and fourth classes.
In an old recital of Maori myths we find the remark: the tuatara (lizard), the nohu (a spring sea fish), the ikatere are children of Tangaroa. Another remark was to the effect that the smaller ngarara sprang from Toro-i-waho, but there is nothing to show whether the speaker meant lizards or insects in this case. Yet another remark was "Ko nga uri o Tu-te-ahuru ko nga tu moko peke katoa o te wai, o uta ranei" (The offspring of Tu-te-ahuru are all the reptiles of the waters and of land). A Ngati-Awa note tells us that Tu-te-wehiwehi and Tu-te-wanawana were the "ancestors" of the lizard tribe. There are further notes in myths concerning lizards.
The origin of the rat is assigned to one Hine-mataiti, a younger sister of Pani.
As the procreator and personified form of trees Tane the Fertilizer is known as Tane-mahuta and Tane-te-waotu. The introduction of trees into the world was not a premeditated act on the part of Tane and his brethren, but was the result of ignorance on their part of the true nature of the female element. When Tane and his numerous brothers were searching for a female being who might produce the ira tangata (human life, mortal man) they sought her far and wide without avail. It was at that time that Tane cohabited with divers female powers or beings in the hope of begetting a female who might serve as a mother for the human race of the future. But Tane failed to produce the ira tangata in this way, inasmuch as those various female beings brought forth nought save trees. Thus when Tane took Mumuhanga to mate she produced the totara tree; he took Te Puwhakahara who brought forth the maire and puriri trees, while Tukapua became the mother of the tawai or beech, Tauwhare-kiokio of all tree ferns, Rerenoa of climbing and epiphytic plants, Apunga of many small plants, Tutoro-whenua of the bracken, Hinewaoriki of the kahika (one gave Hine-te-ngawari as the origin of the kahika or white pine) and matai trees, Mangonui of the tawa and hinau trees, Ruru-tangiakau of the ake and Kahikatoa trees, Punga of the kotukutuku and patate trees, also all insects. Rerenoa in another version has the rata tree assigned to her, while Hinemahanga was the origin of the tutu, Kakaho of the toetoe, Huna of the harakeke or so-called flax plant, Tawharanui of the kiekie, Hinerauamoa of the kiokio fern, and Pani-tinaku of the sweet potato. The last mentioned of these however is not attributed to Tane but to Rongomaui. The puahou tree (Panax arboretum) and the paonanga (Clematis) are said to have sprung from the union of two stars, Rehua (Antares) and Puanga (Rigel).
Another native informs us that Tane mated with Te Atatangirea, who brought forth the kahikatoa, akerautangi mairekura and
The origin of aka (climbing and creeping plants) has been given above, they sprang from Rerenoa according to one story, but in another from the hairs of the head of Tuna the phallic eel of Maori myth. But in a Wairarapa budget we find that they are attributed to Toro-i-waho who mated with one Paenoa and begat the twelve "aka children" as follows:
These climbing and creeping plants were, we are told, produced to serve as material for making fish traps and lashing fences, etc. Another story, given by the same people, is that Te Ihorangi or Hine-te-ihorangi, the personified form of rain, had a belt named Ruruku o te rangi, which she laid on the body (puke = mons veneris) of the Earth Mother. When the Rain Maid went to recover her girdle she found that it had taken root and developed into an aka tororaro, and from that plant sprang all the different species of aka known to mankind.
A northern recital gives the various species of aka as being the "offspring of Rongo-ma-Tane." Not only the kumara (sweet potato) but also other food plants and vegetation originated with him, including the various aka, as the tawhiwhi, pikiarere pohuehue, taroa, tamau tahu, etc.
The pendant stems of climbing plants so often seen suspended from forest trees are said to represent the pendant way by which Whiro attempted to ascend to the heavens; it is compared to a swing. (Ko te ara i haere ai a Whiro-te-tipua kia eketia e ia nga rangi tuhaha ko te ara tiatia, ko te ara taepa, ko te ara moari rangi; kaore a Whiro i eke ki te Toi o nga rangi ka hoki iho. Ko te koiwio tenei ara o Whiro i te tarewa e tarewa noa na i te whanga i runga i te rakau na.) Some of the names in these origin myths seem to have been chosen as being specially suitable, such as Toro-i-waho tow = to stretch forth, extend, as a creeping plant or climber does. Rere carries a similar meaning).
A myth pertaining to the origin of trees of Polynesia, as collected in the Cook Group is given at p. 132 of vol. 21 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society. It closely resembles our Maori account of Tane mating with many weird female creatures, though the name of Tane is replaced by that of Te Atu (Te Whatu), one of the primal beings, the offspring of Atea and Papa (Earth Mother).
As to the origin of the fertility of trees, and of sex in trees, we have to again hark back to the time of Tane the Fertilizer. When the forest of Tane was first brought into being there was placed in it one male and one female of every species, from lordly forest trees down to the smallest plant. Then Tane waited for the fruiting of the trees of the forest, but he waited in vain, the trees blossomed but no fertile seeds resulted, no kernels, were formed. Then Tupai said: "O Tane! An error has been made in the conduct of the forest, it will be necessary to rely upon the Rarataungarere." This was done, and from that time, the fruitfulness of the forest of Tane has been an assured thing.
This name of Rarataungarere seems to denote the condition of the fertility and vigour of trees, etc., of the forest, or perhaps rather the source of such qualities; in some cases the term is used as though it was that of the personified form of fertility, in an old recital occurs the following: "Ko te Rarataungarere, ko te whare tera i whakatipuria mai ai te rakau, ona purapura katoa. Ko te Rarataungarere, ko Hukahukatea, nga whare tera i whata ai nga kakano rakau nei, na Tane i mau mai. "This is typically Maori in its vagueness; we are told that Rarataungarere was the "house" wherein trees originated, all forms of seeds. All such seeds, kernels, etc., were conserved in the "houses" Rarataungarere and Hukahukatea; it was Tane who procured such things there and brought them hither and so rendered forests fetile.
In another peculiar account, we are told that, when Tane mated with Hahu-parauri, their offspring were Koko, Kokako and Komako (parson-bird, crow and bell-bird), that these were fed with the parasites of the head of their ancestor Tunuku, but that they did not flourish, whereupon they were regaled upon those of the heads of the younger members, of Tutu, Mako, Toro, Maire, Matai, Miro, and Kahika (all forest trees the berries of which are eaten by birds), who belong to the forest of Tane. It was at this juncture that Tane set about reciting a charm over the
It was then that Tane breathed upon the great forest and that forest became fertile, the vigour, productiveness and vitality of all trees was firmly established. Then the bird offspring of Tane, and Parauri, and Punaweko acquired a bountiful and ever recurring food supply. In another place we are told that Koko was first fed upon moths, a food that did not prove suitable. Then Turakihi procured the parasites of the head of Tunuku, which were flies, as food for Koko, but they also were not a fit food for Koko. Then Turakihi obtained the blossoms and berries of trees, as aforesaid.
One native authority spoke of Rarataungarere as an atua. who presided over all fruits, seeds, etc., of forest lands, he conserves the fruitfulness and productiveness of trees and forest lands. The following formula was repeated in order to render trees fruitful:
It was then that fruits became matured.
This is said to have originated with one Rauru among some east coast tribes, and the fruit thereof is referred to as the Ikaroa a Raurui. in some old recitals. After the death of Rauru it became a creeping plant and the fruit became an article of food. So that the plant seems to have had an upright form of growth prior to the death of the said Rauru. Ngati-Awa of the Bay of Plenty maintain that one Pu-te-hue was the origin of the gourd. This originating being was a female who also seems to personify the gourd (see Tuhoe p. 782, also Dominion Museum Bulletin 9, p. 245, 1976 reprint).
Some Bay of Plenty folk trace this plant back to Rongomaui, he who brought the sweet potato down to earth (see Dominion Museum Bulletin 9).
This has already been given in Dominion Museum Bulletin 9.
This is said to have originated with Haumia, who, in sundry cosmogonic myths, is given as a member of the primal offspring. When those offspring quarrelled then Haumia and Rongo (represents the sweet potato) retired underground in order to conceal themselves, and so escape the malice of their enemies. The young shoots of this bracken seem to be personified in one Hine-kotau-ariki, and Pukupuku is referred to as being connected with the origin of the aruhe, or fern-root.
Rongo-maraeroa was viewed as the origin, the ultimate origin of fruits of the earth, though many secondary origins are assigned to many of such products. Food generally is personified in one Tahu, and it is the earth mother, who, every season, provides food for her offspring in the world. (Ko Papa-tuanuku keo te homai kai ma ona makopuna i te ao i te tau, i te tau.) The origin of the art of cooking food is referred by Matatua folk to Pani-tinaku, the foster mother of the Maui brethren and sister of Tangaroa-i-te-rupetu, she who cooked the sweet potatoes provided by Rongomani.
The Maori seems to have no knowledge of when and where his ancestors acquired the practice of cannibalism, but his fertile imagination has furnished us with a number of myths and conjectures connected with such origin. Some refer it to the original homeland and provide quite a long explanation of how it was due to the desire for revenge. Others push it back to times primeval, when the sons of Heaven and Earth strove against each other, and destroyed and ate each other's offspring. Even so Tangaroa slew Tane with snare and trap, while Tane attacked
The beings appointed as guardians and promoters of the welfare and fertility of forests were Tane te hokahoka, Tangaiwaho and Rongo-maraeroa. Another name mentioned in this connection is that of Tane-te-kapurangi. (Ko Tane-te-kapurangi i a ia nga kakano o nga mea katoa e tupu ana i te ao nei e whakahaere ana.)
A singular but brief note collected by White runs as follows: Te Rarataungarere-o-Matiti-rangi was the name of the place where all trees originated, they were brought hither from that place by Tane, to Hawaiki, and even unto Aotea. This seems interesting, Tane, offspring of the heavens above and of the old Earth Mother, deigns to visit New Zealand in order to institute the first afforestration measures in this region. This must, naturally, have occurred prior to Tasman's so-called discovery of Aotea, for the Maori of that period was already using canoes and cooking Dutch cutlets when procurable, two activities for which timber was highly essential. This startling information was contributed by the Ngai-Tahu folk of the South Island.
The task of Rehua was the cooking of berries (ta Rehua mahi he tao i nga hua rakau), which means that Rehua represents the heat of summer that ripens all fruits. When man feels languid on hot summer days, when leaves droop and vegetation is dried up, these are the effect of the power of Rehua, and it is said "Ko Rehua kai te patu", Rehua is affecting them.
Many quaint beliefs, fancies, superstitions, sayings pertain to the forest and to birds. Thus the famous huia bird is said to have been the mokai, pet or protegé, of one Tautu, who placed it on the Tararua range, hence we have the following ditty:
Should a man be fond of proclaiming his own importance, some persons might quote an old saying: "E hoa! He hakuwai te manu e karanga tonu ana i tona ingoa" (O friend! The
Peace and the arts of peace originated with Rongo, Haumia, Ioio-whenua and Putehue of the Heketanga-rangi or offspring of Rangi and Papa, that is according to Ngati-Awa, but the third and fourth names are not widely known, though Rongo is universally known as representing peace. In vernacular speech rongo denotes peace, hohou rongo = to make peace, rongo aio = calm peacefulness.
My worthy friend Pio once informed me that the first known instances of affection were, (1) the affection displayed by the Earth Mother for her rebellious offspring, and (2) the kindly feeling for each other noted among the heavenly bodies. Occasionally the sun embraces its young relative, the moon, and then the moon is lost to sight, and sun and moon are greeting each other. Ere long the sun tells the moon to return to its own place and to their younger relatives, the shining stars, adding: "Let us ever show kindness to our young relatives." Such was the origin of affection, of kindly feeling, as observed in this world. The sun, moon, stars and hinatore (phosphorescent light) are people who conduct themselves with decorum, never do they quarrel, evil is unknown among them. Ever do they cultivate kindly feelings, while death as known in this world never approaches them. (Ko te marama i wehe ke i tona tuakana, i te ra, no to raua piringa kua haere tahi raua, he nui to raua aroha. Kua awhitia e te ra tonu taina, kei roto i tona tuakana, i te ra, kei te tangi haere tonu raua kia raua; pena tonu i nga tau katoa e haere nei i te ao nei. Kaore i roa ka ki te ra ki te marama: "Me haere ano koe ki tau takiwa, koutou ko o taua taina; kia aroha tonua taua ki o taua taina." Koia teputake o te aroha e mau haere nei i te ao. Ko te ra, ko te marama, ko nga whetu, ko pinatore, ko te iwi tenei kei te haere tika tonu, kaore he pakanga, kaore he kino i a ratau. Te mea nui kei a ratau he aroha, e kore e mutu. Kaore e tata te mate penei me te matemate o te ao nei, e mate nei nga uri i te ao.)
The origin of the custom of avenging slain friends is said to date back to the mythical hero Tawhaki, he who ascended to the heavens in order to procure assistance in the task of avenging his father's death. The first act of treachery is said to have been the slaying of Tutunui by Kae, who is known as Kau-niho-haha to the Ngati-Awa folk. But others refer it to the act of Maui, when he destroyed the Fire Children of Mahuika. The origin of the custom Me he mea kaua e raweke a Tane i te whare o runga kaore e tata he mate, ka man tonu te ora ki te tangata.) Tane sought and found the true mortal female element, which ever disseminates misfortune and death. Man born of woman shall know death.
Yet another pundit traces death back to the overturning of the Earth Mother, but this is explained by the fact that her youngest child, Ruaumoko, accompanied her, and joined Whiro in assailing and destroying mankind. We are told that permanent death was introduced in the time of Maui, when he failed to render the mate a marama or "moon like death" permanent, hence the mate a one or mate whenua, permanent death with burial of the body has ever since prevailed. So it is that man is greeted and bewailed when he passes away, so it is that we farewell our friends to the spirit world. For of old it was said: "By tears and lamentation alone may the blows of Aitua be avenged"—and Aitua represents death and misfortune, all calamities that afflict mankind.
The origin of burial of the dead is referred by the Matatua folk to the misty past, to the time when the sons of Sky and Earth knew death. Why those atua, supernatural beings as they were, should have died is not explained. Ngati-Awa put it in this wise: When the sons of Sky and Earth passed away Rangi the Sky Parent said to Papa the Earth Mother: "Let us absorb our offspring." But Papa the steadfast replied: "Leave them to me, let them re-enter my body: I brought them forth to the world of life, let them return to me when Aitua assails them, let them abide with me as a band of spirits in our presence. As to those who abandoned us, let them go their ways; enough for me is the company of the dead, let that band of the dead abide within me." Even so we see that, when man dies, he is buried in the body of the Earth Mother, she who said of her immediate offspring: "Though they have rebelled against us yet are they still my children; mine be the care of the dead."
The origin of marriage is traced back to remote times, ere man had appeared. In many cases such origin is assigned to the mating of Rangi and Papa, the Sky Parent and Earth Mother, but others push it still further back, and maintain that the beings or
With regard to the origin of disease I have been informed that all such afflictions may be traced to the whare o aitua, that is to the female sex. Man born of woman is born to endure trouble, pain, sickness and death, all may be traced back to the inferior male element that brought mortality to mankind.
Something unique in the way of origin myths was divulged to me by Hamiora Pio aforementioned, perchance he himself evolved it. It appears that, in the mist-laden past Tangaroa took Marama the moon to wife and begat one Heta, from who the Pakeha (European) folk are descended. This name of Heta may represent Seth of Biblical fame. All fair haired and light skinned folk are connected with Tangaroa and the moon in Maori and Polynesian myths. All the Moon Maidens were fair haired, and urukehu are alluded to as Nga Uri a Rua-korako, the offspring of Rua-korako. This urukehu or fair strain is also attributed to the Wind Children whose home is in the third heaven, the folk known as Tini o Matangi nui and Tini o Mataruwai.
The origin of baldness in man is also traced back to remote times. The causes were twain; in the first place comes the ruthless act of Whiro, who scalped Uruao in order to provide himself with a seemly maro or apron; after which Punaweko denuded the head of Hurumanu (personified form of sea birds) of its feathers which served as a covering growth for the puke (mons veneris) of Hine-ahuone.
It has been stated that the term hakari, now employed to denote any feast or entertainment, was originally applied only to ceremonial feasts and functions of a sacerdotal nature. This statement is borne out by certain old recitals and also by a remark made to me by a learned Maori, who said: "Te takenga mai o te hakari he whakahere ki te atua ki roto i te whare wananga. "This remark tells us that the hakari was originally what we must call a religious function, a conciliation of the gods within the tapu whare wananga or school of learning. No material offering was really made at this function, but a formula of the whakaepa class was recited over a tapu stone kept within the house, and the invocation plus the sacred stone represented the whakahere (propitiatory offering) alluded to above. As my informant put it: "Ko taua kohatu hai whakahere ki te atua kia homai e te atua he mana. Ko taua kohatu tonu te whakahere, tae noaki te karakia." After this ceremony was over there followed the hakari kai or ceremonial feast. Of the tapu mountain of Irihia, in the old racial homeland, we are told that hakari, functions connected with the gods, were conducted on its summit, and the summit was only attained by two days climbing.
The origin of the world, remarked a sage of Ngati-Awa, was with the Pu and the More, who were brother and sister, and existed in the time of the Wherikoriko (pu = origin, source, root, base, etc.; more = cause, tap-root; wheriko = dimly seen), who seems to personify the nebulous conditions of primeval time. The first karakia or ritual formula ever used was one that pertained to that mist-laden era. ("Te Wherikoriko, naumai, haere koe i mua ra. Te Rangi-matinitini naumai, haere koe i mua ra ki o taua uri. Haere i tua, haere i waho; torohei.")
The same authority traces the faculty of speech back to Rangi, Papa and Wainui, the personified forms of sky, earth and water. "It was in those remote times that speech was acquired, man was enabled to speak, but not to understand any speech save his own, ever he knows the speech of his ancestors down through the changing generations."
The term pari karangaranga is used by the Maori to denote an echo, a phenomenon dating back to the time when sky and earth were separated. When Kewa and Whitiwhiti-karaua went to the forest at Manganui-o-tawa in order to procure props wherewith to support the heavens, they found themselves shrouded in darkness, on account of not having respected the tapu of that forest. Then came Tupai and Tahumakaka to search for Kewa and his companion, and, as they fared on through the forest they called out: "O Kewa! Where are you two?" A voice seemed to answer them: "O Kewa! Where are you two?" Then Tupai and Tahu proceeded to the place whence the answering cry had come, and again called: "O Kewa! Where are you two?" Then they heard the cry repeated from the place where they had first cried out, hence they were much disturbed. Now this phenomenon is still known in this world, and it is what we call an echo.
A South Island myth collected by H. Beattie traces the origin of echoes back to Rona (connected with the moon), who, strange to say, appears in this version as a man. Rona took to wife one Hine-aroaro-te-pari, who evidently personifies cliffs (pari), she was the Cliff Maid. When Rona was away at sea engaged in fishing a being named Hoka would descend from the heavens and visit his wife, the Cliff Maid. When Rona found this out he sent his wife out fishing and, when Hoka arrived, he slew him and cooked certain parts of his body which he gave to his wife to eat when she returned from her fishing. When she found that she had eaten the flesh of her celestial lover she was enraged and so attacked Rona, who at once fled with his children. So hard pressed was he that he concealed his children in a cliff and then ascended to the heavens and took refuge in the moon, where he can still be seen with his calabash or gourd vessel before him. His deserted children awaited his return in vain, and so became spirits imprisoned within the cliffs, where they have ever since remained. And when any persons cry out in the vicinity then such cries are repeated by the spirits of the children of Rona and the Cliff Maid, who are known as "The Children of Hine-aroaro-te-pari". Such are the Echo Children, who lurk in lone places, and, by their cries, confuse or terrify people.
The origin of day and night has already been given in this veracious chronicle, and dates back to the period when, after divers experiments, the movements of the heavenly bodies were finally and satisfactorily arranged. Ngati-Awa of Te Teko tells us that Tangotango is the regulator of day and night, and Tangotango is represented in the heavens by the Milky Way. Te Ikaroa is one of the many names of the Milky Way, and Te Ikaroa was placed in charge of the younger folk, the Star Children, and yet these young folk occasionally quarrel and jostle each other, so that some fall from their places, these are the matakokiri or meteors we see.
In a list already given Tane-te-Ihorangi appears as the origin of lightning, and this title is a new one to me. Te Ihorangi or Hine-te-ihorangi, the Rain Maid, we know as the personified form of rain. Lightning is represented by two personified forms, Tama-te-uira and Hine-te-uira, the first a male, the second a female. Tama-te-uira, Tamatakaka and others were given charge of the wayward young lightning folk on account of their mischievous actions in injuring things of the earth, and in annoying other beings. The names of some of these turbulent young folk were as follows:
These are the beings who retain the ahi tipua, the dread fire seen flashing from the heavens.
The origin of wind has already been traced to Huru-te-arangi and Tawhirimatea. The Wind Children are a numerous horde; their abode is at Tihi o Manono in Rangi-naonao-ariki, the tenth heaven, counting upward. There they dwell with their elder brothers, the Four Winds, who abide in the "houses" of Pumaire-kura, Rangi-tahua, Rangimawake and Tute-wanawana-a-hau. The nurturers of the Wind Children are Tarapuhi, Tarapae, Taraaorangi and Tarawai-hekura, and the vast plaza whereon the Wind Children ever roam and gambol is called Maraenui, and Tahuaroa, and Mahora-nui-atea. These three names denote the vast ocean spaces.
Rain is said to have originated as steam arising from the body of the Earth Mother and from Hinemoana (the ocean). But another story is that rain represents the tears of Rangi when he wept for his mate the Earth Mother, who had been torn from him. The task of Tane in separating them was a truly strenuous one, and induced a condition of bodily heat and perspiration that was the origin of the mist and dew that we now see. (Ka titiro a Rangi ki a Papa e tiraha ake ana te aroaro ka puta te aroha o Rangi, ka tangi ia, koia te ua e ua nei. He werawera no Tane i te wehenga i tona papa me tona koka te kohu me te hauto rua e kite nei tatau.)
In another version of the above we are told that clouds originated with Tama-nui-te-ra, the sun, who warmed the body of the Earth Mother, and so mists and vapour were born in one hine-mako-hu-rangi the Mist Maid. This Maid was conveyed by the offspring of Tawhiri-matea (wind) to the heavens and utilised as a covering for the body of the Sky Parent; she is seen at the bounds of the heavens and we of this world then say that there are clouds in the sky. It was at this juncture that Rangi the Sky Parent felt deeply for the Earth Mother who had been turned face down to the Muriwai hou. Said Rangi to Tama-nui-te-ra and Te Ihorangi: "I pity your mother, send down to her a boon on my behalf." Then Te Ihorangi sent down rain, Tawhirimatea sent frost, and Tama-nui-te-ra sent mist. Thus we see the light misty rain that is the love token of Rangi to Papa, and it is this that
The Takitimu folk tell us that snow, hail, etc., originated with Huru-te-arangi and Te Ihorangi (who represent wind and rain); these two mated and their offspring were the Snow Children and Frost Children, these were twelve in number:
These names denote different forms of snow, frost and ice, the word huka means frost, snow, etc., and enters into a number of compound words; hukarere = snow; hukapapa = ice, frost; huka-a-tara and hukawaitara = hail, etc. Of the above list of the Children of Cold, Pohuhu remarked: "These are the Children of Te Ihorangi who throng the summit of Mahutonga in the realm of Paraweranui [the frigid south]. The Wind Children of Tawhirimatea sweep the semblance of these cold ones up to these lands that the cold of Pipiri [a winter star and month name] may settle on the Maruaroa [winter solstice]."
In another version the names of Huka-monehunehu, Huka-wai-puka, Huka-kurakurawhatu, Huka-haupapamoana and Huka-waipapa appear in the list of the offspring of Cold. These are said to have dwelt on the Tihi-o-manono in the tenth heaven, and their roaming ground was Hauaroa; they are spoken of as a whanau atua, a supernatural company. The name of Tihi o Manono is also applied to a mountain summit in the racial homeland, another point of contact or confusion between the homeland and the spirit world. Yet another version makes these cold ones the offspring of Huru-te-arangi and Ikaroa, of whom the latter represents the Galaxy. Another states briefly that Te Ihorangi was the sister of Tawhirimatea, and she produced hail, snow and ice. Yet another is to the effect that it was Maui who pulled out the plug of Ruamahutonga, where the cold winds, snow, etc., are confined in the south, and so Hineori (or Hineoi)
In local folk lore we hear of Tongariro, a mountain, taking Pihanga, a commanding hill in the same district, to wife, whereupon the latter brought forth rain, wind and storms.
A perusal of these myths and folk tales of the Maori tend to show that they were either evolved in the southern hemisphere or have been so altered in certain particulars as to bear that aspect. Assuredly many of them did not originate in New Zealand.
The Maori had a number of names to denote seasons, apart from the four terms equivalent to our winter, spring, summer and autumn. The two principal changes, from warmth to cold and cold to warmth, are caused by Ruaumoko, the youngest of the primal offspring, who still dwells within, or below, the body of the Earth Mother. He it is who turns the cold uppermost, as the Maori puts it, when winter commences, and, in the fourth month of the Maori year, he turns the warmth uppermost.
The origin of hills and ranges is made quite clear by a perusal of Maori myths. When Maui hauled up his "fish", this land of New Zealand, from ocean depths, he adjured his brothers to allow it to cool and solidify ere they interfered with it. But they heeded not his injunction, and set out to cut up the great 'fish', hence, by their trampling to and fro they formed the hills and vales we now see.
The origin of horu and pukepoto (red ochre and vivianite) was the blood that flowed from the arms of Papa and Rangi when they were severed by the beings who violently assaulted and separated their parents. The gleaming appearance in the heavens known as papakura is also said to have been produced by the blood of Rangi.
In seeking the origin of evil the Maori has discovered it in the connection between Tiki and his woman born of a reflection. It is into this story that the phallic eel enters. But there are other theories to be discussed. An old and sententious saying of the Maori runs as follows: "Ko Whiro te putake o te kino o te ao" (Whiro was the cause of the evils of this world). Again, we are told that the origin of evil was the strife that occurred among the offspring of the primal parents. When Tane sought the source of knowledge in the uppermost of the twelve heavens, then Io gave him the three "baskets" of knowledge, including the knowledge of evil, such as black magic. Io-matawai, who is said to have been
I was gravely informed by the late Hamiora Pio of Te Teko that the origin of the use of abuse and insulting expressions (kanga) was the act of Rona when she execrated the moon for withholding its light. The same contributor informed me that the first act of theft was the act of Rongomai when he ascended to the heavens and purloined the kumara"children" of Whanui, in order to provide sweet potatoes for mankind, as explained in Dominion Museum Bulletin 9, p. 105, 1976 reprint.
The origin of posture dancing was the haka a Raumati (dancing of Summer), or the haka a Tanerore as it is sometimes termed. This is the quivering appearance seen on hot summer days, an atmospherical phenomenon.
The origin of the art of pukana, the wild distorting of the countenance and glaring eyes seen in posture dancing is said to be traced to the koukou or owl. The owl had been disturbed and irritated by the restless fantail, a small forest bird that is ever flitting about, and so glared wildly at the harmless creature. The folk who came hither from Hawaiki saw the glaring eyes of Koukou, and the practice became general.
Hine-te-iwaiwa is generally held to be the patroness of the art of weaving garments, an art that is traced to several sources. The Matatua folk so trace it to Hinerauamoa, wife of Tane and mother fo Hine-te-iwaiwa. A quaint remark by Pio is to the effect that the first material employed for garments was the huruhuru of Tane, by which I suppose that feathers are meant, or was it fibre or bark? (Kua kore he kakahu, kua whatu i nga huruhuru o te ratau matua, o Tane, koia nei tenei mea te mohio ki te whatu kakahu e haere i te ao nei.) In the story of Mataora we are told that the cloak brought by Mataora and Niwareka from Rarohenga, the underworld, served as a pattern for the garments made in this upper world. One Hinangaroa is sometimes mentioned as having originated the art of taniko embroidery.
The Maori assuredly does not suffer from a lack of origin myths, in fact they are somewhat too numerous, inasmuch as we tawhatawa). Into both these quaint tales enters Rua, but then Rua simply personifies knowledge.
Te Manu-hauturuki was the daughter of Rua-te-pupuke, and she was slain by Tangaroa and his horde, not only so but her body was secured to the gable of Hui-te-ananui, the house of Tangaroa, to serve as a tekoteko (image). Rua set off in search of his daughter and found her body fastened to the gable-roof peak of Tangaroa's house. After silently greeting his daughter Rua proceeded to seek the people of the place, but all were absent save a caretaker, one Hine-matiko-tai, from whom Rua learned that Tangaroa and his folk were all absent seeking food, and that they would not return until the evening. He now sought some way of avenging the death of his daughter, and was advised by Hine to close all crevices by which light might enter the sleeping house of Tangaroa, and so prolong the sleep of the ocean hordes. Rua followed her advice and also noted what a fine house it was, and how ornate were its carved decorative designs. Rua then noticed that the poupou (uprights of walls) of the house interior were all talking to each other, but not so those of the outside.
With the shades of evening came Tangaroa and his great family, who entered the house and passed the evening hours in singing, posture dancing, playing cats cradle and ku, in reciting genealogies, charms, folk tales, and stories of grim fighting, the pursuits and pastimes of gregarious man. As the night advanced the people slept; when day dawned they asked of Hine: "Is it daylight?" Hine replied: "Sleep on, it is the long night of Hine-matiko-tai." Even so they slept again. Then fire was set to the house and Rua took his stand in the porch in ordet to slay with his weapon the Tangaroa folk as they came forth. Kanae (mullet), Maroro (flying fish) and many others escaped from him, and these escapees we find dwelling in the ocean and in fresh waters. The
As usually given the hordes of Tangaroa are destroyed, not by fire and weapon, but by daylight, or sunlight, and so Rua prevented any light entering the house until the sun rose, when he opened the door and the light destroyed all the sea folk, who are said to have been known as the Ponaturi. One can but wonder what the wall posts were saying to each other, and why they would say it.
The practice of adorning houses with painted designs would also appear to have been of celestial origin, as it was brought to earth from the second of the twelve heavens by Rua and others. The Ruatau mentioned was a denizen of the heavens, the two Titi were of the great family of Wind Children, as also were the two Apu. Here follows an account of the procuring of this art of adorning houses with painted designs:
"Now the art of house decorating was obtained from Rangi-tamaku, the father of Rangi-nui [Ranginui is the first of the twelve heavens, counting from below upward, while Rangi-tamaku is the second]. Here are the persons who went and brought hither the designs from Rangi-tamaku: Ruatau, Rua~i-te~ puke-nga, Kokohura, Titi-parauri, Titi-matakaha, and others.
"Wharekura, the house referred to, belonged to Nuku-te-aio, Te Apu-matangi-nui, Te Apu-matangi-roa, Tu-te-heihei and Tu-te-wanawana. The designs were taken from within Wharekura, and the house of Rongomarae-roa and his younger brothers were embellished with such devices, when finished it also was named Wharekura. The reason why the carved images of this Wharekura cannot speak is that Tangaroa would not agree to Tangaroa-a-timu being placed as a whatu [dedicatory offering] for the rear wall, hence the child of Te Arawaru, that is Koururu was so buried. The representative of Koururu in this world is the owl, hence the eyes of carved figures ever glare, though the images are dumb.
"Now Whiro, Haepuru and Haematua observed these things, and so went to obtain carvings for their house at Rangitamaku, but, on their arrival, Nuku-te-aio said: 'The art of decorating is again sought; it has been taken by your younger brothers, and is at Rangi-tatau in the lower world.'
"Whiro and his friends said that they were not agreeable to giving to their younger brothers to gain the art of decorating as an accomplishment for themselves and their elder brother. Then Nuku-te-aio said: 'Well, come with me' and the embellishments of the house were shown, which were painted designs, painted it is said with red ochre, blue pigment, white clay, and charcoal. Now the house Tu-te-aniwaniwa was adorned with painted designs."
The pleasing custom of utilising the bones of enemies wherefrom to fashion fish hooks and barbed points for bird spears dates back to the time when the bones of Matuku-tangotango, Pouhaokai and Huritaniwha were so served. This means that it originated at far Hawaiki in the time of Rata-i-te-pukenga.
The highly prized pounamu or greenstone, names applied to nephrite and some other stones, is said to have originated with one Poutini, and Poutini seems to be also a star name. In some recitals Poutini is clearly the personified form of greenstone, and these myths concerning the greenstone, appear elsewhere in this study.
The Matatua folk tell us that the first of all houses was that known as the Tatau o Rangiriri, which house was the abode of Tu, Tangaroa and others. When that house was erected and the kawa ceremony was performed therein, such was the origin of that rite that has endured even unto this day. The Takitimu people have a myth to the same effect, that houses originated in the days of the gods. A house named Wharekura was situated in Rangi-tamaku, the second of the twelve heavens, counting upward, and this was taken as a model for the first house erected on earth, and which was also named Wharekura. Paia, Tane and Rongo-maraeroa were the beings who busied themselves in introducing the art of house building into the world. This first of earthly houses, Wharekura, was erected at Te Hono-i-wairua, in the old homeland, according to the usual teachings, though some state that it was situated at Tapu-te-ranga, at Takewhenua. The original Wharekura in the heavens seems to have belonged to Nuku-te-aio; it was erected at Parauri by Rua-te-pupuke. The semblance of that house was brought down to earth by Tane, and Rua then constructed the second Wharekura. This was used as a repository for the tapu knowledge pertaining to Io, to the twelve tapu of that house. Tupai, Tane and others acted as guardians of that house. The next house erected was Taiwhetuki; it belonged to Whiro, and Tangaroa, and was situated at Te Pakaroa, Kaupekanui, and in that house was conserved the knowledge of evil, of black magic, of the arts of death. We are told that, when Wharekura was erected at Te Hono-i-wairua, one Whiro, the son of Kewa, not Whiro-te-tipua, was slain and his body buried at the base of the rear post (pou tuarongo) of the house was a whatu or talisman to retain the mana, etc., of the sacred building.
The origin of the curious neck pendant known as tiki and hei-tiki has also to be sought far back in the night of time, for the first one is said to have been made for Hine-te-iwaiwa. As we have already seen, Hine was the tutelary being of women, and was appealed to in childbirth, etc., a fact that becomes interesting when we note the peculiar form of the tiki image, and remember that it was held to be a fertilising agent, a fructifying symbol. It illustrates the contracted form of the human embryo, a feature that has been favoured far and wide athwart the earth. Sitting burial of the contracted body was practised in many places. Behind this far spread practice seems to be the idea of rebirth, and this entered into certain Indian ritual wherein Neophytes were supposed to be reborn. The form of the nephrite tiki pendant of the Maori is due to some similar concept. Gudgeon and Mair gathered similar information from old Maoris as to the powers of the tiki. See also pp. 130-133 of Dominion Museum Bulletin 10, 1976 reprint.
The origin of the custom of adopting children is referred to the time when the Star Children came into being. These children were looked at askance, inasmuch as they had no bodies, heads or limbs, but only eyes, and they did nought save move round in space. Turangi, Whiri-taringa-waru and Tongatonga were requested to convey their young folk to the Strand at Aroku (One i Oroku), there to roam about beneath Maunganui. Tongatonga asked that the young star folk be handed over to her and Te Heremaro for them to foster. This was agreed to, and so those young folk, the Star Children, dwelt permanently with Tongatonga and Te Heremaro. Such was the origin of foster children.
This Tongatonga is apparently the same as Tangotango, the mother of the heavenly bodies, and who has been identified as representing the Milky Way.
Personification widely employed; our wrong view of it. Shortland's estimate of Maori view. Maori and Nature myths. Personification terms commonly employed. Natural phenomena personified. Sky Father and Earth Mother. Space, sun and moon personified. Comets, meteors, thunder and lightning. Mist and rainbow. Fire and water. The ocean. Seasons, War, pleasure and knowledge personified. Disease. Compass points. Birds. Fish. Insects. Trees and forest. Volcanic phenomena. Mountain, rock, stones, greenstone, swamps.
The student of Maori myths marvels at the number of personifications met with in such recitals. In the folklore of these natives almost everything possessed its personified form. This usage was not confined to common folk tales, but also extended to a higher class of myths, and to religious ritual. Such forms were mentioned in speech, song, and ceremonial invocations, and this common practice is an important factor in Maori habits of thought, hence the Maori can think in personifications and allegories. For this is the heritage of the more primitive peoples, this their plane of culture, thus do they represent things and animate forces, phenomena and qualities, thus explain origins and impart knowledge to succeeding generations. Barbaric man explains and teaches in an allegorical manner. It is not easy for us to understand this phase of mentality, unless we try sympathetically to enter into their modes of thought, understand their symbolisms, to see things as they saw them, and to know them thoroughly and the surroundings in which they lived.
Anthropologists utter a warning note as to pronouncing the more primitive peoples wanting in intelligence because they personify inanimate objects, forces, etc. We ourselves still employ a few such old world expressions when we personify such qualities as Peace, Charity, etc., but the use of such terms by us is found principally in poetry; the earth is no longer Terra Mater to us, no longer the being upon whose broad breast we dwell, and who provides food for her children. We have passed through the mythopoetic stage of mental growth, and are no longer in true sympathy with it, though we gradually emerged therefrom, whereas the Maori has been abruptly wrenched from it.
We have assuredly looked at these personifications and origin myths of the Maori from a wrong point of view. We have made known what we thought the Maori believed, but have made no attempt to look upon these myths from his point of view, or to understand what that viewpoint is. Herein we have erred grievously, inasmuch as we have misinterpreted his beliefs, concepts and teachings. Dr Shortland has told us that the Maori regarded the powers of Nature as concrete objects, and so designated them as persons. But did he so regard them? I will here say, in manner emphatic, that he did not. The earth he knew as a concrete object, and personified the same; thunder he knew not the cause of, and he also had a personified form to represent it; the same may be said of lightning. Earthquakes, clouds, mist, all were personified, but I have never understood from explanations made by old Maori folk that they viewed immaterial phenomena such as thunder, lightning, earthquakes, etc., as being of a concrete nature. The Maori would find it most convenient to personify immaterial things simply because there is nothing tangible about them. He also personified things material, for it was the genius of the race to do so, and so his teachings, the result of his efforts to understand causality, the origin of things, were bestrewn with personifications. Such allegorical teachings were the precursors of science, and in some cases betokened the dawn of science, where the conclusions of barbaric man had impinged upon the truth.
On the other hand Dr Shortland was quite correct in saying that there is a lack of terms to denote abstract qualities in Maori. It might be added that there is also a lack of personified forms of qualities and conditions. Misfortune, Evil, Sickness, these are personified, but we find no corresponding terms on the brighter side of the page of life, no beings representing Mercy, Charity, Love and Compassion.
The cosmogonic genealogies mentioned by Shortland are scarcely evidence of inferior mentality, as he seemed to view them. When the Maori evolved his myths he obeyed the mental urge of his race, as did the old time folk who formed the quaint allegories contained in the Old Testament. Intelligent persons of today can scarcely be expected to believe those old time myths of Babylonia, but we can hardly rate the evolvers thereof as beings of low mentality because they believed in the persuasive serpent and the demoniacal origin of disease. The men who composed those myths were, like the Maori, saturated with superstitions and ignorance. On the other hand a sympathetic study of such Pennantia corymbosa) as Hine-kaikomako, and tells you that this is the Kaikomako Maid, she who conserves fire for mankind, it is absurd to read too much into that remark. The Maori does not view that tree as a female of the human species, or as having been such in the past, but his mind readily turns to thoughts and methods allegorical. He personifies that useful tree, the best material for the generation of fire, as a female because the act of fire generation is by him coupled with the begetting of children, the word hika is employed to denote both acts of generation. Thus, when he desires to produce fire, he hews him a piece from the body of Hine the Fire Conserver, and, by means of a rubbing process with another piece, generates fire; this is the hika ahi or fire generating act. The smaller rubbing stick is described by a number of names, three of which are hika, ureure and kaureure. In hika we have a word meaning "to rub" and "to beget" while the other two are lengthened forms of ure (membrum virile). We now see that the above tree was appropriately personified in female form.
The Maori may speak of trees, stones, etc., as possessing indwelling spirits, he may personify them and so speak of a piece of sandstone as Hine-tu-a-hoanga, of sand as Hone-one (Sand Maid), of the white pine tree as Hine-waoriki, but he does not visualise them as sentient beings endowed with human faculties. Thus in the superior form of myths, in the common class of folk tales, fables, he does so endow them, but certainly does not believe that they ever really possessed such powers. Huge mountains were gifted, in fables, with powers of locomotion, and we ourselves have preserved equally puerile tales, but I cannot concede that mature individuals of the Maori race believed such stories.
In another matter popular explanation does not give the real Maori belief. We are told that certain objects, trees, rocks, etc., were possessed of such innate destructive powers that it was death to touch them, but, in all cases one finds on close enquiry, that such things possess no such inherent powers, that those powers were extraneous and have been implanted, as it were, in those objects, probably by human agency. Thus the superstition is really concerned with faith in the powers of an atua or
In the same manner must the subject of anthropomorphism be dealt with in other departments of Maori myth, and among all branches of the Polynesian race. Chaos, space, light, darkness, etc., were all personified and so mated with each other and begat other conditions. This concept of a "genealogical cosmogony" evidently appealed to Polynesian myth makers, but can anyone maintain that the Maori belief was that chaos, light, etc., were beings in human form who mated as do members of the animal kingdom, that Chaos begat Darkness, and Thought begat Mind, as men are begotten? To the Maori it seemed the most natural way in which to present his ideas of evolution, of the origin of the universe, of earth, sky, heavenly bodies, space, also of the various elements pertaining to the earth. The Maori personifies stars and speaks of certain planets as women who lead loose, irregular lives; these are fables alike to Maori and European. The highest form of cosmogonic myth was that in which Io the Supreme Being, who begat no other being, brought the universe into existence, but this concept was confined to a small inner circle of experts. The secondary form of the myths treats of the evolutionary aspect and personified conditions, forces, etc. The members of the primal offspring, the children of Sky and Earth are, in at least many cases, male personifications and tutelary beings of natural phenomena, animal life, vegetation, minerals, etc., and the Polynesian genius for personification was carried into every department of the racial and tribal mythology. More than this the punctilious speeches and even ordinary discourses were permeated by innumerable personification terms, so given were the people to such channels of thought.
The use of such terms in ordinary discourse might be widely illustrated. Thus a person interrogated as to the pursuits or whereabouts of certain young folk might reply: "They are indulging in 'nga mahi a Rehia raua ko Harakoa'", i.e., the arts of pleasure. Herein the two words rehia and harakoa, employed to denote pleasure, amusements, are used as proper names.
The above expression is noted in an East Coast song, as follows:
Herein a young woman asks her chosen lad to mate with her while yet she preserves the bloom of her girlhood, and to cling to her, then will she fare with him with joyful heart down the strand of life. Then, as he ever turns his eyes to her, she will glance at him and so feel the joy of life as personified by Rehia and Harakoa.
A remark frequently employed in funeral discourses is the following: "Ko Roimata, ko Hupe anake nga kaiutu i nga patu a Aitua" (Roimata and Hupe alone are the avengers of the blows of Misfortune). Here are three words of ordinary vernacular speech, roimata (tears), hupe (nasal discharge) and aitua (misfortune) used as proper names, in fact those three things are personified. A natural death can only be avenged by weeping and lamentation.
The mythical origin of the Tuhoe tribe is explained as follows: one Hine-pukohu-rangi, the Celestial Mist Maid, personified form of mist, descended to earth and mated with Te Maunga, who personifies mountains and high ranges. From this union sprang the Tuhoe tribe, formerly known as Nga Potiki, and these two mythical ancestors are spoken of as persons by the tribesmen who are the Children of the Mist. These bush folk will relate this tale in the most serious manner, and so such incidents have led to statements being made that the Maori actually believed these fanciful tales, the fables of barbaric man. At the same time these Tuhoe folk will give the descent of their forebears from the immigrants of 22 generations ago, genuine human ancestors, albeit their line of descent from the mythical Mist Maid shows but 16 generations. They do not consider it necessary to explain the glaring discrepancies that form so prominent a feature of such recitals.
In the following lines we have a good illustration of the Maori practice of introducing personification terms into song; these lines are taken from a lament composed by Nuku for Te Ohongaitua and Te Rangi-takuariki, slain in a fight at Pehikatia, Wairarapa, early in last century.
These lines may be roughly rendered as follows: "Farewell O friends! on the path that lies by Tahekeroa, that you may be summoned to the entrance of that region where your ancestor stirs within Rarohenga, whereby results disturbance in the upper world, hence Hine-puia at Hawaiki sweeps all before her out to sea. Even so drift Hine-uku, Hine-one, and Parawhenuamea out to Hine-moana in Tahora-nui-atea and later reach Hine-tapatu-rangi, whither ye two go, O friends." Tahekeroa mentioned above is the descent to the subterranean spirit world, the entrance to which is the Muriwai that lives upon Rarohenga (the underworld). There the souls of the dead twain will reach the realm of Ruaumoko, who personifies earthquakes and all volcanic phenomena, he who stirs restlessly ever and anon, and so causes earthquakes. These are felt in the upper world, where Hine-puia, who personifies volcanoes, is awrath, and who sweeps before her Hine-uku (personifying clay, etc.) and Hine-one the Sand Maid (sand and gravel) and water (Parawhenuamea) to the ocean (represented by Hine-moana, the Ocean Maid), the vast wastes of which are known as Tahora-nui-atea. The land wrack is stranded far away where the sky hangs down, a place represented by Hine-tapatu-rangi. Here we see how essential it is, to those dealing with Maori songs, to be conversant with the myths of the race.
When Tane and his brothers wished to sharpen the stone adzes known as Whironui, Te Awhiorangi, etc., they naturally procured a slab of sandstone and proceeded to grind them. But the 3narrator could not express himself in this simple and clear manner, he put it as follows: Ka whakakoia ki te tamahine a Rakahore, ki a Hine-tu-a-hoanga i tikina i roto o te akau e noho ana: They were sharpened on the daughter of Rakahore, on Hine-tu-a-hoanga, who was brought from her resting place on the rocky coastline. This Hine is the personified form of sandstone.
We have seen that common vernacular expressions were sometimes used as proper names, as in the following: "Enei toko tona koiuri i te ao nei ko nga hau e wha nei, ko Marangai, ko Mauru, ko Rawhiti, ko Tonga, ka wha." (These toko are represented in this world by the four winds, North, West, East, South, four in all). In ordinary speech the speaker would have said "te marangai", etc., using the article.
When the forest folk known as the Hakuturi set about the task of fashioning a canoe for Rata they employed their most expert artisans, as the following sentence shows: "Ka tahuri nga tohunga ki te mahi i te waka ra, koia tenei nga tohunga, ko Mokota, ko Tunga, ko Uhu, ko Mahuika, nana i whakapai rawa." (The experts set to work to make the canoe, and these are the experts who turned out a good job, Mokota, Tunga, Uhu and Mahuika). The names of the first three expert wood workers are those of three species of wood boring grubs, the fourth is the personification of fire, which was employed in felling trees and hollowing out canoes.
In the series of myths connected with Maui we are told that when Maui went to the home of Hine-nui-te-po he took with him as companions his friends Karuwai, Tatahore, Miromiro and Tiwaiwaka, and that he conversed with them on the way. These are the names of four forest birds, and the description of their actions shows that the companions of Maui were such birds.
In folk tales and fables one often notes this use of personification and honorific terms. Thus in the story of the origin of greenstone in New Zealand we see that Hine-tu-a-hoana (sandstone) and Whatu-tongarerewa (a form of greenstone) were sisters of Pounamu, and that a sister of Whatu married Paretao (obsidian). The Maori had many proper names to denote different aspects of natural phenomena, thunder, lightning, rain, etc., and in many cases these seem to be true personifications. As an example I quote two names applied by the Taupo folk to certain aspects of rain, viz, Uhiara and Maroi. The former name described a fall of rain that causes the narrow footpaths of the Maori to become covered with fern, our local bracken (Pteris). The name seems to be applied, not so much to a heavy rain squall as to a rain unaccompanied by wind, a rain that causes the bracken fronds to droop and so cover the path (uhi = to cover; ara = path). The name Maroi is applied, so I was informed, to rain that caused the garments of a person to become i or piro, clammy, bedraggled, soppy. One would suppose that any kind of rain would have that effect, but I refrained from argument. When rain came on old folks would recognise its nature, and remark: "Ko Uhiara tenei" (Here is Uhiara) or whatever its name might be.
The Maori has so many proper names to denote personifica-tions, tutelary beings, originating beings, honorific terms, etc., that it is often a puzzling matter to distinguish one class from another. In many cases a name seems to have two applications, thus a Maori will state that all forest birds originated with Punaweko, but he also distinctly employs the name as a personificatory term for all such birds. We are also told that all
We have also collective names or titles, such as Whanau marama, the light-giving family; Whanau puhi or wind family; and Whanau akaaka as a generic name for reptiles and insects, the repulsive ones. Other such names appear in a less concise form, as Tini o te Hakuturi, the Multitude of Forest Elves.
In the following list will be found the names of many personifications met with in Maori mythological recitals, songs, proverbial sayings, etc. The list is a fairly comprehensive one, ranging from natural phenomena to lowly forms of plant and animal life, and even to minerals. Qualities, mental and moral conditions, and processes are by no means so well represented in the list as are concrete objects, as might be expected in the concepts of barbaric man; a notable exception is, however, seen in the array of names representing the diffusion, the acquirement, and the practice of knowledge. It will be found that the fields of natural history and natural phenomena cover a considerable proportion of the terms here given.
The sky is generally indicated by one of these terms, but it is understood that the sky we see is the lowermost of twelve or ten heavens, each of which has a different name. This lowermost of the heavens is styled Rangi-nui-a-Tamaku in some lists, and as Rangi-whakataka or Rangi-takataka in others. Rangi was viewed as an atua (spirit) by the Maori, and was sometimes invoked in chanted formulae; he seems to have occupied much the same position as did Zeus originally. Whether the Maori believed in a series of twelve heavens, or only ten, he ever spoke of Rangi in the singular. The word rangi in vernacular speech carries the meaning of "lofty, elevated".
The names Rangi-tiketike and Rangi-pamamao, denoting loftiness and remoteness, are sometimes met with in old recitals.
It is the lowermost of the heavens that we hear so much about; the visible sky above us that took Papa the Earth Mother to wife; concerning the more distant heavens, the other eleven, we have but little data in Maori myth. Quite probably the old tohunga knew a good deal more about these matters than we know of, but little has been preserved. The following fragment was collected from one such expert, and seems to show that something definite was taught as to the mythical denizens of those mythical heavens.
Here we have Rangi-parauri, the third of the twelve heavens, counting upward, who mates with a female being and begets four others, the first of whom is Rangi-tamaku, the second of the twelve heavens, who takes Whanau to wife and has numerous progeny. Of these latter only the the first two names are familiar to us. Tawhaitari appears to be one and the same being as Tawhaitiri, who is a denizen of the underworld in South Island recitals, a companion of Tuapiko, and between whom spirits of the dead make hazardous passage. But both these names appear in a formula repeated by Tane in order to render forests fruitful, etc., as given elsewhere under Origin Myths. The Tuhoe folk have it that Tawhaitari is the name of a huge mythical bird. The second name in the above family is that of the lowermost of the heavens, so that the third heaven begat the second one, and the second begat the first or lowermost. The other members of the two families are denizens of the various heavens; they are all atua, supernormal beings.
Now Tapuhikura I in the above tale was the forebear of the Wind Children already alluded to:
Here we have that Huru-te-arangi who mated with Te Ihorangi and produced the personified forms of snow, ice and frost, and whose grandchildren are the Wind Folk. These offspring of Tapuhikura dwell in Rangi-naonao-ariki and Rangi-nui-ka-tika, the tenth and eighth heaven, counting upward. At the Chatham Islands one Rangi-tokoua is said to have been a being who separated Rangi and Papa, here possibly some confusion exists.
In some Maori recitals Rangi is credited with having taken two beings to wife, Papa and Wainui-atea, representing the earth and the ocean. A Matatua version makes Te Rangi-matinitini and Te Ao-matinitini the primal twain, and another mentions Te Rangi-puatea-te-rangi as the original being. The sky is alluded to by the Matatua folk as Rangi-nui-a-Tama, the Tama being Tamaiwhao, a denizen of the heavens. Other names applied to the heavens by the Matatua tribes are Rangi-roa, Rangi-pouri, Rangi-whatuma, Rangi-wharo, Rangi-whakere, Rangi-matua-tini and Rangi-potango.
The word papa conveys the sense of flatness. It denotes here the flat outspread earth lying below the arched sky. Nuku denotes "distance" and "wide extent". Papa-matua describes her as the Earth Parent, the mother of mankind, she who provides sustenance for her children. Papa-matua-te-kore is Papa the Parentless, not born of parents was she, Papa-tioi describes her as swaying or shaking Papa, apparently as affected by Hine-oi and Hine-tuoi, who represent volcanic disturbances, indeed one native authority gives Hine-oi as a sister of Papa, Papa-tiranga I have received no explanation of; tiranga may carry a secondary meaning of tuarangaranga, as it carries its first, and so describe the broken appearance of the earth. Papa-tiraha is clear, inasmuch as tiraha means "facing upward" which was the original position of the Earth Mother before she was turned over so as to face down to Rarohenga. The form Papa-i-raharaha appears in the Tuamotu Group, and may, or may not carry the same tinaku conveys the meaning of "to increase" and "to germinate". The full name of Pani, the "mother" of the sweet potato is Pani-tinaku. Tahuaroa is a name used to denote not only the earth but also the ocean. The word tahua carries a similar meaning to marae, viz, a plaza or open expanse, and so we have Marae-nui and Marae-nui-atea, terms employed to denote the ocean.
The following line from an old chant contains well known names for sea and land: "Tau atu ki nga tupaki, ki nga tihi o Hinemoana, o Tuanuku" Here, again, we have a statement that tells us how Rangi desired Papa and so took her to wife: "Ko Rangi nui e tu iho nei i pirangi ki a Papa-tu-a-nuku, a i moe i a Papa-tu-a-nuku" The name of Papa-karioi occurs in a karakia recited by Maui over his "land fish" when he hauled it up from the depths of Hinemoana. It is used in conjunction with the term Tuauriuri, which denotes the darkling depths—"Ko te ika nui koe a Tauriuri, ko te ika nui koe a Papa-karioi"—and so may be yet another of the many titles of old Terra Mater.
The Maori is often very thorough in his personifying of inanimate nature. In a recital before me I note: "Rangi looked at Papa as she lay face upward, and his affection for her caused him to weep, his tears are the rain we see falling from the heavens."
A South Island recital gives Tangaroa as the being who took Papa to wife, for which see p. 13 of vol. 3 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society.
The upper world is sometimes alluded to as Runga, a word meaning "above", and the many atua of the heavens are occasionally appealed to under that title. In such appeals the expression "E Runga!' is equivalent to "O ye above!" The Ngati-Porou folk of Waiapu state that when, in former times, the people were suffering from the ravages of an epidemic, or other grievous calamity, a tohunga of standing would retire to a secluded spot and address the atua of celestial realms thus "E Runga, e! Kai a wai te hara i ikia nga tangata ki te Po" (O ye raro, meaning 'below' is employed in a similar manner. Thus Raro is used to denote the underworld, and perhaps the earth in some cases. We hear that the stars Rigel, Sirius and the Pleiades ascended from their mother Raro to the heavens. (Ko Puanga, ko Takurua, ko Matariki ka piki ake i to raua whaea, ko Raro te whaea, ipiki ki te rangi.) A charm recited by fishermen of the Matatua people appeals to Raro, the deeps, or rather the denizens of those depths, to come and be caught. "E Raro! E Raro! To poa, tikini mai, kumekumea." In another version Raro seems to be coupled with the underworld (Po): "E Raro! E Raro! Te Po, te Po tahuri ke, te Po tahuri mai, tau maunu tikina mai" etc. The term tuauriuri, employed to denote dark, sullen depths, is occasionally used in a similar manner, as in "Ko te ika nui koe a Tuauriuri" etc., as given above under "Papa".
Here we have the personified forms of space. Concerning the second name we have but a brief statement. Watea, though seldom mentioned in Maori myth, seems to appear in various parts of Polynesian as Atea, Akea Vatea and Wakea. However he seems to be identified with light, not space, in those parts, and so the Avatea form of the Cook Islands seems appropriate. Tregear gives Atea as representing space. "The light Space, personified". In Maori myth it was Watea who separated the heavens from the earth. Atea is a name that appears in some cosmogonic genealogies of the Maori while in Hawaii Akea is a being who abides in the underworld and is said to have been originally a king of Hawaii, evidently some statement has been taken in too literal a manner.
Tane represents the sun, the light and fertilising powers of the sun. He is said to have had twelve names, but he had far more; one old pundit gave sixty-one names of Tane, and stated that the full number was seventy. Tane also represents birds, trees and forests. Under the name of Tane-i-te-wanau he represents knowledge, superior or occult knowledge. As Tane-matua he is the Parent, of man and many other beings, in fact one may say most things, seen and unseen, material and immaterial. As Tane-te-waiora he represents sunlight, which is the waiora or welfare of all things. Tane-te-rarama denotes the gleaming one, or light giver. Tane-mahuta represents trees and the forest, as also do Tane-i-te-wao and Tane-waotu; Tane-mataahi and Tane-i-te-rere represent birds. Tane-te-po-tiwha may represent the darkness of night, when the sun is in the underworld. Other interesting titles of Tane and Tane-tahunuiarangi, Tane-papakura-arangi, Tane-kuranui, Tane-tahupo, Tane-ariki-rangi, Tane-tikitiki-o-rangi, Tane-torohaka and Tane-kokorangi. As Tane represents Light he is, naturally, the opponent of Darkness, as represented by Whiro, hence the contest waged between the two. We shall also see that Maui seems to represent light or day. The ordinary personified form, and honorific name, of the sun, is Tamanui-te-ra, and Tamauawhiti seems to be another such; yet another seems to be Hiringa, possibly equivalent to Tane-i-te-hiringa, said to denote te puna o te matauranga, the source of knowledge. "When Tama-nui-te-ra moves abroad the heavens are light", says the Maori. Another name for the sun, a honorific term, is ra kura, the red sun. The peculiar name of Manu-i-te-ra seems to be connected with the sun. We are told that Te Manu-i-te-ra abode on the mountain of Hikurangi, which death could not reach. Tregear views the story as a solar myth, and gives an interesting tale concerning it (The Maori Race, p. 435). One feels a desire to alter the one vowel that would resolve this name into the better known one of Tane-nui-te-ra. Fenton believed that Tu, the famous Polynesian atua, represented the setting sun and death (Suggestions for a History of the Origin and Migrations of the Maori People, p. 16).
The position of Tane as the Fertilizer may be given in the poet Watson's words "O bright irresistible lord, We are fruit of Earth's womb, each one, And Fruit of thy loins, O Sun, Whence first was the seed outpoured." Ra is occasionally used as a proper name, for an example see under Hine-raumati, the personified form of summer.
In Hina of the many names we have the female personification of the moon. White, grey, light-coloured, are common meanings of the word hina throughout Polynesia. Hina-keha or Pale Hina becomes Hina-uri, Dark Hina, periodically. As the tutelary being and guardian of women she is described by the last two names.
This is one of the fair Moon Maidens connected with Tangaroa. She personifies the luna bow or halo.
As explained elsewhere there is some evidence that goes to show that Rongo is the male personified form of the moon. Rongo also represents peace, the arts of peace, agriculture, all cultivated food products but particularly the sweet potato.
In one of the old cosmogonic chants of Tahiti we meet with the expression—"Rongo the changer of the seasons, Rongo of the night, Rongo of the day, night and day were his." The name Rongo-ma-Tane appears in Henry's book Ancient Tahiti as Roma-tane, and is rendered as "voluptuous man"! In the Tahitian dialect it should be Ro'o-ma-Tane. In one of the old chants Tane speaks as follows: "And so this is I, great Tane, god of all things beautiful! With eyes to measure the skies! I whose eyes will unite with those of Ro'o the famous." We have seen that in the name or title of Rongo-marae-roa the Maori has preserved an old term for the ocean in marae, doubtless so employed on account of it being an open expanse. At Tahiti the sea was viewed as the supreme marae and as a place of rites, in this latter connection the definition impinges upon the other meaning of the word, viz, a sacred place.
This is the name of the personified form of some celestial phenomenon, usually described as a glow in the heavens, possibly it may be the zodiacal light. The names imurangi, umurangi papakura, tahurangi and ahi manawa are used to denote gleaming appearances of the heavens.
This being represents Darkness, also conditions connected with darkness, viz, evil and death. His doings are explained elsewhere (e.g., pp. 111 and 185, Dominion Museum Bulletin 10, 1976 reprint).
Personified forms of comets. It was Auahi-turoa who brought fire from the sun to earth as a boon to mankind. Fire is termed the Tama a Upokoroa, as explained in the account of the origin of fire. The appearance of a comet was ominous—"Tetahi ingoa o Wahieroa ko Taketake-hikuroa, a ka kitea tana atua i te rangi he tohu aitua mo te iwi." A matapuru charm would be recited by an expert in order to ward off the threatened calamity. Matawhaura is a name not yet properly explained.
Personified forms of meteors. Makawe is probably another such at Rotorua and Taupo. The phenomenon known as Tiramaroa to the Tuhoe people has not been identified.
Personified forms of lightning. The first given is a female being. This Lightning Maid was the daughter of Tane and Hineahuone, and a sister of the Cloud Maid. Tama-te-uria was one of the primal offspring and a guardian of the Lightning Children; he, with the personified forms of clouds and rain (Tukapua and Te Ihorangi), dwells in the "house" Aokapuarangi to hold the "covering" of Rangi. He is said to represent forked lightning, and his appearance betokens fine, calm weather. Hine-te-uira seems to represent sheet lightning while Mataaho stands for distant lightning. Tupai may or may not be the son of Rangi and Papa of that name, he represents the lightning accompanying a storm that destroys man. A woman of Ngati-Awa killed by lightning is said atua) Tupai. She was the mother-in-law of Pio of Te Teko, who was present at her death, and described it to me: "We all saw that fire, and it smelled like a puia (fumarole). Another woman was burned by Tupai, but only her breast was scorched, her offence was a lighter one, hence she escaped with her life." Tawhaki is connected with lightning, though apparently he does not personify it. Deighton has a note to the effect that Tawhaki is the atua of thunder and lightning.
Personified forms of thunder (whaitiri) most of these names represent different aspects of thunder storms. Whaitiri and Hine-whaitiri seem to be used in a general sense. Whaitiri was the grandmother of Tawhaki. Pio of Ngati-Awa spoke of these thunder folk as being 'ancestors' of the Maori people. Whaitiri-pakapaka represents a dry thunder storm, the kind that was caused to sound by magicians. Some apply the name of Tane-matau to this form of thunder, this from Wairarapa, the first name pertains to the Bay of Plenty. A person who wails without shedding tears is compared to Tane-matau. Pueaea represents a brief thunder storm accompanied by rain. Rautupu is marked by one loud peal and subsequent rumbling sounds, Ku by a combination of thunder and rain occurring intermittently. Marangai-areare is remarkable for heavy rain, and Aputahi-a-pawa represents a single peal, though another gave the latter as a wind name. Frost and snow are termed the ika a Whaitiri, she is supposed to produce them. Epa is the name of yet another form of storm, but possibly not a thunder storm. There are many names for thunder, such as ngaruru mai rangi, takamaitu, takamai-i-awhea, and takamai-te-ahurangi, these may be proper names, but I do not think that they are personified forms.
These represent rain (ua). Here we have apparently two different beings. Hine-te-ihorangi is a female personification, but Te Ihorangi appears as one of the offspring of Rangi and Papa, and so must have been a male in Takitimu lore. He took to wife Huru-te-arangi and begat the Cold Ones; snow, ice, frost, and hail. Maui called upon Te Ihorangi to succour him when he was assailed by Fire. Hinewai represents fine, mistlike rain. A number of proper names are also applied to different aspects of rain. The sign of the advent of Whaitiri (thunder) is said to be Makerewhatu, a word that describes heavy rain; other such special names have already been given.
All these names denote the Mist Maid, the personified form of fog and mist. It will be observed that a considerable number of such personifications are of the female sex. The Matatua tribes speak of Hine-pukohu, at Whanganui Hine-makohu is the form used, while Tairi-a-kohu was collected at the Wairoa, H.B. The Mist Maid dwells with the Cloud Children in the Cloud House known as Te Ahoaho o Tukapua, wherein they seek shelter from the rude bufferings of the Whanau puhi or Wind Children. The Tuhoe folk have a mythical line of descent from Hine-pukohu-rangi, as the Wairoa folk have from Tairi-a-kohu.
These are personified forms of clouds, the Cloud Children who dwell within the Ahoaho o Tukapua, and occasionally wander across the breast of Rangi and throughout the space between Rangi and Papa. Tukapua, Te Ihorangi (rain) and Tama-te-uira (lightning) dwell at Aokapuarangi and control the Cloud Children. Hine-hapua was a daughter of Tane and Hine-ahu-one. The name Ahoaho o Tukapua may be rendered as "the open space of Tukapua". Te Mamaru and Mawakenui, who, like Tukapua, were children of Rangi and Papa, are also mentioned as controllers of the clouds, which serve as a screen or shelter for Papa, the earth. These cloud controllers called upon Hine-moana and Hine-wai (the Ocean Maid and Rain Maid) to despatch Hine-makohu-rangi, the Mist Maid as a covering for Rangi, the sky. Such are the clouds above us, a product of the warmth of Hine-moana, of Hine-wai, and of Tuanuku, hence the mist, clouds and rain we know.
The names Pipi o te rangi, Pipipi o te rangi, and Haupipi o te rangi are proper names applied to clouds of peculiar form from which weather signs were derived. These I look upon as proper names, but not as personifications.
Personified forms of the rainbow. Uenuku was the husband of the Mist Maid. Several names pertain to Kahukura; these will be explained later under Rainbow myths. We are told that there were three Haere, the brothers Haere-kohiko, Haere-waewae and Haere-atautu. Many omens were derived from the appearance of rainbows. The above names were obtained from the Matatua folk, but the name of Tukorako was given by Ngati-Porou. The former folk state that rainbows are the offspring of Imurangi and Tuhirangi, who represent some celestial colour scheme. At Hawaii the rainbow is "the path of Tawhaki".
The first mentioned of these personified forms, Tawhirimatea, is the principal one, a son of Rangi and Papa, as also was Tawhiri-rangi, but the latter is seldom alluded to. Rakamaomao is connected with wind in Polynesian isles, and in New Zealand the south wind is called "the child of Rakamao mao"! Tahu-makaka-nui represents the west wind, Tahu-mawakenui the east wind, Paraweranui the south wind, and Hurunuku also known as Hurunuku-atea, the north wind, these being quite distinct from the ordinary names of the four winds. Ahumairangi is said to represent a rotary wind, but the name is little known. The long list of names commencing with Titi represents the numerous Wind Children said to be the offspring of Tawhiri-matea and Paraweranui, daughter of Tonganui-kaea. Pohuhu of Wairarapa gives a similar list of names in which the prefixed Titi is replaced by Te Apu, as Te Apu-matangi-nui, etc. The Chatham Islands Rangimaomao represents Rakamaomao of the Maori, but at Samoa La'amao-mao is the rainbow.
Personified forms of fire. Mahuika represents fire as seen in this world, while the other four names pertain to the personified form of subterranean and volcanic fire. Note how Mahuika is employed as a personal name in the following remark: "Tahuaroa e! Ko Mahuika! Ko Mahuika e haere nei ki roto. Huakina te tataur!" (O Tahuaroa! Here is Mahuika! Mahuika is moving within. Open the door!) Thus did the speaker make known that his house was on fire and he himself imprisoned therein.
Like Mahuika and Tapeka a female personification. She does not, however, represent fire, but rather the material used in generating fire, the kaikomako tree (Pumantia corymbasa). Hence she is viewed as the Fire Conserver. Wiwi of Pipiriki maintained that Hine-kaikomako was the mother of Mahuika. Fire is alluded to as the "child of Upokoroa", i.e., of the comet messenger that brought fire down to earth from the sun.
Here we have two personified forms of water, or differing names for such a personification. Parawhenuamea was a daughter of Tane and Hine-tu-pari-maunga, the Mountain Maid, she was taken to wife by Kiwa, the guardian of the ocean. She is the "parent" of water, as shown in the following statement—"Na ko Parawhenuamea koia te matua o te wai." She was born of the Mountain Maid as most streams are. One recital shows her as mother of Rakahore, who is the personified forms of rock. In the following line taken from a song we have the personified forms of mist, rain, and water: "Ka heke koe i a Hine-kohu, i a Hine-te-ihorangi, ka tau ana koe ko Hine-parawhemea." Wainui represents water, including the ocean, this among the Matatua tribes, and Nga0ti-Awa state that Wainui was a member of the primal offspring, while the Turanga people give Wainui-atea (vast water expanse) as a second wife of Rangi, she produced Moana-nui or Great Ocean (see Genealogy Through Kiwa, p. 112, vol. 7, of the Journal of the Polynesian Society).
Personified forms of the ocean. The first two have already been explained. Hine-moana, the better known of these personifications, was a granddaughter of Tane, and she became the second wife of Kiwa. Another version makes Hine-te-ahorangi the mother of Hine-moana. Kiwa was one of the sons of Rangi and Papa. Kiwa first took Parawhenuamea to wife and generated the waters of the earth, hence the waters gushed forth and formed the ocean. (Ko Parawhenuamea i a Kiwa, nana te wai. Ko te wahine tuatahi tenei a Kiwa, nana i hika mai te wai, koia i pupu mai ai te wai ka takato hei moana.) It was Watea (space) who separated the earth from the waters, and sky from earth.
These two names are apparently those of personifications, and appear in connection with that of Hine-moana; they have not been explained, but the first seems to denote sea foam; riko moana is difficult to explain, but may denote sea glare.
Personified forms of cold. The Wero names given also pertain to stars that mark the winter season.
This name is often employed as representing heat. Rehua is the star Antares, and the name is used to denote the heat of summer. When man, or vegetation is affected by the heat and dryness of summer it is said that he or it is afflicted by Rehua. Chiefs were alluded to sometimes as Rehua, and Rehua was of old closely connected with forests, but was superseded by Tane. Of this connection with forests, more anon.
These personify the heat of summer as shown in a quivering appearance in the air, shimmering heat. These names pertain to female personification, and this maid Parearohi is said to be seen disporting herself on summer days. One recital makes Parearohi the wife of Rehua. In the fourth month this woman is seen dancing about the margin of the forest or elsewhere. The expressions used are e haka ana (dancing), and e arohirohi ana (quivering, shimmering). In Buller's Forty Years in New Zealand we read that "The first woman was formed out of the earth by the arohirohi or quivering heat of the sun, and the echo." The Matatua tribes term the above phenomenon "the dancing of Tanerore" (Te haka a Tanerore), and Tanerore was the offspring of the Summer Maid Hine-raumati.
Personified forms of summer. Ra, the sun, has two wives, Hine-raumati, the Summer Maid, and Hine-takurua, the Winter Maid, he divides his time between the two. This is one of the few cases in which ra is used as a proper name; Whakaahu is a star name, a star that marks the summer months. The name is that of a female who was taken to wife by Rehua, and it was sometimes employed to denote the summer season. The term Matiti also seems to have been used to denote the summer months.
Personified forms of winter. The ordinary terms for winter are hotoke and takurua.
Personified forms of spring. The cuckoo is known as the messenger of Mahuru.
Personified form of the dawn, and so described as a very beautiful woman. She was the daughter of Tane, the personification of the sun, when she descended to the underworld, there to abide, she assumed the name of Hine-nui-te-Po.
Personifies morning. The Morning Maid.
Personifies evening. The Evening Maid.
In Moriori myth Hine-ata, Hine-aotea, and Hine-ahiahi, the personified forms of morning, day and evening, appear as Hine-ata, Hine-aotea, and Hine-ahiahi; they are said to have been the wives of Tama-whiti-te-ra, evidently a honorific term for the sun, or a personification term. This is from Shand, but Deighton views them as daughters of the sun.
The first named represents peaceful conditions among the Matatua tribes, he is said to have been one of the offspring of Tane, or, in another version of Rangi and Papa. Rongo is the widely known representative of peace and the arts of peace. Tahu personifies food, feasts and peace.
This important member of the primal offspring represents war.
All these names are concerned with pleasure. The first four may be viewed as tutelary beings of pleasure, games, amusements, music more than as personified forms. Rehia and Harakoa are really terms of ordinary speech denoting pleasure, but occasionally they were used as proper names.
One of the most important of personifications, for he represents misfortune. One form of the myth makes Aitua a son of Rangi and Papa. In funeral speeches one often hears allusions to 'This important personage Aitua' who destroys man, and the strokes of misfortune that can only be avenged by tears and lamentation.
Daughter of Tane and Hine-titama, she represents growth in the vegetable world. "Tenei to aro ko te aro o Hine-rauwharangi, e tipua, e rea" is the opening line of a charm to cause the sweet potato plants to grow and flourish. In another chant the growth of those plants is alluded to in these words: "Ka hoka a Hine-rauwharangi i a ia i konei" This Hine-rau-wharangi was the mother of Hine-moana, the personified form of the ocean.
All these names pertain to the personified form, or forms of knowledge, including the desire for knowledge, its acquisition and dissemination. No. 4, 6, 14, 19, 20 are said to have been sisters of Tinirau (son of Tangaroa), and possibly all were so. Being a son of Tangaroa, Tinirau is naturally connected with fish, the connection between fish and knowledge is by no means so clear. No. 20 is said to personify thought, etc., mahara, the power of thinking and of memory. No. 2 represents the desire for knowledge, and No. 3 its dissemination. No. 14 stands for the knowledge of the artisan, the crafts of the house-builder, the canoe maker, etc., while 15 and 16 represent the knowledge of wood carving. According to one contributor 12 and 13 are also connected with carving, but possibly the increase of knowledge, its gradual accumulation, and No. 7 represents ability to acquire knowledge, quickness of understanding. The powers of thought and memory inherent in man were originally derived from the atua of the uppermost of the heavens, the whatukura. When the body of Hine-ahu-one was about to be vivified in order to produce the ira tangata, i.e., mankind, then the mental powers and qualities represented by No. 1, 2, 4 and 5 of the list were so obtained and implanted in the hitherto lifeless body of the mother of man. Thus we know that thought, memory, also the desire for and acquirement of knowledge, were deemed to be important matters in the minds of our Polynesian myth builders.
We have here an alarming list of personified forms of disease and sickness. All these Maiki brethren are the henchmen of Whiro in his ceaseless war against mankind. We are told that it is Whiro who generates all ailments that sweep man down to the Po or underworld (Te mahi a Whiro he whakatipu i nga tu mate katoa e iki nei i te tangata ki te Po), Occasionally some of these names appear in recitals with a prefixed Tahu, but we have no knowledge as to whether or not this prefix affects the meaning of the expression in any way. Half a dozen other Tahu names are given that also pertain to personified forms, or causes, of disease. These latter seem to be distinct from the Maiki series. Again, one of the many Tane names or titles is Tane-te-maiki-rangi, from whom emanates the ailments and death that assail all things on earth. One authority states that, when Tane took Hineatauira to wife, she gave birth to Tahu-kumia, Tahu-whakaero, Tahu-tuturi, Tahu-pepeke, Tahu-pukai and Tahu-ote-atu. Others include Tahu-kumea-te-po and Tahu-kumea-te-ao. These Maiki folk appear sometimes in song, thus, in the lament for Waianui, son of Tar a, who was drowned in Cook Strait, we note the following: "Ko te take o te kino i takoto ai ki roto o Tu-te-ani-waniwa Te whare ra tena i whakatipuria mai ai Maiki-nui, Maiki-roa, Maiki-ahua, Maiki-whekaro, Maiki-pupurauwha, Maiki-i-taupuru, Maiki-ka-wheau atu na koe ki Tuahiwi nui o Hine-moana." In the following extract we have both the Maiki and Tahu series mentioned:
We have another list of names, that contains some of the Maiki titles. These are said to be the names of the ailments that destroy man, and cause him to traverse the 'broad path of Tane' and
The native who gave the list of Rua names introduced them with the remark: "Koia nei nga ingoa o nga mate o te tangata e iki nei i te tangata ki te Po, e heke nei i Tahekeroa ki te muriwai hou ki Rarohenga i te ara whanui a Tane ki te Reinga" Tylor has remarked that:—"The belief prevailing through the lower culture that the diseases which vex mankind are brought by individual personal spirits, is one which has produced striking examples of mythic development." (Tylor, Primitive Culture, vol. 1, p. 267).
Here we have the four proper names pertaining to the four cardinal points as indicated. The ordinary terms for north, south, east and west are raki (sometimes marangai or muri), tonga, rawhiti, and uru, mauru, or hauauru. The four names above are occasionally employed as personification terms, and also they are used to denote the four winds. Variant forms of the term for north are Hurunuku, Toko-hurunuku, Huruatea and Toko-huruatea. The prefixed toko is a word employed to denote the winds, but apparently only the four winds from the cardinal points, for these are the four toko (poles, props) employed by Tane wherewith to support the body of Rangi the Sky Parent. Variant forms of the term for east are Huru-mawake and Toko-huru-mawake. The west is occasionally termed simply Tahu-makaha. The "parent" of these four toko (winds) was Huru-te-arangi, whose spouse was Tonganui-kaea. Parawera-nui is often used (or was in former times) to indicate the south wind, often in he tonga parawera nui." The other three seem to have been used more as indicating the cardinal points, the south was often alluded to as "te pu o te tonga."
One authority says that Tane-te-hokahoka was the origin of small birds, but we are also told that one Hokahoka was the origin of the two hawks and some other birds. Tane-te-hokahoka was also one of the forest guardians who nurtured and preserved the fruitfulness of trees. Punaweko and Parauri were to other such guardians of the forest of Tane and of the offspring of Punaweko, birds. Both Hokahoka and Tane-te-hokahoka appear as sons of Papa and Rangi.
By referring to origin myths it will be seen that one name serves as a personificatory term as well as the name of a tutelary or originating being.
Of the above No. 1, 2 and 4 were, say the Matatua folk, the offspring of Tangaroa, together with two others, Turuki and Hakuwai. The latter is the name of a mythical bird, and Turuki is a word that denotes duck fledglings. The shag is occasionally referred to as "te mokopuna a Terepunga" the grandchild or offspring of Terepunga. Some of these personification terms are very appropriate, Moe-tahuna describes the duck's habit of sleeping on sand banks; Noho-tumutumu or Stump-sitter gives the favourite perching place of the shag, a stump or log in a river kiwi; Kerangi includes the cry of the hawk as rendered by the Maori—ke-ke-ke! while Koururu includes the common name of the owl and one of its cries "Kou! Kou!" Koururu is called the child of Te Arawaru. When the famed house Wharekura was constructed in the old racial homeland the owl Koururu was the sacrifice buried at the rear wall thereof; hence the great glaring shell eyes of the wooden images fashioned for house decoration. When Maui asked Timutahi how he could reach his mother Taranga, Timu replied: "Assume the forms of Kerangi, of Kuku, of Karearea; when you start take the form of Karearea [sparrow-hawk]; when you reach the underworld take that of Kuku [pigeon]; when you return to the upper world that of Kerangi." In another version Maui is said to have assumed the form of Popoia, the owl. Parauri, Punaweko, Hurumanu, Te Arawaru, Hokahoka, and Tane-te-hokahoka were all sons of Rangi and Papa. In a song published by the late Hoani Nahe of Hauraki in 1891 occurs the following list of mythical origins of birds: "From Turunoa sprang the mumu, from Haere-awaawa came the woodhen, from Piki-maunga the crow, from Ketuketu-para the saddleback, from Pukana the owl, from Wiwi the Koekoea (cuckoo), from Noho-tumutumu the cormorant, from Moe-tahuna the duck." I know not mumu, as a bird name, but Williams's Maori Dictionary has "mu, a wingless bird". The crow, being descended from Hill-climber, is naturally found on high-lying ranges, even as the woodhen is the gully-raker. The saddleback, having sprung from Rubbish-scratcher, passes much time in scratching about in search of food; the owl traces his great staring eyes to his ancestor, the Glarer, while Wiwi should perhaps be Whiwhi or Whiti and denotes a reference to the cry of the cuckoo. The Stump-sitter and the Sandbank-sleeper we have already dealt with. Hine-tara the tern, and Hine-tore (possibly torea, a "long-shore bird"). To this family also belonged Punga, the father of reptiles, and Matuku, the bittern. Noho-tumutumu and Moe-tahuna were offspring of Punga.
These two beings represent fish. Tangaroa was one of the primal offspring, Tinirau and Punga being his sons. Ikatere, a son of Punga, was a "parent" of fish, from Punga sprang reptiles, aitanga a Punga (offspring of Punga), a term also applied to dark-skinned or ugly persons. Tinirau took Hinauri to wife when she went out on the ocean, she represents the moon during its dark phase. Te Parata is said to be another name for Tangaroa.
This Rongomai represents whales, when a stranded whale was seen there rose the cry "Rongomai-tahanui has come ashore" (Ka pa te Karanga—"Kau u a Rongomai-tahanui ki uta" Mo te pakake tena karanga).
Tohora (southern right whale) appears as a personification term in some folk tales, but then the name of any fish, bird, tree, etc., might be so treated in fables. Tutara-kauika, another name for the right whale, is sometimes so used.
Personified form of sharks.
Personified form of eel. The name Tuna is usually employed as a personification term. Tuna appears as the phallic eel in Maori myth, and is discussed elsewhere in this chronicle.
These beings represent shellfish, some species of which are the offspring of Te Arawaru and Kaumaihi. Hine-kuku represents mussels, a female personification, while Pauatere represents the shellfish Haliotis. When the Takitimu migrants ran out of sea stores they called upon Pauatere and Hine-kuku to come to their assistance, and those obliging creatures came in myriads, and so saved the lives of the voyagers. In this curious fable Pauatere is gifted with the faculty of speech. In the quaint fable concerning the shark and shellfish Pipi (cockle) and Kuku (Mussel) are used as proper names. These are members of the "whanau a Te Ara wanu", or offspring of Te Arawaru.
Representing reptiles and insects, both of which come under the appellation of ngarara. Rakaiora is not mentioned as an originating being, a "parent" but simply as a personified form of the lizard, in some places at least of the green lizard (moko kakariki) only. The other three names have a personificatory application as well as a "parental" one. Lizards and insects are collectively known as the whanau akaaka, the whanau a Peketua, and the aitanga pepeke (the repulsive ones, the offspring of Peketua, the insect family). Lizards and insects are said to be the offspring of Peketua and Mihamiha by some authorities, in other districts they are traced to Punga and the Tu given above. One Toro-i-waho is said to have been the origin of the smaller forms of ngarara, and he is also credited with producing climbing and creeping plants. Toro was one of the primal offspring.
An old saying runs as follows: "Me mate a Tama-ngarara, me mate ki te ata haere." This looks much as if it were the saying of a man who declined to hurry himself, even if danger lay in lagging, I was told, however, that tama-ngarara is a kind of lizard that does not take fright and hurry away when one comes upon it. This may be so, but looks doubtful, and viewed as a personification term it does not impress one. The word tama is employed in a peculiar way in such expressions as tamaroto, tama-ngarengare, and tama-tenana.
Here we have the names of three creatures, forms of caterpillar, that attack the sweet potato plants. These names are employed as proper names in an old fable, as personifying the three species. When Rongomaui purloined the sweet potato from Whanui and brought it to this world for cultivation, then Whanui sent Anuhe, Moka nd Tatongu down to earth to punish Rongo, they did so by destroying his sweet potato crop. The stolen seed tubers are spoken of as tamariki kumara or sweet potato children. When a new crop was produced by Pani, wife of Rongo, we are told that 'Now the Kumara Children were born, and their names were Pio, Toroamahoe, Matatu, etc' These names are those of varieties of the sweet potato. These two items of personification lore serve to illustrate the Maori penchant for personifying things animate and inanimate.
The mosquito and sandfly are said to be the offspring of Mouehu and Hekapona (? hekaponga), these names referring to fern growth wherein these pests lurk to attack man. The mosquito, sandfly, ant, and many other creatures are personified in fables, and sometimes even in ordinary discourse.
Rehua represents forests, as shown in certain very old myths and tales, and, in olden times lehua = rehua was employed as a term to denote the forest, in northern Polynesia. When Tane ascended to Taketake-nui-o-Rangi and interviewed Rehua, the latter offered him food procured from his own head; this food consisted of birds procured from the heads of forest trees, where they obtained their food. Tane wished to bring back some birds to his mother (the Earth Mother), but Rehua remarked that there were no trees on earth to provide food for birds, that he would do better to take some trees down to earth and there plant them, and this was done. Rehua is said to be one of the whatukura of the uppermost heaven, but another story makes him a denizen of the one below it, Tiritiri-o-matangi; his "house" was Te Uruuru-rangi, situated at Te Putahi-o-rongo, his turuma was Tokoahurangi. The star Rehua is one of the many star children of Ikaroa (the Galaxy) and Ikanui; it is Rehua who cooks, i.e., ripens the hua rakau or tree fruit, "such is the task of this person", as my informant put it. The name Rehua is connected with stars, with summer, with forests, with fish, birds, and lightning. Rehua is given in some recitals as one of the offspring of Rangi and Papa, the primal offspring. Birds are said to subsist on the vermin of the head of Rehua, the vermin being the fruit of forest trees. The clematis and puahou (Nothopanax arboreum) are alluded to as the children of Rehua, as also are several birds. We have already seen that Rehua represents the heat of summer.
These three titles of Tane proclaim him as the personified form of the forest (wao) trees, and tutelary being of the forest. As we have seen Tane himself produced many species of trees during his strenuous endeavour to procreate mortal man. There are also personified forms of different species of trees, and these personifications are often one and the same as the originating beings already given.
In the story of Mahu the white pine is said to be the offspring of Hine-te-ngawari and Puwhenua, which offspring was slain by Mahu, i.e., blasted by means of magic.
From both these timbers weapons were fashioned. Observe how personification terms were employed in Maori recitals, the following is from the story of Rata the voyager. "Rata proceeded to Tahataharoa, where the party of Rurutangiakau was dwelling. Those folk were slain to serve as weapons wherewith to attack Matuku. Now perished Ake-rautangi, who was fashioned into weapons by Rata." These people go and slay trees to furnish themselves with wooden weapons. The ordinary name of the tree, ake-rautangi, is used as a personal name, in addition to the personificatory term of Rurutangiakau.
Poananga Puahou and Tahumate are said to have been children of Rehua, Puahou was born before Poananga, he is a winter child, but Poananga was not born until the time of Mahuru (spring); these remarks refer to the time of flowering of these plant "children". The rhizome of the bracken was personified because it was the most important of local esculent plants.
Hine-kotau-ariki appears in song as follows:
Apparently this is the personified form of the fertility and productiveness of forests, as explained under the head of Origin myths.
A lone note tells me that one Kura was the origin of the hinau tree and that "te whatu turei a Kura" is an expression applied to the fruit of that tree. I know nought of this Kura, and the saying, as we know it, is "te whatu turei a Rua" said to denote the heavy meal obtained from the berries of the hinau, though its original application is said to have been something very different.
This much quoted name is that of the personified form of procreative energy. Tiki is usually described as the progenitor of the human race, as the maker of the first man, or as being himself the first man. Tiki bears a great number of names, inasmuch as he represents the male organ of generation, and such names describe its conditions and activities. A perusal of the evidence to hand shows clearly why mankind is termed the Aitanga a Tiki, the progeny of Tiki. At pp. 130-133 of part 1 of this study (Dominion Museum Bulletin 10, 1976 reprint) will be found some further data concerning Tiki.
Here we have a number of mythical beings connected with volanic action and earthquakes. The first named, Ruaumoko, is the best known personification of such phenomena. The next three are less prominent, and the balance are possibly not true personified forms. In some cases it is by no means easy to distinguish between personified forms and origin myths, mythical beings credited with originating natural phenomena, products, etc. Ruaumoko is dealt with at pp. 77 and 187 of part 1 of this study (Bulletin 10, 1976 reprint). In one recital Ruaumoko is associated with Tahupara, Turumakina, Takahuriwhenua, Te Oiroa and Puhoronuku, all beings connected with earthquakes and volcanic disturbances. Two others so mentioned are Taitawaro-nuku and Taitawaro-heketua. The Hine-oi (both oi and on denote shaking, swaying) mentioned was, we are told, a daughter of Ruaumoko and Hine-nui-te-Po. and grandmother of Niwareka. Another version makes Hine-oi a sister of Papa-tuanuku, the Earth Mother. It seems almost assured that Hine-oi and Hine-ori are simply two names of one being; I have noted both forms in one recital. Hine-puia, the Volcano Maid, is sometimes referred to in song. "I to koutou tipuna, i a kuaumoko, e whakangao ko rei i Rarohenga, Ka puta te hu ki taiao, koia Hine-puia i Hawaiki."
The personified form of ranges and mountains, the Mountain Maid or Hill Maid of Maori myth. She was taken to wife by Tane and bore Parawhenuamea, who represents water, also Te Putoto and Tuamatua, the latter two were the forebears of stones, etc. Hine-tupari-maunga is simply called Tupari (cliff) in the following: "Ngau atu ki Tupari, ngau atu ki Tuamatua, ngau atu ki a Hine-one Ngau atu ki a Hine-kirikiri, ngau atu ki maunga tutumaiao."
This name evidently betokens a personified form of cliffs, as shown at p. 161 of vol. 27 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society. This female personification is mentioned as being the wife of Rona, he who took refuge in the moon; prior to his ascension he imprisoned their children in the face of a cliff (aroaro pari) where they yet abide, and answer every person who cries out. Thus the echoes heard resounding from a cliff are termed "the children of Hine-aroaro-te-pari". This is a South Island note collected by Mr Beattie.
In addition to these the ordinary names of stones are employed as proper names in origin myths, etc., as Waiapu, Paretao, Huka-a-tai and Whatu-tongarerewa.
The general, comprehensive personified form of greenstone. Also Poutini seems to be referred to occasionally as the origin of greenstone, though in one recital greenstone is said to have originated with one Hine-tuapapa. This latter name we would naturally suppose to pertain to the personified form of rock.
Here we have no less than five female personified forms of different kinds of greenstone. The method employed as evolving such personifications is charmingly simple, all that was necessary was to apply the prefix hine to the ordinary name of the stone, and so the aotea stone became Maid Aotea or the Aotea Maid. In like manner one = sand became Hone-one, the Sand Maid, and maunga = mountain gives us Hine-maunga, the Mountain Maid.
In the last four of the names of these stone folk given we do not meet with the prefixed Hine, but the ordinary names are employed as proper names in folk tales, etc., and even in ordinary narrative and conversation. "Poutini proceeded to the South Island, and examined it, the sweet sense of safety and welfare came to him, hence he remarked: "We will abide here." Hence the Greenstone Folk settled at Arahura." Poutini was one of the offspring of Tangaroa, hence possibly the myth concerning greenstone being an ika (fish). At the same time any prized acquisition may be termed ika, and the expression ika a Ngahue, applied to greenstone, probably meant originally the inestimable prize acquired by Ngahue when he obtained the highly prized nephrite at Arahura.
"Na Hine-tuapapa te pounamu." This pronouncement seems to denote that Greenstone originated with this personage, whoever she may have been. The word tuapapa is often employed to denote rock, a mass or deposit of the same living rock, as opposed to isolated boulders, stones, etc. Possibly Hine-tuapapa represents the reefs of greenstone from which were derived the float pieces founded by the Maori in stream beds.
Tauira-karapa is alluded to as one of the leaders of the Greenstone Folk in their migration hither from Hawaiki. Tuiiui is said to have captured Tauira-karapa without any difficulty, presumably he picked up a piece of this stone in the river bed. Taiurakarapa, Papakura, and Whatu-aho are spoken of as brothers of Tuamatua, their sisters being Tuahoanga and Hine-tauira. The toroapunga kind of greenstone is unknown to the Arundo conspicua), termed kaho and kakaho.
The peculiar markings in the tangiwai greenstone are the tears of Hine-ahu, wife of Tama-ahua, who wept over it when she discovered it at Arahura. The kahurangi stone was so named to record her social status, while the kawakawa greenstone commemorates her use of the leaves of the kawakawa tree to form a chaplet for herself.
One finds many references to personification in song and story, the following is an old saying: "He ope na Hine-tuakirikiri e kore e taea te tatau" a company of the Gravel Maid cannot be numbered, which tells us how hopeless is the task of numbering the sands and gravels of the sea shore. Another such is "Na wai taipu a Hine-tuakirikiri a taea te whakangaueue." Here taipu denotes a beach deposit of shingle and sand that withstands even the ceaseless attacks of Hine-moana the Ocaean Maid, never yet have the pounding rollers of the tai-maranga caused it to budge, hence this saying is applied to a strong, numerous, armed force. An old sage has told us that stones, gravel, and their "younger relatives" hold fast the bounds of sea and land, hence the limits of Hine-moana budge not. (Na te mata kirikiri raua ko tepohatu, me o rauataina, i pupuri i te rohe o te moana, o te tuawhenua, koia i kate ai e neke nga tuaropaki o Hine-moana.)
Of Rangahua we hear but little, he appears as a descendant of Tane in the following table:
Hine-tuahoanga appears as the mother of the hero Rata, and as rata = sharp in vernacular speech the relationship appears to be appropriate, for as her name denotes, Hine-tu-a-hoanga the
We have now seen how stones were spoken of as persons by the Maori folk, and also how persons were transformed into stone by means of magic powers in days of yore. The facility with which such marvellous transformations were effected in olden days, the inter-relationship of animate and inanimate objects, charms the imagination of modern man.
When the Greenstone folk fled hither to this land, and were attacked and defeated, we are told that some fled to the Swamp Maid as to a refuge. One Hine-turepo as the wife of Maui who was ravished by Tuna, the eel.
This is Tane's title showing him as representing houses. Houses are constructed of timber, many pieces of which are procured from divers trees, assembled at a chosen site, and there fitted together, stuck together as it were, caused to adhere to each other, hence whakapiripiri, from whakapiri = to stick, to fasten (piri = to adhere, to be attached, etc.).
A peculiar term, tamaroto, is employed to denote the "inner man", which words are a fair rendering of the term, it is used as though a proper name "Ka haere i a ki te kawe i a tamatoto ki turuma"
The Maori not only personified things immaterial but, also visualised such personifications in some cases, and so was enabled to describe their appearance. Thus we are told by one old pundit that the eyes of the Dawn Maid were like unto the gleam of lightning, her body was of human form, her teeth were like mihi makomako (as white as those of the makomako shark), her hair resembled the karengo seaweed, her skin had the glow and smoothness of a maiden's cheek.
So-called gods often personification of natural phonomena. The Maui myths. Tiki, Tuna and first woman. Woman evolved from reflection. Lunar myths. Hina and moon. Hina and Rongomotu. Ira the eel god. Rona. The Moon Maidens. Dogs of Celestial region. Celestial visitors. Tawhaki. Tamaiwhao and Kura. Tamarau and Rongoueroa. Deluge myths. Rain myths. Wind myths. Rainbow myths. Whaitiri and Kaitangata. Tawhaki and Hapai. Lightning myths. Story of Whakatau. Greenstone myths. Lizard myths. Mountain myths.
The culture stage in which the Maori lived is ever productive of many conceptions that come under the heading of Nature Myths. This seems to be an inevitable result of a combination of ignorance of natural laws and a close fellowship with Nature. The Maori ever lived the open life in close touch with his surroundings, he spent his days in the forest, in his plantations, or in fishing. The manifestations of Nature were ever before him; these had to be accounted for and explained, and so we have Polynesian mythology as the result. In treating of origin myths and personifications we have already scanned a considerable number of the concepts of barbaric man, but there are yet others to be presented ere we attain to a representative collection of Maori myths. In giving specimens of these myths we shall be dealing with such objects and phenomena as were under survey when describing origins and personifications. Notwithstanding repeated assertions to the effect that the numerous atua of the Maori were but deified ancestors, I must emphatically assert that a great number of them were assuredly personifications of natural phenomena, and of these a long list has been given; the proof of this statement lies clear before any enquirer who examines the evidence.
In order to break ground in this delving into the native myths of the Maori some account will now be given of the numerous stories pertaining to Maui, inasmuch as these are the best known of such recitals, and, moreover, were much appreciated by the Maori folk of past generations. Among a scriptless people story telling is ever a much favoured pastime, and the Maori had a rich budget of stories, myths, folk tales to draw on when long evenings or stormy weather caused him to indulge in such diversions. The remarkable memorising powers of Polynesian folk enabled them to retain a vast amount of such tales; their equally remarkable powers of declamation enabled them to hold the interest of an audience.
No account of Maori mythology can be viewed as satisfactory unless it includes a narration of the Maui myths, albeit these stories have been included in all comprehensive works on the Maori folk of these isles. These tales include a number of origin myths and were among the most highly favoured recitals indulged in as a pastime during leisure hours; they were viewed as popular tales and may be classed as second class myths, superior to ordinary folk tales but inferior to the cosmogonic and other myths given in part 1 (Dominion Museum Bulletin 10) of this study. Early writers on the Maori were apt to look upon these tales as being extremely puerile, but we can now see some meaning in them and know that such stories are of an allegorical nature; we cannot mistake the meaning of the story of Maui and Hine, when he strove to gain eternal life for man, and light perished in the womb of darkness; it is but another aspect of the struggle between Tane and Whiro.
Nicholas seems to have been the first writer to collect data pertaining to Maui in New Zealand. The Maw-we of Tahiti mentioned in the anonymous account of Cook's first voyage may be Maui, who is spoken of as the discoverer of fire at that isle, but as the 1769 account of Maw-we speaks of him as the cause of earthquakes, then the name may be intended for Mahui'e, the Tahitian form of Mahuika, who is often connected with earthquakes in Polynesia. Nicholas, who was in New Zealand in 1815, mentions three of the Maui brothers, the names being given as Mowheerangara, Mowheemooha, and Mowheebotakee, these names representing Maui-tikitiki-a-Taranga, Maui-mua, and Maui-potiki. It is, however, clear that the first named cannot have been given to Nicholas in the form in which we know it. Nicholas speaks of the first named as the 'Supreme Deity' of the Maori, an exalted position for Maui the hero. The task of Maui-mua, he tells us, is to fasten submarine lands to his brother's hook when he wishes to draw them up to the light of day, and so 'Mowheebotakoe' hauls them up, also he controls in some way all forms of disease, and "the power of giving life is exclusively vested in him". He also tells us that these three 'gods' created the first man, and that "the first woman was made of one of the man's ribs", so we see that friend Nicholas is but a lame guide as to the Maui myths (Nicholas, J. L., Voyage to New Zealand, vol. 1, pp. 56-60).
In his Account of New Zealand (2nd ed., 1835, p. 142) the Rev. W. Yate informs us that the Maui stories are "truly ridiculous" and doubtless they are so when viewed from certain standpoints, just as those concerning Jack the Giant Killer and Eve and the Serpent are. Mr Yate gives us details of the Maui myths that have not been collected since, and seems to have got his notes badly mixed. He allows Mawe, as he terms Maui, but one brother, one Taki, who appears to represent Tawhaki (Yate, op. cit., pp. 142-145).
Polack, in his New Zealand, speaks of "Mawe the King of Heaven" as having hauled up New Zealand from ocean depths. Elsewhere he alludes to "Maui" as the father of the gods (op. cit., pp. 227-9). These garbled notes are repeated in the same writer's Manners and Customs of the New Zealanders (1840). In Wade's Journey in the Northern Island of New Zealand (1842) we find a fuller and more correct account of these stories. Here the five Maui brothers appear as the sons of Mahuika, the man who first produced fire; Mahuika appears as a woman in most New Zealand tales.
Shortland, in his Traditions and Superstitions of the New Zealanders (1856) pp. 61-4, tells of but three Maui brothers, and gives us a version of the Maui and Hine-nui-te-po episode not met with elsewhere; he omits the other tales of the series. In Thomson's Story of New Zealand (1859) we have a very brief reference to the Maui myths in vol. 1, pp. 109-111 but in Taylor's Te Ika a Maui (1855) we have a fairly comprehensive account, although a brief one, pp. 23-31. Another account occupies seven pages of Buller's Forty Years in New Zealand, pp. 183-190. The late Sir George Grey first collected and recorded a fairly full account of these Maui tales, this was in the middle of last century, and some very inferior versions have been published since the appearance of Grey's Polynesian Mythology in 1855. In the second vol. of White's Ancient History of the Maori (1887) pp. 62-119 is recorded much detail concerning Maui's adventures, but there is also much repetition.
The Maui myths have occupied a prominent place in all recitals and collections of Maori traditionary lore, but nearly all the incidents in these myths are connected with Maui-potiki, the youngest of the five brothers. A perusal of these is somewhat confusing to the reader inasmuch as we are told that Maui and his brothers were denizens of a remote homeland in remote times, but also we learn that during a sea fishing trip of these brothers Maui-potiki hauled up the land of New Zealand. In many isles of Journal of the Polynesian Society Mr A. Shand shows his belief that there were two Maui, one pertaining to a far back period of myth, and the other to comparatively late times; this latter being viewed as a sea voyager. Mr S. Percy Smith, author of Hawaiki, etc., upheld this view, as shown at p. 36 of vol. 20, p. 154 of vol. 24, and p. 123 of vol. 26 of the above mentioned Journal; see also Hawaiki (4th ed) pp. 129, 153-7. This theory does not explain how it is that, in all these stories, Maui is one of five brothers whose names are identical throughout.
The present writer inclines to the view that all the Maui stories are myths, and that all pertain to a mythical hero, a personified form of light or day.
If, as seems to be the case, Maui personified light, or the sun, or day, then light drew up the isles from the realms of darkness, the unknown. E. B. Tylor, the anthropologist, in Primitive Culture, vol. 1, pp. 302-3, believed that Maui represented the sun, and Tregear followed his lead. But others hold that Maui does not represent the sun directly, but rather its light, in which case he would appear to be a double of Tane-te-waiora. The name of Maui does not tell us much if we look up the name as a word of vernacular speech, but in whakamaui we have a genuine and interesting Maori expression, inasmuch as it means to regain life, as a person recovering from a severe illness. In various Polynesian tongues we note that moui and maui mean "life", even as mauri does, and mouri is a variant form of mauri. At Niue fakamoui means "to save", it is the whakamaui of Maoriland, and the bakamauri"to cause to live" of Efate. Maui means "life" at Tonga, "life" and "living" at Niue. A peculiar statement at p. 15, vol. 2 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society is to the effect that at Niue the underworld of spirits is called Maui, but the bright land of Sina (Hina) is in the sky (Tregear, "Niue: or Savage Island").
Our famous hero Maui was the youngest of the five Maui brothers, hence he was known as Maui-potiki; he was also known as Maui-tikitiki-a-Taranga, the origin of which name will appear anon. In addition to these he had several descriptive titles, such Polynesian Journal, vol. 2, Tregear—"Asiatic Gods in the Pacific" p. 143, and vol. 27, Percy Smith—"Notes on the Mangareva, or Gambier Group of Islands" p. 131. This title is rendered as "Maui the eight-eyed" by Tregear, and the name recalls that of a Fijian god called Matawalu, who had eight eyes, denoting wisdom, for which statement see Williams's Fiji and Fijians, vol. 1, p. 218. But as matavalu means "wise" in Fijian then such may be the general acceptance of the term, and not 'eight-eyed'. I incline to the rendering "Maui the wise" in connection with this title; it is equivalent to Maui-mohio, given above.
The Rev. W. D. Westervelt, in his Maui the Demi-god, mentions this title and alludes to eight-eyed Hindoo deities, also quoting Fornander as follows: "In Hawaiian mythology, Kamapuaa, the demi-god opponent of the goddess Pele, is described as having eight eyes and eight feet; and in the legends maka-walu, 'eight-eyed' is a frequent epithet of gods and chiefs." (pp. 83-4). In Miss Henry's work Ancient Tahiti, p. 431 we find that, at Tahiti, Maui-potiki was also known as Maui-upo'o-Varu (Maui-upoko-waru in Maori) or eight-headed Maui. Eight heads do not agree with eight eyes, but rather seem to demand sixteen, and one marvels why such a personification as Maui should be endowed with eight heads. At Tahiti the father of the Maui brothers was Hihi-ra or Sun-ray, and Uahea was the mother (p. 408 of Miss Henry's work), but elsewhere (p. 352) we find a statement that the parents were Tangaroa and Uahea; Tangaroa is given as the father by some Maori tribes. Maui-taha, Maui-roto, Maui-poti'i and Maui-ti-iti'i appear in Tahitian recitals. A Rarotongan recital also mentions the eight heads of Maui, for which see the Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 8, p. 71, "History and Traditions of Rarotonga".
We have many stories concerning Maui hauling up far sundered isles from ocean depths, including New Zealand; we have also the various tales asserting that he was a denizen of the original homeland of the race, known as Hawaiki and Irihia (see Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 22, p. 5, and vol. 36,. p. 348). These stories are manifestly myths, and the later Maui, of the same name, and having four brothers bearing the same Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 20, p. 37 and vol. 23, p. 153), and the Polynesian sea strollers have carried their Maui tales far and wide; they are found, not only throughout Polynesia, but also in Melanesia.
As to the meaning of the Maui myths we have had many opinions expressed; some have viewed them as being superior sun myths, while others have seen them nought but puerile folk tales. In the latter cases most assuredly writers have not really studied the tales, have not obtained any insight into their origin; had they done so then they would certainly have recognised them as Nature myths. The story of the origin of fire, the connection between Maui and Hina the Moon Maid, the contest Maui and Hine of the realm of darkness and death, these and other such recitals lift the Maui myths out of the plane of puerility. We are told that, when Maui was slain by Hine-nui-te-po, it was not a case of permanent death, inasmuch as after a certain lapse of time he came to life again. Of course he did, for Day must succeed Night, and Darkness cannot annihilate Light.
In a paper on Maori myths published in vol. 30, pp. 51-2 of the Transactions of the New Zealand Institute, Tregear classifies the Maui tales as folk lore rather than myths, because they are recited as popular stories toward which no feeling of reverence is evinced. Later on, however, he admits that, when this aspect is thrust aside, they are seen to be Nature myths. They seem to have been looked upon as popular tales, korero purakau, and so are korero whaihanga or invented stories, but the few experts saw more than this in them. At the same time I am by no means sure that even the experts of later times really grasped all the inner meaning of such myths, that they were evolved in remote times in order to explain natural phenomena. Certainly such stories were always held to be extremely useful as developing memorising powers. As to the fishing up of New Zealand I have heard a Maori explain this matter by stating that Maui discovered this land, a statement that may well be doubtful.
The connection between Maui and Hina (female personified form of the moon) is most persistent throughout Polynesia. In various isles and groups Maui is said to have been the son, grandson, brother and husband of Hina. He is also said to have been a son of Tangaroa, of Irawhaki, of Makeatutara, of Taranga, of Mahuika, the last two named being females. In an east coast version of these Maui myths we are told that Hine-te-
Makeatutara is often given as the father of Maui in our local versions, but occasionally Tangaroa takes that place; the Matatua folk give Tangaroa-i-te-rupetu as his full name; Pani-tinaku, sister of Tangaroa became the foster mother of the Maui brothers after the death of their mother. As a rule Tangaroa is not connected with Maui in New Zealand, but Rarotongan myth makes Maui the son of Tangaroa and Ataranga, the Maori
A Rarotongan legend cited in Smith's Hawaiki, p. 153 has it that the mother of Maui was Vaine-uenga, and Te Ranui of Tuhoe gave Uenga and Tauranga as the parents of Maui, although Tutaka of the same tribe gave Uenga as a child of Maui and Marewa-i-te-rangi.
As a variant of the above myth concerning Pani, old Tamarau Waiari of Tuhoe stated that Pani was the second name of Taranga. Yet another version makes Pani the wife of Maui who was interfered with by Tuna, and Pani was the 'mother' of the kumara or sweet potato. A brief note concerning Pani is given in Wade's Journey in the Northern Island of New Zealand (p. 94). The expression kura a Maui, applied to the sweet potato, has not been explained; it may be concerned with Rongomai, said to have been a husband of Pani, and who may or may not be one and the same as Maui-potiki; from another aspect Rongomaui seems to be more closely allied to Rongo-maraeroa.
There is a curious old Polynesian myth that seems to connect our Maui with Rongomaui. This is given by Lesson in Les Polynesiens, vol. II, p. 476, and is to the effect that Tikitiki, as Maui is called at some isles, went to the spirit world to ask Tangaroa for a gift of taro, a prized food product. The gift was refused, hence Maui-tiki tiki purloined a piece thereof and concealed it in his ure (urethra) and so brought it back to this world, where it was cultivated, and flourished. Now the same story is told by the Maori of New Zealand as pertaining to Rongomaui, who ascended to the heavens in order to obtain the kumara or sweet potato from Whanui (the Star Vega). His request was not granted, hence he concealed a piece of tuber in his ure and brought it down to earth, where his wife Pani produced and fostered the 'sweet potato children' as the tubers are called in the tale.
A curious sentence occurs in White's Ancient History of the Maori (vol. 2, p. 90) to the effect that one of his eyes resembled the eel, and the other was like greenstone. The meaning of this sentence is obscure, it may have been intended to explain that both eyes were of a greenish colour, or that one was green and the other blue.
The whare wananga or house of learning, the repository of occult lore known as Taururangi is said to have been the domain of the five Maui brothers; it was apparently situated in the old racial homeland of the Polynesian folk, wherever that may be.
The lines of descent from Maui given by natives differ widely in length, that is in the number of generations, and many of them have been given by poor authorities. One of fifty generations from Maui-potiki before me was contributed by a Kahungunu expert, who gave another of forty-nine generations from Maui-taha, and one of fifty from Maui-pae. Another gave a line of sixty generations from Maui-potiki. It is not necessary to give these lines here, a number of them have been recorded; two given by Tuhoe folk are thirty and forty generations; thus the half-dozen here mentioned range from thirty to sixty generations! In their earlier parts these lines of descent are, I am assured, entirely mythical, but some appear to be fairly reliable for the last twenty generations or so. This does not apply to such lines as were collected from the Matatua tribes. A Kahungunu line from Maui-mua gives forty-seven generations, another from Maui-pae only thirty-seven. It is a mistake to rely upon these mythical (in their earlier parts) lines of descent as a means of fixing incidents in Polynesian history.
Williamson, in his work Social and Political Systems of Central Polynesia, vol. 1, p. 91, refers to Maui's connection with volcanoes, but this is not in evidence in Maori myths. Maui procured fire for mankind from Mahuika, but it was not volcanic fire, indeed it had been derived from above, that is from the sun. In these tales of the Maori whenever the simple form Maui is employed we are to understand that the youngest of the brothers is meant, Maui-potiki or Maui-tikitiki.
It will be seen that the Maui myths of these isles comprise a number of stories in which Maui appears as the hero, and that there is little connection between the different tales. In very few cases, if any, has a Maori narrator given the whole of these different tales or incidents, one or more are usually omitted; in many cases a narrator is not acquainted with all of them, or has perchance but a partial knowledge of some of the incidents.
The following are the principal incidents in the life of Maui, as given by our Maori folk:
Here we have thirteen prominent incidents, and these will be explained in the various versions given, as also some minor incidents.
In the following account of our Maui myths references are made to the different versions collected from the Maori folk of New Zealand, and, in some cases, to others collected in the far distant isles of Polynesia. There is, apparently, no proper order to be preserved in the arrangement of most of the various stories, different narrators differ as to the order of sequence, save that, as is but natural, all commence with the account of the birth of Maui and of his marvellous adventures in his infancy and youth. The dart throwing contest often follows the above, but is sometimes omitted and the descent of Maui to the underworld often appears early in the recital. Naturally the account of his death comes last.
The name Maui-potiki stands for Maui the younger; his other title of Maui-tikitiki was derived from the fact that, in infancy he had been wrapped in his mother's tikitiki or girdle. This lastborn of the Maui brothers was a case of premature birth, and, in one version of the tale, we are told that his mother, Taranga, wrapped the embryo in her girdle and cast it into the ocean. In another version we are told that Maui-potiki was born immature after twelve nights of labour on the Mutuwhenua or thirtieth night (day) of the lunar month called Taperewai, September, or October. The lifeless embryo was conveyed by attendants of the sacred place of Wharaurangi to the cave wherein lay the bones of Muri-rangawhenua, forebear of Maui, and there deposited. That cave was situated at Kowhao-nui of Mokomokouri on the reef or rockbound coast of Maruaroa.
The Mokomokouri mentioned above was the brother of Taranga, uncle of the Maui brothers. When walking the beach one day this Moko' observed before him the phenomenon known as This name of Tapu-te-ranga is said to pertain to a place in the racial homeland. It is also the name of Watchman isle at Napier, and of the islet at Island Bay, Wellington. It is one of many far-carried names, others are Rangiatea, Tawhitinui, Matangireia, Whitireia, Hikurangi, Aorangi.karoirangi, parearohi, arohirohi, and the "dancing of koroirangi did not recede or disappear, but maintained its position at a certain spot on the "Strand at Haumiri". He reached that spot and saw a quivering mass of jellyfish and sea foam in which he found an infant lying. He picked up the infant and bore it to his home at Tapu-te-ranga
At a certain time the child was conveyed to the water, and their foster child was baptised and named, for the familiar spirit of the priestly expert had said: "Call your child Maui-tikitiki-o-Taranga". This name was approved of by Moko', for it included the name borne by his nephews, and included the tikitiki of his sister Taranga, and thus it was that Maui the younger received his name.
In one version the story of Maui returning to his mother's home is omitted, but it appears in a second version. In this latter version we are told that there were six of the Maui brothers, their names being Maui-mua, Maui-taha, Maui-roto, Maui-pae, Maui-waho and Maui-tikitiki, also known as Maui-potiki. The name of Maui-waho is one that is but seldom included. This version states that Taranga conveyed the embryo to the seaside where she pierced a hole in the hollow stem of a piece of rimurapa kelp, thrust the embryo into the hollow, closed up the aperture, and then cast the kelp stem into the deep pool of Marau. Taranga then indulged in a declamatory address and so farewelled the embryo, consigning it to the weird, supernormal beings who dwell in vast ocean spaces, and to Hine-moana, the Ocean Maid, to the Wind Children who ever roam the plaza of Hine-moana.
The receptacle employed for the embryo is referred to as a tikitiki in the narrative, albeit it certainly was not a girdle. So the immature Maui was swept away out into the vast water desert of Mahora-nui-atea, where he was tended and nurtured by strange beings. When well grown he was brought back by those beings and deposited on the strand at Te Rehu, enveloped in sea foam and a jelly-like substance as a means of protecting him from the attacks of sea birds. He was there found by one Timutahi, who, from an elevated spot, saw sea birds hovering over some object pure ceremony was performed over him; he was then taken to the fireside and warmed thereat after his exposure. The people tended him and reared him until he was able to take his part in the sport of the village lads.
A third version states that the embryo was deposited in a cave at "te akau roa a Maura", the name of which cave was Kowhaonui o Mokomokouri. Then Moko', prompted thereto by a strange visitant, went to the strand at Haumiri and found Maui enveloped in sea foam; he then took Maui and put him under the care of his wife, Mauimui. It was Tawhirimatea, the familiar atua of Moko', who gave Maui his name when the tua rite was performed over him at the stream at the Auroa.
In the version collected by Grey, Maui himself tells briefly the story of his birth, how he was enveloped in seaweed, how he was returned to land by the Wind Folk enveloped in sea wrack, assailed by birds, flies and then rescued by Tama-nui-ki-te-rangi.
The Tuhoe account of Maui relates that, as she was traversing the waterside at Owainewha one day Taranga cast away the poke toto or embryo after wrapping it in pieces of aute bark cloth used in tying up her hair. Strange beings of the ocean, Karumoana and others, conveyed the embryo to Muri-rangawhenua, at Awaroa, where the developing Maui was cradled in ocean foam and nurtured by weird denizens of the rolling water desert of Hine-moana.
The South Island version given by Wohlers has it that the embryo was taken away by Mu and Weka and developed into a human being. Then Ao-nui and others, personified forms of clouds, conveyed Maui to the heavens, where he dwelt with Maru-te-whareaitu. Other versions tell us that the elders of Maui who reared him in the ocean solitudes were Ngaru-nui, Ngaru-roa (personified form of waves), Tangaroa, Rongomai-tahanui, Te Petipeti, etc., beings connected with the ocean.
The next incident in the life of Maui to be explained would appear to be his return to his mother and brothers, but in some cases this is preceded by the account of the dart throwing contest. te one i Haumiri", the strand at Haumiri. Maui followed others who were on their way to the meeting place, at which place was the home of Taranga and the Maui brothers, and now Maui-tikitiki heard others being addressed by his own name. The brothers of Maui took part in the contest, and after some time the cast made by one Turongorau was marked by means of a stick, as being the longest cast yet made. All now strove to surpass the effort of Turongorau, but failed to exceed it, until the unknown Maui said: "Come now, let me have one of your darts." Having secured a dart he said to Maui-pae: "Now lie down on the ground, face downward." Then Maui so cast his dart that it struck and glanced off the back of Maui-pae, then darted afar off until it passed far beyond the peg marking the throw of Turongorau. A clamour of applause rose, and then every effort was made to beat the throw made by Maui-tikitiki, but this no person could do.
Maui-mua then said to our hero: "Let us proceed to the village and partake of a meal." On reaching the home of Taranga, Maui-mua enquired: "What is your name?" Replied our hero: "It is Maui-tikitiki-o-Taranga." Now Taranga overheard this reply, and so enquired: "Where are you from?" Tikitiki replied: "I am from a far land." "What is your name?" "It is Maui-tikitiki-o-Taranga." Then said Taranga: "I have no child so named"; then she enquired: "Who is your mother?" Tikitiki replied: "You yourself." Again the old woman spoke: "I have no children other than Maui-mua, Maui-roto, Maui-taha, and Maui-pae, that is all." Said Tikitiki to his mother: "Now I am Maui-tikitiki-o-Taranga. Your people conveyed me to the cave of Kowhaonui where my grandfather Muri-rangawhenua lay, on the coastline of Maruaroa." Then Taranga spoke: "It is true you are truly mine, an immature child of mine." Now the old woman and her offspring rejoiced at this finding of the young brother. Here ends this branch of our discourse of Maui-tikitiki.
The second version of the above tale is much the same as the above, but, when about to cast his dart, Maui-potiki induces all his brothers to lie face downward and so serve as a substitute for the earthen mound from which dart throwers caused their darts to glance off. This act of Maui in so casting his dart as to glance off the backs of his brothers was the origin, we are told, of the tawhanga or hollow seen in the back of man of today. In a Ngati-Awa (Bay of Plenty) version Maui casts a dart in order to
The most frequently heard version of the recognition of Maui by his mother tells of his arrival at his mother's home and of his mingling with her four sons. When, as was her nightly custom, she counted her children, she found one too many, and so asked him who he was. But Maui concealed himself at this juncture, in the Matatua version, and so the mother's next counting was satisfactory. He then confused her for some time by alternatively showing and concealing himself, and so he commenced to earn that reputation for mischief and deceit that brought to him the title of Maui-nukarau.
In another version we see that Maui-mua proposed that Maui-tikitiki should accompany the brothers to their home at the conclusion of the dart throwing contest. When they arrived at Taranga's home at Opourua there stood the whare rehia or house in which games and pastimes were indulged in; as the shades of night fell the people of the hamlet entered this house and gave themselves up to its pleasant pursuits. When Taranga entered the house she enquired: "Who is your guest?" And one replied: "Oh! This is the expert dart thrower; he it was who cast our darts and defeated all others. In no case was another person able to cast his dart as to reach the place where ours fell when cast by him." Then occurred the conversation between Maui and his mother, as given, above, and the account of Taranga's recognition of her son.
The account of this episode in the life of Maui is a fairly full one. When Maui-tikitiki had sojourned a while with his kindred he found that Taranga merely passed the night with her sons, she was always absent during the daytime; he asked his brothers as to where she sojourned during her absence. They replied: "Who knows, possibly below, perchance above." Maui then bethought him of a plan whereby he might find out where his mother went to as day approached; he busied himself in plugging all interstices through which a ray of light migaht enter their house, and the name of that house, to some authorities, was Whare-atea. When his task was finished he proposed to his mother that they sleep together, in the same part of the house, and to this his mother mata or toetoe mata (Gahnia lacera) which she pulled up; she then descended into the hole so disclosed, and, replacing the plant, was seen no more.
Maui now left the house and proceeded to the place where Taranga had disappeared; he pulled up the mata plant, saw a hole extending down into the underworld, and saw also a sun shining in that world. Maui-tikitiki then returned and consulted his brothers: "O friends! To which of us shall be assigned the task of entering Rarohenga (the lower world)." They replied: "It is for you to tread the underworld, you, over whom the power-giving tohi rite has been performed; as for us, only an inferior ceremony was performed over us." Maui-tikitiki consented to this arrangement, and so proceeded to the cave wherein lay the bones of his forebear Muri-ranga-whenua, the cave of Kowhaonui. Here he laid himself, face downward, on the bones of his grandfather, Muri-rangawhenua, and so recited an invocation to the spirit of his forebear. Maui seems to have sought the power of transforming himself into a bird, and his reclining on the tapu and mana -giving bones of his grandparent would render his invocation effective. As he concluded his recital he saw a pigeon alight upon a pole supporting the cerements of the remains of Muri; and the plumage of that bird was entirely white. As Maui gazed at the bird the thought struck him that here was a suitable form for him to assume, inasmuch as it was the power of his charm that had caused the bird to appear. He then took the bird in his hand and recited over it a charm to enable him to assume its form; that formula I am not able to give said my informant having forgotten certain parts thereof. (Here one Kukutai interposed and suggested that the reciter should substitute and recite some other formula, but the old pundit would have nothing to do with such slipshod proceedings, and declined to vitiate the injunctions and methods of his forebears. He remarked that, although the Maui tales are but second class matter, yet they should be
As Maui finished his recital the voice of the pigeon said to him: "Return to your hut and await the arrival of Taranga; when she comes ask her: "Old lady, where is the place to which you go?" She will tell you, then ask her: "Where is the way to your other home and by what means, or in what form, do you reach it?" Let your questions then cease, and, if she is in the habit of going away at dawn, just conceal her garment." Maui-tikitiki agreed to this procedure and so returned to his house named the Ahorangi, at Wharaurangi, for such was the name of their home; the house of the elder brothers of Maui was named Paparoa. When Maui-tikitiki arrived at Wharaurangi he found that Taranga had returned home to visit the brothers, and she enquired: "Where have you been?" Tikitiki replied: "I have just been strolling about the beach absorbing the cool sea breeze as a means of averting the feeling of lonesomeness that afflicts me; it is a habit of wifeless men to wander about where females congregate." Said the mother: "Secure a wife for yourself." Maui-tikitiki replied: "Let us leave that matter be until I have reached maturity … then will I attend to selecting a wife." The mother agreed with this and the twain retired to rest, and the mother, loosening her kilt, named Hopuata, placed it under the sleeping mat. Then Maui questioned his mother as follows: "Old lady, where is your other home where you absent yourself?" The mother replied: "In the underworld of Rarohenga." "And where lies the way to your home?" Said the mother: "By way of Poutere-rangi; the passage of Tahekeroa under the surveillance of your elder, Te Kuwatawata." Then Tikitiki enquired: "Now this form that you appear in when you visit us, is it in this form that you descend to the underworld?" Replied Taranga: "Not at all; this is my supernormal aspect, not a real human form."
When the broad light of day appeared then Taranga rose to don her garment. Maui filched away her kilt, named the Hopuata, and concealed it within his own garments. The old woman sought it in vain, it was not found, so she started off, and as she went Maui heard her saying: "I tau a Taranga ki te maro", which saying was quoted down the generations in the form—"I tau a Taranga ki te ruaro taupaki" Also given in the form of: "He maro a Taranga i nawe ai." (By means of a kilt was Taranga rendered comely.)
When Taranga had departed then Tikitiki seized her kilt and proceeded to the cave of Kowhaonui on the coastline of Maruaroa, where the bones of the forebear lay. He entered the cave and again prostrated himself on the bones of the dead, where he recited the charm whereby to open a passage for himself down to Rarohenga, the underworld. Now again the pigeon alighted upon the pole rack supporting the garments of the dead man, and spoke to Maui, saying: "If you assume my form you will be enabled to reach the underworld." Maui decided to do so and so he took the form of a pigeon, and then suspended the kilt of Taranga from his neck, and that is why the beak of the pigeon is red and its neck of a reddish sheen; in the first place the pigeon was entirely white. It is but seldom that a white pigeon is seen in these times, and to see one is looked upon as an evil omen, misfortune will assail the person who sees it, or his relatives; such a bird is termed a manu tute.
Now when Maui had acquired the form of the pigeon he set off on his quest, and so arrived at Poutere-rangi, where he enquired of Te Kuwatawata, one of the children of Rangi and Papa: "Shall I be able to reach my destination in this form?" Te Kuwatawata replied: "You may so reach it, but be careful how you conduct yourself; are you Maui-tiki tiki?" Maui replied: "I am." The other remarked: "Be careful; your reputation is known here and in the lower world, you have need for caution." Maui enquired: "What is occurring in Rarohenga?" Te Kuwatawata replied: "The festivities pertaining to Rongo, indulgence in pastimes and divers pleasures suitable to summer months, to the season of Tama-nui-te-ra." So ended the explanatory remarks of Te Kuwatawata to Tikitiki.
Tikitiki now turned to the entrance to Rarohenga, the underworld, and began his descent. When he arrived at Mawhera he experienced a feeling of longing for his own people, but he had really reached the place where his mother, Taranga, was staying. Here he alighted upon a pohutukawa tree, where he was seen by the people of the place, and one said: "O! Here is a bird for me." Some seized spears and strove to slay the bird, but Maui avoided the spears by retiring to the summit of the tree. A man then ascended the tree in order to use his spear, whereupon Maui deftly dropped his faeces into the man's eye as he looked upward, and the man cried: "O! I have been defiled by the bird, " which made the people laugh. The bird now flew to another tree, a rata
Taranga then passed out through the entrance of the village, the name of which village was Haukoria, and called out: "Are you my child Maui-tikitiki?"whereupon Maui nodded his head. Then Taranga cried: "Come, reveal yourself to me." Then Maui flew down from the taupata (given as a rata tree above) and alighted on the shoulder of Taranga, who took him into the house Takapau-rangi; there to sojourn, and then it was that Maui resumed his human form. Taranga enquired: "Maybe you are hungry?" "I am", said Maui. Taranga remarked: "All the people of the village are engaged in lifting the sweet potato crop, and so there is no fire here whereat to prepare food for you."
Here the above account of Maui's descent to Rarohenga merges into the tale of his adventure with Mahuika the fire conserver, of which more anon. A further version of the underworld incident is less full than the above, but resembles it, and both emanated from Takitimu sources. Maui detains Taranga by the same trickery, and he recites a charm when pulling up the plant growth that conceals the passage to the underworld. In this version this passage to Rarohenga seems to be one and the same place as Poutere-rangi, at Hawaiki-nui; where lies the entrance to such passage, but in the first recital Maui appears to go afar off to reach Poutere-rangi; such discrepancies as these are common in Maori narratives. In the version given above Maui consults Timutahi as to the means by which he may descend to the underworld, and is told to assume the forms of Kerangi, Kuku and Karearea, the harrier, pigeon and sparrow-hawk. He is to descend to the underworld in the last mentioned form, to assume that of the pigeon while sojourning below, and that of the harrier when returning to the upperworld. Maui gives heed to the advice of Timutahi, he summons the three birds and descends as a sparrow-hawk. He finds the underworld a realm of light, a form of light much superior to that of this world, a phase of light described as maramatanga taiahoaho puratarata. He now assumes the form of the pigeon, and alights upon a tawhangawhanga tree, whatever that may be; its berries are said to resemble those of the miro. He attracts attention to himself by throwing berries of the tree at the people below, and a woman cries out that she has been hurt by one of the berries so hurled. Another berry is thrown with such force by Maui that it knocks out the eye of a man below. Now the people seize stones and spears and endeavour to kill the bird, but Maui eludes them. Taranga hears that the eye of Kawe-raupara has been destroyed, and exclaims: "Possibly it is that scamp of a boy."
A third version of the above from a Wairarapa source speaks of Maui finding a sun shining in the lower world, and of people cultivating their crops there. In yet another Makeatutara is alluded to as the father or uncle (papa) of Maui, and Maui is said to have wrapped the red kilt or apron of Taranga round the neck of the pigeon, hence the bright plumage of that bird. We are not told what the red maro of Taranga was composed of. A Matatua version of the Maui myths contains an interesting and suggestive remark to the effect that Taranga dreaded sunlight. In this account we are told that Maui descended to Paerau, in the underworld, where he found the peoples known as Tini-o-te-Hakuturi and Tini-o-te-Mahoihoi engaged in planting the sweet potato crop. He transformed himself into a miromiro (a small forest bird) and perched on the crescent shaped upper end of a ko, or digging stick, where he sang a planting song containing his own name and those of his brothers and mother. The people began to cast stones at him, when he assumed the form of a pigeon and settled on a karaka tree, where he employed himself in throwing berries at his mother, Taranga. Maui was struck by a stone and fell to earth, where he resumed his human form; this occurred at Wai-kotukutuku. The Hakuturi and Mahoihoi folk mentioned are generally alluded to as being elfish denizens of the forest. A brief account of this incident contributed by Pakauwera of Ngati-Kuia follows closely the Matatua version. In another version from the Ngati-awa district Pani, aunt and foster mother of the Maui brothers, takes the place of Taranga. For the doings of Pani see No. 9 of this Bulletin series. When Maui wished to ascertain the way by which Pani descended to the underworld he cast a teka or dart over which he had recited an empowering charm. The dart struck a plant of Astelia that concealed the place of descent.
The version given by Grey in his Nga Mahinga (p. 15, et seq.) has a variant of the pigeon tale; the kilt of Taranga is said to have been maro waero of white dog's hair, hence the white plumage of tu (belt or girdle) of Taranga. The tree on which Maui alights in the underworld becomes a manapau. In this version both of Maui's parents frequent the underworld. Many other versions have been collected, in one of these the tree in the underworld becomes a puriri. The South Island version collected by Wohlers (see Transactions of the New Zealand Institute, vol. 7, p. 37, "Mythology and Traditions of the Maori") makes the Maui brothers the children of Teraka and Hina, the former being their father, while Hina is said to have been a daughter of Mahuika. Some of White's Maui recitals closely resemble those of Grey and Wohlers.
This strange story of the parents of the Maui brothers being denizens of the underworld reappears afar off in central Polynesia at the isle of Rakahanga. The folk of that isle tell us that Maui-mua, Maui-roto, Maui-potiki and Hina were the offspring of Tangaroa and Hina who dwelt in the underworld; this latter Hina was called Blind Hina. Maui-potiki played the same trick on his father at Rakahanga that he did on his mother in New Zealand, he concealed his kilt and so delayed his descent to the lower world when day came. Maui was able to descend to the underworld, where he restored the sight of Blind Hina; this bears the aspect of a sun myth, Maui restored light to the darkened moon (see Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 29, p. 89, "An old Tradition from Rakahanga Island"). It is interesting to note that the natives of Rakahanga have preserved a tradition to the effect that some of their ancestors were immigrants from New Zealand; see p. 55 of the before mentioned volume. Wyatt Gill gives some data concerning Maui at Rakahanga at p. 146 of vol. 24 of the same Journal, in his translation, "The Origin of the Island Manihiki".
In Folk Lore March 1921, p. 45, Mr Collocott gives the Tongan version of the Maui myths in which we recognize a number of the far spread incidents so well known in New Zealand. There were, he tells us, five Maui; these all dwelt in the underworld, their names being Maui-Motua, Maui-Loa, Maui-Buku, and Maui-Atalanga, while the fifth, Maui-Kijikiji, was the son of Maui-Atalanga, which a Maori would give as Maui-a-Taranga. These two Maui, father and son, ascended to the upper world and abode at Vavau, but occasionally Atalanga, the father, revisited the underworld, leaving his son Kijikiji (our Maori Tikitiki) at Vavau. The latter at last resolved to follow and watch his father, who disclosed the entrance to the underworld by pulling up a
We have seen that when Taranga proposed to provide Maui with a meal in the underworld, she found that there was no fire available in the village. It was then that Maui remarked: "When I was perched up on yon tree I saw smoke arising from the hill yonder." Taranga replied: "That fire belongs to your ancestor Mahuika; it is not possible for any person of this community to procure any of that fire." Said Maui: "I will procure it." Taranga remarked: "Not so; do not go thither to practise your tricks on your forebear." Maui replied: "I will not act in that manner."
So Maui set off, and, on his arrival, found Mahuika in his house Tuatarangi, and he called out to Maui: "Come hither, lad, welcome. How comes it that you are seen here?" Maui replied: "I am here to procure for myself food-preparing fire." The old man enquired: "Who are you?" Maui replied: "I am Maui-tikitiki-o-Taranga.". The elder bowed his head and said: "Here is your fire", at the same time plucking off his thumb to serve as fire. Maui then came away, and, on reaching a certain stream named Taiau, he dipped the fiery thumb in the water, and so extinguished it. Maui then returned to Mahuika, and said: "O sir! I fell into the stream Taiau and the fire you gave me was extinguished. His elder then gave him Koroa (forefinger) as fire,
Maui again came away, and, at the Taiau stream, again threw the fire, that is Manawa, into the water. Again he returned to the precincts of his elder, and said to him: "O sir! This is my final returning to you, but my fire has again been extinguished in the stream of Taiau; I chanced to stumble and so fell into the stream and lost my fire." Mahuika now said: "Your reputation has already reached the lower world, you are noted for your deceitful trickery." The elder was now angered, and continued: "But one form of fire will I now give you, and that is the fire that abides in earth and stone." He then cast at Maui the subterranean form of fire that he had contained in a vessel; thus was it that that devastating form of fire was freed.
Maui then assumed the form of Popoia, the owl, and was very nearly caught in the flames, so he took the form of the sparrow-hawk. Again the fire of Mahuika pursued him, and again Maui, in the form of Karearea, narrowly escaped, whereupon he changed his form to that of Kerangi the harrier (kahu), he who sails through the wide spaces. But the fire became fiercer, more rampant, and the flames leaped high in pursuit of Maui in his bird form, hence Maui was forced to call upon his ancestors, upon Ihorangi, offspring of Tuanuku and Ranginui, and others. Those beings sent fine rain, and then heavy rain to succour Maui in his dire distress, and so the raging fire of Mahuika was baffled, defeated, destroyed. All that escaped were mere sparks, and these found refuge in the earth, in stones, and in trees.
In the above version of the myth Mahuika appears as a man, but in New Zealand is usually said to be a woman. In one version the narrator first alludes to Mahuika as a male, and then later as a female. This second version is merely an abbreviated form of the one given above. The terms Tahukumia, Tahurangi and Waikumia are used to denote the place of the pursuit of Maui by
Some versions of the above myth have it that Maui extinguished all the fires of the village so as to render necessary a visit to Mahuika, this rendering appears in Grey's version, wherein the fire conserver figures as an old woman. Here also we note that Mahuika commenced with her little finger when giving fire to Maui, and that, having exhausted her fingers to satisfy the repeated demands of Maui, she began to pluck off her toes for the same purpose. When but one toe, a big one, remained, she employed the fire thereof to destroy Maui, and then the land, the waters, the forest all took fire and produced a raging furnace. Maui called upon Whaitiri and Tawhirimatea' for aid, and they sent Uanui and Uaroa (personified forms of rain) to save him, and so Mahuika, in her turn, was sore beset, and compelled to cast the remnants of her fire into the kaikomako tree, where it yet abides, as we know full well. In another version we see that—"Ka kuhu a Mahuika ki roto i a Kaikomako raua ko Totara" (Mahuika thrust herself into Kaikomako and Totara). The two trees named have ever since conserved the seed of fire for mankind.
Some versions have it that Maui employed magic charms whereby to prevent others obtaining fire from Mahuika. The hinahina or mahoe and the patate are two other trees in which fire is said to have taken refuge when the fire of Mahuika was defeated by the rain folk. Had the remnants of fire not so found a refuge in trees and in Rakahore (stone, rock) then all fire would have been lost, and mankind would be fireless. It is noticeable that some narrators tell us that Mahuika cast the remnants of fire into trees, while others say that Mahuika concealed herself in such trees. This later is the truer form, inasmuch as Mahuika personifies fire. Mahuika first cast the fire into several trees that would not retain it; but finally found trees that would receive it. A remark made by Wiwi of Pipiriki was to the effect that Hine-kaikomako was the mother of Mahuika, and certainly she acted as a mother toward the stricken and harassed fire conserver.
The Matatua version of this fire myth speaks of Maui as the slayer of the Fire Children of Mahuika. Prior to visiting Mahuika Maui extinguished all fires at the village, and, when a person was ordered to procure fire from Mahuika, then Maui recited a charm that caused the messenger selected to be stubborn and to refuse duty. Thus he prevented messengers obtaining fire, and, by repeated visits to Mahuika, he managed to destroy Takonui, Takoroa, Mapere, Manawa and Toiti, the five children of Mahuika. Then Mahuika despatched the fire of Tapeka, subterranean fire, to destroy Maui, and so on, as related already. Then great trouble came to all mankind, for all domestic fires had been extinguished, and the Fire Children had been slain by Maui. Fire was sought far and wide but never found, until at length, the fire seekers went to Ira and asked him to reveal the source of fire. He replied: "Fire is with Hine-kaikomako." So it was that fire was procured from the body of Hine, and Ira has since been known as Ira-whaki, or Ira the Revealer. The Matatua folk state that Ira took Hine-kaikomako to wife.
A South Island version of the myth, as collected by Wohlers, agrees closely with the North Island story; this same version appears in vol. 2 of White's Ancient History of the Maori, p. 69; another, given me by Pakauwera of Ngati-Kuia, is also much the same. A saying pertaining to Maui in connection with his adventure with Mahuika is "Ko Maui tinetinei ahi"—Maui the fire extinguisher. References to these pranks and weird acts of Maui are noted in many songs.
The Moriori folk of the Chatham Islands had their version of the Maui myths, and these, as collected and recorded by Mr Shand, show us a list of five Maui brothers, but Maui-potiki and Maui-tikitiki-o-te-rangi are given as two distinct persons, while Maui-pae does not appear. These five Maui were the children of one Tahiri-mangatea. Mahuika appears as Mauhika in the Moriori recital, which is much the same as that of New Zealand. Mauhika cast the remnants of fire, represented by the little finger, into certain trees, likewise into stone.
In the Cook Group Mahuika is known as Mauike, and her daughter is Pere, the Pele of the Hawaiians. Maui obtained fire from Mauike and placed it in trees. This story, as given at pp. 73-74 of vol. 8 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society is a somewhat rambling one, and hales Maui to the Hawaiian Isles and eastern Polynesia. In the Rev. W. W. Gill's Myths and Songs from the South Pacific, pp. 51-58, we are told that Mauike dwelt
At Samoa the introduction of fire is assigned to Ti'iti'i (Tikitiki), a son of Talanga, the Taranga of New Zealand, and it was this Ti'iti'i who obtained fire from Mafuie, who controlled earthquakes and fire in the underworld. Here again a furious combat is said to have taken place between the fire seeker and Mafuie, ending in the discomfiture of the latter. At Niue Maui is said to have obtained fire from the underworld by stealth. The Samoan version is referred to at p. 107 of vol. 6 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society, where Maui is termed Ti'i-a-Talanga, and Mafuie appears more correctly as Mafui'e. In vol. 29 of the same Journal, p. 147, is a brief reference to this myth as retained at Fakaofo isle in the Tokelau group. A blind woman named Mafuike guarded fire in the underworld, and a man named Talanga descended thereto and obtained the gift of fire from its guardian. In vol. 32, p. 153 of the same Journal, Burrows gives a different version of this Fakaofo story, in which one Lu, son of Iikiiki (Tikitiki) assails Mafuike and forces him to give up the secret of fire. At Tonga Maui-tikitiki appears under the name of Kijikiji and again succeeds in obtaining fire.
In vol. 4 of the same Polynesian Journal, pp. 188-9, Christian gives a brief account of the Marquesan story of Maui and Mahuike. Maui descended to the underworld to seek his father Ihiauau, and there met Hina, a daughter of Mahuike; he succeeded in obtaining the desired fire, though he served Mahuike roughly and left him a harmless ogre. The Hawaiian version of our myth is well given by Westervelt in his Maui the Demi-god, pp. 61-4, and in it Hina appears as the mother of Maui. In the Society Isles Hina sends Maui to the underworld to procure fire from Tangaroa.
We have already noted the close connection between Maui and Hina, and the interesting aspect of that connection; it may serve a useful purpose to bring more references to it together. In different tales of divers isles Maui appears as the son, the grandson, the brother, and husband of Hina. In some tales of the Polynesian area no relationship between the twain is mentioned. At Hawaii we are told that Hina was the mother of the seven Maui brothers (Journal-of the Polynesian Society, vol. 21, p. 96). Wohlers, in his South Island (N.Z.) tradition gives Hina as the mother of Maui, and Raka or Ranga as his father. This latter name is evidently meant for Taranga which appears as Te Ranga in some published local versions. Taranga appears as Kalana at Hawaii, where Hina, the mother of Maui, is said to have been a daughter of Mahuie (= Mahuike = Mahuika). At Mangaia, Manihiki and New Zealand, Hina appears as the sister of Maui. A Takitimu authority gave Hine-te-iwaiwa (another name of Hina or Hina-te-iwaiwa), Hine-te-otaota, Hine-marekareka, Raukatauri and Raukatamea as sisters of Maui. At Tahiti and the Marquesas Hina is said to have been the wife of Tiki. Hina also appears as the wife of Maui in Polynesia, and wife of Maui and sister of Irawaru in New Zealand, and again as the daughter of Mahuika, and the mother of the Maui brothers. Such confusion is probably owing or partially so, to our having collected data from many inferior authorities.
In An Account of New Zealand by the Rev. W. Yate, 2nd ed., 1835, the author tells us that Maui, his wife Hina, and his brother Taki dwelt on a barren rock in the ocean (see p. 142 of Yate's work). Curiously enough this narrative is given in Maori in vol. 2 of White's Ancient History of the Maori, pp. 80-82, a work that appeared in 1887. Much Polynesian data concerning Hina is on record in the Journal of the Polynesian Society and in Gill's Myths and Songs from the South Pacific.
Some of the tales concerning Maui are not commonly heard; they are often omitted from recitals contributed by natives. Thus we but occasionally hear of Maui's connection with the winds; he seems to have confined them within caves, and to have released them occasionally for special purposes; the one wind that baffled him was the west wind, which same he long strove to confine and control. This account was first collected by Yate the missionary in his work An Account of New Zealand, and it includes the peculiar statement that one of Maui's eyes resembled an eel and the other was like greenstone (see p. 144). This may have been remarked from the point of view of colour, though both eels and greenstone differ widely in colour.
As Maui possessed the power of transforming himself into any desired bird-form we need not be surprised that he had the power to ascend to the heavens, a claim that is supported by a Rakahanga tradition (Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 24, pp. 148-155).
A Maori recounting the various acts of Maui stated that the first feat performed by that worthy was the invention of the baffling entrance to eel pots; his second feat was the making of the present form of bird spear; the third was the tatara, whatever that may be, a matter that I have never heard explained. The barb for fish hooks was his fourth invention, and his fifth act was the elongating of the legs of the crow by pulling them while his sixth was his ill treatment of Irawaru; the seventh was his ill treatment of Muri-rangawhenua, then came his prodigious task of hauling up the land, his persecution of Mahuika and his culminating adventure with Hine-nui-o-te-po. We shall see anon that my narrator omitted some of the feats of Maui in his list.
Maui went a fishing with his brothers, and was careful to furnish his hook with a barb, but his brothers had but plain, barbless hooks. This meant that fish escaped from the hooks of the latter, and only Maui was able to haul fish into their canoe. His brothers asked Maui-mohio to show them his hook, but he cunningly detached the barb thereof ere handing it to them. And all the Maui-wareware, the witless elder brothers, marvelled at the feats of Maui-mohio.
Now the time came when all persons became busy at the task of taking birds, pigeons, parrots, the tui, and other birds that were taken by means of snaring and spearing. Maui-tikitiki set about the making of a bird spear for himself, and his mother enquired: "What are you making that for?" He told her that it was for spearing birds, and she asked him as to where there was a point for it, and he replied that he had one. His mother said: "You will not succeed in slaying any birds", and Maui remarked: "Just so, only your other children will succeed, I suppose", whereupon she corrected him for disparaging his brothers. When his spear was finished Tikitiki named it Muri-rangawhenua (after his grandfather). He then set off to the forest to spear birds and, in one day, he took so many birds that he could not possibly carry them all home to the village, thus it was that that form of spear became famous. Maui, when making a point for his spear, had closely observed the spines on the back of the tuatara lizard and so fashioned his spear point, and that is why the point of a bird spear is termed a tara, because it resembles the tara of a tuatara. In another version of the above story we are told that the Maui brothers went off to the forest and devoted a day to spearing birds. They speared many birds but lost them all, that is they transfixed them on their spear points, but the birds escaped in every case, the spear points being plain points, not barbed. So they returned home and told Taranga that they had not succeeded in securing any birds, which same birds when impaled on the spear points, wriggled off and escaped. Said Taranga to Maui-potiki: "Show me your spear that I may examine it." She looked at it and said: "No birds will be taken with such a spear as that; you should take as a model the barb that I carry with me." She then showed him that barb and he studied it closely, then he fashioned such a barb for his bird-spear point, and so the barbed point of such a spear is known as a kaniwha and tara. (A similar story to the above is told as connected with Tawhaki of the Awa folk of Whakatane, for which see my Tuhoe, p. 295.) Now it was that Maui-potiki succeeded in taking many birds by means of his spear with barbed point, and, long after, he disclosed to his brothers the secret of the barbed spear point, whereupon they, and all other folk, knew how to fashion effective barbed points for their bird spears. Yet another version of this tale tells how Maui kept a plain, barbless point attached to his spear, save when he was actually using it, and all to deceive his witless brothers. Another version confines the actors to Maui-atamai, or Clever Maui, and his brother-in-law Irawaru.
This is another such story as that concerning the barbed spear point; we are told how Maui was the first to use a device that prevented the escape of crayfish from a trap when they had entered it. A similar story is told concerning the eel-pot and its retracted entrance.
Now on a certain day Tikitiki chanced to be watching his elder brothers and others as they were making traps wherein to capture the crayfish of the ocean. He observed that, in some traps, the entrance was at the side, while in others it was at the bottom, whereupon he remarked: "Your methods of making these taruke traps are quite wrong." His brothers replied: "Is it for you to condemn us and our work, you had better make one for yourself." So Tikitiki set to work on his trap, and left the entrance passage in the top, but did not make known the korohe or netted, bag-like adjunct that prevents trapped crayfish escaping. When they went and set their traps then Maui-tikitiki secretly attached the baffling net to the entrance passage of his own trap ere he set it in the ocean. In the morning the brothers and other persons went off to lift the trap pots, but Tikitiki slept on until his mother went to arouse him, when he said: "Why are you in such a hurry, let us wait until my trap is full ere we set forth with our attendants to carry home the catch." After some time the elder brothers returned and reported no catch, saying that no crayfish had been taken owing to the state of the sea. Said Maui-tikitiki: "Well, I will go and lift my trap." Then he set off, his mother and attendants accompanying him, she simply went to please him, but had no faith in his catching any crayfish. When they arrived at the place where he had set his trap he grasped the cord and strove to haul it to the surface, but he was utterly unable to do so. Then his mother and her attendants assisted in hauling the trap to land, where it was found to be absolutely full of crayfish; most of these were left in the trap, while some were taken home, and then Taranga and her attendants walked home with bowed heads, abashed by the astounding success of Tikitiki whom they had belittled. As for Tikitiki, he busied himself in removing and concealing the korohe net of his trap, lest the secret of his success become known. Now others set about making crayfish pots having the entrance funnel on the top, but still they did not succeed in catching any crayfish, whereupon the elder brothers went and examined by stealth the trap of Tikitiki when set in the sea, then at last it was seen that the attached net prevented the escape of the crayfish after they had entered the
The above account is a free rendering of my informants story; in a second recital, there is agreement with the above, save that the korohe netted fabric is termed the puhatero; another name for it seems to be tohe.
When Maui-mohio constructed an eel pot he attached a tohe thereto and so eels entering his pot could not escape therefrom; but Maui-wareware left the entrance to his trap an open passage, so that eels passed out again through the entrance funnel when the bait was consumed. Again Maui cunningly removed the obstructing net so that his brothers might not see it. They examined his pot but could see nothing peculiar about it and so asked him: "In what way was your pot used to cause it to retain the eels?": But he simply told them that it was used as they saw it; and so Maui-tikitiki came to be known as Maui-nukarau or Deceitful Maui. In another version of the story Maui-atamai, the clever one, leaves an aperture at the rear end of his trap whereby to take out any eels caught, and covers it with a wicker lid, but Maui-wareware the witless puts no such lid on his, and so loses all the eels that enter the pot.
The Maori mind seems to have ever been attracted by the study of causality, and hence the many origin myths of which we have a series in this paper, and which include these tales anent the barbed spear and hook, the eel pot and crayfish trap.
This was one of the most important of the tasks performed by Maui, inasmuch as it gave us the long satisfactory days that we now enjoy. When man was young upon the earth the sun moved across the heavens with great rapidity, and so the days were very short; men found that they had not sufficient time in which to perform daily tasks, and hence all were dissatisfied. Again, the nights were equally short, and so men had not sufficient rest and sleep. Then Maui bethought him of delaying the movement of the sun, so that it might move more slowly across the heavens. Even so it was decided to make strong ropes and so capture and control the sun; then all set to work at plaiting such ropes, and many different methods of plaiting were employed. When all was ready
The Matatua folk contributed the following charm, said to have been recited by Maui when about to assault Tama-nui-te-ra, the shining sun. Such a charm is called a punga.
The following is another version of the above punga charm employed to cause the sun to move slowly.
It is not improbable that tupua and tawhito in the final line denote the two mountains of the old homeland so named.
Some versions of the above tale speak of the sun as a living, sentient being that wailed aloud when chastised and crippled by Maui, and also promised to move more slowly in future. Some others speak of the wings, not rays, of the sun being broken; one explains that the days were so short that, although people fired their ovens at dawn yet night arrived ere food was cooked; little wonder that the Maori folk wished the day to be lengthened. One tells us that Maui fastened a rope to the sun, the other end of the rope being secured to the moon, so that, when the sun sank below the earth, he pulled the moon up to give light to this world. Grey's version of this myth is the best yet published; it appeared in his Polynesian Mythology, pp. 22-3, and, in later years, was inserted in White's second volume, p. 93, Maori part.
When the Maui brothers were making the ropes whereby to capture the sun they are said to have invented the methods of tamaka, paraha, kopuku and takawiri. The first of these is a round plait, the second a flat one, and the third probably a round one. One tale is that earlier ramparts were erected by the Maui brothers round the pit from which the sun emerged, possibly these were to protect them from the fierce heat of Tama-nui-te-ra. The South Island version, as recorded by Wohlers, is brief; Hina, the wife of Maui, would kindle her oven, and then ere the food was cooked, night had come, so that the meal was always eaten during hours of darkness; apparently there was time for one daily meal only in those remote days. When the sun besought Maui to release him Maui replied: "Tarry yet awhile, wait until the oven of Hina is cooked (Kia maoka te ownu pakipaki a Hind)".
In Gill's Myths and Songs from the South Pacific, pp. 61-3, we find the Mangaian version of this sun snaring feat of Maui's. Therein we find that the same perplexities vexed the sons of man, the days were too short to allow of the completion of daily tasks, and it took all day to cook a meal. The same means were taken for the purpose of capturing the sun; six ropes were made for the purpose of catching and holding the sun, and the personified sun agreed to adopt a "go slow" movement. A new detail is that the ropes were not detached from Ra when he was released, and, at dawn and sunset, they may still be seen hanging from him. A similar story is told in the Society and Hawaiian groups, and elsewhere throughout Polynesia. In a second version given by Gill we note that Maui failed to procure a rope strong enough to hold the sun until he made one from the hair of his sister.
The Tahitian version of the above story, as given by Miss Henry in Ancient Tahiti pp. 431-2, follows the New Zealand version closely. The days were so short that there was scarce time during daylight to cook a meal; something had to be done. Maui noticed that the sun had ten rays and so he procured ten ropes and tied the ten rays to a rock and so delayed its movement. In one version we are told that Maui made one of his ropes from the hair of his sister Hina and this was the only one that did not break. The ten ropes are suggestive and remind one of the ten children of Hina, apparently an allusion to the old ten-month year of Polynesian tradition.
We have now to deal with another of Maui's pranks; one of his impish tricks that seem to stand apart from such of his activities as hina-pouri phase of the orb. Grey's version of this Irawaru tale is about the best on record; it was reprinted by White at p. 115 of his second volume, Maori part. To outline the story, as given by Grey, we know that Hina was the sister of Maui, and that she bears two names, Hina-Keha and Hina-uri. The first of these names, Pale Hina, describes the illuminated moon while the second, Dark Hina, denotes its dark phase. This Hina was taken to wife by Irawaru. Upon a time Maui and Irawaru went fishing, the latter being successful while Maui caught nothing. Maui was puzzled at this until he examined the hook on Irawaru's line and found that it was barbed, while his own was barbless. Here the story clashes with another that tells us how Maui was the first to use a barbed hook. When they returned to land Maui told his companion to take his stand by the outrigger of the canoe as they prepared to haul it ashore. Maui then succeeded in hauling the canoe over his companion's body, whereby he injured him seriously; he then transformed him into a dog and returned home alone. His sister Hina asked where her husband was and Maui told her that he had remained at the canoe, telling her also that, if he did not appear when called by her, she should employ the cry used when calling a dog. When she did so then Irawaru, her husband, ran to her in the form of a dog.
Hina returned to her home in grief and prepared to leave it, calling upon the monsters of the deep to bear her away to the vast ocean spaces. She drifted out across that ocean until cast ashore on a far distant land, where she was found and tended by two men named Ihu-atamai and Ihu-wareware, Clever Ihu and Feckless Ihu. (It will be remembered that Maui the younger was styled Maui-atamai, and his elder brothers Maui-wareware.) These two men took Hina to wife, and she gave her name as Ihu-ngarupaea, thus describing herself as an ocean waif. Ere long the famous Tinirau (a being who represents fish, and who was a son of Tangaroa) heard of Hina, and so claimed her as a wife for himself and took her away to Motutapu, where, ere long, she gave birth to a child. Now Tinirau had two wives already, Harataunga and Horotata, daughters of the Mangama-ngai-atua, who were angry at the coming of a new wife, and so strove to slay her. Hina retaliated by exercising her powers of black magic, and so succeeded in destroying her rivals.
At this juncture Hiria's eldest brother Maui-mua, known also as Rupe, resolved to set off in search of his sister Hina. He first went to visit Rehua, who dwelt at a place in the heavens known as the Putahi nui o Rehua. The latter provided a meal for Rupe, and that meal consisted of koko birds that lived in the hair of Rehua's head. Rupe declined to partake of what he termed the parasites of the head of Rehua. We have already seen that Rehua represented forests, and such parasites were the birds that frequented the heads of trees; in another version a somewhat different explanation occurs. Rupe (Maui-mua) then heard of the whereabouts of Hina and so went to Motutapu in the form of a pigeon, hence his second name of Rupe (rupe = pigeon, dove). When the pigeon was seen to alight on the house of Tinirau, Hina knew that it was her brother. Her child was now born, and Rupe took Hina and her child to the heavens, to the home of Rehua. Here the story, as relating to Hina, ends abruptly, but we are told how Kaitangata met his death through the activities of Rupe. I am much inclined to believe that the whole tale is an astronomical myth; some of the names given are those of stars and constellations, and Hina the moon is still in the heavens.
In one version I collected we have a short account of the above myth as derived from a Takitimu source, whereas Grey's was obtained from the Arawa folk of Rotorua. After relating the adventures of Maui with Mahuika our Takitimu contributor goes on to say that Maui resolved to go and make peace and so cause hostilities to end, but, on reaching Horotea, he found that the fighting was over and the slain were lying on the field. Maui then took Hine-rautipu to wife and returned to the home of his brothers at Wharaurangi. On his return from Horotea he brought with him the art of tattooing, and, when his knowledge of this art became known, then the people assembled in order to view the tattooed designs. Irawaru, brother-in-law of Maui, asked the latter to tattoo him. Maui had noticed a fine garment, described as a kahu mahiti in one place and as a kahu uhipuni in another; the property of Irawaru, and he decided to gain possession of it by foul means. He set to and tattooed his brother-in-law, and then proposed that they should go to the stream and cleanse themselves. Having done so Maui then seized Irawaru and, by lengthening his ears and otherwise changing his bodily form, he transformed him into a dog; he then left the dog-man and returned home. Hine-rautipu, who replaces Hina in this version and is the wife of Maui, set off in search of her brother; her younger sister Te Awhenga accompanied her, but not until they
A Matatua version gives Whatunui as the sister of Irawaru; she was taken to wife by Maui-potiki, but was interfered with by Maui-mua, hence Maui-potiki's ill treatment of Irawaru. This explanation is not remarkable for clearness. Another version has it that Maui ill-treated Irawaru because the latter ate all the bait when they went fishing; this appears in Taylor's Te Ika a Maui, p. 25, and was inserted in White's vol. 2 in Maori. A South Island version given me by Pakauwera of Ngati-Kuia makes Maui and Taranga brothers. Maui transformed his brother into a dog, and therefore renamed him Irawaru. Irawaru is a kind of tutelary being of dogs. Taranga had greedily devoured some of Maui's food, hence the above severe punishment. A South Island version collected by Wohlers (Transactions of the New Zealand Institute, vol. 7, p. 40, "Mythology and Traditions of the Maori") was also inserted by White in his second volume, pp. 70-71. It is a brief version and contains nothing calling for remark.
A fugitive note contains a statement to the effect that Hinauri drifted ashore at the headland of Rangitapu, at Wairarapa, and that Ihu-atamai and Ihu-wareware were brothers of Miru. The home of Tinirau is given as Puketapu, and the names of his first two wives as Horo-tatara and Horo-mangarau, who were sisters of Horomata. Hina, otherwise Hine-te-iwaiwa, appears as a daughter of Kohu, probably the Mist Maid, in another story collected by Grey.
Now irawaru is a term of vernacular speech employed to denote "incest", this in New Zealand. At the island of Niue two of the Maui were brother and sister, these two married and begat Tikitiki, whose name is used to denote incest. There must be a similar story connected with Ira-waru, one that apparently has not been collected.
An interesting review of the Maui-Hina-Irawar myth, by Tregear, may be consulted at p. 486 of vol. 19 of the Transactions of the New Zealand Institute.
Apparently but little was known of Rohe by the Maori folk; the name occurs but once, I think, in White's volumes, but we have Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 3, pp. 125-126). It appears that Rohe was a sister of the sun, and she was taken to wife by Maui, who destroyed her by means of magic. Her spirit, however, returned to this world from spirit land and destroyed Maui, and so black magic and death were introduced into this world. It is said that Rohe had made some slighting remarks anent Maui's personal appearance, his face was ugly, hence Maui decided that they should change faces, as Rohe was renowned for her beauty, her face was like the rays of the sun. After her death Rohe became a power in the underworld, where she gathered in the spirits of the dead as they descended from the upper world, and evil influences were attributed to her. She seems to have possessed the qualities of Whiro of Maori myth, and to have occupied the position of Hine-nui-te-po, the erst Dawn Maid Hine-tita-ma; both were closely connected with the sun. We are told that Rohe was mistress of the night, but this would be the Maori and Polynesian concept of Po as the unknown, the spirit world, not the ordinary po or night. Maui is thus shown to have been closely connected with both sun and moon.
Rohe is connected with Maui in southern Polynesia, as shown in a paper in vol. 24 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society pp. 153-154; see also Gill's Myths and Songs, p. 1. In the Cook Islands story Maui and Rohe exchanged heads.
The fame of a certain woman named Niniwa-i-te-rangi came to the ears of Maui and so he set off to visit her, also to get himself tattooed properly, that is by puncture, instead of just having the design painted on his face, as was the custom among his own people. When the twain met Niniwa was pleased with the appearance of Maui, and so he was invited into her house and there entertained, but the heat of the place caused Maui to perspire freely, and, ere long, his face was a sad sight, so marred were the lines of traced designs. The result was that Niniwa no longer felt any admiration for Maui, hence he resolved to go and be tattooed by puncture, so that the lines might be durable. He went to Tangaroa to be tattooed, and was so adorned by Mataora, after which he returned to the home of Niniwa; she now
Here we have one of the most interesting myths pertaining to Maui, inasmuch as we encounter therein the highly remarkable concept of the phallic eel, a strange form of myth that is met with in many lands of the Pacific and can be traced to far distant Asia. The story concerns the ravishing or seduction of a woman by an eel, the eel being personified under the name of Tuna, and tuna is the ordinary term for "eel". The woman so treated is usually said to have been the wife of Maui, but one tale has it that she was Tiki's wife; her name is said by some to have been Hina, by others to have been Hine-rautipu, while yet others term her simply Hine.
Taylor has a brief reference in his Te Ika a Maui, p. 24 to the encounter between Maui and Tunarua, as he terms Tuna. We are told that Maui cut off the head of Tuna and cast it into the sea, where it became a koiro (conger eel); he threw the tail into fresh water, where it turned into a tuna or fresh water eel; the blood of Tuna was absorbed by such trees as rimu, totara and toatoa, and others that now have red heartwood. In Hochstetter's work, New Zealand, Its Physical Geography, etc., published in 1867, is a brief statement to the effect that Maui slew the "sea monster" Tunarua. Tuna, in Maori and Polynesian mythology, is the personified form of the eel, but, unfortunately, has come to be described as the "eel god". I know of no special significance attached to the suffixed rua, possibly it should be roa.
The following brief account of the encounter between Maui and Tuna was repeated to me by Eruera Pakauwera, of the Ngati-Kuia tribe of the South Island, in 1894. It is not a good illustration of a Maori recital, approaching as it does too closely the clipped, cramped, unadorned modern style of diction: There is a creature dwelling in the water, a creature that devours persons, a water-dwelling monster; when a person went to fetch water he would be devoured by that monster, whose name was Tuna. Maui remarked that the monster would be overcome by him, but the people said that it was impossible. Maui told them to lay down
And so on, the same words being employed in each line save the one denoting the number of the skid. Tuna advanced up the skidway, and, as he reached the ninth skid he was attacked and destroyed. Here the old man strayed off down the bypath of Maui's adventure with Hine-nui-te-Po, and did not return to the subject of Tuna. His version is not a good one; he confuses Tuna with the man-destroying taniwha or monsters that so frequently appear in Maori folk tales, and does not explain the true cause of Maui's scheme to slay Tuna. The laying down of a skidway up which Tuna was to be induced to crawl so that he might be slain on the ninth skid was a strange procedure, but assuredly it was no idle tale to the men of old who evolved it; these things had their meaning. Tuna the phallic eel, who had interfered with the wife of Maui, died on the ninth skid, as Tiki, the personified form of the phallus, perished (i.e., was enfeebled) on the paepae or threshold of Mauhi and Maukati. This latter is from the account of the first woman and the first act of sexual connection as given in Maori mythology, and the story pertains to that more than it does to Maui (see Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 2, p. 54). The Maori has preserved this story of the phallic eel, a myth found far and wide across the Pacific, as we have preserved it in the Christian, or rather pre-Christian myth of Eve and the serpent, that has come down to us from the remote peoples of far Chaldea. For Ira, the eel god of S.E. Asia is Ila the serpent of Persia, and Indra of India, the phallic eel and phallic serpent are apparently one and the same.
At p. 191 of vol. 26 Journal of the Polynesian Society appears an attempt at translating the one line of the above charm. I am by no means sure that mata is there used in the sense of "face", probably it was not. Also tow ai (i.e., torowai) is certainly incorrect, the old man Pakauwera distinctly said to ro wai, and was very particular about the formula being written down correctly. The enunciation of my informant was very clear, and I certainly made no error in taking down either to ro wai or ko ira; koira. As for this word ira, we have no explanation from the Maori, he does not know what it stands for, and meanings given in dictionaries do not help us, apparently Ira is, in this formula, a proper name, a personal name, and Ira belongs to the water, he is a water denizen, as to ro wai denotes. There I leave the matter.
A brief account of this myth was given by another South Island Maori, or half-caste, one George Sise. This tells us that Hine-turepo, wife of Maui, was tampered with by Tuna, and reported the matter to Maui, who, with certain companions, set off provided with kaho [?] as a means of slaying Tuna. A form of channel or ditch was dug, and skids were laid down therein; as Tuna crawled up the skidway he was attacked and destroyed.
The version collected by Wohlers and published by him reappeared in White's second volume at p. 69 of the Maori part. In this South Island story Hina, wife of Maui, is said to have been a daughter of Tuna and Repo (repo = swamp), notwithstanding which relationship Tuna ravished Hina as she went for water. She reported having been molested by some smooth, slimy creature. Maui then dug a channel and laid down ten skids therein, and seems to have stationed Hina thereat as a lure, whereupon Tuna came and was killed by Maui. The tail of Tuna fled to the ocean and originated conger eels, his head fled to fresh waters, and from it sprang all tuna or fresh water eels; from the hair of his head came climbing plant, aka. Another version has it that Tuna was the offspring of Manga-wairoa, and he molested Hine, the wife of Maui, at Muriwai-o-hata. This name, under the forms Muriwai-o-ata, or hata, or whata, is a place name or stream name in Polynesia and New Zealand; Muriwai-o-whata is a place name at Poverty Bay. Maui dug his ditch, set a net therein, caught Tuna and killed him; from the body of Tuna sprang Pukutuoro, a monster a Aotearoa, also the toro, koareare, and Titoki trees, the kareo or supple-jack, the raupo, bulrush, and many climbing plants, likewise the conger eel. This is from White, and is said to have come from the Ngati-hau tribe. In another rendering Tuna is called Tuna-roa, and his blood imported the red colour to the wood of the rimu, totara and toatoa trees. In a Ngati-Awa (Taranaki) version Raukura, wife of Maui, is molested by Tuna-roa, and the latter is slain by Maui who uses but two skids, while he employed nine and ten in versions given above. In this case Tuna's blood colours not only the toatoa, rimu, matai and tawai trees, but was also responsible for the red seen in the kakariki and pukeko birds.
The Tuhoe folk seem to have got somewhat confused in the matter of this myth, and so Pani appears as the woman molested by Tuna and as the wife of Maui, though Ngati-awa of Te Teko say that Pani was the foster-mother of the Maui brothers. One informant of Tuhoe states that Hine-nui-te-po slew Maui in order to avenge the death of Tuna the "tickling tailed" eel, a reference to the manner in which Tuna molested the wife of Maui.
The Hawaiian myth Lonoakihi is said to be the eel "god", but whether or not this being is connected with Lono who appears in Maori myth as Rongo I cannot say. Certainly both Rongo and Tuna are connected with fertility.
In some parts of eastern Polyesian Hina appears as the wife of Tuna, but Maui came and took her as a wife for himself. The story of Hina and her eel lover is far spread in the Pacific, and is connected with the mythical origin of the coconut. At Hawaii the wife of Maui molested by Tuna seems to have been Hina-a-te-lepo, and Tuna is alluded to as Kuna-mo'o (Tuna-moko), i.e., Tuna the taniwha or monster. Westervelt's euphemistic rendering of the myth as given at p, 92 of his work on Maui is likely to mislead the reader, for assuredly Tuna is the phallic eel. The skidway method of disposing of Tuna does not seem to appear in any of the Polynesian versions of the story. Tiki and his wife Hina are mentioned in Hawaiian myth.
Since the above sentence was written we have received Miss Henry's work Ancient Tahiti, pp. 620-1, in which the Tahitian version of this myth is given. We are told that Maui laid down logs as skids over which the eel passed in its pursuit of Hina, and, as it did so, Maui attacked it, cut of its tail and finally chopped it into pieces. The head of the eel developed into two coconut trees.
Here is another of Maui's adventures, and, moreover, one that is but little heard of, it is but partially known to the Maori, and in order to understand local allusions we have to consult Polynesian data. The Fish of Maui (Te Ika a Maui) is here a well known name for the Milky Way, also styled the Mangoroa and the Mokoroa-iata (this iata is sometimes added to Mangoroa, but I know not what it signifies). The name Mangoroa may be rendered as the great, or long, shark, and it is the fish slain by Maui. Mokoroa may be said to denote a great monster, for moko taniwha, it is applied to the great monsters, mythical creatures of saurian form, huge man-destroying lizards that are said to have devoured man in former times. These stories of man-eating moko are common to New Zealand and Polynesia. Moko denotes the lizard in both regions, but in one area of Melanesia it is applied to the crocodile. The Milky Way is described by the Maori as a great fish, shark or taniwha. Tangaroa, the father of Maui, is said in a Rarotongan myth to have had a strenuous fight with a great fish or monster called the Mokoroa-i-ata, in which he was worsted. In later times Maui captures that fish or its progeny, which he placed in the heavens where it is still seen. [This tale appears in vol. 8 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society, pp. 65-73. Tangaroa is said to have given his son the name of Maui from his own mauianga or weariness when overcome by the Mokoroa-i-ata: Cf. Maori mauiui = wearied. Other references to the Mokoroa episode may be found at p. 221 of vol. 7 of the above Journal, at p. 150 of vol.20, p.58 of vol.21 and p. 155 of vol.24.]
In vol.32 (1921) of Folk Lore, pp. 45-48, Mr E. E. Collocott gives us a number of Legends from Tonga containing various exploits of Maui-tikitiki; there called Kijikiji. Some of these feats are unknown to the Maori, and among these was the slaying of a huge bird called the moa that had been ravaging the isle of Eua. Maui and his father Atalanga attacked the moa and finally destroyed it. One can but wonder if the moa of New Zealand was known to the Tongans, quite possibly it was. [This story was also collected by the Rev. J. C. Moultan, who stated that, according to native tradition, the moa of Eua was about 12 feet in height. See the Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 7, p. 177. The Rarotongans were apparently acquainted with the moa of New Zealand owing to the voyage of Ngahue to these isles.]
The story connected with these two has not been made clear, but for some reason there was contention between Maui and Maru-te-whareaitu. Each destroyed the crops of the other by
This is the best known and perhaps the most widely distributed myth connected with Maui. We will first follow my own collected version. At a certain time Maui's folk went forth to take fish at a fishing rock known as Hauparoa, while two others were named Tapuarau and Whakahauhau, such were the principal fishing places. The elder Maui brothers and their friends formed the party and they asked Maui-tikitiki to go with them but he refused, preferring to spend his time in sleeping, singing and sounding his trumpet, an instrument named Hauerangi, one that had a peculiar and easily recognised note. Persons who heard it would at once say: "That is the Hauerangi sounding yonder."
At a certain time Hine-rautipu, Maui's wife, said to him: "Maui! Will you and your brothers go and catch some fish for us"—but he would not go, he went to sleep instead, and so at last his brothers ceased to take fish to their sister-in-law, for, notwithstanding their affection for Hine-rautipu, and for her younger sister Te Awhenga, they were deeply annoyed by the indolence of Tikitiki. So it was that Puhiariki, wife of Maui-mua, went, unseen and unknown, to carry fish to Hine-rautipu and her sister.
Some time later a party went to visit Maui-tikitiki on account of the rumours of the happenings I have referred to. These visitors were exceedingly hungry when they arrived at the village, and the lack of food to place before them caused much embarrassment to Whakahuka and her brother Tikiahua, who were children of Maui-tikitiki and Hine-rautipu. Maui himself was much put out, and so he went to his elder brothers, Mauima, and Mauipae, and said to them: "O friends! I have a party of visitors at my place, let me have some of your fish for them." His brothers would by no means consent to give him any fish, and Mauipae said: "I caught my fish for myself, while you idled your time away, now you can endure your discomfiture." So that matter ended, and Tikitiki retired to the rear end of his house to brood over his trouble, so deeply abashed was he.
Some time after Tikitiki had retired Mauimua said to Mauipae: "O lad! Be kind to our young brother; our attitude towards him
In the morning all was fair and calm; Mauimua came and greeted the visitors, after which he said to Tikitiki: "O lad! Let us go a fishing." Whereupon Tikitiki rose and agreed: "Yes, let us go." Now when Tikitiki passed out of the house he proceeded to the cave wherein lay the bones of his grandfather; it was situated at Kowhaonui on the long coast line of Maruaroa (Akau roa o Maruaroa), and brought away the lower jaw bone of his grandfather Muri-ranga-whenua to serve as a fish hook for himself, knowing as he did that his elder brothers did not look on him with favour. Well, it was owing to the fact that he had been suddenly called upon to go fishing that he went to obtain the jaw bone of his grandfather to serve as a fish hook. He also lacked some crayfish to serve as bait for his hook. When he arrived at the starting place at Waihao, and his brothers saw him, then Maui-taha and Maui-roto said to him: "We object to you going out to sea with us, you are an indolent person and also deceitful." Maui-tikitiki enquired: "How many times have I deceived you people?" The reply came: "Why was the apron of our mother concealed by you; why was Mahuika deceived by you, and why, O man of evil ways, was your brother-in-law Irawaru maltreated by you?" Here Maui-mua remarked: "Enough has been said to our young brother; let him accompany us on our fishing trip." So he was allowed to go, and his brother said to him: "You take your place at the bow of the canoe."
So they paddled away out on the ocean, and when far out Mauipae cried: "Lower the anchor." Tikitiki remarked: "I thought that we had come here to fish; this is a sandbank, the fish here are all small; let us move on to a deep part and there remain." To this the elder brothers agreed, and, when they had paddled some distance, another of the brothers called out: "Lower the anchor of the canoe." So the anchor, the name of which was Horapunga, was lowered, and the elder brothers baited their hooks, whereupon Tikitiki called out: "O friends! Let me have one of your hooks." One of the brothers said: "Tear off your jaw to serve you as a hook"—to which Tikitiki replied: "Oh well, give me one of your crayfish to use as bait." Said mauri of our fish to the priests of the sacred place I will return hither." His brothers enquired: "Whose jaw bone was it that you brougth with you to serve as a fish hook?" Said Maui: "What matters that, now that I have landed this prize before us, enough for us to rejoice in our good fortune." So Maui-tikitiki departed.
After the departure of Maui his brothers, disregarding his instructions, began to divide the captured fish, the new land, among themselves, each one selecting a part that pleased him and proceeding to mark the limits of his claim. It is said that such was the origin of the broken nature of the land, the hills, ranges, valleys and swamps were produced by the trampling of those persons and by their cutting up and dividing the fish of Maui while it was still warm and soft. Here ends this branch of the tasks of Maui.
It is evident that the hook used by Maui, consisting of the jaw bone of his grandfather, possessed magic powers, and these would be enhanced or rendered active by the formula repeated by Maui. The narrator gives us a lame account of the hauling up of the land from the depths of Tuauriuri, the deep ocean. We are not told what house it was that the hook caught in, or what land it was, or any other of the highly remarkable particulars encountered in some versions. Some narrators explain that the land so fished up by Maui was Hawaiki, the homeland; others tell us that it was Te Ika a Maui (The Fish of Maui), the North Island of New Zealand, that was so raised from the deep. Maui is credited with these marvellous powers in many Pacific isles, and so is said to have dragged many of them up to the light of day, from Mangarewa to Tonga.
The second version that I secured commences with a brief statement that Maui resolved to go a fishing after being accused of laziness. He procured the aforesaid jaw bone, which he washed at the Awa o Tane, which lies "on this side of the Haehaepo, the village of Mataaho and his elders". Maui recited a charm over the jaw bone while engaged on this task; these charms are given in the original version. Maui concealed himself in the fishing canoe of his brothers and did not appear until the craft was far from land, when his brothers were angry with the stowaway. Then Maui busied himself in annoying his brothers; he repeated a potent karakia, (charm, spell, incantation) that caused the ocean to be "drawn out" so that distances were much increased thereby. The brothers paddled long and strenuously but at last despaired of reaching the desired fishing ground, and so they returned to one nearer land, a fishing ground named Whakapau-mahara. The name of their canoe was Tuahiwi-o-rangi; the name of the fishing line of Tikitiki was Te Aweawe-o-te-rangi; the name of his fish hook was the Jawbone of Muri-rangawhenua. His brothers refusing to give him any bait, Maui smote his own nose and caused blood to flow, which he smeared on a rag which he used as bait. Maui soon had a vigorous bite but had so much trouble with a heavy fish that his brothers told him to let it go, but this he refused to do. Maui then recited a charm to prevent his line breaking, another to prevent his fish slipping off the hook and another to prevent it dying. From there this version agrees with the one first given.
A third version collected by the writer differs little from the above. Three members of the fishing party are given as Pokopoko, Hou and Moka. The sinker of Maui's fishing line was named the Whatu-a-Kiwa, and the hook caught in Tukerae-whenua, presumably a point of the land lying below in the depths of the ocean. When Maui succeeded in hauling his great fish to the surface, behold, it was Aotearoa, "the fish of Maui-tikitiki that lies outspread before us". The old native who narrated this version included a form of explanation that would represent an important concession on his part, but which is not by any means clear to the dull Pakeha mind. Having told how Maui hauled this North Island of New Zealand up from the ocean depths the narrator continued: "Now as to the significance of this tale, it is a parallel to an occurrence of the remote period of Mataaho, of whom you have heard, and of the Maui brothers, when Great Io resolved to despatch Ruatau and Aitupawa to inform Mataaho that the reservoirs of Kiwa, Tawhirimatea, and Te Ihorangi
"You now understand the intentions of Io when he gave final instructions to Mataaho and Whakaruaumoko that the Earth Mother be so treated; such was the overturning effected by Mataaho that you hear of. Mataaho and Whakaruaumoko were the persons who possessed the power of causing earthquakes and volcanic disturbances; Tawhirimatea held such powers in connection with wind, and Te Ihorangi as pertaining to rain, while, as to Kiwa, he was appointed to confine the waters, and to control their movements; and distribute them to such places as they deemed fit.
"You are also aware that these persons Tawhirimatea, Te Iorangi, Kiwa, Whakaruaumoko and Mataaho were the controllers of rain, snow, water, the ocean, earthquake, volcanic action, and mist, such were the powers assigned them by Io-te-wananga.
"So the five beings mentioned carried out the command of Io the enduring, and this was the overturning by Mataaho, as it is called, and of which we hear. Now you are aware of the real meaning of that tale, and why it is the earth is unstable.
"Now owing to his brothers having divided the new land Maui remarked: "Let my 'fish' be a home for me, my elder brothers, and our children." Such was the claiming of this land, on account of this bespeaking by Maui the name of Maui-tikitiki was applied to this island and survives unto this day. The remark made by Maui-tikitiki has been fulfilled, for here are we dwelling, we the
"As for the tale of Maui fishing up the land as I have explained, that is a winter's tale told by irresponsible persons not connected with the school of superior learning; it is not a superior recital handed down in such schools."
The above narrator was endeavouring to show that, while the story of Maui hauling up this island is a mere fireside tale, yet a parallel is found in the story of the overturning of the Earth Mother by command of the Supreme Being, though the reason assigned for that great feat differs from the one usually given; there are two versions of each of these myths. As we have already seen, the grieving and weeping of the first parents when separated induced Io to turn the Earth Mother over, so that the two might no longer gaze upon each other.
In a Matatua version of the above myth Muri-rangawhenua tells Maui to secure his jaw bone when he dies, and use it as a hook, also that the sinews of his body will furnish material from which Maui is to make a fishing line. Another tale is to the effect that Maui cast a teka or dart, and that dart struck the jaw of Muri as he sat in the porch of his house, named Tane-kapua, with such force that it fell off, and so Maui secured it. Evidently Maui meant his dart to strike some person, inasmuch as he repeated the following charm as he cast it: "Taku teka, tau e kai ai he tangata. Haere i tua o nga maunga; me kai koe ki te tangata. Whiwhia! Rawear!" (My dart, let your objective be man; speed onward beyond the ranges and assail man. Achieve success). In this case Maui tore off a part of his own ear to serve as bait for his hook. When he cast his line out he repeated the following luring charm: "Taku tupuna tau noa, ko te poa a to mokopuna, te matau i whiwhia mai, i rawea mai, kia u, kia rawea. Te poa, te poa, tikina mai, kumekumea, haparangitia." Here Maui seems to have called upon the ocean-covered land to take the bait and hook, and attach itself thereto. Maui then repeated another formula to cause the hidden land to appear:
As to who, or what Tonganui or Great Tonga may be we know not, unless perchance it be a land name, as Tonga-apai and Tonga-ruru are, but in another version Taranga says to Maui: "Go to your ancestor Tonganui and obtain a fish hook." This seems to confuse Tonganui with Muri-rangawhenua. The submarine monster or being known as Te Parata one native authority has identified with Tangaroa, and this casts some light on the latter name, for the faculty of tanga roa, long or deep breathing, is a marked attribute of Te Parata, who breathes but twice in twenty-four hours in his great task of producing the tides. Concerning Tonganui, however, we have received no explanation.
The above Matatua version goes on to say that the hook of Maui caught in the threshold of a house at Rarotonga, apparently a place here, for when Maui pulled his fish up it was our North Island of New Zealand. Yet another version has it that the fish of Maui was really Papa-tuanuku, the earth, that is all land above water. Maui came from the far off homeland of Mataora and fished up the land, the earth that had been trampled under water when the sky was forced up. Then Maui set off to carry the māwe (symbol) of his "fish" to the priestly medium of the gods, that is some object that served as a symbol of his capture and his prowess. Then his brothers trampled all over the yet soft land, and so disfigured it woefully, hence the saying—"Te whenua i takatakahia a Maui ma", the earth trampled by the Maui folk—and so we see islands, hills and valleys.
In Taylor's Te Ika a Maui, p. 28, we note that Maui's hook caught in the house of Hine-nui-te-po, but a Ngapuhi version makes it the house of Tonganui. A local folk tale tells us that Maui's vessel rests upon the summit of Mt Hikurangi, Waiapu district, and that Wellington Harbour and Lake Wairarapa are the eyes of the Fish of Maui, the northern peninsula is its tail, and Taupo its stomach. In the version given by Grey the particulars are much the same as the Takitimu version first given; Maui's hook catches in the door sill of the house of Tonganui, while the fish caught is Papa-tuanuku; the fish hook of Maui is represented by the curved coast line of Hawkes Bay from Te Mahia-mai-Tawhiti to Cape Kidnappers, the Maori name of which is Te Matau-a-Maui (the Fish-hook of Maui). Another version that was published in the Kauwae runga (Smith's Lore of the Whare-wananga, part 1, pp. 78-82) agrees with one collected by myself. A South Island version collected by Wohlers contains nothing new to us, save that, when the land was hauled up to the light of
We have seen that the fish hook of Maui caught the North Island and so it was drawn up to the world of light, but at Rakahanga isle, (10°N, 160°E), say 700 leagues away in the north, they show the very rock in which his fish hook caught. Gill gives a realistic account of how Maui drew up the isle of Manihiki in times remote (Myths and Songs from the South Pacific p. 73); the natives of that isle recognise the fish hook of Maui in the tail of the Scorpion, a star group that represents a canoe to the Maori. Another old myth tells us that Tahiti island was hauled up by Maui in the form of a shark. At Mangarewa the natives hold that Maui-matavaru hauled up the group from the ocean depths, and that he held or controlled the sun by means of a hair rope. Samoa, Tonga, and other islands have their stories of how Maui fished them up; one story is to the effect that Tonga was named after a son of Maui, but a part of Tonga became detached and is now seen in the form of Uvea island; Burrows gives the names of three Maui brothers as known to the natives of Fakaofo isle of the Union Group, but he also mentions Ikiiki, his wife Talanga, and their son Lu. Here we have the Tikitiki, Taranga and Ru of divers other isles. It was Maui-mua who pulled up the isle of Fakaofo, which was so named because its appearance startled the fisher and his brothers; in Maori we have whakaoho = to startle, rouse. Maui-loto then caught and hauled up the isle of Nukunonu, and Maui-muli pulled up Atafu isle. In this tale it is said that Lu, the son of Ikiiki (Tikitiki) was the being who thrust the low hung heavens upward. Some of the Maui myths are known in the New Hebrides, including the one we have just discussed, the land fishing feat. (Burrows, Western Polynesia p. 71.)
Here we come to Maui's greatest and final task, and his one failure, a failure that brought death to himself and also to every member of the human race as long as that race endures. As to whether the success of Maui's endeavour would have meant eternal life for the lower animals, and for plant life, we are not told by our Maori pundits.
The cause of Maui's striving against Hine of the underworld is explained in various ways, and one often related is as follows: Hine-nui-te-po insisted that man should die for all time, but Maui objected to this and maintained that man should die as the moon dies, that is in a temporary manner, for a brief period, and then come back to life as the new moon does. In a Matatua (Bay of Plenty) version Tane is substituted for Maui in this controversy, though it was Maui who made the attempt to overcome Hine. Said Maui to Hine: "Let man die as the moon dies" (Me mate a marama te tangata). "Not so", replied Hine. "Let him die forever and be buried in the earth, and so be greeted and mourned." So it is that we mourn for our dead, and this saying is heard: "Me tangi, apa ko te mate i te marama"—Let us bewail our lost ones, it is not as though they had died as does the moon. So it came about that permanent death was man's lot, for Hine gained the better of Maui; prior to that time, some tell us, death had been merely temporary, a moon-like death. Now man knows the mate a one or mate a whenua, permanent death and burial, and so is upheld the dictum of Hine of Rarohenga: "Me matemate a one, kia mihia ai, kia tangihia ai." Had Maui succeeded in overcoming this great being of the underworld of spirits then man would have enjoyed eternal life, he would have flourished forever, but Hine and the mate a whenua prevailed, and so true death entered the world of life, and abides, and abides, and abides.
In some recitals the name of Hina takes the place of that of Hine-nui-te-po, and in one case at least the former seems to be Hina-te-iwaiwa, also known as Hina-uri and Hina-keha. Hina-te-iwaiwa is not one and the same being as Hine-nui-te-po, the first concept is connected with the moon, the latter with the sun.
Some of our best Maori authorities have stated that permanent death began when Hine-titama, the Dawn Maid, descended to aoturoa (upper world) has arrived at Kohurau." Hine knew at once that the intruders had come to assail her, hence she sent the Peke-rau folk back to obtain a drop of the blood of Maui to serve as a medium between her magic spells and their objective, her enemy. But Maui heard the Pekerau folk approaching, and he and his companions so buffeted them with their wings as to destroy them, some survivors returned and reported the disaster to Hine, a disaster known as Paihau-karoha. Hine then sent Namu, the silent sandfly, on the same quest, and Namu the silent succeeded in obtaining a drop of Maui's blood, which Hine smeared on the door frame of her house, named Potaka-rongorongo.
When Maui and his companions reached the house of dread Hine they found her asleep therein. Maui then assumed the form of the rat, but to this Tatahore objected, then that of a reptile, which Tiwaiwaka condemned, then that of a form of a worm, which was approved of by his companions. Then Maui said to them: "Now you must be careful not to laugh when I enter the body of Hine, so that I may reach her heart, and, by gnawing at it, slay her; if you see her writhing then scoop her eyes out." Then Maui entered the body of Hine by way of the ara namunamu ki taiao, the way by which man enters the world; he crossed the threshold known as the paepae o Tiki and entered the puapua; when the raho opened Tatahore began to laugh, while Tiwaiwaka fled to the plaza and fell to capering about. Then it was that Hine awoke, felt Maui wriggling in the form of a worm, then Mokakati (the female genitals) came, and so Maui was throttled and perished. This death scene is known as Waikumia and Waiharorangi; and should you observe the head of Noke, the earthworm, you will see the swelling caused by the throttling act of Mokakati; as to Tiwaiwaka (the fantail, a small and lively
Such is a brief account of the Maui versus Hine episode as given by a Takitumu native. Several reasons are given to account for Hine's hostility toward Tane; the Matatua folk tell us that Mahuika, the mother of the Fire Children destroyed by Maui, was a sister of Hine, and so the latter strove to avenge the death of her sister's children. Again Tuna the eel, also slain by Maui, is said to have been a lover of Hine. There was also, apparently, some resentment felt owing to Maui's treatment of his captured "Fish", the great land we inhabit. This is referred to in an old song:
('Twas Maui who befooled his sacred fish, the great land on which we dwell. Hine-nui-te-po was fetched from darkling depths to avenge the wrong. She sent her messengers, the mosquito and sandfly, to pierce his forehead—and so the death of the tickling-tailed eel was avenged). The expression hiku rekareka and tara puremu are employed to denote the tail of the phallic eel on account of the use to which such tail was put.
Hine is said to have despatched several agents to obtain a drop of Maui's blood ere success crowned her efforts. The first one so sent was Kahukura, the butterfly, but he was too conspicuous and unwary withal, and so perished. Then Waeroa, the mosquito, was despatched, but he was too noisy and so was slain by Maui; followed Tuiau, the midge, but death was the lot of Tuiau. Then Namu the silent sandfly came and succeeded where others had failed, and so Namu-poto carried back to Hine the drop of blood that was to render Maui the hero vulnerable to her magic spells, to bring him under their influence.
Here follows an interesting version of this myth obtained from Takitimu sources. The first part was given by Te Matoro-hanga of Wairarapa.
At a certain time Toirangi, grandchild of Maui-mua, died; he was the first grandchild born to the Maui brothers, hence he was the subject of the thoughts and attention of all. The cause of his death was his trespassing on a tapu place, he and other youths were strolling about and he trespassed on the spot at Pari-o-te-mako shark, whose hair resembles the karengo seaweed, whose strength is immeasurable, and whose smooth skin resembled the blushing cheek of a maid.
Maui now called upon his three bird friends, Tatahore, Miromiro and Tiwaiwaka, and they agreed to accompany him, Maui having the task of deciding as to what forms they should assume. When they arrived at Poutere-rangi then Te Kuwatawata, the keeper of the gates to the underworld, asked: "Wither is your party travelling?" Maui replied: "We are seeking our grandchild Toirangi, possibly you might see him coming down the descent to the underworld?" Te Kuwatawata replied: "He did not come this way, possibly he passed by way of the toi huare-wa [the ascent to the heavens]". Maui-tikitiki then enquired: "Is it not possible for me to put an end to the soul of man descending to Rarohenga [the underworld of spirits], to close the passage to dark lower realms?" Te Kuwatawata answered: "It cannot be accomplished; guardians have been appointed, while Papa-tuanuku [the Earth Mother] and the eleven heavens are displayed in orderly array before Io-te-waiora, the fountain head of life and welfare." Maui persisted in asking that he and his companions should be allowed to proceed and strive with Hine in order to abolish the path of Tahekeroa, the path to the underworld. Then at last Te Kuwatawata said: "Well, go, but this path cannot be diverted." Maui and his bird
Now to Hine had come the knowledge that hostile folk were coming to slay her, hence she despatched her attendants, the offspring of Pekerau (insects) to intercept her enemies at Kohurau. When Maui and his companions arrived at that place the ambushers attacked them. The noise they made was heard and so many were slain, while others escaped to return to the home of Hine, and report: "We are escapees; we have been defeated." Then Hine sent the Tini o Poto, the multitude of the sandfly folk to assail the daring intruders, who were met on the descent from Kohurau. The sandfly folk attacked Maui and his bird friends valiantly, silently, swiftly, and so, when the intruders sought to buffet them by flapping their wings, behold, the sandfly folk had already fled, taking with them the blood of the daring ones. When they returned to Hine, she looked at them and saw that much blood had been obtained, and this blood she smeared on the lintel beam of the doorway to her house, so that the invaders whose blood it was would have to pass beneath it. Then Hine recited a potent spell over that blood so that, when the intruders passed beneath it in order to enter the house, they would be utterly undone. Having made these preparations Hine entered the house, retired to the rear end thereof, and was there overcome by sleep, having been busy both day and night (i te ao, i te po).
(At this stage of the recital of Te Matorohanga there was an interruption, one Mikaera enquired: "Is there any day in the underworld; is it not said that the Reinga is a realm of gloomy darkness?" Te Matorohanga replied: "Bear in mind that we call this world we live in the aoturoa, the ao mamma, and taiao, also that we have day and night in this world; in like manner there is day and night in the underworld. I have already informed you that all things in this world, in the heavens, and in the different divisions of the heavens are of a dual nature; were it not for this dual aspect then all things would lack vitality, would fail to flourish, they would not increase and multiply, for each would be mateless, each one would be alone, hence it would fail and disappear. Such dualism causes all things to flourish and increase, for each thing has its mate, and, on that account all things grow, increase, and flourish. All things, no matter what, eventually reach a culminating point in development and welfare. Had matters not been so decreed by great Io, by Io the parent, by Io of all-embracing knowledge, then there would be neither birth nor whatukura, the apa, and the poutiriao [attendants of Io, denizens of the heavens, and guardians of the different realms of Nature] was that all things before him should possess permanent welfare, yet he decreed that all things should experience periods of welfare, of misfortune, of wrong, of right, of discord and peace. If it had been decreed that all things in this world should know life and welfare only, then only the kete aronui [knowledge of good] would have been given to Tane-matua; had it been decided that they should know tribulation, decay and death only, then only the kete tuatea [knowledge of evil] would have been sent down to this world.")
Maui and his bird companions fared on until they drew near to the home of Hine-nui-te-po, when Maui addressed them as follows: "O friends! If I succeed in entering the body of Hine-nui-te-po be very careful not to laugh at me. When I have passed through her body for the second time then you may laugh at me." Then Maui disappeared into the body of Hine, he was then laughed at by his friends. Hine awoke, closed her limbs, contracted her puapua (vagina), and so Maui perished.
Such is the usual form of this myth; the account concerning the death of Toirangi has been collected only in the Takitimu district, and that death is given as the reason why Maui assailed Hine in an endeavour to abolish death. When Hine acquired a drop of the blood of Maui that hero was foredoomed to death, for, when it was placed over the doorway and bewitched he would come under the influence of Hine's magic spell as he passed through that doorway.
The diversion caused by the question of Mikaera gave us an extremely interesting series of remarks made by Te Matorohanga. Such explanations as these are most enlightening as illustrating the train of thought of such a man, and the general mentality of the Maori.
In a further version it is explained that Maui was ignorant of the fact that Hine had bewitched him, that his own blood had been taken as a medium in sympathetic magic. Such ignorance on the part of an intended victim was always desired by the warlock. Maui was fey when the sandfly obtained a drop of his blood. Hine knew that Maui was on his way to slay her by experiencing a strange premonition of evil, termed ariaria in the narrative. Maui warned his followers, who, in this version, included his elder brothers and the patatai or land-rail, that they must not laugh at him until he had entered Hine, plucked away her heart, and emerged into the world. In this case it was the land-rail that brought death to Maui.
The Tuhoe folk assert that a previous attempt to slay Maui had been made by Hine; she sent Matakerepo (in vernacular speech this term denotes blindness) to lay in wait for Maui in a pit. Their belief was that if Maui leaped down into the pit with his legs drawn up then they would succeed in killing him, but if he jumped straight-limbed into the pit then he would escape. When Maui came to the pit he leaped into it with his limbs flexed and so his enemies were able to kill him. Then Hine and Matakerepo rejoiced, and sang: "Maui whakaringaringa, Maui whakawaewae Pakia!"—so pleased were they. But then a strange thing happened, the wairua (spirit or soul) of Maui in some unexplained way re-entered his body, and so he was restored to life. Thus it is that the word whakamaui, to act in a Maui-like manner, is employed by the Tuhoe folk to describe a recovery from a serious illness, the patient has returned from death as Maui did. In the Tuhoe version Maui is accompanied by the multitudes of forest-dwelling beings known as the Hakuturi and Mahoihoi when he sets forth to overcome Hine. A South Island version ends with the remark—"If Maui had succeeded then man would not have known death, both Maori and white man would have lived forever!" The old sage Pio of Te Teko remarked to me that it was the tawhito (genitals) of Hine-nui-te-po that destroyed the person who had meddled with her younger sister's children, an allusion to the destroying of the Fire Children by Maui.
In the version collected and published by Sir George Grey, our hero Maui is said to have set off to seek Hine who could be seen flashing on the horizon. A peculiar remark this, as pertaining to a being said to dwell in the underworld; did the Dawn Maid leave some of her glory gleaming on the horizon. Maui told his companions that if he succeeded in passing through the body of tiwakawaka or fantail brought death to him. The version published in Te Ika a Maui is a brief and lame one.
In yet another version we are told that the waning moon goes afar off to bathe in the Waiora-a-Tane, the life giving waters of Tane, as the expression is usually rendered, wherein it is revived and so regains its vigour and youth; this was the 'moon-like death' that Maui sought to establish. White's recitals of this myth are brief and unsatisfactory, and that given by Wohlers is contained in five lines. Pakauwera of Ngato-Kuia gave a brief account in which he mentioned Taranga as the companion of Maui during his adventure with Hine.
In his various changes into other forms during his marvellous adventures Maui is said to have assumed those of the harrier, sparrow-hawk, owl, kea, bat, pigeon, rat, and earthworm.
The description of Hine-nui-te-po is spoilt in one published version by the statement that her mouth resembled that of a shark (mango), while in another it is said to have been like that of a barracoota (manga). The narrator or translator probably missed the point as it appears in other recitals, that the teeth of Hine resembled those of the mako shark, which are remarkably white and are much admired by the Maori and so used as ear pendants. Hine-nui-te-po is but another name of Hine-titama, the Dawn Maid, whose beauty has been acclaimed by man since the days of the gods. The above described encounter between Maui and Hine does not seem to be known in the isles of Polynesia.
The feat of Maui in entering the body of the so-called goddess of death in order to abolish death represents a singular and interesting concept. Had Maui merely wished to destroy Hine then presumably we would have been told that he slew her as she slept. The fact that it was necessary for him to enter her body in such a strange manner, and to pass out again, tends to show that the evolvers of the myth had formulated some strange conception of what was necessary in order to stay the hand of death. It is in popular belief only that Hine-nui-te-po is held to destroy man; the esoteric teaching was to the effect that Hine is the guardian of spirits of the dead, but that Whiro and the Maiki brothers are responsible for death in the upper world. It may be well to draw attention to a singular parallel that occurs in Rarotongan myth, which may be found at p. 180 of vol. 27 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society. Kuiono of the homeland died and his spirit went to Tiki in the great place called the Karo-tuatini of Tu-te-rangi-marama, at Avaiki. One Ngati-ariki passed through the lifeless body of Kuiono, and, when he emerged, captured the spirit thereof and replaced it in the lifeless body, then Kui came to life again. Here again there is no explanation of why it was necessary that a person should pass through the body of another. Our Maui-Hine myth is generally explained as Light overcome by Darkness, but why should it be necessary for Light (Maui) to actually enter Darkness (Hine) if the contest was merely one for supremacy; Hine might, have overcome Maui in a much less abnormal and spectacular manner. Tylor thought that the act of Maui was based on the Maori belief that the sun passes through the underworld each night, bathes in the Wai-ora-a-Tane, and so returns each morning to the upper world, so Maui essayed to pass through darkness and return to light in manner symbolical. Tylor's statement that the fantail, the bird that laughed at Maui, is a bird that is 'only heard at sunset', shows that he has been misinformed. This writer was confident that the Maui myths are sun myths. He saw Day and Night striving against each other in the myth of Maui and Hine, the vanishing of night when Taranga left the upper world each' morning, a dawn myth in the hauling of land from ocean deeps, and the rising of the sun in the Maui-Mahuika myth. The last three examples of deduction are by no means clear to ordinary minds (Tylor, E. B.,
Dieffenbach gives us nothing of note concerning the Maui myths, and indeed he seems to stress the likelihood of his being a man (Travels in New Zealand, vol. 2, pp. 88-9). Hochstetter has more to say, albeit he strays from the path of rectitude. He gives Tuna the name of Tunarua, and refers to a remark made by Schirren to the effect that "we must not search for historical truth in Maori tradition". If, for tradition, we insert the term "folk lore" or folk tales, then the remark becomes a sound one. Hochstetter wrote well when he stated that "the adventures and incidents of the heroes are traceable to natural phenomena". When, however, he tells us that the traditions of the migrations of the New Zealanders are nothing but versions of the Maui myths, that Maui was god of the lower regions, the first man, lord of water, air and sky, and that Maui represents the national deity of all the Polynesian tribes—then we know that, like many travellers, he had not dug deep enough (Hochstetter, New Zealand, pp. 202-3).
At p. 176 of vol. 3 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society, occurs a statement made by Macdonald to the effect that Maui-tikitiki is known to the people of Efate isle in the New Hebrides, and that they also know the Polynesian story of Tawhaki and Karihi. At Niue isle Maui is said to have raised the island from the ocean and to have supported the sky.
We have already scanned, in part 1 (Dominion Museum Bulletin 10) of this study, a number of myths connected with the sun, moon and stars. Those concerning the moon were concerned with its origin, movements, control and personifications. As to personified forms of the moon there are several names to be considered, and two other mythical beings, Rona and Maui, are connected with the moon; the latter has been dealt with in a fairly thorough manner, but the story of Rona is yet to be told. Hina, the female personified form of the moon, is also known as Hina-uri, Hina-keha, Hina-te-iwaiwa and Hine-te-iwaiwa; the first two of these names, Dark Hina and Pale Hina, denote the dark and light phases of the moon, and the last two names are employed more particularly when Hina is referred to as the tutelary being of women and the arts of women, as in connection with childbirth, weaving, etc. In Rarawa lore we hear of Hina-i-te-po, Hina-i-te-kukuti and Hina-mataeo; in the isles of Polynesia Hina has a number of names. As a term of vernacular speech hina means grey, grey-haired, and "to shine"; in a region of Melanesia it denotes the sun. In some dialects the name becomes Sina, and in Hawaii we are told that Mahuika was known as Hina-mahui'a.
Sayings connected with Hina are:
The first of these tells us that night and day, darkness and light come from Hina, while the second is to the effect that Hina destroys mankind, the latter a peculiar saying to pertain to a moon-goddess.
The moon (marama) appears as a male in Maori myth, and so we are told that Marama took to wife two daughters of Tangaroa, and it is also said that the moon is the husband of all women, as Journal of the Polynesian Society, p. 137.
There seems to be some confusion or clash between Hina and Hine-nui-te-po. The latter, in popular folk lore, is responsible for death, she ensnares man in the noose of death, the tari o Hine-nui-te-po. One story makes out that the contention for and against death was between Hina and Maui, not Hine-nui-te-po and Maui.
[Hina is connected with fish in a number of Polynesian stories, especially the shark, as shown in W. W. Gill's Myths and Songs from the South Pacific and at p. 238 of vol. 30 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society.]
Hina-uri (Dark Hina) is Hina's name during the dark phase of the moon, and so it was Hina-uri who went forth on the ocean and reached the land of Tinirau, or, as another story has it, goes afar off every month in order to bathe in the fountain of youth, the rejuvenating waters of the Waiora a Tane. In a Polynesian story Hina goes to the sunset, to the home of Tinirau, borne across the ocean by the shark and other sea creatures. In a number of Polynesian versions Hina is presented as a blind old woman, sometimes under the name of Kui; this blind woman is said to have recovered her sight in many cases; Gill tells us how Maui cured the blindness of Ina the Blind, and Maui represents light. Hina's swim of three nights or days, as representing the period during which she is unseen, is lengthened to "many months" in some tales.
The Maori recognised the influence of the moon in the matter of the tides, but he usually objects to putting the matter into plain language, hence he will tell you that the tides are controlled by Rona, of whom more anon. In Tahitian myth Hina preserves the life of the moon and the continuity of the tides.
In some parts of Polynesia Hina ia known as Hina-ika, at Hawaii as Hina-ika-a-te-marama, presumably she is fish-like
In New Zealand Hina is recognised as personifying the moon, and she is not the woman in the moon, a position that is occupied by Rona. Hina is said, in different versions of these myths to have been the wife of Tiki, as at Mangareva, the Marquesas and Tahiti; the wife of Marama (moon), as at the Cook Islands; the wife of Tane, as at the Cook Islands; the wife of Hema (Tuamotu); the wife of Tinirau (New Zealand, Tonga, Union Group, Cook Islands); the wife of Matariki (Hawaii); the wife of Noa (Tuamotu, Tahiti); the wife of Monoihere (Tahiti); the wife of Tangaroa (New Zealand, Rakahanga, Samoa, Cook Islands). At Tahiti the first man, Tiki, took Hina to wife, though he was a malicious being, while she ever strove for peaceful conditions. At the Cook Islands Marama, the moon, saw Ina (Hina), the attractive eldest daughter of Kui the blind dame, and so came down to earth and transported her to the heavens as a wife for himself. Here the moon takes to wife the female personified form of the moon. This took place after Hina had left her first husband, Tane; they had not agreed, and so Tane provided himself with wings and flew back to his home. Taylor collected a Maori account of Hine-te-iwaiwa and her long swim to Hawaiki in order to seek Tinirau. This version shows that the Maori had preserved a knowledge of Hina's adventure with the shark and other sea denizens. At Tonga Tinirau is said to have been the offspring of a woman who had been impregnated by the sun. Here, as in New Zealand, Tinirau is described as having been a remarkably handsome person. The first husband of Hina, according to Hawaiians, was Matariki, the Pleiades; in after times she was taken to wife by Kaitangata, but she wearied of her unruly children and so resolved to ascend to the heavens. Kaitangata tried to prevent her leaving him, and, in the struggle that motu, which denotes severance. This other name of Hina I have met with once in Maori lore, it occurs in a formula repeated during the performance of the tohi rite over a male infant:
The waters sailed over by Rongomotu, that is by the moon. Rongo is ever connected with the ocean, and at Hawaii was known as Rongo-nui-noho-i-te-wai, Great Rongo dwelling in the realm of water. It was during the Hotu phase of the moon that Hina became crippled. Westervelt gives a clear account of the above episode in his Maui the Demi-god, p. 165-9. It appears that, in the Hawaiian version, Hina first attempted to reach the sun, but failed owing to its great heat. She then announced her intention of going to her new husband, the moon, and in the moon she is still seen, with her calabash by her side. The connection between Rongo and the moon was noted by Fenton long before I commenced to write on Maori myths; on p. 122 of his Suggestions for a History—of the Maori People he writes: "Several of the days [of the lunar month] are named after the old gods of the people, and the twenty-seventh day is called Orongonui, after an ancient name of the moon god." In his list of names of the nights of the moon he gives four such atua names viz., Whiro, Tangaroa, Otane (Tane) and Orongonui (Rongo-nui).
The Matatua folk of the Bay of Plenty tell us that Hine-te-iwaiwa was a daughter of Tane, and that she was taken to wife by Tangaroa, their offspring being four in number. One of these was Rona, whom we will deal with anon, the other three were named Tangaroa-amua, Tangaroa-akiukiu and Tangaroa-aroto, and these names are those of three nights of the lunar months; they are the po tangaroa or Tangaroa nights. Tangaroa-aroto and morari) or Blind Hina, and she was wife to Tangaroa. But the people of that isle also speak of Ina or Hina as a sister of the Maui brothers. As the data was obtained from a Rarotongan native who had sojourned a space at Rakahanga the original statements may have become confused.
Hina we know as a sister of the Maui brothers in New Zealand, and also at the Cook Islands, and from Rarotonga comes the version that makes Hina a daughter of Rongo, though another recital from that group speaks of Hina as a daughter of Tangaroa; possibly there was more than one Hina. In a South Island (N.Z.) recital Hina appears as a daughter of Mahuika, but in the Tuamotus she is said to have been a daughter of Rona, a position unknown elsewhere, so far as I am aware. Another South Island tale makes Hina the mother of Maui, a position she also holds in Hawaii. At Samoa Hina appears as the mother of Rongo.
One of the most widely distributed of Polynesian myths is that concerning the phallic eel Tuna and its connection with the mythical origin of the coconut and often with Hina. This story, however, is all unknown in New Zealand; [it may be consulted at pp. 132 and 142 of vol. 34 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society, and pp. 77-80 of Gill's Myths and Songs of the South Pacific. In the latter version Tuna the eel changed his form into that of a handsome man, and so won the regard of Hina.] The best Maori account of Tuna and his connection with the wife of Tiki was given by the Ngati-Ruanui folk of Taranaki. In this version Tiki is described as the first man, and his wife as the first woman. Tiki was the first to appear, and he found his condition to be a lonely one, having no mate. He long sought a companion but found no suitable one among the creatures of earth. On one occasion he saw his own reflection in a pool of water, and was so attracted by its appearance that he plunged into the pool in order to secure it, but the immaterial image vanished. Later on, during micturition he filled a small hollow in the earth and then saw therein the same image reappear. He at once covered the reflection with earth in order to prevent it escaping, and the result was that the reflection he had seen developed into a woman who came forth from the earth and served as a companion for him. So they dwelt together, knowing nothing, until one day the woman, when bathing, was approached by an eel that so excited her with its tail that sexual intercourse was discovered, and so, even until this day the tail of an eel is called tara-puremu and hiku rekareka (references to Journal of the Polynesian Society—"And with the tail of the eel art ravished."] But Tiki seems to have resented the action of the eel, and to have held a belief that he himself had been led astray, the act itself was a sin, and quite wrong, and so he killed the eel that was primarily responsible, and cut it into six pieces, from which pieces sprang the six varieties of eels known to the Maori folk.
In the Tahitian version Hina is taken to wife by Tuna, but she dislikes his unpleasant body and so leaves him and goes away to another isle where she becomes the wife of Maui. Tuna follows Hina and is slain by Maui that Hina may be succoured, then the ungrateful Hina becomes enamoured of one Ri, but when she calls him on one occasion he makes no answer, whereupon Maui tells her to call out: "Ri! Ri! Come and place thyself behind me." Then, in the form of a dog, Ri comes to Hina.
In the above tale we have a version of the Maori story of Maui, Hina and Irawaru, and the Tahitian version makes it quite clear why Ri was transformed into a dog, the Maori tale is much weaker, for Irawaru was the husband of Hina, not her lover, and Hina was sister to Maui. The singular tale of Hina and the dog may be in conjunction with a paragraph at p. 143 of vol. 2 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society.
In the Mortlock Isles the eel is called tiki-tol, the Tiki-toro of our Maori dialect, and the meaning of which is "tiki the generator". Toro and hika both mean "to generate", in reference to both children and fire. In New Zealand tiki is a term for the male organ, and also Tiki is a personification of reproduction. Shortland, in his Maori Religion and Mythology, p. 30, mentions that Tiki was invoked by the Maori in ceremonial pertaining to childbirth.
The myth of Hina and the Waiora-a-Tane is an interesting one. Hina-uri, the darkened or dying moon, hies her to the life giving waters of Tane and bathes her wasted form therein, to return to this world young and beautiful (See Dominion Museum Bulletin 10, p. 96).
In the Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 20, p. 13 and vol. 32, p. 162, some account of a Union Group myth concerning Hina will be found. This seems to connect her with the old ten months year that appears to have been known to the ancestors of the Maori at some unknown period. Sina (Hina) the elder had a daughter of the same name, and also ten sons, whose names were Folk Lore, 1921, p. 51, may be read with interest, one Sinailele (Hina-i-rere) appears in it.
Something should now be said about Rona, whose name is often mentioned in conjunction with the moon. In popular Maori myth Rona is, not the man, but the woman in the moon, though in what may be termed higher class teachings she is said to be the guide or conductor of the moon, and also one of the two tide controllers, hence her full name of Rona-whakamau-tai; as the men of old put it—"ko Rona-whakamau-tai te kaiarataki i te marama." The ordinary version of the Rona myth is to the effect that she was a woman of this world who went forth one night with a bundle of gourd vessels, in order to procure water, some versions credit her with but one such vessel. The moon disappeared behind a cloud and Rona had difficulty in finding her way, hence she became irritated and used some insulting expressions towards the moon, whereupon the moon came down and took her up to the heavens. Rona tried to baffle the moon's attack by seizing a ngaio tree, but this was torn up by the roots and likewise carried to the moon, where we still see Rona, her bundle of gourds and the ngaio tree. And the insulting remarks made by Rona to the moon were, says a wiseacre of Matatua, the origin of insults and vilification in this world. The Matatua version makes Tangaroa-a-roto, a sister of Rona, her companion, the moon took both of them to wife after he had swung them skyward; observe the change of sex that here became necessary in order to arrange this marriage. Hina the moon is female, marama the moon is a male here. The friends of Rona went to seek her, but could not find her, hence they called to her: "O Rona! Where are you?" Then they heard a voice from far above calling to them: "Here am I ascending among the stars."
Nicholas seems to have been the first to collect and record this Rona story, his work appearing in 1817 Voyage to New Zealand, vol. 1, pp. 60-61. He describes Rona as a man and omits the cause for the action taken by the moon, but as Nicholas did not know the native tongue he did well to get as much as he did. The latter incident is most prominent in recitals, as it brought punishment to Rona, hence an old saying of the Maori: "Kia mahara ki te he o Rona"—Remember the wrongdoing of Rona.
Among the Takitimu folk te marama i whanake is a kind of honorific term for the moon, as the sun is called Tama-nui-te-ra. Rona, Te Ahurangi and Te Rangitaupiri were appointed as guardians of the moon, while to the moon was assigned the task of influencing the waters of the ocean in causing tides. It was Tane who gave instructions to the above effect, while Tupai added that the great ocean ridge should serve as a centre from which the waters should flow both ways, and that the stars should be so arranged as to assist the moon in such matters. (Ka mea a Tane-matua: "Tukua ki te marama i whanake te tauhere o te timu, o te part mai o Hinemoana. "Ka mea a Tupai: "Ko Tuahiwi nui o Hinemoana hei tatai i nga tuatea kia ngawari ai te whakahoro mai ki tenei taha, ki tera taha." Ka tono a tupai ki a Tane kia poua nga whetu hei tatai i Tuahiwi nui o Hinemoana hei hoa mo te marama i whanake, ka oti i konei.)
Te Waka Kawatini explained that Matariki (the Pleiades) has much influence in the control of tides when that star group is above the Tuahiwi nui o Hinemoana, the central ridge of the Ocean Maid, where the flood tides meet. Te Waka Tahuahi stated that the sun, moon and Rona were the offspring of Turangi and Moeahuru who dwelt in their 'houses' called Mairekura and Mairehua on Maunganui. The tapu sun only abode in the tapu house Mairekura, while the moon and Rona, with their parents, dwelt in Mairehau, another fine abode. They roamed about their abode; the plaza over which they moved was the One i Oroku. Another name for Turangi is Tongatonga.
It was the duty of Rona and her colleagues to act as guardians of the moon, the marama whiro, or, as some term it, the marama hua. They restrain the moon and stars and compel them to follow the shadow of their elder, the te kura, or ra tuori (the sun) as some style it, hence the recurrence of night. (Ko Rona ma hei tiaki i a te marama whiro, ki tetahi, i a te marama hua ki ta etahi. Ka puritia e nga tokotoru me o ratau na hoa ano te marama me nga whetu kia whai i muri o te ata o to ratau tuakana, o te ra kura, o te ra tuoi ki ta etahi, koia nga po e po nei.)
Hori Ropiha of Waipawa was good enough to inform me that lunar eclipses, all wanings and disappearances of that orb, are caused by contention between it and Rona. They assail and rend each other until they are in sore plight, when they hie them to the Waiora a Tane and bathe therein, whereupon they recover their former welfare. (Ko te pouritanga o te marama e kianga ana o Rona, a ko te wa o te marama e ngaro nei ko Rona raua ko te marama e kai ana i a raua, ka kai tetahi i tetahi, a ka kau raua i te wai ora a Tane, ka ora max ano.) These waters of life of Tane are not real waters, but sunlight, which is connected with Tane-te-waiora, he who lays down the ara whanui a Tane, the gleaming sun glade, across the breast of Hinemoana, the Ocean Maid, as a path for the spirits of his dead descendants to pass over.
Another Takitimu version tells us that Rona is an evil being, or malignant demon that attacks the moon because the moon destroys food products. (Ko Rona he atua whiro e kai ana i te marama, te take he huna na te marama-i-whanake i nga kai o te whenua, na reira ka patua a taua atua.) A high class native authority stoutly denied that Rona is, or was, an evil being, or that she is antagonistic to the moon. The Tuhoe statement that Rona was a daughter of Rangaroa is another of the connecting links between that being and the moon; as to the story told by the Awa folk of Matatua that Rona was taken to wife by the moon it was but the correct thing to do after that erratic orb had abducted her.
In his collection of South Island traditions Wohlers includes that pertaining to Rona. This version makes Rona a man, whose wife, when Rona was fishing at sea, was visited by a man named Hoka who made a practice of destroying the fences about the place whenever he visited it. A number of incidents of little interest are related, and finally, Rona is said to have retired to the moon, which he occasionally consumes, then waits until it becomes full again and again consumes it. This tale appears at p. 118 of vol. 8 of the Transactions of the New Zealand Institute. Another version, collected by Beattie, is much more satisfactory, and here Rona punishes his erring wife by making her eat portions of the cooked flesh of Hoka; he then retired to the moon where he is still seen with his calabash before him. Other incidents of this latter narrative have already been related in the account of the origin of echoes, inserted among origin myths. A version in Maori appears in White's vol. 2, p. 21; it is based on that collected by Wohlers.
A Tuamotuan tale pictures Rona as a cannibal woman and the mother of a girl named Hina who was admired by a man named Manoihere, but he was slain and eaten by Rona. Rona now threatened Hina, but she was saved by a man named Noa, who slew Rona; then Noa took Hina to wife and begat Hema. This story then merges into the adventures of the ubiquitous Tawhaki (see Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 20, p. 172).
In Fornander's writings occurs the sentence—"There is also a legend of Lono (Rona), who fell in a well, caught in a tree, and was taken up to the moon, where he is still visible." He continues—"This resembles somewhat the Hawaiian legend of Lonomoku." But Lono (Rongo) must not be confused with Rona, although, as we have seen, Hawaiian myth connects the names of Rongo (Lono) and Hina.
There are a few female personifications that seem to be connected with Tangaroa and the moon, fair-skinned, fair-haired whanau kehu a Tangaroa; these are Hine-korako, Hine-kotea, Hine-makehu, Hine-korito, and Hine-huruhuru. In the first four cases these names bear out the connection with fairness, the words korako, kotea, makehu and korito distinctly convey such a meaning, but huruhuru is scarcely equal to such a rendering, though it does carry the meaning of "glow". Hine-korako seems to be the most prominent of these maids, and she is the personified form of the lunar bow or halo. She was appealed to by women for help in the crises of life, but was not so important a being as Hine-te-iwaiwa. In a tapu formula chanted over the vessel Takitimu ere she commenced her voyage to New Zealand Hine-korako is twice appealed to.
During the above voyage we are told that the vessel was guided by Kahukura (personified form of the rainbow) during the day, but, when the shades of night fell, then he retired and Hine-korako appeared to take his place. And so, day and night, an objective point stood far ahead on which the prow of the vessel was laid; this was a matter of firm belief among our Maori folk. Some Ngati-kahungunu elders assured me that Kahukura and Hine-korako were both atua connected with deep-sea vessels on account of their being used as guides, and that the latter was atua that assisted mariners. An old recital refers to calling upon Hine-kotea, Hine-makehu and Hine-huruhuru to assist the passage of vessels at sea and to ward off such dangers as a heavy sea. One sentence in the recital runs as follows: "Na, ko Hine-kotea, ko Hine-makehu, ko Hine-huruhuru, ko Hine-korito, enei he Tinirau, he Tangaroa" It is difficult to see just what the narrator meant by this remark. The various Hine above are referred to as taniwha, monsters that assisted the passage of deep-sea craft, protected and bore them over the rolling sea roads. Ruamano and Araiteuru were two other sea monsters that assisted craft on their way; the latter seems to have acted as a sort of rear guard.
It would appear that some symbol representing Hine-korako was brought hither in Takitimu, for we are told that Hine-korako was fetched from the tapu cave of Te Kohurau and deposited at the stern of the vessel. In the following extract from a chant of Tuhoto-ariki we see references to the mythical beings, incidents, and the beliefs we have scanned:
Herein the child for whom the chant was composed is adjured to turn and look to the south and west, the way by which his ancestors were borne hither by the ocean monsters that conveyed Paikea to land, when Haruatai held the sea path of Takitimu and raging billows were calmed by potent spells; when the path of Kahukura lay before and boisterous winds were banished by the Mist Maid; when the elements were controlled and dangers averted, and when reliance was placed on Hine-korito, Hine-kotea and Hine-makehu. In this effusion the composer speaks of south and west as though he were at Hawaiki, whence Takitimu sailed to the south-west, but he employs terms denoting the personified forms of those points, and poetic license covers any eccentricities as with a cloak.
In these narratives Hine-korako is always spoken of as a guide, but Hine-korito, Hine-kotea and Hine-makehu are said to have remained by the vessel to protect and bear it on its way; occasionally Hine-huruhuru is included among the latter. This latter name appears in other narratives as a second name of Moko-huruhuru, who is apparently the personified form of glow worms, and is alluded to as a mokai or little pet of Kiwa.
It would seem that Hine-korako is known in the Waiapu district under the name of Tukorako, which the folk of that district explain as being the name of a light coloured (koma) bow seen at night. One old man informed me that Tukorako was a name used to denote Kahukura when seen at night.
There is one more note to record concerning one of these luminous lasses, the same being Hine-korako. This name has been applied to a mythical being said to have lived under the waters of the falls of Te Reinga, in the Wairoa district, a being mentioned elsewhere in this chronicle. The Maori myth makers of yore seem to have personified the luminous, brightly coloured bow occasionally seen above the raging waters, and to have borrowed the name of Hine-korako from the fair lady who appears at night.
The Rongo-Hina-moon connection alluded to above may possibly have more light thrown upon it when more data comes to hand. The crescent symbol of Rongo was carved on the upper ends of digging sticks in New Zealand, while at Easter Island the crescent is seen incised on rocks at the placed oalled Orongo (O-Rongo), and the crescent-shaped breast ornament was worn by women, as the tiki pendant was in New Zealand, and possibly with the same object, Rongo, Tane and Tiki are all fertilising beings. The Maori planted his kumara crop during the Tane and Rongo-nui phases of the moon; these are styled O-Tane and O-Rongo-nui, sometimes simply O-Rongo, though we write them Otane and Orongo; the O is but a prefix. Rongo was the elder brother of Tane in Maori myth, and his name is given precedence, as in the coupled title Rongo-ma-Tane. In Gill's Myths and Songs, p. 11, we read that at the Cook Islands, Rongo was said to dwell in the underworld, and why not, when sun and moon seem to sink into the earth; that underworld is the unseen home of Tane, as well as of Rongo. The double name Rongo-ma-Uenga is met with in Rarotongan recitals but is apparently unknown to the Maori. Two interesting names of Rongo recorded by Fornander in An Account of the Polynesian Race,
Rongomai is another being who, it is said, was enabled to reach the moon by means of a powerful charm, this in order to escape from enemies, and he made his oven pits there, and his enemy Maea was taken up to the moon and cast into one of those ovens. But Rongomai the atua of local fame seems to be a personified form of meteors, save in a folk tale where he is connected with rainbows. (See Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 21, p. 154.) As for Rongomai, he has been placed on record elsewhere. (Dominion Museum Bulletin 9, pp. 49-50.)
The heavens above are sometimes called the Rangi nui a Tama or Great Sky of Tama, the Tama being an abbreviated form of Tamaiwaho. The Maori retained a far spread fancy in the "hanging sky" envelope of the earth, and through this hanging down part of the sky it is necessary to pass if you wish to go beyond the horizon. South Island natives, Beattie tells us, believed that the sky came low down at the horizon, but there was room to pass through between sky and earth, as proved by an ancient navigator who made a voyage across the horizon in order to clear up the mystery. In his account of Tonga-tapu published in 1810, Vieson remarked in explaining the views of the natives as to the origin of Europeans: "They called us 'the men of the sky', observing that the sky appeared to touch the ocean at the distant horizon, and, knowing that we came an immense distance, they concluded that we must have come through the sky to arrive at Tongatapu." This curious belief is, after all, one likely to be held by any savage or barbaric people. Hewitt mentions it in his account of the peoples of India and their myths, and tells us that the Dyaks of Borneo affirm that, if you travel far enough you can touch the sky with your hands.
Rehua, Roiho, Roake, Haepuru, Haematua, Tukapua, Pawa, Te Ikaroa, Tawhirimatea, Tuwhaitiri, and Tamaiwaho were some
There is a singular story in Maori myth to the effect that there are bands of dogs in the heavens. This tale appears in the story of Tawhaki.
Maori myths tell us of a number of beings who ascended to the heavens in the remote past, among whom were Tane, Whiro, Tawhaki, Rongomaui and Haukiwaho. The last named is described by Matatua folk as a being of very singular appearance, he had no nose and no ears, his face was flat, having apertures for mouth, nostrils, eyes and ears.
On the other hand we have in Maori myth various accounts of celestial beings visiting the earth, and such visitors to this world included both sexes. The majority of these super-normal visitants appear to have come down for one purpose, to seek mates in this lower world. Thus Uenuku-rangi, he who represents the rainbow, Tamaiwaho, and Tamarau, all these cohabited with women of this world; while Tairi-a-kohu, or Hine-pokohu, the Mist Maid, and Whaitiri or Hine-whaitiri, the Thunder Maid came down, apparently to seek male mates. Whaitiri asserted that such was her intention when she approached Kaitangata, but we are told that the Mist Maid came down in order to bathe in the waters of this world. I am somewhat dubious about this statement when noting how easily Uenuku seems to have persuaded her to abide with him.
The story of Whaitiri is a well known one; she heard, of one Kaitangata as a denizen of this realm, and seems to have believed that his name described his habits, that he was a confirmed cannibal, hence she appeared on earth and cohabited with him. He did not come up to her expectations as a cannibal, and so she soon returned to her celestial home. But more of this anon.
The tale of Tamaiwaho, a godlike resident of the upper heavens, is of some interest. He came to earth and cohabited with Te Kura, wife of the famous Toi-kairakau of Whakatane, a man of parts who flourished some seven or eight centuries ago. The story of Te Kura was to the effect that she was visited at night by a strange being, that when he entered her hut a strange light and a fragrant perfume seemed to emanate from his person. It was decided to detain the intruder until daylight arrived so that he might be caught, and this was effected by means of closing all apertures of the hut walls that might admit light. Thus was it discovered that the nightly visitor was Tamaiwaho. The sudden admission of daylight so startled the celestial visitor that he bade the people to name the coming child Oho-mai-rangi to commemorate the fact (oho = startled). And we are told that the child Oho became the oponymic ancestor of the tribe called Nga-Oho. One version of the myth is to the effect that Tama, being a spirit, was, of course, not visible, he had no bodily form, and Te Kura explained that the spirit of some one had approached her, she had felt its presence although it was not visible and not a tangible form. It was then planned that the spiritual form should be captured, and this was done. Unfortunately the method of capture was not explained by the narrator, the capture of an incorporeal and invisible spirit must have demanded some ingenuity. The captured god was, however, not retained, for Hine-pokohu, the Mist Maid, came swiftly to earth and covered the place with a dense mist that caused some confusion, and so Tamaiwaho made his escape. An interesting recital of this tale, in the original Maori, as given by old Hamiora Pio of Te Teko, appears at pp. 906-7 of my work Tuhoe, the Children of the Mist.
Tamarau was another of these free-lance roving gods of yore; the full name of this hero was Tamarau-heketanga-rangi, and he became familiar with Rongoueroa, a daughter of Toi, who seems to have inherited the frailty of Te Kura. The child of this semi-divine union was named Awanui-hekei-iho-i-te-rangi, to commemorate the fact that his father had descended from the heavens. It appears that Tamarau came upon Rongoueroa when she was bathing, which reminds us of Uenuku's meeting with the Mist Maid. In Grey's version Tamarau is alluded to as a wairua or spirit, while the victim of the immaculate conception scheme is Rongoueroa, and the resultant child is Awanui-a-rangi. Rongo saw the reflection of Tamarau in the water, and, turning, saw him standing on the bank of the stream. It is not explained how it was that a spirit form could be so reflected, or how a spirit could beget
The tale of Uenuku's adventure with the Mist Maid is inserted elsewhere in this paper, and it is the most interesting story of the kind that we have collected. The Whanganui people mention an atua named Paerangi who descended from the heavens and is alluded to as 'Paerangi atua o Te Moungaroa', but I know not what pranks he played on earth. These stray gods seem to be a feckless lot. Uenuku's second adventure with the wife of Tamatea also comes under another heading.
The deluge myths of the Maori are not by any means of a striking nature. Apart from vague allusions to such a happening we have a doubtful account of a widespread deluge and a well established story of what seems to have been a local catastrophe; the latter is just such a tale as might have been evolved after the occurrence of a devastating tidal wave.
There are several names connected with deluge myths that call for a few remarks. In Parawhenuamea we have the origin and personified form of water, as already explained, and her name is connected with floods, mythical and otherwise. Pelehonuamea of Hawaiian myth is also connected with floods. (See the Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 19, p. 140 and in vol. 24, p. 114). Tangaroa is not connected with our deluge myths, but if, as one Maori pundit remarked, Tangaroa and Te Parata are one and the same being, then a serious tidal wave might be traced to that mighty deep breather.
In recorded data we note references to a catastrophe that occurred in times primeval and is known as the hurihanga a Mataaho, or overturning of (by) Mataaho. This has, in several cases, been explained, as referring to a far spread deluge of ancient times, but this seems to have been the popular belief, the version known by the;many, the fireside tale, and the superior version is a very different story. Another puzzling fact is that hurihanga i a Mataora, hence we can scarcely be surprised at there being some confusion among European writers. One version has it that the saying hurihanga a Mataaho denotes the separation of the primal parents Rangi and Papa, but it is the overturning of the Earth Mother that is meant, and that gave rise to the saying. There are two versions also of this colossal overturning act. In most cases the performing of the great task is credited to one Mataaho, who was connected with Whakaraumoko in his volcanic activities, for the latter was the moving spirit behind all earthquakes and volcanic disturbances. These two carried out the commands of Io to the effect that Papa the Earth Mother should be turned over so as to face downward to Rarohenga, and so no longer be grieved by looking upon her far sundered companion of happier days—hence the hurihanga a Mataaho of which you hear. In one case an expert tells us that the name Mataaho stands for Io-Mataaho, one of the twelve names of the Supreme Being. The name of Mataaho as a distinct being apart from the great Io-Mataaho is one that has not been satisfactorily explained; one native gave it as the name of a being who personifies lightning. In the Kauwae-runga we are told that Io sent his attendants Ruatau and Aitupaoa to instruct Mataaho to employ the forces of Kiwa, Tawhirimatea and Te Ihorangi (representing the ocean, wind and rain) in turning or forcing Papa-tuanuku downward to Rarohenga, after which Mataaho and Whakaruaumoko were to busy themselves in arranging the head, limbs, etc., of Papa that she might lie in a proper and seemly manner. In this recital there is no statement to the effect that a flood occurred; the word takapautia has been assumed to mean "drowned" which is certainly improbable, from a number of similar examples of its use I am inclined to think that it bears some such meaning as "deposited".
In Mr White's Ancient History of the Maori, vol. 1, pp. 172-180, we have an account of a deluge given by South Island natives, and which is said to have been brought about by Parawhenuamea and one Tupu-nui-a-uta. This story has given rise to some argument, and it must be said that it contains some disturbing features. The causes assigned for the producing of this deluge have a distinctly Scriptural aspect, as also has the story of the raft that takes the place of the ark of friend Noah. It is quite possible that a genuine Maori tradition has been "improved" and Ancient History of the Maori, vol. 1, a brief South Island note is given in which another catastrophe is credited to one Puta, whoever he may have been; this is also described as a hurihanga of the land, and this may mean overwhelming or over-turning.
[The brief account of the alleged Tupu-nui-a-uta deluge given at p. 117 of vol. 14 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society was culled from White's first volume.]
In Grey's Mythology and Traditions of the New Zealanders, pp. 2-3, a partial deluge seems to be alluded to in the account of the offspring of Rangi and Papa, and of the contest between Tawhirimatea and his brothers. At that time, we are told, a part of the land disappeared or was covered, in fact the greater part of Papatuanuku (the earth), the names of the "ancestors" who destroyed the land being Ua-nui, Ua-roa, Ua-whatu and Ua-nganga (personified forms of rain and hail), whose children are Mist and Dew. The greater part of the land was covered by water, only a small part remained dry.
We now come to a deluge that may be claimed as a purely Polynesian product, one known as the Tai o Ruatapu. Here we have a genuine Maori story, several versions of which have been placed on record; indeed it may be said to describe an historical deluge, inasmuch as it occurred in the time of persons who flourished some five or six centuries ago. It may be doubted if this well known deluge was of any great extent, for if, as has been stated, the persons mentioned were residents of Rarotonga, that isle is but about twenty miles in circumference, and any part of the deluge that might spill over the edge of it would but become a part of the Great Ocean of Kiwa. Ellis, in his Polynesian Researches, states that traditions of 'the deluge' exist among the South Sea Islanders and evidently he refers all such myths to the Babylonian fable that was borrowed by Christianity and taught to us as an actual occurrence. Our worthy author goes on to say that: "Accounts, more or less according with the Scripture narrative of this awful visitation of Divine justice upon the antediluvian world, have been discovered, among most of the nations of the earth; and the striking analogy between those religiously preserved by the inhabitants of the islands of the Pacific, and the Mosaic account, would seem to indicate a degree of high antiquity belonging to this isolated people." (Ibid., p. 57, vol. 2). This may be, of course, a correct view, but if Providence the merciful wished to destroy a horde of turbulent Asiatics, why include among the doomed the hapless folk of far sundered Rarotonga?—that is if there were any Rarotongans in those days.
To briefly describe the Tai o Ruatapu incident it must first be said that Uenuku, a prominent Maori ancestor, had two sons named Kahutia-te-rangi (also known as Paikea) and Ruatapu; the latter, being the son of a slave mother, was of lower rank than Kahutia. Now Ruatapu committed a serious offence when he used the comb of Uenuku, that object being necessarily tapu owing to contact with the head of a tapu person. Thus it came about that Uenuku spoke severely to Ruatapu, and alluded to his lowly origin on the mother's side with grievous expression. Ruatapu took the bitter words to heart, and resolved to avenge his discomfiture in a manner truly Maori; he made no effort to injure Uenuku, but resolved to destroy Kahutia and some other men of importance. He borrowed a canoe named the Huripureiata and bored a hole in its keel, which he plugged for the time, then invited the principal young chiefs of the district to make a sea fishing trip with him. When they reached a position far seaward Ruatapu withdrew the plug and allowed the canoe to fill with water; in the confusion that followed he managed to slay a number of persons who had treated him with contumely. Kahutia escaped the onslaught and called upon the monsters of the ocean to bear him to land, upon Rongomai-tahanui (who seems to represent whales) and others. As the world of life narrowed Haeora called out: "Who can convey the tohi ora to land?", and Paikea or Kahutia replied: "It can be conveyed by me, for I am the flower of the male and female elements (Ka tae i a au, ta te a ure, ta te a hika)." Then the tohi ora (whatever that may be) was handed over to Kahutia that he might endeavour to reach land with it. Ruatapu again endeavoured to slay Kahutia,
Paikea and Ruatapu were the sole survivors of the Huripureiata disaster according to one version. The forewarned people retired to Mt Hikurangi in order to escape the flood promised by Ruatapu in his very ambiguous remarks; those who retired to Hikurangi, said to have been the peak of that name at Rarotonga, escaped disaster, but others who remained on the low lying lands perished. In the eighth month the sea swept over the lowlands and devastated them, and that inundation is known to the natives of Rarotonga as the Tai o Uenuku, but to the Maori of New Zealand as the Tai o Ruatapu. Paikea is said to have come to New Zealand, where he settled at Whangara, on the East Coast, and his descendants are the natives of that coast. A local version of this story centres it on Mt Hikurangi that stands inland of Waipiro, and brings Paikea to land at Ahuahu or Mercury Island in the Bay of Plenty area, but the tale belongs to Rarotonga.
It is quite possible that this flood myth has grown on the basis of a severe hurricane, such storms are extremely destructive in some cases when they strike the low lying lands of Polynesian isles. The tohi ora mentioned was probably some form of emblem. A statement in one version is to the effect that the tohi ora was handed over to Paikea as though it were a material object. The saying of Paikea anent the a ure and a hika (the force, vigour, of the male and female genitals) is one that is generally miswritten and misrendered; in White we find aure and ahinga. White renders tohi ora as "power of life", and ta te a ure, ta te a hika as "the heat and power of life".
There is no explanation of how Ruatapu produced his flood, or why he should devastate the land and yet warn the people to escape. A brief version of the myth contributed by Hori Ropiha of Waipawa, contains a statement that Rakaiora prevented the Huia ki Hikurangi, tawhitiria ki te whakarua tapu, tena au kei nga popo nunui au o te want." Pio of Ngati-Awa, with commendable pride, makes the famous flood a local one. He quotes Ruatapu as saying to Kahutia: "Haere, e hika! Huia te tangata ki Hukurangi, taia ki te tawhiti whakarua tapu kia rere ai nga morehu; ko ahau kei nga popo nunui au o te want; me hui nga tangata ki Hukurangi." This Hukurangi is a variant form of Hikurangi. Pio went on to say: "This Hukurangi is a mountain on the east coast; the tribes of Aotearoa assembled at that place, whereat they were unassailed by Ruatapu." In a second account written by Ropiha we find that Ruatapu saves his own life by bestriding the capsized canoe, and Ropiha has it that Ruatapu referred to the long nights of the winter, which looks better than the "long nights of the eighth month" noted in some versions, one does not look for long nights in February in southern lands. It was the Tai o Ruatapu that was responsible for the burying of the trunks of trees that are here found during excavations, thus Pio of Awa.
Another version of our story has it that Ruatapu was flying a kite and it descended on the roof of Uenuku's hut, whereupon Rua clambered up on to the roof in order to recover his kite, and it was his venturing on to the tapu roof that incensed Uenuku. As to the landing place of Paikea after his adventurous trip, Ahuahu is much too common a place name, for it was an old name of Mangaia isle, and of Maitea island, also a place name at Hawaiki islands, and in New Zealand. An old native has told us that the Ahuatu at which Paikea landed was at Te Pakaroa, in the Whangara district of Hawaiki. Te Pakaroa was the village home of Ira and Ruawharo; Pukehapopo is on the south side of Te Pakaroa, while Titirangi is on the western side of Pukehapopo, and Pikopiko-i-whiti is west of Titirangi; the old name of Pikopiko-i-whiti was Honoura.
A long formula is said to have been chanted by Kahutia when he was preparing for his perilous venture. It was a highly singular feature of desperate crises of old times in Polynesia that persons within a hair's breadth of death found time to recite several yards of lengthy formulae designed to assist them. A version of this charm appears in vol. 3 of White's Ancient History of the Maori at p. 36, Maori part. On p. 35 of that same volume is a statement to the effect that the great pumice deposits of the Kaingaroa Plains Lore of the Whare-wananga, part 1, we see the proper form of Ruatapu's remarks concerning the long nights which pertain to the winter months. Ruatapu tells them that the stars will show the season of his coming, and that they can check the months by counting the twelve feathers of the kumikumi of the child of Parauri, that is of the bunch of white feathers on the neck of the tui bird. The Maori maintains that there are twelve of such white feathers; the twelfth month would certainly contain long nights. (E tae ki uta kei a Wehinui-a-mamao mana a whakaatu max te tau. Tirohia te kumikumi o te potiki a Parauri ngahuru ma rua, popo roroa o te takurua tena au te haere atu mu.)
Hikurangi is a favoured mountain name among Polynesian folk. Mount Hikurangi in the old homeland was a tapu place where sunlight ever fell and death was unknown. There is a Mount Hikurangi at Tahiti, another at Rarotonga, and several in New Zealand, where, in some cases it is applied to mere hills. Hukurangi is a well known variant form among the Matatua folk. A local myth in the Waiapu district is that the canoe of Maui, in stone form, lies on the summit of Mt. Hikurangi of that district.
In another version of this story it is made clear that the main object of Ruatapu was to avenge certain disasters that his mother's people had suffered, and which are known as Ra-kumia, Rata-rua, Rangikapi, Kura-tangohia, Moana-waipu, Taiparipari, etc., the offensive remark of Uenuku explained before was merely a last straw that brought matters to a head. Ruatapu selected elder sons of high caste families only as companions on his fishing trip, so that his act of vengeance would be more keenly felt. The particular narrative referred to does not, however, include the latter part of the story, though it is enlightening as to the causes of the trouble. It should be remembered that Paimahutanga, mother of Ruatapu, was an inferior wife of Uenuku, she having been a captive.
Colenso published a translation of a long version of this tale in volume 14 of the Transactions of the New Zealand Institute, and this version is an interesting one on account of the narrator having boldly localised the story, a thing seldom done. Uenuku and his folk are said to have dwelt on the East Coast, where the famous (Hawaikian) fighting between Uenuku and Tawheta is
In one version we are told that Paikea transformed himself into a fish when he swam to land, in another Ruatapu states that he will not reach land during the seventh, eighth, ninth or tenth months, but during the Maruaroa, a winter month, the second month of the Maori year.
We have already scanned a number of beliefs and folk tales connected with these phenomena, hence there is not much left to record. We have seen that, when Rangi weeps for his far sundered mate, the Earth Mother, his tears fall to earth in the form of rain, but another authority tells us that rain represents the steaming humidity arising from the bodies of Papa and Hine-moana, earth and sea, the same expert stating that the sun, moon and stars are separate worlds (I mea a Te Matorohanga he ao katoa nga whetu, me te ra, me te mamma; ko te ua he mamaoa no Papa raua ko Hine-moana).
The Maori believed that his tohunga, or those of them who possessed superior mana, could cause rain to fall by means of repeating certain charms, such formulae being empowered by the spirit whose medium the reciter was. Such men could also cause rain to stop. Even an ignorant person could, under certain circumstances, bring on at least a shower of rain as for instance by touching stone, tree, etc., such objects as were termed tipua, and tapu. There are many such objects in all districts, though, alas! their mana has now departed. When Sir George Grey was on the march through the Waiotapu district in 1849 he marked his initials on a soft boulder by the wayside. His Maori attendants told him that the act would certainly produce rain, as the boulder was a mana possessing boundary mark; happily for the natives rain did commence to fall soon after. The shores of Waikare-moana lake are well stocked with such stone and wooden disturbers of nature. The stones, etc., termed uruuru whenua are objects that it is well not to be too free with. The Maori will tell you that it is unlucky to pass a remark on the fineness of the weather, for such a remark will probably cause rain to fall. I have been remonstrated with by natives, when travelling, for erecting a tent on a fine evening; such an act is, I was informed, a demand for rain. When a fine, pleasant day comes in the Whanganui valley the people say: "Me te ra i whanau ai a Muringa."—It is like the day on which Muringa was born. This Muringa was an ancestor renowned for his admirable qualities. On the other hand they have a saying that expresses displeasure if only lowborn persons are connected wth such delightful weather, a beautiful day is wasted on such folk—"Koi maumau kau te rangipai mo Tutua." The Matatua folk have their own saying for a fine day—"Me he mea ko te rangi i whanau ai a Te Rangi-tauarire"—a saying concerning another ancestor renowned for his pleasing qualities. On a disagreeable day they refer to an equally disagreeable ancestor named Horu, as follows—"Me te rangi i whanau ai a Haru"—the day that produced such a fellow must have been an abominable one. I have heard a very much more modern saying, a post-European one, that says—"Me te rangi i whanau ai a Hatana"—like the day on which Satan was born! This latter is paralleled by another for a fine day—"Me te rangi i whanau ai a te Karaite"—like the day on which Christ was born.
One Uruika, an ancestor of Bay of Plenty folk, was remarkable for disdaining to seek shelter in wet weather, he steadily pursued his avocations undismayed, hence a saying yet heard—"Hai aha ma te uri a Uruika !"—what matters it to a descendant of Uruika. Many times, when travelling in wet weather, I have been called a descendant of Uruika. Another old saying is the distichous—"He roimata ua, he roimata tangata"—rain tears and human tears, both were shed over the dead, the former being produced by means of the arts of white magic. We have heard Maui calling upon Te Ihorangi to come to his rescue, and an old Maori once monoao shrub for fuel, rain will surely follow. The torea bird calls "Keria! Keria!" when a storm is toward. To omit the simple placatory act of uruuru whenua calls for rain, also bear in mind that a tingling sensation in the ear betokens rain.
Wainui or Wainui-atea and Hinemoana are personified forms of the ocean. Rivers are said to flow to their parent Wainui, and it is Wainui who calls the inanga to come to her and give birth to their young. Sick persons are taken to the water and placed therein because Wainui represents water and she was one of the remote ancestors of the human race. Ever the Maori looked to his ancestors, human and mythical, to preserve his life and welfare in this world. The Matatua folk place Wainui as a daughter of Papa-tuanuku, the Earth Mother, but among most tribes her name does not appear, and Hinemoana takes her place. It is a noteworthy fact that I never heard the name of Hinemoana uttered by the Matatua people during a residence of fifteen years in their district.
Among those Matatua folk one Nganga is looked upon as the personified form or mythical originator of frost, hail and ice; and Tiora seems to occupy a similar position, but is more closely connected with ice. Snow, hail, frost and ice are sometimes alluded to as Nga ika a Whaitiri. In order to avert a frost, or cause a change in the weather a person would procure a firebrand, take it to the urinal of the hamlet, and there wave it to and fro as he repeated the following effective charm—
(What mountain is that standing yonder? The mountain standing yonder is … Pound its head, beat its head. Cloudy, cloudy, clouded over anon.) In the blank space the name of local mount or hill would be inserted. Here is a fair specimen of the simple charms by means of which the Maori believed that he could interfere with natural laws. Paitini of Tuhoe gave me a similar account of this marvellous frost averting ceremony. When an expert saw that a frost might occur and crops be injured, he would say to one—"Tikina atu te mianga, tiwaiwaitia" meaning that the bidden one should take a firebrand to the urinal, and tatai whetu, and in which one can see no sense, it being one of a number of such recitations repeated by children. The object was to recite the whole without taking breath; such jingles are also termed pepe taki manawa.
A number of these have already been disposed of under other headings. In our account of the primal myths of the Maori it was shown that the four supports that were employed by Tane to support the sky are explained by our Maori friends as being the four winds. Also they tell us that we owe our welfare and life itself to those winds, for without them there would be no air for us to breathe.
Tawhirimatea is viewed as the principal being connected with the winds, he took to wife Paraweranui and begat a host of Wind Children, the names of whom usually commence with Apu or Titi. Collectively they are known as the Aputahi-rangi and the Aputahi-a-Paoa. The personified forms of the four winds are—North, Hurunuku-atea and sometimes Tahu-makaka-rangi; South, Paraweranui; East, Tahumawake-nui and sometimes Tahu-rawhiti-roa; West, Tahu-makaka-nui. The ordinary names of the four winds differ to some extent in different districts, at Wairarapa they are marangai, tonga, waho and mauru. In some districts only marangai denotes the north and the north wind. These personified forms are those known to the Kahungunu tribe, but those folk usually make Huru-te-arangi the more immediate forebear of the Wind Children and origin of winds. The list of the names beginning with Titi has already been given, and the following are the Apu names of the wind folk.
These are the Wind Children who assisted Tane to the heavens, and defended him from the attacks of the hordes of Whiro.
We have another being connected with wind to discuss, one that has already been mentioned, and that is Rakamaomao, who was one of the primal offspring, and so a brother of Tawhirimatea. He is, or was, connected with tapu birds. The south wind is known as "the child of Rakamaomao" (te-potiki a Rakamaomao); and another old saying is " te haere a Rakamaomao", which denotes a haere matangaro, any errand that one does not wish to explain is so described. At Mangaia Rakamaomao was head of the wind department; and far to the eastward, at Mangareva, Raka is said to have given birth to the four winds. In Hawaii La'amaomao was viewed as the origin of winds, though at Samoa La'amaomao is the rainbow.
Tini o Matangi-nui and Tini o Mataruwai are said to be names denoting the winds of Mahora-nui-atea, the vast ocean spaces.
In former times the Maori believed that his tohunga held the power to raise and lay winds. Voyagers would call upon certain winds to help them, and we have some interesting data concerning this belief, as given by natives. (In this connection see pp. 188-189 of vol. 23 Journal of the Polynesian Society.) When Manaia was chasing Nuku across Cook Straits some seven hundred years ago, he said to his paddlers: "Be strenuous at your paddling to Mana and I will raise the [favourable] winds of Mahutonga, Paraweranui and Tonga-huruhuru." Te Puaroa-a-tairi, Te-Whakarara-o-te-rangi, Huri-moana and Auruwhenua were names of other winds that were raised by magicians; yet others were Urukaraerae and the Hau-o-Rongomai. Charms were employed in both wind raising and wind laying ceremonial; and in one wind-laying performance the expert stood in water as he repeated the charm, and also passed a dead ember under his thigh with his left hand.
The Maori had retained the far spread myth concerning the wind calabash, that is of the winds being confined in a calabash from which any particular wind might be released by a tohunga. This was a symbolic act, holes in the sides of the calabash were plugged we are told, and these holes represented different winds; in order to raise any particular wind the operator withdrew that particular plug and released the wind. This course may have been followed in northern isles, but I am fairly certain that it was not followed by the Maori, and that when a Maori narrator states that "ka unuhia te puru o Mahutonga"—the plug of Mahutonga was Myths and Songs from the South Pacific.)
In one version of the story of Takitimu we are told that certain warlocks recited charms in order to "withdraw the plug of Mahutonga", so that the south wind might baffle the foremost voyagers. The experts of the leading vessels then, by similar means, raised rough seas behind them, caused great billows to roll across the ocean area known as the Tua-hiwi-a-moko. This was a taupa, a scheme to stay the progress of Takitimu, but that renowned craft carried men of marvellous powers, men who stepped forward and hewed a passage through the surging waves with stone adzes of great mana, another symbolic act. So a passage was cleared for Takitimu, and she sailed down toward the realm of Mahutonga until she lifted the rugged coastline of Aotearoa.
We now know what was meant when an expert gave the word—"Me unu i te puru o Mahutonga kia puta ai a Paraweranui ki waho" (Pull out the plug of Mahutonga that the south wind may come forth). In like manner the puru o Tahu-makaka-nui, the west, might be withdrawn, or that of Tahu-mawake-nui, the east, or that of the north, Hurunuku-atea.
The concept of the wind cave is also Maori, and we are told that Maui succeeded in confining the winds in a cave, the mouth of which was blocked with stones to prevent them escaping. The west wind was the only one that eluded all Maui's efforts to catch it, and so many times Mau the wind seeker rode forth on the north and south winds in search of the mauru that abides in the realm of Tahu-makaka-nui. At certain times the blockading stones were removed from the cave mouth and the Wind Children were allowed to come forth and roam the great sea plains of Mahora-nui-atea, to frolic on the rolling plaza of Hinemoana, the Ocean Maid, to chase the Whanau kapua, the Cloud Children, to harass them and drive them far away beyond the hanging sky.
Far and wide across the earth the rainbow has been a favoured subject for the myth maker, as shown in the works of E. B. Tylor mana -possessing beings capable of interfering in mundane affairs. Naturally many of these Nature myths are of a mythopoetic nature, as when the natives of Atu maintain that Hina (personified form of the moon), who had taken to herself a mortal husband, told him, when age overtook him, that death might not enter her celestial home, hence she must send him back to earth to end his days. After a final embrace Hina caused a rainbow to span the heavens even down to the earth, and down the shining way passed her mortal husband to the world that knows death. In another tale of those parts we are told that upon a time Hina was bathing in the waters of this world, when she was seen by Tangaroa from his celestial home. He unfastened his girdle and allowed it to hang down to the earth, then passed down it to visit Hina, and their progency are the fair-haired offspring, the whanau kehu a Tangaroa. But the girdle of Tangaroa is not so styled by men of this world, for they know full well that it is the rainbow.
Our Maori folk had also their quaint rainbow myths, and the personified forms of that striking phenomenon, Uenuku and Kahukura, were viewed as important tribal gods, more especially in connection with war and devilry. The more important tribal gods such as these were more frequently appealed to than were the superior departmental gods. Unlike us the Maori made frequent use of his gods and relied upon them not only in serious crises, but also in his every day pursuits. The two rainbow "gods" mentioned occupied an important place among the tribes of the eastern coast of the North Island, where Maru was not so prominent as he was among the Aotea people of the west.
Of Kahukura the Awa folk of Whakatane tell us that he is composed of two bands or arches, a double bow. Of these the upper one is of a darker colour than the lower one, and it is spoken of as a male that is embracing the light hued and female lower bow. The upper bow is called Kahukura-pango (dark Kahukura) and Kahukura-i-te-rangi (Kahukura in the heavens); while the female bow is known as Tuawhiorangi, but is sometimes alluded to as the supernatural being extended across the heavens. One informant gave the name of Pou-te-aniwaniwa to the lower aniwaniwa, a word evidently allied to anuanua, a farspread name for the rainbow throughout Polynesia.
True to his stong desire to present everything in human form the Maori will give you lines of descent from gods, the heavenly bodies, and many forms of natural phenomena, or at least from their personified forms. Thus we are gravely informed that Kahukura was the son of Rongo-mai and Hine-te-wai, the first named of whom is the personified form of meteors and meteorites. Mythic recitals tell us that Kahukura was an atua, but that he assumed human form. Also he, being of supernatural origin, and also perchance because he was wont to act as a pilot to deep-sea voyagers, knew of all places, and so he proposed to his companion Rongoiamo that they two should come hither to the land of Aotearoa. Rongo enquired as to the manner of crossing the wide seas that roll between Hawaiki and these isles, whereupon Kahukura seized his mother Hine-te-wai and so arranged her curved body that her feet rested on the Hawaikian homeland and her hands on Aotearoa (New Zealand). Then Kahukura seized his father, Rongomai, and arranged his body on that of Hine-te-wai; then Paoka-o-te-rangi was arranged on top of Rongo-mai, and Totoe-rangi on Paoka. Then Tahaina, Kaurukiruki and Hereumu were arranged in a similar manner, and then the bridge was considered strong enough, and so Rongoiamo clambered on to Hereumu and trudged over his resplendent one-span arched bridge of some 600 leagues in length. Kahukura followed him, one account says that he leaped across, which seems to show a distrust of his bridge. Presumably the different beings who composed the bridge represent the different coloured bands of the rainbow. These two immigrants by way of the famed bridge are said to have introduced kumara or sweet potato into the isle of Aotearoa.
It is an old saying that Kahukura is a being who stands with one foot on land and one on the ocean, an allusion to the vast span of the rainbow. One story is to the effect that he was a descendant of Pou-te-aniwaniwa, a name that recalls Pou-te-anuanua of Rarotonga. Many signs and omens were derived from rainbows, both Kahukura and Rongonuiatau were atua often applied to with regard to divination, and the two Kahukura, male and female, are said to have begat the whirlwind that gyrates in space.
Uenuku, our other personified form of the rainbow, is often termed Uenuku-rangi, and many signs and omens were derived atua. I have no data showing that the two names, Kahukura and Uenuku, were applied to different appearances of the rainbow. I am inclined to think that there must be some distinction, for, in some districts, both names are in use. The saying "Ko Uenuku tawhana i te rangi", curved or bow-like Uenuku in the heavens, resembles one pertaining to Kahukura given above. An enthusiastic believer in the impeccable nature of omens drawn from the appearance of the rainbow once informed me that Uenuku could even be relied on to warn man of dangers threatening him, and that such warnings were reliable. Offerings were made to these rainbow deities, and one informed me that the young leaves of the first planted sweet potato of a crop formed one such offering to Uenuku.
There are two popular and well known stories connected with Uenuku, both of which serve to illustrate the mythopoetic nature of Maori myths. Both of these tales are concerned with visitors from celestial regions, but in one case only is that visitor Uenuku, in the other tale the Mist Maid comes to earth and visits Uenuku, who, at that period, was a denizen of this lower world.
One of these recitals deals with an ancient form of myth known in many lands, and one still retained and taught by some civilised peoples, namely the coming of a male supernatural being from the heavens down to this earth. As in many other well-known examples of the myth our Maori atua were sufficiently material, not to say human, to cohabit with women of this world, as we have already seen in the case of Tamaiwaho. This first story concerns Uenuku-rangi, the rainbow "god", and one Iwipupu, wife of Tamatea-ariki-nui; this Tamatea is said to have been a chief of high rank of Hawaiki, and he seems to have been really an historical character who visited New Zealand. The episode to be related apparently occurred at Hawaiki, the former island home of the Maori, where Iwipupu was visited several times by Uenuku in his spirit form during the hours of darkness. Such a visitation is termed a tahakura by the Maori, we would speak of it merely as a dream. At a certain time, however, Uenuku visited Iwi in more material form, and during the hours of daylight. Tamatea was absent from home at the time, and Iwi was at her task of weaving in their home, when, looking out, she saw Tamatea, as she thought, coming across the plaza. He did not enter the house by way of the doorway, but clambered in through the window space, and when he left, he did so in the same manner. Iwi watched him depart and cross the plaza, but, even as
On the morrow Tamatea returned to his home, and Iwi said: "Did you return hither yesterday?" Tamatea replied: "No, I have only just arrived." "Then, " said Iwi—"Someone of your appearance visited me yesterday; it must have been Uenuku-rangi, he who comes to me during the night." Tamatea now understood matters, he procured from the rear end of his house an oil flask that served as a resting place or symbol of Uenuku, conveyed it to the tapu place of the village and there shattered it.
When Iwi gave birth to her child it proved to be immature, and so it was taken by Tamatea to a tapu hair-cutting place of his, where he left it; when he went later on to convey it to the burial place he found that it had disappeared. Then he saw Uenuku-rangi (i.e., the rainbow) standing out on the ocean, and also Hine-korako. He then, knew that Uenuku had taken the immature child into his keeping.
In a brief version of the above story contributed by Hori Ropiha the aspect of the central act differs. Tamatea, for sufficient reasons, submits to the operation of circumcision, and then utilises the severed part as a kind of offering to his particular atua, viz, Uenuku, suspending it over the window of the house. After this Uenuku approached Iwi, and when Tamatea asks the meaning of her ejaculations she explains as follows: "It seemed to me that the object you suspended yonder had visited me." Then Tamatea becomes aware that Uenuku has cohabited with his wife, and so, in course of time, a child, called Uenuku-wharekuta in this version, was born.
We now come to the more interesting of our rainbow myths, the one related by the Maori in order to account for the origin of that phenomenon; it is the story of Uenuku and the Mist Maid. The latter is known as Hine-kohu, Hine-makohu, Hine-takohu, kohu, pukohu), was a daughter of Whiro, so that she sprang from darkness, as she seems to do when we see her with the breaking day. She dwells in the Cloud House known as the Ahoaho o Tukapua, wherein the Cloud Children abide when not roaming the vast realm of Watea (space). The mist rising from the earth symbolises the greeting of the Earth Mother to the Sky Parent far above. Our Mist Maid was sometimes called upon by man to help him, sometimes as an agent of concealment, at others to prevent certain winds rising. Hine-makohu was sent up on high by Hine-moana and Hine-wai (sea and rain) to cover the body of Rangi the Sky Parent and to provide shade and shelter for the Earth Mother. The Tuhoe story of Hine-pukohu and Te Maunga we have already scanned.
Such was the Mist Maid who descended to earth in remote times, in long past days before the rainbow was seen on high. She was accompanied by her sister Hine-wai, she who represents light, misty rain, and the twain came down to earth enveloped in a column of mist in order to bathe in the waters of earth. Now one Uenuku chanced to be taking his walks abroad, and he came to the place where the two celestial maids were bathing. In one version we are told that Uenuku found his way to the spot where the maids had deposited their garments, and that, when they came to resume their clothing, Uenuku sprang forward and captured the Mist Maid, whom he took to wife. This version I prefer to look upon as a modern or careless rendering, and can it be proved that these celestial beings ever wear anything more material than the diaphanous and fleecy mist. What I regard as the older and more genuine versions speak of them being clad in their long hair, but when they moved abroad, or came down to earth, then they were enveloped in mist so as to be invisible to human eyes.
In another version the Mist Maid tells her sister Hine-wai to remain by the water while she hies her to the abode of Uenuku, and the Rain Maid's duty is to call her sister the Mist Maid when dawn is at hand, so that the twain may return to the heavens ere Tamanui-te-ra, the sun, flashes across the bright world.
When the Mist Maid went to Uenuku he asked her who she was, and she replied: "I am from Rangi-roa and Rangi-mamao; my name is Hine-pukohu-rangi." Thus did she explain that she was from the distant and farspread heavens, and that she was the Celestial Mist Maid. And so, every night, the Mist Maid and her
Now Hine the Mist Maid repeatedly warned Uenuku that he must not make her known to his people until their child was born, otherwise she would desert him forever. Uenuku chafed at the restriction, so earnestly did he desire to tell the people about his peerless Mist Maid, the beauty of whom far exceeded that of earthly women. At last he could no longer resist this desire, and he expatiated on the beauties of Hine of the heavens until it was resolved that stratagem be resorted to in order to detain her until she might be viewed by the people. So it was that all busied themselves in filling up the interstices in the walls of Uenuku's home, so that no ray of daylight might enter, all this to deceive the trusting Mist Maid. Next morning, as dawn approached, Hine-wai called as of yore: "O Hine! The dawn cometh, " and the Mist Maid would have departed but Uenuku detained her, and showed her that no smallest ray of light was to be seen. Again came the warning cry of the guardian Rain Maid, and again Uenuku detained the Mist Maid, until Hine-wai was compelled to depart and ascend to the heavens, leaving her deceived sister in the abode of the guileful Uenuku.
Hineata, the Morning Maid, came to the home of Uenuku and found the plaza full of expectant people. The door of the house was opened and the broad light of day entered therein; the betrayed Mist Maid rose and passed out on to the plaza, whereupon she ascended to the roof-peak of the house of Uenuku, whereon she stood to sing a song of farewell to this world. As she stood there, clothed only in her long hair, the assembled people gazed upon her and marvelled at her superb beauty. The song referred to the duplicity of Uenuku, her folly in trusting him, and her determination never to return to him. As the Maid sang her farewell song the people saw a column of mist descending from the heavens, descend until it gradually enveloped Hine-makohu; as she finished her song her form was entirely concealed, and then the mist column slowly rose and ascended to the heavens. But when the people looked for the lovely Mist Maid they found that she had left them, had ascended in the mist column to the vast realm of Watea where the Cloud
In some narratives the name of Niniko replaces that of Uenuku, it appears to be a corrupt form. A Taranaki version of the above story may be seen in the Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 17, p. 22, in which the lovely female visitor is described as a turehu, a sort of fairy folk, but this causes the true point of the myth to be missed, as also its origin. The myth is based on the fact that there is a connection between mist and the rainbow, both are seen during showery weather. The Taranaki version agrees closely with the Matatua version given above, save that the column of mist descending from the heavens is replaced by a cloud that drifts in from the sea. [At p. 86 of vol. 19 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society is given some account of Asiatic parallels to this tale, while others appear in the writings of Andrew Lang. See also p. 37 of vol. 20 of the above Journal. An Irish folk tale tells us of Aine, a fairy queen, whose cloak was stolen by Earl Gerald while she was bathing, he refusing to return it unless she became his bride. She warned him never to show surprise at anything done by her child, he broke his promise and so Aine was obliged by fairy law to leave him.]
Even in our local mythology we find parallels to the story of Uenuku and the Mist Maid. Thus we know that Whaitiri came down from the heavens and lived here as the wife of Kaitangata. She is one and the same as Hine-whaitiri, the Thunder Maid, and she came down to earth attracted by the name Kai-tangata, which denotes man-eating, she being an enthusiastic cannibal herself. Disappointed at the sad lack of human flesh she set to work to destroy all other food supplies, so as to force Kaitangata to live
The Matatua folk state that Whaitiri had another husband, whose name was Rangi-matakeho, in the heavens; by him she bore one Hapai-ariki, while by Kaitangata she had Hema, who mated with Tako-tako and had Tawhaki. Whaitiri warned Kaitangata that he must not speak of her to his people until her child was born; if he did so she would desert him. She declined to wash or otherwise attend to the babe, on account of her tapu condition, thus leaving Kaitangata to act as nursemaid. Tapu must have been a very convenient institution in former times, for some folks, but not so for others. Eventually Whaitiri returned skyward in a cloud of mist.
When Tawhaki, grandson of Kaitangata, grew up, he had a similar experience to that of his grandfather, celestial maids seem to have frequently roamed earthward in those days. Hapai, who dwelt in upper realms, looked down and saw that Tawhaki was fair to look upon, hence she came down to this world and became his wife. Here also some trouble arose anent the washing of the child, and Hapai left her earthly husband even as Whaitiri had done. In the version collected by Sir George Grey the woman's name is given as Tangotango, a well-known name. We are, however, now straying away from our rainbow myths and invading the sphere of thunder and lightning, which calls for a different sub-heading.
We have already given a number of personified forms of lightning including Tama-te-uira, Hine-te-uira, and Hine-i-te-kohera. Lightning is sometimes referred to as te ahi tipua a Hine-te-uira—the weird fire of Hine-te-uira. Tawhaki himself is closely connected with lightning, a fit position for a grandchild of the atua of thunder and lightning; when the heavens thunder then the Moriori folk appeal to Tawhaki;" such was a remark made by a Chatham Island native. It has been said that Tama-te-uira represents forked lightning and Hine-te-uira sheet lightning, while Mataaho personifies the flashing of distant lightning. Tupai represents storms of thunder and lightning apparently; in the Matatua district when anything was struck by lightning it was said to be the work of Tupai. Matatua folk also tell us that Hine-te-uira and Hine-i-te-kohera, who personify lightning, were the offspring of Arawhita, child of Tawhaki. Takitimu people tell us that Hine-te-uira was a daughter of Tane.
The expressions rua koha and rua kanapu are employed to denote distant lightning, as seen flashing on hill peaks. Some high hills and ranges are specially remarkable for such displays, and such hills are termed rua koha; these hills are found in all tribal districts, thus Mt. Tuahara is a famous rua koha of the Taupo area, while the Ngati-Whare tribe depends on Moerangi and Tuwatawata. Tawhiuau is the rua koha of Ngati-Manawa. Te Peke a Tumariu, a peak of the Huiarau range, is a famed rua koha of the Ruatahuna district, and Te Aka-puahou, further north on the same range, passes the warnings of the gods on to the Tama-kaimoana people. For all such phenomena were, to the Maori, laden with portents, and all kinds of omens were derived from the manifestations of Nature. Hence when lightning flashed on a hill top, or thunder muttered among the maunga haruru or "rumbling mountains"; when a rainbow spanned the hanging sky, or clouds assumed peculiar forms; when a meteor flashed through the realm of Watea, or a comet trailed across the breast of Rangi, ever the Maori knew that some meaning concerning his welfare lay in these things, and ever he sought to read the warnings of the gods.
Omens seem to have been drawn from the direction in which the lightning flashed, if in a vertical direction then the local people were endangered, but if the flashes were in the direction of the lands of another tribe then some misfortune would ere long come to those folk. Unfortunately it would appear that no intimation was given of the nature of the misfortune foretold by the flashes, hence the people would be left guessing, and one would suppose that they would be somewhat fearful about engaging in any enterprise. Natives have told me that defeats in certain fights suffered by their tribes were foretold by the rua koha, possibly they were, but the gods were too ambiguous, and
It has been remarked that the Rero Tawhaki was connected with lightning. As one of our early writers on the Maori said—Tawhaki was an important being whose shining body was compared to the lightning. Whaitiri bore a son named Hema, who had three children, Tawhaki, Kariki and Pupumainono, the two first named being males. In the mythical genealogies of the Maori Tawhaki appears as about eighth in descent from Maui, and he is said to have flourished some fifty generations ago. These imaginary lines of descent merge into lines of genuine ancestors in later times. Stories have been handed down concerning five generations of the Whaitiri family, as shown.
We have seen that Whaitiri represents thunder, Tawhaki lightning, and Whaieroa comets. Hema is not explained in Maori recitals, but at Hawaii the word seems to denote the south wind, while Rata is closely connected with the personified form of sandstone (Hine-tua-hoanga) and the task of grinding implements, etc., in vernacular speech rata means 'sharp'. My faith in the human form of these gentry is of the slimmest nature, rather are they personifications, figments of the fertile Polynesian brain. [A genealogy given facing p. 210 of vol. 14 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society makes Toi an ancestor of Tawhaki, but probably nearly the whole of the line given is mythical. Facing p. 218 of vol. 22 is a more orthodox line, and at p. 910 of my Tuhoe appears that Matatua version of the Tawhaki line. At p. 1 of vol. 30 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society is given the Rarotongan position of Tawhaki, wherein Karihi appears as the elder brother, as he also does in one New Zealand line.] A Takitimu line gives Hine-tuakoanga as the wife of Wahieroa and rata) I suppose sandstone would.
In the version collected by the late Sir George Grey (see Polynesian Mythology, p. 36) Tawhaki appears as the son of Hema and Urutonga, the former being the male parent, as in most other versions, but in the Matatua version Takotako is the father, and Hema-i-te-rangi the mother, of Tawhaki. I collected two versions of this tale in the Matatua district. Tuhoe tell us of two ascents that Tawhaki made to the heavens, one being his quest of his grandmother Whaitiri, and the other was when he wished to secure the services of the dog bands of the heavens associated with Tama-i-waho as a help in the task of avenging his father's death. For Takotako had been slain by certain peoples known collectively as the Tini o te Manahua and the Papaka-wheoro, who were aggrieved becuase he had secured Hema, a person of celestial origin, as a wife. Prior to the death of Takotako the Manahua folk had captured Tawahaki and burned him at a place called Tarahanga, but Takotako had restored him to life and health by repeating over him the following charm, termed a whai wera—
Since the time of Tawhaki, that is from about the time when the Danes were harrying the English coast, the Maori has employed this charm in order to cure burns; so say my Tuhoean advisers.
When Takotako was slain by the Manahua or Makahua folk then Tawhaki and his brother Karihi decided to ascend to the heavens and there seek assistance in the task of avenging the disaster. So they fared on until they came to a place where a spider's web, toi huarewa, was hanging down from the heavens. Tawhaki grasped this web and recited a brief charm—"Tapiki tua, tapiki waho, tapiki e te aweawe a Tawhaki." So they clambered up the pendant way to the upper world, and there came across a blind old woman named Matakerepo (blind), who was counting some taro, of which she had ten. As she was so counting them Tawhaki filched one away and so the count made was but nine; as the old woman was recounting them Tawhaki took away another, and so continued to tease the woman until she suspected that some one was tampering with her taro. She grasped her staff and whirled it round her in the hope of striking Purangiaho to mata e Tawhaki", and the sight of the old woman was restored. She asked the brothers where they were going, and Tawhaki replied: "We go to seek our grandmother Whaitiri, and also assistance in avenging the death of our father, who has been slain by the Tini o te Manahua; by which way do we ascend to the upper heavens?" Replied the woman: "Yonder lies your path. Farewell! Ascend to the clouds above, to the lightning above, to your ancestors above. When you encounter some persons poling a canoe they will direct you on your way." Then the brothers fared on until they came to those canoe-poling folk; there were two of them and their names were Tirara and Tirare; these directed the brothers as to their route, saying: "When you come to some women who are engaged in washing garments they will give you further directions." The brothers went on, and, on reaching the bank of a stream, they looked down and saw two women at work by the water's edge. Now one of the women saw the forms of Tawhaki and Karihi reflected in the water, and so she said to her companion: "O friend! Here are handsome husbands for us." They enquired the destination of the brothers, and pointed out to them the house of Whaitiri.
In one of the Matatua versions collected the brothers had some difficulty in ascending from the abode of the blind woman to the home of Tawhaki, and a number of recitals show that Tawhaki alone succeeded in reaching the tenth heaven. The trouble experienced was the fall of Karihi; he insisted upon being the first to ascend to the upper heavens, but, when half way up the difficult ascent, he fell, though he was rescued by his brother. In the majority of versions collected among various tribes this accident was of a much more serious nature, as we shall see anon. To proceed; when the brothers came to the house of Whaitiri then Karihi entered by the doorway thereof, but Tawhaki passed through the window space and deliberately seated himself on the pillow of Whaitiri, a most daring and dangerous procedure in Maoridom. Then one went and reported to Whaitiri that a stranger had seated himself upon her tapu pillow; and she said: "Whose offspring can he be to thus carelessly assume a right to seat himself on the pillow of Whaitiri?" When she saw Tawhaki, however, she recognised him as her grandson and she then conducted him to the tapu waters of the community whereat the tohi rite was performed over him, after which he was free to partake of food and foregather with the people.
In one Matatua version we are now told that Tawhaki took one of the two women seen at the stream to wife, and that their child was Arawhita-i-te-rangi, also that Tawhaki attacked Tangaroa (who represents all fish) in order to procure some fish to be used in the baptismal tua rite over the infant. The common version is to the effect that Tawhaki attacked a sea dwelling folk who had slain his father Takotako (called Hema among other tribes). The slayers of Tawhaki's father are, in different versions, called the Ponaturi, the Tini o Ponaua, the Tini o te Manahua, the Tini o te Makahua, and the Papaka-wheoro. The version given in the preceding paragraph shows us that Tawhaki wished to ascend to the tenth heaven, the uppermost one in Matatua teachings, in order to procure the rahui kuri or herd of dogs of Tama-i-waho, to assist him in avenging his father's death. Whaitiri endeavoured to persuade him not to go, saying that the quest was dangerous, but Tawhaki persisted, and, in the uppermost heaven he found the dog bands of Tama. But Tama was a being possessed of great powers, and he caused Tawhaki to fall from the uppermost heaven, and so perish at the far off place where the sky hangs down. When people of this world awoke the next morning they saw that the blossoms of the rata, pohutukawa and kowhai trees were of a strange new colour produced by the blood of Tawhaki when he fell from the heavens, and that gleaming red colour they have retained from that time down to our own, the folk who now wander athwart the body of Papa, the Earth Mother. And man still call the blossoms of the rata the kanohi o Tawhaki; this is explained by my Tuhoe informants who say that, when Tawhaki fell from the heavens, he plucked out his eyes (Kanohi) and cast them on to the rata tree, and so the red blossoms represent the eyes of Tawhaki, who may have been red eyed. This explanation has a belated appearance; as gleaming and flashing aspects are associated with Tawhaki the allusion may be to the face (kanohi) of Tawhaki, and it is the singular form of the definite article (te) that is always employed.
Other versions do not kill off Tawhaki in this tragic manner, and so we hear that he obtained the services of the dog band and avenged the death of his father. Another version is to the effect that he neglected to secure the dogs when on his way to raid his enemies and so they abandoned him, doubtless to return to their celestial home. These dogs form a puzzle, they are sometimes referred to as Irawaru and Ruarangi. As we have seen, Irawaru was transformed into a dog by Maui, and is viewed as a kind of tutelary being of dogs, while Ruarangi is, according to native kuriruarangi. So far as I am aware these dogs of the heavens appear only in the Matatua versions of the myth. Perhaps a hint of the meaning of these fighting dogs may be gathered from the fact that renowned fighting men were sometimes referred to as kuri or dogs, and so we hear quoted an old expression, "Nga kuri a Pohokorua" (The dogs of Pohokorua), which denoted the turbulent bush fighters of Maungapohatu.
While Tawhaki was ranging the upper world he was not recognised as a god until, on one occasion, lightning was seen flashing from his armpits.
In his Maori Mementos, published in 1855, pp. 75-6, see footnote, Davis gave a brief account of the Tawhaki myth. Having stated that the spirits of the dead, in Maori belief, passed to the Reinga, he added: "Some of the more privileged spirits however ascend to Tawhaki, who sojourned in this world for a time, and whose dead body was accidentally discovered by noticing spots of blood on the back of a certain bird which was in the habit of frequenting the place of interment. When the mangled corpse was taken from the earth bone united to bone, and sinew to sinew; and Tawhaki lived again and ascended to heaven on 'one thread of a spider's web'. The rites observed by the priests in regard to this mysterious being, who is often spoken of as a 'god-man', are of the most sacred character, various choice plants are mentioned as descriptive of the loveliness of his features; his shining body is compared to the lightning, and his blood to the juice of the Tupakihi berry." It is true that Tawhaki was viewed as a god, but there is no reliable evidence to show a belief that spirits of the dead ascended to him, or that he had anything to do with them. The reference to the red beaked bird will be explained anon, and the "choice plants" have already been referred to.
Thomson, in his Story of New Zealand, published in 1859, vol. 1, pp. 110-111, speaks of the deified ancestors of the Maori, and states that Maui, Uenuku and Tawhaki are the only deified ancestors of the Maori known to all tribes. It is very doubtful if Maui and Tawhaki were Maori ancestors, and evidently the writer confused the atua Uenuku with the ancestors of that name. The Uenuku described by him (at p. 111 of vol. 1) is the atua of the rainbow already described in this chronicle. He gives a very brief account of the Tawhaki myth in eight lines.
Taylor, in Te Ika a Maui, p. 35, tells us people were not aware of anything abnormal about Tawhaki, until some saw him throw aside his garments and "clothe himself with the lightning." This writer gives Punga as the name of an elder brother of Tawhaki (p. 33), from Punga and Karihi came the lizard and shark. Tawhaki was slain by his brothers; his sister-in-law Muri-whakarotu sought him, but when she called him the bird pukeko answered "Ke!" and the moho answered "Hu!" Tawhaki was restored to life, and then he and Karihi ascended the toi path to the heavens, but Tawhaki arrived first and severed the toi path to prevent Karihi reaching the heavens. He then encountered Whaitiri, who was counting her ten sweet potatoes, not taro in this version; she was quite blind, owing to her eyes being scratched by a multitude of small birds that passed each night in the house of Whaitiri. Tawhaki destroyed the birds and restored the sight of Whaitiri's eyes. Taylor gives another version of the story that introduces the Hapai incident and the taro-counting and blindness-curing episode, after which Tawhaki ascended further in search of the decamping Hapai. He disguised himself as a poor man of low condition, and, ere long, came to where the brothers of Hapai were busy hewing out a canoe. Unseen by them he later hewed out the canoe himself, and the men found him re-dressed in his fine garments and of a noble appearance, so they took him to the village where he was recognised and received by Hapai, his celestial wife who had deserted him on earth. When their child was born it was carried out of the house by way of a specially made passage-way through the rear wall.
In another version published by Buller in Forty Years in New Zealand (1878), pp. 190-195, Tawhaki and his brother ascended to the higher heavens by way of a cord, the lower end of which was attached to the neck of Whaitiri, Karihi fell from the pendant cord and was devoured by Whaitiri, his own grandmother. When Tawhaki reached the upper heaven he arrived at the house where the Ponatouri folk passed their nights, though they passed the day in the sea. He destroyed those people and found the bones of his father; he also gained one Tangotango as a wife, and she is evidently the same person as Hapai, for the same story is told of her leaving Tawhaki on earth, and his following her to the heavens, where he regained her and "the lightning flashed from his armpits". According to Pio of Ngati-Awa Tangotango represents the Milky Way. I collected two versions of the story of Tawhaki. These two versions emanated from the same school of teaching on the east coast of the North Island; they were written
In both these narratives we are first told that it was Whaitiri who caused Tawhaki to be conceived, and that she left instructions that, when matured, he should ascend to the heavens to visit her. When, in later times, Tawhaki and his brother were seeking a way by which to scale the heavens, Tawhaki secured the first of the several wives he is credited with. This was Hine-murutoka, a daughter of Rakahore, whose child by Tawhaki was Kama, from whom sprang the various kinds of crayfish eaten by man. Now, I can make nothing of Kama, and cannot help wondering if the native writer omitted to write the final syllable of kamaka, if so, and such omissions are fairly frequent in manuscript manner written by natives, it simplifies matters. Kamaka denotes rock and stones, which might be said to "produce" crayfish because they frequent rocky depths. Rakahore is the personified form of rock, and his "daughter" Hine-murutoka seems to represent the collecting of shellfish from Rakahore, that is from sea standing rocks, called toka.
Tawhaki and his brother attended the ceremonial opening of a house named Papakura-o-Tangaroa that belonged to one Hine-te-kawa. The second-sight experts had foreseen the fact that twelve chiefs would attend the function. On arriving at the ara tiatia, the ascent to the heavens, a dispute arose as to who should lead the way, and Karihi insisted that he had the right to do so. When they were half way up Karihi fell, and Tawhaki descended in order to assist him. Another attempt was made, and again Karihi fell to earth, this fall killed him. Tawhaki then plucked out his brothers eyes and ascended to the sky, where he found his grandmother Whaitiri living in a squalid condition, being blind. Tawhaki recited a charm, and then restored the sight of Whaitiri. He found her counting her taro for her garden, named Puna-i-te-rangi, and then came the taro filching episode.
Tawhaki heard that some women were dwelling in the second heaven, and, ere long, they came down to bathe in a stream hard by the home of Whaitiri. Tawhaki looked at them and greatly
In the second account the name Arahita (Arawhita) becomes Arahuta, and the narrative follows the first version closely until we come to the ceremonial function connected with the new house. At that place twelve seats had been prepared for superior guests and two of these seats were still unoccupied when Tawhaki and Karihi arrived. Their names were mentioned by the expert who was conducting the ceremonial and so it became known that they were the two missing guests. But the brothers, were, for some reason, offended at being so indicated, and so they attacked and slew all those folk, save and except Hine-te-kawa, whom Tawhaki saved and took to wife in his usual care-free way; their child was Hine-hangaroa.
The brothers proceeded on their way. The story about the kiokio (? Lomaria, a fern) is not explained, but the ascent, the falls and death of Karihi, and the plucking out of his eyes are as told in the first narrative. Tawhaki used his brothers eyes when he restored the sight of Whaitiri, possibly he transferred the eyes of Karihi to her, and the story continues and ends as in the first version, except that we are informed that Maikuku gave birth to Wahieroa.
In one version it seems that the eyes of Karihi were bestowed upon Whaitiri the blind: "Ka makaia atu e Tawhaki nga karu o Karihi ki a Whaitiri, ka mea—'Purangiaho o mata, e Whaitiri-papa' Taka makere o whatu, e Karihi… e … i!"
As to the singular prohibition concerning sleeping out, another version of this appears in the footnote on p. 143 of vol. 2 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society, where the warning is given by the mysterious being known as Te Manu-i-te-ra, in whom the present writer has but little faith. It is assured that we present this name correctly? Our best native authorities have made no
We know of several such changes in which both forms have appeared in printed recitals, the following are well known instances:
The second name I have also seen in the form of Te Mate-kapua. Another proof in favour of this theory as to Te Manu i te ra is that in a well known version Tawhaki is informed that if he lay with his wife out of doors they would be pierced by the rays of Te Manu i te ra. This injunction was disobeyed and so Hapai was spirited away by Te Manu i te ra. Tawhaki traversed far ocean spaces in search of her, hence the saying "Ko te moana tapokopoko a Tawhaki." Evidently the rays (hihi) were those of the sun.
The Tawhaki myth as collected by Sir George Grey (Polynesian Mythology pp. 36-48) is probably the Arawa version, and therein we find that Hine-piripiri was the wife of Tawhaki. The latter was attacked, left for dead, and buried by his brothers-in-law, but found and restored by his wife. Then a great flood occurred and the people perished, and this flood was referred to as the hurihanga i Mata-aho; this incident does not appear to belong to the story of Tawhaki. Tawhaki and his younger brother then set forth in order to punish the Ponaturi folk for having slain Hema, their father. They found those water-dwelling folk absent on their arrival, but their mother, who had been captured by the Ponaturi when Hema was killed, had been left in charge of the house. As the brothers entered the house the bones of their father, suspended from the roof, emitted a rustling sound in greeting, and they hastened to close all crannies in the house walls to exclude daylight, the oft told story we heard when sojourning with the Mist Maid. By these means the Ponaturi folk were caused to sleep late, until the sun had risen, when the brothers drew aside the sliding door. There was no need for them to attack
In the Matatua version collected by myself we find little variation. The Ponaturi folk were absent all day in the realm of Tangaroa, the ocean, in search of food, and returned to their house each night to sleep. That house was apparently on land, a singular fact, inasmuch as the Ponaturi folk were apparently fish. On returning each night to the house one of the sea folk would be in advance in order to detect the possible presence of enemies by the sense of smell. This advanced scout did detect the presence of Tawhaki and his brother, hence he advanced sniffing the air in a suspicious manner, but, owing to his companions pressing forward, he lost the scent, and so Tawhaki was safe. As in the Grey version the sunlight, entering the house, Pikopiko-i-whiti, destroyed the Ponaturi folk. In some versions a lone escapee is Maroro, the flying fish. Tatau, by which name the captive mother of Tawhaki was known to the Ponaturi, was restored to her home; she was called Tatau (door) because she acted as doorkeeper of the house of the sea folk.
In a Takitimu version we are told that the people destroyed by Tawhaki in order to avenge his father's death were the tribes of Tini-o-Ponaua, Tini o Patuare and Tini o Awakati. The same people tell us that Tawhaki brought from Rangi-tamaku, the second heaven above the earth, some thirteen species of sea and land birds that were under the care of Punga; the crayfish was brought to this world with the birds. Again, we are informed that the canoe of Tawhaki was Te Rangi-paenono, but are not told what he did with it or where he sailed to.
Other versions of the myth tell us that Tawhaki resembled a human being, but he would sometimes ascend a mountain and clothe himself with lightning. When Tawhaki was slain the two parrots, kaka and kakariki got some of their feathers stained red with his blood. Offerings to Tawhaki were divided into ten portions, and one of his wives was Hine-tuatai. The full name of Hapai, another of his wives, was Hapai-o-mani or Hapai-nui-a-maunga. One of Tawhaki's objects in ascending to the heavens seems to have been the acquisition of the many charms and spells known to Tamaiwaho; these charms he is said to have obtained, and yet, in another version, Tamaiwaho is said to have slain Tawhaki. An extraordinary incident is related in one version to
Punga and Karihi appear as children of Whaitiri and Kaitangata in some versions, and from these brothers sprang sharks, reptiles, insects. Punga was named after the anchor (punga) of his father's canoe, and Karihi after the sinkers (karihi) of his father's fishing net. The repulsive offspring of these brothers caused some unpleasantness, and so Tawhaki was slain by Punga and Karihi as he was combing his hair at the pool-mirror at Rangituhi. But Tawhaki restored himself to life by means of his potent charms. Tawhaki found Whaitiri annoyed by hordes of small birds that passed each night in her house, and caused her blindness by scratching her eyes. Tawhaki succeded in destroying the birds, by delaying the appearance of daylight, as in the case of the Ponaturi, but one escaped, and that was Tongahiti. An Aotea version omits the cobweb ladder and makes Tawhaki clamber up the side of the heavens at the place where the sky hangs down to the earth, also there occurs a statement that the whaea (mother or aunt) of Tawhaki in the heavens wept so plenteously that her tears descended and covered the world with a flood that destroyed man. It should be observed that much of the data concerning the Maori placed on record has been contributed by second and even third-rate native authorities, and it would appear that some of them have confused some of the legendary matter, they not being responsible conservers of such whare wananga was retained until the arrival of Europeans with their disintegrating teachings.
An incident in Tawhaki's search for Hapai, his lost celestial bride, that enters into some recitals, is an encounter with Tongameha. He had previously warned his two attendants that they must not look at Tonga, one of them neglected this warning, hence Tongameha plucked his eye out. This occurred prior to Tawhaki encountering the old blind woman, called in this version Matakerepo (blind). The old woman detected Tawhaki by scent, she turned, lifted her nose, and sniffed the four winds, thus she found that Tawhaki came from the west. Here we are told that Tawhaki used some of his saliva when restoring sight to the eyes of Whaitiri, and this medium was employed not infrequently by the Maori in restorative rites.
A South Island version explains that it was Whaitiri who showed Kaitangata how to fashion barbed fish hooks previous to that time he had met with indifferent luck as a fisherman, owing to his barbless hooks. We are also told that Whaitiri abandoned Kaitangata because he had made remarks about her unpleasant skin. Whaitiri here instructed Tawhaki not to take his wife outside, he disobeyed her and so a cloud descended from the heavens and took his wife away, as arranged by Tamaiwaho. In this case Tawhaki succeeded in mounting to the heavens on a kite formed of aute.
In another South Island version of the story of Tawhaki given by Pakauwera of Ngati-Kuia we are told that the hair-like growth seen on the mamaku or black tree fern represents the hair of Hapai (ara nga huruhuru o tona hika). Whaitiri advised Tawhaki not to approach Hapai or he would perish. But Tawhaki persisted in going to look at "the hair of the woman"; he was warned twice by Whaitiri, but persisted, and so was slain by Hapai. But Hapai later restored him to life, and they returned to the home of Whaitiri. Then it was noticed that the body of Tawhaki gleamed, that lightning flashed from his armpits. Hapai marvelled at this man around whose body lightning gleamed, day after day passed and ever the lightning shone from his body, so it was that the twain became man and wife. Whaitiri warned them against sleeping outside their hut. Disobedience followed of course, as it ever does, and while they were lying outside a cord having a hook secured to its end, was lowered from the heavens, and rested on the head of Tawhaki. Hapai stretched forth her hand to secure it,
Tawhaki is said to have given the bird pukeko its red marks, and the bird is said to have been connected with his brother. When he ascended to the heavens he met Pakura (the pukeko or swamp hen) who was coming down owing to the lack of water in upper regions. Another story is to the effect that Pakura ate out a shellfish preserve of Tamaiwaho who retaliated by wounding Pakura on the head, and the flowing blood stained Pakura's head for all time.
In Hawaiian myth the rainbow is said to be the path by which Tawhaki ascended to the heavens, and that path was pointed out to him by Rongo-motu, the ertswhile Sina (= Hina), the moon. Both Tawhaki and Karihi are mentioned, as Kara'i and 'Alihi, in an original Hawaiian composition.
A brief account of the destruction of the Ponaturi folk was given me in the original by Tamarau Waiari of Tuhoe. The Ponaturi were a strange folk, they passed their days in seeking food supplies and they bore the names of sea fish; sunlight was fatal to them.
The Tahitian version makes Tawhai the child of Hema and Huauri, and Punga a brother of Hema, while Arihi (Karihi) appears as a child of Punga. This story does not follow the Maori one in its incidents, but the two approach each other in places, as where Tawhaki visits Kui the blind woman, who catches Karihi with hook and line as Tawhaki purloins the old woman's food, after which however he cures her blindness. Another account of these brothers and their adventures is given by Gill, Myths and Songs from the South Pacific, pp. 250-256.
The Tuamotu version follows closely the Tahitian one, it is the same story. At Rarotonga Karihi and Tawhaki are said to have been the children of Hema and Huauri, and of Tawhaki it was said that light emanated from his body like the flashing of lightning. Evidently this version is connected with the Tahitian one, certain names appear in both that apparently are not known to the Maori, others appear in a somewhat different form, thus Pupu-mahinono, sister of Tawhaki in the Maori version, appears as Puapua-mainano at Rarotonga, while our local Hapai-maunga takes the form of Apai-mamouka.
At Samoa Tawhaki is given as the son of Tangaroa. At Hawaii Kaitangata took Hina to wife, their children being Puna and
We also have the story of Tawhaki and Karihi as known to the natives of Efate, New Hebrides. They ascended to the heavens in search of their mother, who belonged to that region.
To the Moriori folk of the Chatham Islands Tawhaki and his wife Hapai-maomao were "parents" of the winds; he ascended to the heavens in search of her, and there met Wheti-taketake, the Whai-tiri-takataka of the Maori version.
In 1849 one Matiaha of the South Island wrote out a budget of native myths for Creed, and this manuscript matter was secured by the late Mr John White, who carved it up and published it in driblets in vol. 1 of his Ancient History of the Maori, p. 95 et seq. That (Tawhaki) was the son of Hema, he went to a far land and there died.
We also have the story of Tawhaki and Karihi as known to the natives of Efate, New Hebrides. They ascended to the heavens in search of their mother, who belonged to that region.
To the Moriori folk of the Chatham Islands Tawhaki and his wife Hapai-maomao were "parents" of the winds; he ascended to the heavens in search of her, and there met Wheti-taketake, the Whai-tiri-takataka of the Maori version.
In 1849 one Matiaha of the South Island wrote out a budget of native myths for Creed, and this manuscript matter was secured by the late Mr John White, who carved it up and published it in driblets in vol. 1 of his Ancient History of the Maori, p. 95 et seq. That Ms matter is marked by some very singular expressions, for evidently the writer became confused with regard to the "ng" of the North Island and the "k" of the South, hence it contains such abominable forms as rongohaka (for rokohanga), kangau (for ngakau), and ngaika (for kaingd).
Clearly the Tawhaki myth is an old one that has been carried to all quarters of Polynesia, and is even known within the Melanesian area. Evidence from many isles is on record in Smith's Hawaiki, in Gill's Myths and Songs, and in the Journal of the Polynesian Society vols 3, 7, 20, 21, 30, 31, 32. In Hawaiki Tawhaki is treated as a genuine Polynesian ancestor who flourished about 700 A.D., and that may be right, but I look upon Whaitiri, Tawhaki, Wahieroa, etc., as fictitious personages, so many of them represent natural phenomena. S. Percy Smith held the view that very ancient myths have been connected with a genuine Polynesian ancestor named Tawhaki.
We have a version of the story of Whakatau as given by Tamarau Waiari of Tuhoe. This is another of the popular stories into which enters a strong element of the marvellous. One is interested in noting an act that also enters into the story of Kupe and his encounter with the Wheke a Muturangi, namely the use of oil in calming troubled waters. Another incident that attracts
Tamarau tells us that Whakatau had a similar origin to that of the hero Maui, he developed in a like manner from a foetus, and, like Maui, he was nourished and guarded by the Wind Folk far out in the great ocean spaces. Upon a time, certain persons who were seeking shellfish at the sea-side saw a kite flying out seaward, and a person walking on the surface of the ocean, ere long he came to land and continued his kite flying. People strove to catch him, but the Wind Folk, his foster parents, succoured him and bore him seaward. The people persisted in attempting to capture Whakatau, all to no purpose, when he said to them: "You will never capture me, but if Apakura [his mother] comes here she will succeed." So a person was sent to fetch Apakura, and, when she arrived, Whakatau was on land again flying his kite, and so Apakura hastened to him and asked: "Whence come you?" Whakatau replied: "I am your own child Whakatau, I am what you cast into the waters, the Wind Folk nourished me." Then Apakura knew that this was her child, and so she took him to her home, where she said to him: "Do not return to your former home." Whakatau agreed to this saying: "Very well, but had I not been caught by you I would certainly have returned there."
So Whakatau dwelt at his new home, where he learned to catch fish, and learned the charms by means of which fish are lured to shore, and also shellfish; also he learned how to call upon the forest folk, the Tini o Hakuturi, to render men powerless, to slay them by magic. Thus Whakatau acquired knowledge of all kinds of plans and devices.
Now Hine-te-iwaiwa heard of the courage and ability of Whakatau, and esteemed him a proper man to avenge the death of her son Tuhuruhuru. She came to the village of Apakura and enquired: "Where is Whakatau?" The people of the place
Then Whakatau gave instructions to his people to prepare for his use the canoe left to him by his grandfather, so it was fitted up, lashed and launched. In the morning they paddled away, seven of them, and, on arriving at the home of Hine-te-iwaiwa, Whakatau proceeded to collect all the oil he could obtain, but laid in no stock of food. So he obtained the oil, and then they set off for the village of the people who had slain the man whose death they were to avenge. They reached the place in the morning, and the people thereof began calling out to them: "For what purpose did you come here, ere long we will destroy the lot of you." Whakatau enquired of the speaker: "What is your mode of attack?" The man replied: "By diving and swimming under water." Said Whakatau: "Very well, now come on." So the warrior leaped into the sea, whereupon the oil brought with them was poured out on the waters and then objects beneath the surface were plainly seen, and so the diver was seen rising to the surface, whereupon Whakatau grasped a spear, attacked, wounded and slew the diver; that warrior was disposed of. The people on shore waited for the diver to return, which he never did. Then another warrior cried: "I will overcome you." Whakatau enquired: "What is your mode of attack?" "I am a person who flies through space." Said Whakatau: "Ah well, fly
When evening came Whakatau set off on his errand of vengeance, and, on reaching the Tihi of Manono, found that the evening fires had been kindled. He procured some fern root and rubbed it over his face, after which he entered the house and seated himself near the fire. One Hioi remarked: "O friends! The man we have been dealing with is a great fighter, yet he is but a small person"—whereupon Whakatau asked: "Of what appear-ance is he?" "There is no one to compare him to, he is but a small man." Then Whakatau enquired: "Compared with me what did he look like?" Hioi answered thereto: "Well now he resembled you, though you now appear changed, your face is darker, still the resemblance is there, now it was you, yourself, you sitting there!"
Then Whakatau lifted his arms on high, fire flashed from his armpits, and at once the side walls of the house burst into flames; in like manner he lifted them toward the ends of the house and those ends were aflame. A state of turmoil now existed within the house, as Whakatau passed out and closed the door after him; when the people inside attempted to escape by way of the smoke-vent he closed that opening. And so it came about that the whole house was burned, while from afar Hine-te-iwaiwa saw the reddened heavens that betokened the destruction of the Tihi o Manono.
It cannot be said that the Maori has no love of the marvellous, and no powers of imagination when he has so many stories of this Te Ika a Maui and it is very closely followed by one given in White's second volume.
In this well known and far spread story we have a good illustration of a world-wide myth, viz., the re-erection of a tree felled without the performance of some placatory rite. This story of Rata and his startling adventure with the forest elves and the magic tree is known in New Zealand and many isles of Polynesia. The voyage of Rata may have been a genuine one, and Rata a mortal man of normal habits but the matter must remain in doubt.
I collected an account of the adventures of Rata in the original Maori, and this recital will serve our purpose, though another in vol. 31 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society pp. 1-15 contains more detail. Inasmuch as Rata was a descendant of Tawhaki one expects that he would possess abnormal powers and meet with strange experiences.
Wahieroa, father of Rata, had been slain by Matuku-ta-ngotango, and so Rata determined to avenge the death of his parent. The expedition of vengeance called for sea-going vessels, and Rata found it necessary to construct a new vessel. So Rata set off to the forest to fell a suitable tree, bearing with him the stone adzes of his ancestress Whaitiri, the names of which implements were Haehaepo and Tawhirirangi. He was accompanied by one Karaerae, a canoe-hewing expert, and, on reaching Tau-o-rerepari, where the forest of Tane is situated, they found trees in profusion, standing close together. Karaerae and the Ngati-Pumotomoto folk felled a tree, and, when it was down, all returned to the village. On the morrow they returned to the forest
Rata now told his companions to again fell the tree, and they would remain near the spot and so ascertain how it came to be set up again on its stump. So the tree was again felled and the party withdrew a space, and, in the evening, they heard the Hakuturi folk approaching, chattering as they came through the forest. As they drew nearer, Rata and his companions heard them chanting a long karakia in which the name of Rata was mentioned as having felled a tree in the forest of Tane without performing any placatory rite. The words of the chant then call upon the chips to return and make whole the severed body of the tree, the bark to again encircle it, the sap to continue flowing, concluding with a command to the tree to rise and take its stand in the forest of Tane. The name of Hine-tangatapu mentioned in the chant is unknown to me, apparently she was viewed as the origin of some species of forest tree, the tree felled was her offspring. The being usually mentioned in this connection is Mumuhanga, she who produced the totara tree.
As the chant of the Hakuturi folk ceased, Rata and his friends saw the felled tree rise and stand erect, even as it stood ere it was felled. Rata now called out: "O friends! Leave the tree lying, to serve as a canoe for me; let it lie." Then the chiefs of the Hakuturi, namely Te Ihorangi, Tutapuakiri, and Tamore-o-te-rangi replied thereto: "You have erred grievously in slaying your elder brother, did you not remember that this is the sacred forest of your ancestor, and that you should perform a ceremony to lift the tapu from the tree?" So they contended over the question for some time, until Tutapu remarked: "Well now, just let my people make your canoe and haul it out to the sea." So it was that the experts of the Hakuturi folk set about fashioning the canoe of Rata, and the names of those experts were Mokota, Tunga and Uhu, while Mahuika was the one who finished off the work and gave it a seemly appearance. The canoe was finished, and named Niwaru, then it was conveyed to Rata, who recited the kawa ritual over it. As the recital concluded, Niwaru, the canoe of Rata, was launched.
Now the vessel of Rata was manned and he and his people sailed to Tawhanui, the home of Matuku-tangotango, where the
Rata now set off, and, on arriving at the long stretch of Makuratea, he found dwelling there the people of Ake-rautangi whom he slew to serve as weapons wherewith to slay Matuku. Here perished Ake-rautangi, who was fashioned by Rata and Tumatauenga into weapons to be used for the aforesaid purpose. When Rata had fashioned his own weapon it was called a pouwhenua; when Tumatauenga's were finished one was termed taiaha, the other a maipi. These were the weapons wherewith the priests of the people of Matuku were slain.
Matuku came forth and went to the stream to wash himself; as he lifted his head Rata struck and killed him, and so the death of his father, Wahieroa, was avenged, he who had been slain and eaten at Papakura. Rata then cut out the heart of Matuku, roasted it at a fire and recited a spell over it, after which the body of Matuku was cooked and devoured by Rata and his companions.
Rata enquired of Toi, Tawhaitari, Ponganui and Whaka-rongoiho as to what danger would threaten him if the people of Matuku sought to avenge his death. They replied: "Unless you slay the priests and people of Matuku then his death will be avenged." Rata asked: "Where is the village of Matuku whereat his people dwell?" Whakarongoiho replied: "Go you to the mouth of the stream Haha, where their village of Whakaarorangi is situated, while up above is another, Amairangi, whereat the priests are living." So Rata and his companions set off for the villages; they found the people of Whakaarorangi asleep, but at the Amairangi village the priests were engaged in reciting magic formulae, and these were heard and acquired by Rata. Then the two villages were attacked, and the priests and people slain, and so Rata and his party returned to their home at the Akau roa o Maura. So ends the story of Rata.
The tree felled by Rata is alluded to in the recital as his elder brother, and from the Maori point of view this is correct, ake-rautangi (Dodonaea viscosa), a hardwood much used for weapons, that were felled by him to serve that purpose; so the hapless Ake-rautangi fell in death, as the Maori puts it. In the description of the weapons fashioned from the timber of these trees it is evident that some difference was recognised between the taiaha and maipi, whereas I have always laboured under the impression that the two names pertained to the one weapon, also known as a hani. Another item of interest is the easy way in which Rata, with apparently but one boat's crew, slew the inhabitants of two villages.
One of the most interesting incidents of the tree-felling episode is omitted in the above version of the story of Rata, one that is described in the Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 31, pp. 8-22, Rata is told by a wise man that he should have performed a simple placatory act when he felled his tree by covering the stump thereof with paretao, a forest-growing fern. When the shades of evening fell Rata conveyed such paretao to a tapu place of rites, where the aforesaid wise man repeated over it a long and peculiar formula. Some writers fancy that the practice of placing a branchlet on the stump of a felled tree, as is done in some lands, is an endeavour to provide the indwelling spirit of the tree with a new home.
When Toroa was about to fell a tree at Hawaiki wherefrom to fashion a vessel to bring him to Aotearoa he was instructed by Hine-tuahoanga to bear to her the first chips that flew when he began to fell his tree. This Toroa neglected to do, and so his tree was re-erected by the forest folk. He then consulted Hine, who sent him to explain the matter to one Tuhoropunga, and the latter said: "Take the girdle from my waist and attach it to the tree when you fell it." Toroa followed these instructions and experienced no further trouble.
In Siam, Burma and Indonesia this belief in indwelling spirits in trees is met with, also the necessity for placatory rites ere felling a
Some of the forest folk who re-erected the tree felled by Rata are given the tribal name Tini o te Petipeti.
Wohlers collected a South Island version of the story of Rata, in which Rata goes to Hine-tuahoanga in order to sharpen his stone tools ere he fells his selected tree. The grinding process was effected by rubbing the stone tools on the back of Hine the Sandstone Maid, who, during the operation, kept repeating the words—"Kia koi! Kia koi!" (Become sharp); so the tree felling tools of Rata become keen edged. After the second re-erection of his tree Rata lay in wait and heard the forest folk approaching, singing as they came: "It is Rata, it is Rata offspring of Wahieroa, the tapu wood of Tane was impiously felled by you, etc." An arrangement was made, as in the former version, and, when Rata awoke the next morning he found his canoe completed and lying outside his house. In this case Matuku lived in a cave, and he was caught in a noose set at the mouth of the cave; the wording of this part seems to show that Matuku was not a human being, but some kind of monster. Now at p. 155 of vol. 3 in the Journal of the Polynesian Society we have an account of the slaying of Matuku in which he is said to have' been noosed at the mouth of his cave. Here Matuku is described as a ferocious beast, a taniwha, that lived in a cave, and whose strength lay in his tail, a beast that drew itself up into trees by means of its tail. The cave in which Matuku lived was known as Putawaro-nuku.
In another South Island version, written by Matiaha, Rata is said to have obtained his stone adze from Ngahue, and the name of it was Papa-ariari. We are now told that the forest folk who reerected the tree of Rata were known as the Tini o te Pararakau, otherwise the story is the same as that published by Wohlers.
At Aitutaki island we find the same story of Rata and his tree felling, but in this case the tree was twice re-erected because Rata had refused to assist a crane he had seen engaged in a fight with a sea snake. When he did finally rescue the crane then all the birds of Kupolu assembled and fashioned his canoe for him, and the vessel was named Taraipo. Rata resolved to sail on a voyage of exploration, and Nganaoa accompanied him, in order to seek his parents Vaiaroa and Tairi. Evidently in Vaiaroa we have Wahieroa, father of Rata in the New Zealand version, but given as Wahiaroa by South Island natives. It is not shown that Rata and Vaiaroa were related to each other. Gill tells us (p. 149) that Myths and Songs, pp. 81-84.
In the Rarotongan version we find the line of descent of this Tawhaki family to be the same as our local one, and the father of Hema is called Kai-tangata by some, and "Tui the eater of men" was another of his names, while yet another alias is given in the Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 19, p. 143. At p. 145 of that volume we note a curious episode not included in the Maori version of the family history. Vahieroa and his wife dwelt at Hawaiki, and Vahieroa went forth to catch some eels to serve as a meal for his wife; the eels were caught, though Koura and Kokopu (Crayfish and Brook Trout) had warned them not to be deceived by baited hooks. Shortly after this Rata was born, while his parents were swept out to sea by flood waters, their bodies being devoured by the offspring of Puna (Punga of Maori lore), viz., the shark, octopus, clam, etc. Then comes the tree felling episode, for Rata had resolved to make a vessel and seek his lost parents. The tree was re-erected twice during hours of darkness, then Rata, lying concealed, saw a multitude of beings assemble to gather the chips and heal the injured tree. Rata drove the forest folk away, and they fled, crying out ever and anon—"E utu"—thus commanding Rata to make a proper return for the tree. Acting under his grandmother's advice Rata had food cooked to serve as a propitiatory offering to the guardian spirits of the forest; all ended well, and the atua fashioned a vessel for Rata. Now Rata prepared for his voyage, and here the Nganaoa episode comes in and he saved the lives of all the crew several times during the voyage, in both the Rarotongan and Aitutaki versions. Not only so, but it was Nganaoa who slew the offspring of Puna who had consumed the parents of Rata. Then Rata and his companions sailed to Whitinui and to Motu-taotao, where the daughter of Puna was slain, and then made for Tumu-te-raroraro
In the Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 21, p. 52, vol. 28, p. 140, we have another story concerning this marvellous re-erection of felled trees, as taken from Wyatt Gill's papers. This tale includes the story of the bird v. sea eel or sea snake fight, but the hero is one Orotaere, not Rata, though the latter is mentioned as guardian of the forest. The bird adversary of the sea snake in this tale is Ruru, the white heron. Now this story of Rata and Ruru was also known to our Maori folk. Beattie collected a brief account of it in the South Island, for which see vol. 25, p. 144 of the above named Journal It is explained that Ruru (which name denotes the owl in the Maori dialect) was the leader of the small forest birds. In the fight between the forest birds and sea birds the former were defeated, and the life of Ruru was saved by Rata. Then, when Rata had his felled tree re-erected by the forest birds on account of his neglect of the proper ceremonial, it was Ruru who assisted him, taught him the ceremonial and induced the forest birds to fashion the canoe for him. That canoe was named Taraipo because it had been made during the night. The forest folk spoken of as birds, who re-erected the tree, made the canoe, and assisted Rata in slaying Matuku, were known by the name of Tini o te Pararakau; they had to be placated ere a tree was felled.
The Tuamotu version of our Rata story is given in the Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 19, p. 176. Vahieroa was swallowed by one Matu'uta'ota'o (k and ng dropped), an evil being under Puna, a cruel chief. Matu'u was really a huge bird. When Rata was about to fell his tree he sharpened his felling tool on the back of 'Ui (Kui), who takes the place of Hine-tua-hoanga of the Maori version. After felling his tree for the third time Rata hid himself and so confronted those who had tampered with his tree, and they made his canoe and deposited it by his house the same night. Rata then sailed the seas and slew the dread beings of Puna, including Matu'u; in later days he slew Puna.
In Hawaiian lore we find our Maori names somewhat altered, as shown in the two series given, the Hawaiian form being on the left.
In some versions of this Rata story he is told by his mother, Hine-tu-a-hoanga, to rub his stone tool on her back in order to sharpen it, this because she represents sandstone, which was ever used in tool grinding. We cannot marvel that she named her son Rata (sharp).
In one version we are told that the semblance of the vessel of Rata was taken by him to a priestly expert, who performed over it certain rites whereby to ensure a successful voyage. In another version we are told that the vessel itself was dragged to the village latrine, the same being a tapu place whereat many ceremonies took place, and that the charms were repeated over the actual vessel. In this version we see that the expedition included eight vessels, including Aniwaru, that of Rata. So the eight craft lifted the sea roads on their mission of vengeance. One Apakura accompanied the party as a priestly expert and medium of the spirits under whose care the raiders were: When approaching the home of their enemies Apakura busied himself in prolonging the hours of darkness by the exercise of magic arts, that the approach of the vessels might not be observed by the islanders. When the raiders had landed and fighting was toward, then Apakura proceeded to lengthen the hours of daylight so that such fighting might be carried to a finish. This interference with night and day, we are informed, greatly alarmed the islanders.
The forest folk who re-erected the tree felled by Rata are, in various versions, termed the Tini o te Hakuturi, the Pararakau, the Pakiwhara, the Ponaturi, and divers other names. In other tales the Hauturi seem to be birds, and the Ponaturi fish, and the Pakiwhara primitive tribes of man who wore no clothing. Whatever they were they seem to have perched on trees to some extent, for we are told that it was those folk who caused the leaves and branches of certain trees to droop and hang down, among them the toi or mountain palm and the mamaku and ponga tree ferns. One informant explained that such changes were caused by those trees becoming alarmed at the turmoil produced by the tree cutters and the forest folk.
In these different versions of myths held in common by far sundered communities of Polynesian folk we find evidence in favour of their own traditions anent the sea voyaging activities of their ancestors. Here we have this story of Rata and his family known to the natives of New Zealand and the Hawaiian Isles, and from the Tuamotu group in the east of Samoa in the west, and possibly further. The same incidents mark the tale, the same
The various kinds of stone grouped under the name of pounamu by the Maori, and under that of greenstone by us, were prized by the Maori in former times. In the case of nephrite one may say that this mineral was viewed much as precious stones are by us; it was highly esteemed as material whereupon to fashion implements, and also ornaments. Coming from the isles of Polynesia, where no such stone was available, where, in some cases, adzes had to be fashioned from shell, the discovery of nephrite in New Zealand must have been looked upon as a matter of great importance. Under these circumstances we may expect to find that there were beliefs and myths connected with pounamu, and that expectation is realised in the following pages.
The origin of greenstone, sayeth the Maori, lies far back in the night of time, close to the beginning of things. In tracing that origin we have to seek it under the name of Poutini, who is looked upon as the origin or personified form of greenstone. Now Poutini was one of the offspring of Tangaroa, who was, as we have seen, one of the very numerous sons of Rangi and Papa, or Sky and Earth. Here then we find the source of greenstone, and that source was of the progeny of Tangaroa, who represents all fish. It is interesting to note that, in olden folk tales, greenstone is alluded to as a fish (ika), and it was this description that so puzzled Captain Cook. In the account of his third voyage he alludes to the trade in greenstone that was carried on throughout the North Island. Later he remarks "…we were told a hundred fabulous stories about this stone, not one of which carried with it the least probability of truth, though some of their most sensible men would have us believe them. One of these stories is, that this stone is originally a fish, which they strike with a gig in the water, tie a rope to it, and drag it to the shore, to which they fasten it, and it afterwards becomes stone. As they all agree that it is fished out of a large lake, or collection of waters, the most probable conjecture is, that it is brought from the mountains, and A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, vol. 1, pp. 139-140, Dublin, 1786). Cook's conjecture was a good one, inasmuch as the Maori was wont to seek float pieces in stream beds, and all the old, unworked, family heirloom blocks I have seen were waterworn.
In one recital we meet with the peculiar statement that greenstone was originally a stone, but later became a fish, possibly this was when it crossed the seas to New Zealand. Another statement is to the effect that, when obtained, greenstone is soft, but gradually hardens. A similar popular belief is met with in China, (see Journal of the Polynesian Society, Vol. 13, p. 193). One quaint old folk lore repository of Matatua district told me that Poutini the origin of greenstone is one and the same as Poutini the star. His people are the greenstone folk, a people who descended from the heavens and dwelt at Hawaiki, but in later times came to New Zealand. These greenstone folk were persons of importance and they had many chiefs. They were attacked here and lost a number of their people, who were slain, which was a benefit to the Maori people. These slain and captured greenstone folk represent blocks of greenstone acquired by the Maori and famous greenstone artifacts. Greenstone is often alluded to as the whatu o Poutini or "stone of Poutini", also as the ika a Ngahue, or "fish of Ngahue". One old tale speaks of greenstone as having been alive, and, when caught it was cooked in an oven, possibly with a view to hardening it.
Another old dictum is that greenstone originated with, or belonged to, one Hine-tuapapa, who has already been referred to in these pages. In a recital of these myths occurs the expression "Na Hine-tuapapa te ika nei a te pounamu"—This fish, the pounamu, originated with Hine-tuapapa. This dame is evidently such another as Rakahore, a personified form of rock.
Tutaku of Tuhoe gave Poutini as a descendant of that Whaitiri whom we have lately discussed.
A kind of greenstone known as pungapunga is unknown to the writer, but, like the tahakura stone, it was held to possess certain supernormal attributes. Auguries were, in some way, derived from these stones; they foretold future mishaps, disasters, dangers.
There is another source of greenstone that should be mentioned here, and it is to be found in the story of Hina or Hine-te-iwaiwa and Tinirau. When the two wives of Tinirau maltreated Hine, she retaliated by destroying them, in one version she effects her purpose by means of black magic, but in another she slew them by throwing stones at them. At the same time the stone missiles had been rendered effective by a certain charm that Hine had recited over them. Now when these stones struck the two women their bodies at once broke open, to disclose the interesting fact that both were full of greenstone. One marvels as to how this tale originated; perchance it may hinge upon the two beliefs that greenstone was originally a fish, and that Tinirau was a master or lord of fish; his task was the breeding or preservation of fish in ponds, and his very name carries the meaning of "numberless" or "multitude".
We must now see how greenstone came to this land of Aotearoa, for, as the Maori will tell you, it did not originally exist here. It seems that trouble arose in the home of Tinirau in far Hawaiki, where the greenstone fish, that is to say Poutini, dwelt. Several causes of dissension are given, but the principle one seems to have been that constant antagonism existed between Poutini (greenstone) and Hine-tuahoanga. This enmity seems to have been inevitable, inasmuch as the task of the Sandstone Maid is to lacerate, rasp and dissever the body of Poutini. So it was that Poutini fled from Hawaiki to seek a refuge in far lands, and the following narrative tells us how the Sandstone folk followed him and forestalled him in occupying certain places at Aotea.
"Pounamu is a stone of a supernatural nature; at one time it was a stone, at another time a fish. It is said that a quarrel was the cause of the greenstone (pounamu) migrating hither from the Moana-Kura, which is situated across the great ocean, and the quarrel was over that sea or lake itself. Tutunui was endeavouring to gain possession of it as an abiding place for his offspring, for the kuku (mussel), the paua (Haliotis) and other such fish; which act angered Poutini, Tauira-karapa, Kahotea and Whatukura, chiefs of the greenstone people. Then Tutaua assembled the multitudes of Hine-tuahoanga and Whatuaho (all varieties of tuhua (obsidian). Now the fleeing greenstone folk pressed on southward by way of the East Coast. At Waiapu they intended to proceed inland and settle at Hukurangi (a variant form of the name of Mt. Hikurangi), but found already located there the offspring of Tuahoanga and Whatuaho, that is sandstone and waiapu (a form of chert found in the Waiapu district). Again the pounamu fled, and, on arriving off Waipiro, made survey of that part, but found the offspring of Tuahoanga dwelling at Pokurukuru. When they arrived at Uawa, they found the offspring of Tuahoanga and Whatuaho at Tieke-tangaroa, where they were detected on account of their skins gleaming redly in the sunlight. The fugitives then came right on to Turanga without halting, but when proposing to rest there they saw Tuahoanga dwelling at Te Oikarewa and Waimata. Edging away from here they came to Nukutaurua, which they examined, but saw one Takamaitahu there, one of the offspring of Whatuaho. They came on to Heretaunga, and cautiously lay offshore; but Takamaitahu and Tongarire, sons of Whatuaho were seen abiding on Te Poho o Ruahine, hence they came on, still by sea, only to find on reaching Whareama, the offspring of Tuahoanga lying at Oruhi (the sandstone of Oruhi supplied the natives of Wairarapa in former times with their grinding stones, cutters, rasps, etc.). Again the fugitives fled, and now passed over to the South Island. Poutini scoured the land and noted the pleasant and healthful odour thereof; whereupon he remarked—'We will abide here.'
"Just as these greenstone folk were landing, the hostile force of Ngahue, Rongokahi and Tutaua arrived and attacked them, whereupon they fled and became scattered in their flight. The party with Poutini, Raparapa-te-uira, Kahotea and Koukoumatua pressed on, but some were slain as they fled, and, on reaching Arahura, they fled for shelter to a cascade, where no one could get at them. The guardian of the cascade, the moa, was slain (by Ngahue) and Ngahue and his party returned to the other island and never came back hither.
"A chief of the greenstone folk, named Te Rama-apakura, was slain by Whironui with a spear. When Whironui saw Te Rama-apakura in flight, he seized his spear named Te Pae-irirangi and performed the ceremony called hoa over it. Having first soaked
Then the spear was cast and Te Rama-apakura was slain, while this slaying of the greenstone folk became known as Te Mataaho. Many of them are said to have been destroyed or seriously injured by the Fire of Huhi through the agency of Taranga-kahutai, hence the peculiar appearance of some kinds of greenstone, light coloured marks and dark spots like charcoal; this occurred at Reporoa.
"Ngahue attempted to spear some of the greenstone folk; but his weapon was powerless, as the hoa charm had not been recited over it, hence Poutini kept diving under water and was not wounded. Then Poutini irritated the wheke of Muturangi and the waters became turbid so that Ngahue could see nought therein. Then Tutaua lunged with his spear, as he quoted his saying:—"Haere te ika a Ngahue, kapakapa te ika a Tu", and thus perished Pungapunga, said to be a light coloured kind of greenstone, the wife of Poutini."
The name Tuahoanga, mentioned above, is an abbreviated form of Hine-tuahoanga. The fleeing greenstone found sandstone and other enemies already residing at places whereat it desired to settle down, and so it was compelled to move on to the South Island. In other versions Ngahue is said to have conducted Poutini to these shores and then returned to Hawaiki. The greenstone refugees eventually found a haven at Arahura, on the western coast of the South Island. The so-called chiefs of the greenstone folk said to have been slain bear the names of certain famed heirlooms, greenstone implements and ornaments. Ngahue is said to have slain a moa at a cascade up the Arahura River, and to have taken some of its flesh, and pieces of greenstone back to Hawaiki. This item really belongs, not to the above myth, but to the tradition of the coming of Kupe and Ngahue to this land and their discovery of greenstone at Arahura.
We are told that Ngahue, on his return to Hawaiki, that is to the isles of Polynesia, informed the people of those parts that greenstone and the moa were the most remarkable products of this island of Aotea.
In several accounts Ngahue is spoken of as the enemy of Tuahoanga and guardian of the greenstone folk. In some published versions Ngahue is said to have killed the moa at a place named Te Wairere, but our best native authorities claim that it is not a place name, that Ngahue killed the moa at a wai rere (cascade or waterfall) up the Arahura river. This story has been transferred to Whakatane (by us) because there is a waterfall thereat known as Te Wairere.
The Tutunui mentioned in the above story was a tame whale under the protection of Tinirau, it appears in the story of Kae. Tauira-karapa and Kahotea are names of two kinds of greenstone. Whatukura is a term used to denote highly prized or tapu stones. This concept of sandstone assailing greenstone is of course based on the fact that sandstone was used by man to reduce pieces of greenstone to desired forms. To make a thorough job of his myth the Maori has personified the various kinds of stone. A force of the Sandstone Folk was raised to attack Poutini, greenstone, and so Poutini fled hither to Aotearoa, but on arriving here Poutini found that Tuahoanga, Tuhua, Mata, and Waiapu (i.e., sandstone, obsidian and chert) had already arrived and settled at Mayor Island (Tuhua) and many places on the coastline. Thus greenstone was unable to find a resting place at Waiapu, Waipiro, Uawa, Turanga, Nukutaurua, Heretaunga, and Whareama. In the South Island the greenstone refugees were attacked and some of them were slain, this was the cause of their taking refuge in the turbulent waters and rough bed of the Arahura river on the west coast. In some versions it is Ngahue who conducts Poutini, the greenstone, to these shores, but in the one given above Poutini conducts the greenstone refugees hither, while Ngahue pursues and attacks them.
The Hine-huhi mentioned in the fabulous chronicle is the personified form of swamps; fabulous with a vengeance, for we are told that the greenstone tiki made from the captured or slain greenstone pertained to the time of Tane. Moreover from this same greenstone of New Zealand was made the famous adze Awhiorangi, used in cutting the props used to support Rangi when sky and earth were separated in the days when the world was young. We thus see that little Aotearoa was well to the front
As for the greenstone that got burnt in those fierce conflicts of the misty past, it is known by its appearance, by the black and light-coloured patches in it.
Another brief recital states that greenstone, Hine-tuahoanga, and Te Whatu-tongarerewa (a stone name) were all offspring of Tanga-roa. Whatu-tongarerewa was a female who was taken to wife by Paretao (a stone name), an arrangement objected to by her brothers Tauira-karapa, Te Rama-apakura and Whakarewa-tahuna, because they feared the eyes of Paretao. Then Paretao enlisted the services of Ngahue and Tunui (?Tutunui) and so strife began.
In a brief sketch which I collected, the Sandstone Maid follows Ngahue and his greenstone charge to Aotearoa, and leaves Tuhua (obsidian) at Mayor Island, and Waiapu (chert) at the district of that name. We are also told that, when Ngahue returned to Tawhiti, he took the best greenstone with him and left here the inferior kinds. Tools were fashioned from greenstone taken overseas by Ngahue wherewith were hewn out the vessels by which the later immigrants came to New Zealand. Yet again the greenstone 'chief' Poutini is said to have taken refuge in the poho o Tuaropaki at Arahura, whatever that may be, possibly a hill name.
Perhaps the first account of this myth that was published was that contributed by Colenso to the Tasmanian Journal of Natural Science of 1846. The writer tells us that natives maintained that greenstone was formerly a fish and that it possessed supernatural attributes; one is inclined to place some faith in this statement when told that it came hither from the isles of Polynesia. We are also told that a number of charms and ceremonial performances pertained to the seeking and taking of greenstone in stream beds of the Arahura district. Wild tales have been told of the dangers encountered in such activities. Natives told Colenso that, when that fish, the greenstone, reached Tuhua island it saw the paretao stone there showing its teeth, and so passed on southward. Again, at Takiritane, between Whareama and Motuairaka (?), it saw the takiritane form of sandstone showing its teeth, hence it moved on to Arahura (Tasmanian Journal of Natural Science, vol. 2, p. 215).
The version given in Grey's Mythology and Traditions pp. 68-9 gives us nothing new of any note, save that it makes Waiapu (representing chert) a prominent enemy of Poutini.
The Ngati-Porou folk tell us that Hine-waiapii (the Flint Maid) is the name of a block of waiapu stone lying at the mouth of the Waiapu river; it was placed there by Hine-tuahoanga in order to prevent Poutini settling in those parts. For Poutini had fled hither from Pikopiko-i-whiti pursued by Hine-tuahoanga, patron of the two "fish", Tuhua and Waiapu. Te ika a Ngahue, "the fish of Ngahue", is a name for Poutini, that is to say for greenstone. Poutini came to Whangaparaoa, but was still pursued, and so came to Te Araroa, whereat is a place where he lay, and that place is yet known at Kopua-pounamu. Hine-tuahoanga came on to Waipiro, where there is a block of hoanga (sandstone used as a grinding stone), called Pokurukuru. It was this stone that the greenstone feared, and so fled southward. The boulder named Hine-waiapu was viewed as the tino of the district, the river was named after it.
The late Aporo Te Kumeroa of Greytown obtained from the Arahura natives their version of the story of Poutini. In this recital Poutini appears as a woman, who, in olden times, lived at Tuhua island. She quarreled with her people there and so left the place, also leaving her brother Tama behind her. Curiously enough the quarrel is said to have been concerned with greenstone in some way. She landed at Kotore-pi, some twenty miles north of Greymouth. The canoe was baled out there—so greenstone is found at that place. The party then ascended the Arahura river, and at a waterfall under the Tara-o-Tama peak more greenstone was deposited.
Tama decided to go in search of his sister Poutini and used his magic dart in the quest; in this case he is credited with having cast it by means of a whip, as the tarerarera or kopere spear was thrown. In the first cast the dart descended at D'Urville Island, a long flight, the second carried it to Kotorepi, the third to Maitahi, at which place greenstone is also found. The flying dart at length led Tama up the Arahura river to his sister. His slave attendant here left a kokako bird cooking so long in an oven that it was quite charred, hence, we are told, the tutaekoka or black marks seen in some greenstone. This valued stone is found at a place where a deep pool lies below a waterfall, and those seeking to procure pieces of the stone have to swim across the pool. It was here also that the canoe of Poutini capsized and here that his companions were drowned.
The Tama referred to above is probably that Tama-ahua who is said to have made an expedition to the South Island to obtain greenstone. This story is one of confusion, when one scans the tangiwai kind was so named in remembrance of her crying, the kahurangi betokened her high rank, while the kawakawa commemorated Hine's wearing a chaplet of kawakawa leaves. We shall see that this naming of the various kinds of greenstone is also credited to the party of Kupe.
When Tama kindled a fire at Arahura that fire spread and burned a variety of greenstone known as kahotea, the light coloured patches in which are ashes from the fire kindled by Tama. Such is a brief account given by a Takitimu pundit., but the following story differs somewhat, and contains more detail.
"Hineahua represents the kahurangi variety of greenstone; she was a wife of Tama-ahua. The party went up the Arahura river, Tama-ahua, the principal man with his wife Hineahua from across the ocean; and Tuhua, the latter was slain by Tama-ahua, the cause being jealousy toward Hine-ahua. This was the woman who discovered the tangi-wai, Kahurangi, auhunga and kawakawa-rewa varieties of greenstone, and the huka-a-tai, and named them after herself, hence they were styled by her Hine-tangiwai, Hine-auhunga, Hine-kaurangi and Hine-kawakawa. She was the first woman who had neck pendants and ear pendants made to her order. The tangiwai was so named because Hineahua wept for her old home at Hawaiki; as she sat there, her tears flowed to the earth, hence the tangiwai was called Hine-tangiwai by Hine-ahua. The spotted appearance of the kahotea and kawakawa is owing to Tama-ahua generating fire, the sparks of the firestick fell on the repehina grass, the fire spread up Arahura and that district was devastated by fire, hence the kahotea and kawakawa were damaged, for those two were inland. Tangiwai was lying under the cascade, and Auhunga was piled up in the current of rushing waters, while Huka-a-tai was lying where those auhunga was also found in a deep pool.
"The greenstone was discovered through Hine-ahua going to bathe, when lumps of stone were seen by her. The auhunga and huka-a-tai were so found by her. The Kahotea was found by Kupe, that is by his daughter Makaro, at the same place. She went to examine the appearance of the forest up the river and climbed up the bank, with her elder sisters Matiu and Matangihau, when the stone was found. Makaro cried: "O! My light coloured (kaho) stone." This kaho means the kakaho or culm of the toetoe [Arundo conspicua ] which in later times came to be called kakaho, but was formerly termed kaho. As to the full name of that greenstone it is connected with its discovery by Makaro, hence the name of that greenstone is kahotea. At that time it was a fine variety of greenstone, partly light coloured and partly green, the colours blending, a desirable stone.
"Matangihau discovered the kawakawa as exposed in the river bed. The chaplet of Matangihau was composed of kawakawa leaves [Macropiper excelsum ]; she exclaimed: "My stone; I will carry it to the canoe." She did so, and on reaching the camp, Kupe said: "Let it bear the name of your kawakawa chaplet."—hence the name of kawakawa by which it is called. Well now, after Kupe had returned to Rarotonga and Hawaiki, Toi-te-huatahi migrated hither, and after that Whatonga and others came. Now when burned by the fire of the fire stick of Tama-ahua, the kahotea and kawakawa were spoiled, they became spotted with cinders."
In the above account the name of Tama-ahua's wife is changed to Hineahua, and we see how greenstone was personified and assigned the female sex. A long period of time is supposed to have elapsed between the coming of Kupe and Tama-ahua.
A South Island version of the above story collected by Martin makes the female personifications wives of Tama-ahua, their names being given as Hina-ahuka, Hina-kawakawa, Hina-aotea, and Hine-tangiwai. These folk came to this land in a vessel named Tairea, while Tama followed them and endeavoured to find them by casting a magic dart. He so found Hina-tangiwai. Tama quarrelled with his attendant, one Tumuaki, alias Tuhua, and slew him, whereupon the earth was convulsed and a hill, now known as Tuhua, was found, from the top of which Tama saw the vessel Tairea and his other three wives all turned into stone. So we are told, but why should his wives suffer for their husband's
Another note on Tumuaki tells us that he perished not by the hand of man, but by those of the eccentric gods of the Maori. When engaged in breaking a boulder of greenstone he chanced to wound his finger, and then, in order to alleviate the pain of the wound, he thrust his finger into his mouth. That simple act sealed the fate of Tumuaki, who was transformed into a rock, which yet stands at that place, by his atua, Hauparoa, who was a brother of Maru. So it was that Tumuaki died as men die, albeit he yet endures, and so a hill up the Arahura river represents Tumuaki. It was the blood flowing from his wounded finger on to the stone that brought about the petrifaction of the heedless Tumuaki, all tapu objects call for extreme caution on the part of those who approach them, or touch them.
In a South Island narrative given by White our Tama-ahua is confused with one Tama-nui-a-rangi of the time of Rukutia and Tu-te-koropanga, who pertain to an old, old Polynesian tale. This Tama is said to have reached the Poutini district where greenstone exists, where he transformed one Timuaki into a hill. He then found some greenstone, which, in those days, possessed life, it was a living creature; he cooked some of it, and, on being heated, it exploded and so became scattered over the surrounding district.
In another version of this tale of Tama-ahua published in the Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 5, pp. 233-236, Tama-ahua is said to have gone south in search of his two wives, who had been taken away by Poutini, and Poutini had gone south owing to his dread of Tuhua. Here again Tama found the direction in which to travel by means of casting a magic dart, which, when thrown in the right direction, produced a loud sound. So he came to Arahura, where he found that his wives were dead, hence he decided to make an offering of cooked food to his gods as an act of placation, and so try to induce them to restore his wives to life. Here his attendant ruined the ceremony by interfering with tapu conditions, the burned finger episode, and so the hapless cook was slain and was himself cooked, and Tama's wives never regained life, they remained dead. Tama-ahua went to Taranaki, where he is now represented by a stone in a cave at Putakoura.
The Ngahue who appears in the foregoing recitals as a companion, or guardian, or enemy of the Greenstone Folk and other weird supernormal creatures, is the Ngahue of popular folk
"Now Kupe set out to examine the South Island and to see if it was inhabited by man. So he arrived at Arahura; that place was so named by Kupe on account of his voyage of discovery, his looking for inhabitants, such was the origin of the name Arahura. Kupe was the first person to find the prized greenstone, and the first variety found by him was the inanga; which was so found through his seeing some inanga fish in the stream. They set about netting some of the fish, and Hine-te-uira stretched out her hand and picked a stone out of the water to serve as a sinker for the net, when it was seen to be a peculiar kind of stone. So that kind of stone was called inanga, and the name of Arahura was adopted for the river. That is sufficient explanation regarding the greenstone.
"The reason why I recited this part of the story was, lest any persons should falsely declare that greenstone is found in their islands, it is not so; this thing greenstone is the prized, much coveted stone of this island. It is called the whatu kaiponu because greenstone was held to be a special perquisite of highborn folk of both sexes, they alone might wear it; it was not meet that ordinary folk should possess that valued stone; such was the whatu kaiponu.
"Tutauru and Koukomatua are said to have been two adzes fashioned from the greenstone found by Kupe, the latter being a ceremonial implement that was 'waved' before the gods during certain rites."
In many lands we find that strange beliefs are, or have been, held concerning the lizard, that it enters into many myths and superstitions. The Maori of New Zealand and his kinsmen in tuatara, the largest species thereof, for it was an article of food in pre-European times; this custom may not have been universal but it was certainly widespread. At the same time I have seen natives who appeared horrified at the sight of a tuatara. Some time ago, about 1912, two Maori, an old man and a young one, came into the Dominion Museum, and, ere long, came to a glass case in which were several living tuatara. The old man uttered an exclamation betraying horror, and hurriedly left the building though the young man appeared to be in no way perturbed.
Some wise men have told us that the common green lizard, the moko kakariki (Naultinus elegans) did not originate on earth, it just appeared from space. This looks like an offshoot of the myth concerning flying lizards. The Tuhoe folk have explained to me that the tree lizard develops from a kind of iro (maggot or worm) that is found in the nest of the tihe bird (Pogonornis cincta), while the iro from which the koeau species of lizard is developed is found in the nests of the kaka (Nestor meridionalis), and this iro is light-coloured. This koeau is said to be a species of lizard that grows to about the size of a young tuatara, a statement that does not tell us much. The name resembles kaweau, said to be another name for the tuatara; the koeau is said to be of a reddish colour, and to see one is ominous of coming evil and of death. This fact was proved to my satisfaction by my informant, who said: "Te Rangiua once saw a koeau, and now all his elders are dead." Some of the Tuhoe natives maintained that the koeau and tuatara are two distinct species. Bay of Plenty natives tell us that the tuatara on the Rurima islets develops from iro seen in nests of the kuia or petrel. The Tuhoe folk say that the cuckoo is in some way the offspring of the tree lizard.
We have another reference to a flying lizard in the following remark of a Takitimu native—"This lizard, the moko kakariki, is a supernatural creature. Tamaiwaho reared it when he and Tane
With regard to the tuatara we have already seen that it originally came from an egg, as birds did. That egg was made by Peketua, a brother of Tane, and so he is connected with lizards, while Rakaiora personifies the green lizard. A wise man informs me that, should an armed force on the march to attack an enemy encounter a green lizard on the way, then it would at once return home, it would be folly to proceed in the face of such an evil omen. This is borne out by an old saying: "Ko Rakaiora kokoti i te ara taua i te tuawhenua, he ana kokoti ihu waka i te moana." (Rakaiora intercepting a war party on land is equivalent to a herring intercepting a canoe at sea). Should a single person so encounter a lizard, then he or one of his relatives will ere long be assailed by grievous misfortune, calamity has marked someone for its own. If the lizard so seen is a male then a female relative of the seer will be afflicted; should it be a female then the foredoomed person will be a male. The male of this species, sayeth the Maori, is of a darker colour than the female.
The Algonquin Indians believed that the lizard causes death. The Zulu tells us that the Ancient One sent the lizard to men with the message or dictum "Let men die". The lizard was employed in rites of destructive magic in India, and in Cochin China it is believed that the lizard caused death to enter the world. Far and wide extends this strange belief, and yet the other page shows something in favour of the dreaded lizard. Together with the owl, another ill-omened creature, it is associated with Minerva and the higher forms of wisdom. Miss Buckland (Journal Royal Anthropological Institute, vol. 21) has drawn attention to certain figures, etc., from far sundered lands that show a man holding a lizard as though about to eat it, "the tongue of the reptile being attached to that of the man, as though the latter were receiving inspiration or some special endowment from his totem". This is a well known feature in Maori carvings, for which see a paper on the lizard in Maori carvings in the New Zealand Journal of Science and Technology, vol. 5, p. 321-335, "Notes on the Occurrence of the Lizard in Maori Carving"—Elsdon Best. The Maori cannot now explain his symbolic carvings, and usually refers these representations of persons holding a lizard as though about to eat or swallow it to the old practice of eating the tuatara. As observed above the tuatara served as a food supply in at least tohunga, destroyed a grove of karaka trees to seek lizards, which were to be roasted, pounded, and eaten in a prescribed form in order to enable the Maoris to conquer the English. Crawford, J. C. Recollections of Travel…, p. 111. He also tells us that the natives told the Rev. R. Taylor that the English wanted lizards to destroy the Maori people so that they might obtain possession of their land (ibid., p. 167). On Feb. 21, 1862 the same observer wrote—"Three large canoes passed down the river to Putiki, filled with Maoris. These were all kaingararas, or lizard eaters, bent on a lizard eating expedition to Putiki" (ibid., pp. 171-2). Moser states that lizards were supposed to cause sickness, and so when an epidemic occurred, the natives caught lizards, which were burned by the priest as he recited some form of incantation (Moser, Thomas, Mahoe Leaves, p. 76). Moser's writings pertain to the same period and district as those of Crawford quoted above. I am much inclined to believe that this eating of small lizards referred to was but a brief craze and that it was not an old usage. Earle, a much earlier writer, in his Narrative of a … Residence in New Zealand, p. 142, wrote that—"The lizard is sacred and never injured by them"—though the word "sacred" was hardly the right one to employ.
A curious, and I fear somewhat unorthodox or irresponsible statement, was once made to me by a Maori with whom I was discussing the attitude of natives toward lizards. It was to the effect that Tane proclaimed that lizards should eat of all things on earth. Others objected, saying that lizards were the elders or forerunners of man, while the forerunners or predecessors of lizards were the various forms of vegetation in the world. Man appeared after those things; animal and vegetable life had to
Notwithstanding the feeling of dread experienced by the Maori in connection with the lizard, yet not only does it frequently occur in his wood carvings, but it is the only creature of the animal world that is given its natural form in such work. In the case of any other creature represented in that art, except man, the observer has to resort to conjecture, and the great majority of the human figures are purposely rendered grotesque. At the Marquesas Isles the lizard was likewise dreaded, and there also it appeared in carved work. This penchant for representing lizards in carved work extends as far as Indonesia. The Maori habit of so frequently depicting a fearsome, dreaded and malignant creature has been equalled only by Christian enthusiasts of the past, they who loved to terrify our forebears by means of pictures showing the horrors of their priest-invented hell, and the activities of Satan.
The incident that connects lizards with Peketua concerns the origin of the tuatara.Prior to the appearance of birds on the earth Peketua kneaded some clay into the form of an egg, which he carried to his brother Tane and enquired as to what he should do with it. Tane replied: "Give it life", and so the egg was fertilised and produced the tuatara lizard. As we have seen, land and sea birds were produced from other eggs in later times.
The atua or "gods", so called, known as Moko-hikuwaru, Moko-titi, Titihai and Tutangata-kino are said to be all atua ngarara, and are probably personified forms of the lizard; in other cases lizards were, we are told, the form in which many atua appeared to the sight of man, i.e., the form of incarnation of such beings. One Tarakumukumu is spoken of as another atua ngarara. Lizards were sometimes placed at the entrance to caves wherein bones of the dead were deposited, and at other places whereat trespass by unauthorised persons was dreaded, and they seem to have been highly effective guardians. Not only would these creatures inspire dread in the minds of trespassers by their presence, but also would there be a conviction that some magic tapu place, all of which meant that the anger of certain atua would descend upon any offender.
The Maori tells us that lizards emit some kind of sound, usually described by the term kata, which one hesitates to render as "laugh" in this case; Colenso describes it as a chattering sound. To hear this sound was an ominous occurrence. Now when a Maori heard this sound, or saw a lizard in his path, he knew that it was no chance occurrence, but that it had been sent there for a purpose, by human enemies or by the gods. It may be possible to avert the evil omen of such occurrences, and one method of doing so when you chance upon a lizard is to slay the pernicious creature and then get a woman to step over it.
We now come to a statement that makes amends for all the trouble caused by Peketua or Rakaiora having destroyed myriads of persons in the world of light. This consists of what Tuta Nihoniho assured me was an infallible cure for toothache. The sufferer requests a friend to procure for him a lizard of the species known as mokomoko, but he, the sufferer himself, must not look upon that lizard. When so procured, the lizard is wrapped up so that only its head is seen, then the patient is told to open his mouth, and the lizard is thrust into it so that its head rests upon the offending tooth. The patient then bites, crunches the head of the lizard until blood flows. This, I was informed, is an absolutely certain cure for toothache, never again will that tooth ache.
In all lands of all peoples and all times folk tales have ever clung to the grey hills, to majestic mountains, and the forests that lie below them. These are the regions wherein we expect to find, and do find, strange tales of strange beings, quaint beliefs concerning fairies, wood elves, man-slaying monsters, and other mythical creatures that originated in the credulous mind of barbaric man. Our Polynesian folk have not been behindhand in these mental figments, and so we find many such tales among the Maori people of these isles, where assuredly hills and forests are, or were, ever in evidence. For, although the grey hills abide forever, yet the forests that were tenanted by the Hakuturi and other weird creatures of old, have disappeared from many districts, hence it were well to record some of the demon lore of the Maori ere it be lost even as the moa is lost.
Most of the myths pertaining to mountains preserved by the Maori hinges upon the personifying of such prominent features, and so we find that hills and mountains have been endowed with powers of speech and locomotion, also with sex, hence they were given and taken in marriage. As women have ever been a source of contention, so the female mountains of yore caused trouble in this land of Te Ika a Maui. Anon we will discourse upon a serious family quarrel among the Taupo mountains and of strange occurrences that followed. We know that Mt. Kakepuku on the Waipa was viewed as the wife of Pirongia, and the Tuhoe folk tell us of a marriage between two prominent hills near Waikaremoana. This latter was truly a singular procedure and formed a part of the peace-making ceremonial that brought to an end the long drawn out'fighting between the Tuhoe folk and those of Wairoa. The chief Hipara of the latter place stated his intention of giving his daugher as a wife to one of Tuhoe in order to bind the peace-making. The boundary between the two tribes was laid down near the two hills known as Kuha-tarewa and Tuhi-o-Kahu, situated eastward of the above-mentioned lake, and it was decided that these two hills be made man and wife. This ingenious plan seems to have originated with Tuhoe, the marriage or union of the two hills was to parallel the union of the two persons, as proposed by the Wairoa chief, even so should peace settle firmly down upon the homes of men. So it was that Kuhatarewa was said to be a female, and Tuhi-o-Kahu a male and then these two were joined as one to act as upholders of peace, the peace that held the debatable land even to the day of the Pakeha, and endures, and endures, and endures.
All tribes have on their tribal lands a mountain, or hill, or range, that is viewed as representing the mana of the tribe, in some cases several hills were celebrated in some such way, and such hills or mounts were often viewed as being tapu, as were Mt. Egmont, Tongariro and Maungapohatu. Certain tribes boasted of having famous mountains within their possession, while others had to be contented with peaks or mounts of but 3000 or 4000 ft. altitude, or even less. These tribal mounts were often mentioned in tribal aphorisms, as in the following cases—
Such mountains as these three were termed maunga tipua and maunga haruru, the first of these terms denoting what we might call an enchanted mountain, a weird place possessed of strange inherent powers, and the haunt of uncanny creatures. The latter term is applied to hills, peaks, etc., whereat thunder often resounds, and the Maori tells us that it is mostly heard near hills possessing mana, inherent powers. Many such hills are also rua koha, lightning is wont to play about their crests, and from both thunder and lightning the Maori derived unions; this fact alone would certainly lead to such hills being viewed as mana -possessing, if not actually tapu. An old saying is to the effect that such mountains weep when a stranger trespasses upon them, albeit they do the same when local folk ascend them, in many cases. My first attempt to ascend Maungapohatu was met by her persistent and frigid tears, but my worthy friend Hinau-branch, he who shot Pane-takataka at Te Kakari, endeavoured to console me by saying that it was but a kindly greeting, and that, on the next occasion, Hinemaunga would provide fine weather.
Of the fairies and strange monsters, tuaro, and taniwha, and heketoro of Maungapohatu we will speak anon, but may here point out that this peak, like many others, is specially tapu on account of its burial caves, places wherein, for centuries past, have been deposited exhumed bones of the dead. These are the whara, the anakorotu, wherein we see bundles of mouldering bones, the remains of the descendants of the old sea rovers, of Maruiwi refugees and of the crossbred Toi folk.
Hikurangi is said to have been the name of a mountain in the far away hidden homeland of the Maori, and he has carried it with him as a hill name across wide seas, hence we have Hikurangi as a mountain and hill name at Tahiti, at Rarotonga, and at many places in New Zealand.
We must now discuss a serious crisis in the family history of our North Island mountains, and show how jealousy broke up a family and brought about a dispersal of its members. You must know, says the Maori, that in remote times many notable mountains dwelt in harmony in the Taupo district, but, owing to a quarrel over a female, one of the principal mountains was compelled to seek a new home, while others left and proceeded northward toward the sea. We are not told what urged these latter migrants to take the road, possibly the violence of Tongariro rendered the old home unpleasant for quiet folk. The story of the family jar and the remarkable travels of its members runs as follows—
In days long past the Taupo mountain group was composed of many members, for at that time, Taranaki, Kakaramea, Ruawahia, Putanaki, Maungapohatu, Moutohora, Whakaari and Paepae-aotea occupied their old-time home at Taupo, and the family group was a goodly sight. Now at that period Taranaki (Mt. Egmont) occupied what is now the site of the lake Roto-a-Ira, but that mountain was then known as Pukeonaki, the name of Taranaki was given it in later times. This Pukeonaki was much given to admiring one of the lesser mounts, Pihanga, who is a female of the mountain breed, but Pihanga was the wife of great Tongariro at the time, and so trouble arose at Taupo-nui-a-tia. A violent quarrel between the two giants now ensued, to end in the expulsion of Pukeonaki, who resolved to seek a new and more tranquil home beneath the setting sun. Even so the huge form of Pukeonaki traversed the red west road, but, owing to his great weight he scored a huge furrow across the land that is now represented by the deep canyons of Manga-nui-te-au and the Whanganui river. During his flight some fragments dropped from the great bulk of Pukeonaki and these are seen in the form of certain rocks in the Whanganui river below Ohura, and others near Waitotara. When he reached Te Ngaere, the mountain rested a space, so causing a great depression of the land, a hollow that later was known to us as the Ngaere swamp. Proceeding on his way he found progress blocked by the bulk of the Pouakai range, and so he passed the night there. In the morning he found that Pouakai had thrown out a new flank spur that prevented all further movement, since which time Pukeonaki has never ceased to look down on the fair lands of Taranaki and the ever rolling battalions of Hinemoana. But, ever and anon, Hine-makohu brings the white mist, while Hine-kapua hales the Cloud Children from far regions, and then men say that Pukeonaki is mourning for his old-time love Pihanga.
We are told in some versions of this myth that Pukeonaki, or Taranaki, was preceded by a guide, and this guide is yet seen in the form of a great stone called the Toka or rock of Rauhoto on the south side of Stoney River. This rock has certain peculiar devices incised upon it. Rauhoto is said to have been the name of the wife of Rua-taranaki, after whom the mountain was last named. Taurua of Rahotu tells us that Rauhoto and Wheoi were two females who flourished at the time when Pukeonaki was seeking a new home. They reported to Rua-taranaki that Pukeonaki had reached Whanganui, and so a person was sent to observe, and he came back and stated that Pukeonaki was really
We also have another brief recital anent Taranaki the ambulant. This narrative is to the effect that, in ancient times, the mountain stood at Roto-a-Ira where one may still see the hollow in which it stood. Taranaki, Auruhoe and Ruapehu strove to filch away the wife of Tongariro, the mount of Pihanga, and the end was that Taranaki sought peace afar off. On reaching his present site he was seen by Tahurangi, who cried: "Oh! There is a land mass moving hitherward." In order to stay his progress he seized a firebrand and cast it at the summit of Taranaki, so as to affect his tapu and bring him to a standstill. Then Taranaki halted and so he is now seen standing lone and mateless on the plain; and when Hine-makohu the Mist Maid is seen hovering round the summit of lone Taranaki men say: "The smoke of the fire of Tahurangi has appeared", and it is also known as "The fire of Tahurangi."
When the Toka a Rauhoto found that Taranaki had halted, its duties naturally ceased, and so it took its stand where we now see it, but its tapu is now no more and so men fearlessly approach it. A brief note states that Taranaki was halted and rendered immovable by means of a potent spell repeated over it by a magician; that spell was of the class termed matapou, which has already been referred to, and which, I fear, we shall yet again encounter. Taylor (Te Ika a Maui, p. 205) collected a version of
Turning to the Matatua versions of these orological myths we find that the Tuhoe story is to the effect that it was great Rangi and Sky Father who gave Pihanga as a wife for Tongariro, their offspring being rain, wind, and storms. In order to prove this statement they quote the following lines from an old song:
The Ngati-Awa story is that Pihanga and Awiuhoe (or Ngauruhoe) were both wives of Tongariro, and that, when quarrels broke up the group of mountains at Taupo, then many hills and minor "persons" moved northward toward the Bay of Plenty. So came Kakaramea (Rainbow Mountain), Putauaki (Mt. Edgecumbe), Ruawahia, Pohaturoa (a picturesque rock mesa at Atiamuri), Whatiura (a hill near Mt. Edgecumbe), Moutohora (Whale Island), Whakaari (White Island), and Paepae-aotea (a rock islet near White Island), while Tuhoe include Maungapohatu, Tapanaua, Toka-a-Houmea, Hingarae, Tokatapu, and the Maramara o Maungapohatu, of which Maungapohatu alone is of majestic stature, the others being merely isolated boulders and rock masses. Whatiura and Pohaturoa are spoken of as the wives of Putauaki; one of these wives, presumably the former, was so dilatory in her task of cooking a meal that Putauaki became fixed at his present site, he took root as Taranaki did at Whanganui. Ruawahia also got into trouble, inasmuch as he encountered one Mahoihoi, a magician of parts, and the two quarrelled and came to blows. Rua aimed a sturdy blow at Mahoi, who warded it off and clave Ruawahia in twain, hence the name of that hill, it was the cleaving of Tarawera. We shall see that it was the lesser folk, the children of the mountain folk, who travelled farthest, indeed some of them got out into the ocean where they yet stand. As in most other folk tales of this class the advent of day brought to an end the movements of these travelling mountains and their offspring, wherever daylight found them there they became fixed.
In one version we are told that Kakaramea was the wife of Maungapohatu; and the two disagreed as to their movements. Kakara enquired: "To what place shall we go?" The Rocky Mountain replied: "Let us travel northward." But Kakara remarked: "Not so, let us go southward." Said Maunga: "My desire is the north." And so they fell to wrangling, until at length Kakaramea said: "Let us remain here, or I will take our children and seek a new home when we have partaken of food." But Maungapohatu would have none of this, and so he set forth with his children, and the mother was compelled to follow or lose her children. Now those children, being young and lightfooted, got far in advance of their parents, as children will, be they human or mineral, and so, when dawn came and stayed further progress, the family was far scattered. Maungapohatu became fixed at the extremity of the Huiarau range, Kakaramea looks down on Waiotapu, while of their offspring Tapanaua stands as a rock in the Tauranga river, the Toka-a-Houmea as another near Whakatane; Hingarae and Tokatapu are two rocks in the entrance to the Whakatane river, Moutohora, Whakaari and Paepae-aotea are isles in the Bay of Plenty, while the Maramara or fragment of Maungapohatu is a rock in the Ohara stream, near Nga Mahanga, Whakatane river.
In yet another version Maungapohatu appears as a female, and she is said to have hurried on past Putauaki, fearing that day might dawn ere she reached the sea, hence she did not tarry to cook a meal by the wayside. We are not told how she strayed so far from her path as to reach Huiarau. Now when day came Putanaki, looming lone and lonesome north of Kaingaroa, saw Maungapohatu afar off, and his desire was toward her, hence he lifted up his voice and sang the following song, which, as a love song, seems peculiar, not to say highly inappropriate:
The Tuhoe folk living in the vicinity of Maungapohatu hold other views concerning the origin of Whale Island and White
The Maori assuredly possessed a genius for personification, and when he not only endows the surrounding hills with the powers of locomotion and speech, but also with those of assimilating food and reproduction, then he seems to have about reached the limit of that faculty. We see that the children of the mountain folk followed their parents in their travels, and, in other folk tales, we find that man himself sometimes claims to be descended from mountains. The bushmen of Maungapohatu allude to that rugged mass as a tribal mother and caretaker, while the old-time tribe Nga Potiki is, in a popular myth, said to have originated in the union of Te Maunga and Hine-pukohu, the Mountain and the Mist Maid.
Orakaiwhaia and Taunga-a-tara were two hills that stood in the Papuni district, one on either side of the Ruakituri river. In olden times the former hill looked upon Taunga and saw that she was fair, hence he called her to him, and she came and was taken to wife by Rakai. But the fact that they had come together stopped the flow of Ruakituri, and so a lake was formed at Te Papuni. This inundation of lands seems to have irked one Pourangahua, a resident of that wild region, and so he entered his canoe, and paddled across the lake to Orakaiwhaia, where, by means of his magic powers, he succeeded in rending the two hills
In the tales pertaining to the east coast ancestors Paoa and Rongokako we are told that the former strove to destroy the latter, but always failed. At last he constructed a great spring trap by means of which he hoped to catch Rongokako, but Rongo, as he came, kept repeating charms of marvellous powers in order to clear his way of all obstructions, so it was that, by such means, he sprang the trap ere he reached it. The flying spring stick of the great trap happened to strike Mt Hikurangi, and so shattered that great rock mass that the minor peaks of Aorangi, Taitai, etc., were formed at that time, while Mt. Arowhana represents the whana or spring stick of the trap of Paoa.
When the summit of Mt. Hikurangi is swathed in snow or mist the local folk say—"Ka kakahu a Te Rangitiwai i tona kakahu" (Te Rangitiwai has donned his garment). Rangi is said to have been an ancestor who wore a white dogskin cape. It is sometimes given as "Te Rangitiwai has girded on his garment" (Ka rukuruku a Te Rangiti-wai i tona kakahu).
With regard to the many tales in Maori folk lore in which abnormal creatures, and, in some cases, ordinary human beings, are said to have been turned into stone for all time, the petrifying process in the first cases seem to have been caused by the appearance of the sun, or daylight. When human beings were so treated it seems to have been the result of the matapou rite, or some similar magic art.
Mythical dragons as disciplinary agents. Marakihau. Story of Parekawa and the Taniwha. Te Ataiorongo of Kawhia. The lost isle of Rotoma. Rotorua district. Lost villages of Taupo. Ohinemutu sunk. Women captured by taniwha. Dragon slayers. Taniwha tales of Polynesia. Pouakai. Tuoro. Tipua. Ogre of Hikurangi. Turehu or Patupaearehe. Maero. Ruarangi and the Tahurangi. Fables. Waikato v. Rangitaiki contest. The dancing of the Summer Maid.
The present chapter will deal with what a Maori would describe as taniwha, tipua, turehu and karero tara, or monsters, demons, forest folk, and folk tales. In many cases the taniwha were held to tipua were, in many cases, inanimate objects, or rather objects that we would term inanimate, and these were not harmful to man unless interfered with; while the turehu were mischievous in some cases, but as a rule did not interfere with the sons of man, albeit they occasionally ran off with his daughters.
As taniwha seem to have been the largest and most destructive of these mythical creatures it were well to dispose of them ere we deal with lesser fry. The first note obtained on this subject was collected by Capt. Cook when on his third voyage in 1777. When describing certain statements made by a native of Queen Charlotte Sound, he proceeds—"We had another piece of intelligence from him, more correctly given, though not confirmed by our own observations, that there are snakes and lizards there of an enormous size. He described the latter as being eight feet in length, and as big round as a man's body. He said, they sometimes seize and devour men; that they burrow in the ground; and that they are killed by making fires at the mouths of the holes. We could not be mistaken as to the animal; for, with his own hand, he drew a very good representation of a lizard on a piece of paper; as also of a snake, in order to shew what he meant." (Cook—A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, vol. 1, pp. 142-3, Dublin, 1786).
In this great man-eating lizard we have our friend the taniwha, and I can quite believe that the Maori made a good job of depicting a lizard, but as for his so depicting a snake, a creature he had never seen!—well, I think we had better term it an eel, for that creature he did know.
Our next note on the taniwha seems to be found in a remark by Nicholas in his Narrative of a Voyage to New Zealand 1817, vol. 2, p. 126. He wisely placed but little faith in statements unsupported by evidence: "Duaterra, however, informed us, that a most destructive animal was found in the interior of the country, which made great havoc among the children, carrying them off and devouring them, whenever they came in its way. The description he gave of it corresponded exactly with that of the alligator; but I should still doubt that either this or any other
Polack, who sojourned in New Zealand in the "thirties" of last century tells us but little about taniwha, but did note that disasters and even minor misfortunes at sea, and on or in inland waters, are credited to the ever present taniwha (New Zealand, vol. 2, p. 227). There is another matter, a belief, that must be made clear, namely that when persons offended the gods by transgressing some rule of tapu then punishment was often inflicted by taniwha, who would destroy or seriously injure the erring one. Such happenings as landslips were often attributed to these monsters, and this may possibly be referred to a belief that some of these monsters lead a subterranean existence. As in the case of forest denizens the taniwha were supposed to dwell in remote places, in the depth of forests, on rugged mountains and high bush-clad ranges, in broken country where cliffs, canyons and caves are found, and in deep-water lakes, rivers and ponds. Such tapu mountains as Tongariro, Maungapohatu, etc., were credited with being the residence of such uncanny creatures, such reports would doubtless be spread in order to enhance the mana of such hills, and to discourage ascents thereof. Not infrequently such a taniwha-infested hill included one or more toma tupapaku, a name applied to any cave, rock shelter, chasm, etc., wherein exhumed bones of the dead were deposited. A deep, dark pool in a creek or river bend is a favoured abiding place for these monsters in Maori belief, while others lived on land apparently in a permanent manner.
Descriptions given by natives of these man-slaying creatures generally portray a huge lizard-like creature, hence it has been assumed that these taniwha myths are a dim remembrance of the crocodiles of the western Pacific area; this theory finds some support in the fact that one of the names applied to the mythical local taniwha is really a crocodile name in the New Guinea area, viz, moko. The ordinary name applied to these mythical monsters, viz, taniwha, is one not widely employed in that sense, moko is evidently the name known far across Polynesia. In western Polynesia tanifa is the name of a species of shark, and taniwha is sometimes used by the Maori to denote sharks. In New Zealand moko is used to denote lizards of different species, as moko-papa, moko-parae, moko-kakariki, etc., but it is, and has taniwha, and so we find them alluded to as moko nui and moko roa on account of their size. At the same time the lizard meaning was apparently the only one in the Maori mind; if the name moko had been brought from a land of crocodiles then the Polynesian has long forgotten it. These huge saurians of Polynesian myth are called mokoroa at Aitutaki, and in some dialects the moko becomes mo' o, as at Hawaii. Te Rua o te moko is a place name in several districts, in New Zealand, applied to a cave in at least some cases, it would denote the den of the moko.
The word kumi is also said to be a name for a great fabulous reptile, that is for a taniwha, but it is seldom heard. Kumi denotes a lizard at far-off Nukuoro where a dialect of our local Maori speech is spoken, so that we may accept it as a name for a taniwha. Ngarara, a term often applied to taniwha, is a word that embraces all reptiles. Two other terms, hore and tuoro, are occasionally applied to taniwha; the Tuhoe folk seem to use these two names when speaking of monsters that dwell underground and force their way through the earth, uprooting trees and forming caves, tunnels and canyons in their progress. The Ana-tuoro (The Tuoro cave) is the name of a cave at Te Whaiti. Places are said to have been named after these unseen monsters formerly and so possibly originated the name of Te Kumi, a place on the Huiarau range. A note in the John White M.S.S. gives pukutuoro, hore and kurakura as names of mythical creatures said to live in lakes of the South Island.
I think that it may be said that, in the native mind, the saurian form of taniwha is peculiar to the land, and fresh waters, and possibly the coastline. When speaking, however, of taniwha pertaining to the deep ocean, the Maori always seems to believe that such creatures appear in whale form. We must also bear in mind that the name taniwha is sometimes applied to inanimate objects, for instance a stone, tree, or other natural object that was believed to possess strange, uncanny powers, might be so termed. In this narrative it will be better to bring these latter under the usual term tipua, in order to avoid confusion. We have in Maori folk tales several cases of transmigration, the passing of the human soul into the body of an animal. So it was that Hine-ruarangi became a tipua cormorant, the Te Tahi of Whakatane became a deep-sea taniwha. In such cases as these a tribe benefited by having relatives among the uncanny gentry, inasmuch as they would rely upon them during the crises of life. Any man of such a people who had sufficient mana to enable him taniwha to his assistance would be termed an ariki-taniwha.
When Tane took Hine-tupari-maunga, the Mountain Maid, to wife, their progeny consisted of Te Putoto, Tuamatua, and Parawhenuamea. From the first named sprang taniwha, all forms of mokopeke (lizards), of reptiles, etc. Another version of this myth makes taniwha the progeny of Te Ikaroa and Papakura, and Te Ikaroa appears as the off-spring of Tuamatua. Rangahua is another name mentioned in connection with the origin of taniwha. This name, like that of Rakahore, is connected with rock and stones, and as these creatures are often said to live in caves, canyons and chasms, then such places are said to nurture them; such conceits as this are often encountered in these folk tales. As our Maori folk become more and more Europeanised one hears less of supernormal beings and miracles. In 1886 some natives seem to have assigned the eruption of Mt Tarawera to such Powers as those held by tohunga and taniwha in former times; if this was so, then that remarkable upheaval was apparently the final effort of the taniwha tribe.
It is evident that many members of the taniwha family were under the influence of man, and of the gods. So it was that certain taniwha were called upon for assistance when man was in peril on the sea, and so also were these creatures employed in some cases to punish those who had transgressed some rule of tapu. When persons met with a mishap at sea it were well if one of their number possessed the necessary mana to call upon the water monsters for help, which was done by reciting such an appeal as the following:
This is simply an appeal made to a number of supernormal creatures, taniwha and tipua, to convey the appellant to land (O Ruamano! Convey me to land). The Maori will tell you that many of these ocean roving creatures were subservient to man, or rather to some men, and that they would rescue from danger any person who was qualified to ask for such assistance. When a person was so saved from death he would, on reaching land, perform a simple ceremony called makamaka rimu, which consisted of repeating a certain formula and making an offering of a piece of seaweed. When making such offerings to atua out in tuahu, it was customary to either suspend the said offering on a tree, or simply cast it aside with a brief remark dedicating it to some particular atua. When one has had any dealings with tapu, abnormal creatures, such as atua, taniwha, etc., it becomes necessary to perform some act, or repeat some formula, in order to remove the aspect of tapu arising from such contact.
Another form of address to these sea-dwelling creatures was as follows:
Here the suppliant says—"I now cry to the great shark of the ocean, the great parata of the ocean, the great taniwha of the ocean, the great whale of the ocean, to come and …" Here he explains his wants, what service he requires of the great ones, whether it be the destruction of enemies or the saving of himself and friends from some threatened danger. The parata mentioned may be the being to whom the tides are attributed. Some hundred and fifty years ago a member of the Awa tribe named Rangi-whakakuruki met with disaster at sea, where he and his friends engaged in hostilities with other sea strollers. His party was saved from annihilation by Rangi, who called upon Ruamano and Irakewa to come to their assistance, which they quickly did. Another of the ancestors of Awa named Tuhikitia was saved from a damp sea death in the same manner, he was carried to land on the back of a whale.
All this explanation leads up to a natural sequence, the story of Te Tahi-o-te-rangi, the maroon of White Island. This ancestor of Ngati-Awa and Tuhoe flourished some fourteen generations ago, and he is one of three persons of the Whakatane district who became taniwha or tipua after death, clear cases of metempsychosis. Of these Tauke of the old Ngai-Turariga tribe of the Ruatoki district became an ordinary kind of taniwha or water demon that dwelt in a pool known as the Rua o Tauke, while Te Tahi and Te Putaanga, the latter a brother of Tauke, became marakihau. These latter are mythical sea denizens, weird beings ngongo, long tube-like tongues, and by means of these organs they swallowed their prey, even a canoe full of people would so disappear, at least so I have been informed by descendants of folk so swallowed, and surely they ought to know. These two ancestors appear as carved figures in the native house known as Te Whai-a-te-motu at Ruatahuna; they are provided with very long ngongo through which to absorb their food supplies, whether fish, flesh, or the more indigestible canoes.
Te Tahi flourished five generations before the time of Tuhoe-potiki, the eponymic ancestor of the Tuhoe tribe, and he dwelt among the Awa folk of Whakatane; he was a cousin of the brothers of Tauke and Te Putaanga; and so we see that a taniwha strain ran in this family, the descendants of Tamarau the flying man and of Nukutore. In an account of the surprising adventures of Te Tahi it appears that, in his day, the Awa people of those parts were having much trouble with their crops, owing to frequent and heavy floods, and, as was but natural, the sufferers sought to discover the cause of these floods, for there must be some sinister influence behind a persistent scourge. The result of this enquiry was that suspicion fell upon Te Tahi, a man who was skilled in magic arts, and who had command over the elements; it was decided that it was probably he who had brought about the heavy rains that caused the devastating floods. It was necessary to take action at once, and so Te Tahi was kidnapped by his own tribesmen and taken to Whakaari (White Island) and there abandoned, with nothing in the way of food supplies to comfort him.
Our hapless maroon, Te Tahi of Whakaari, was now in parlous plight, foodless and canoeless on a sterile island far from land. But men who are versed in the ways of magic, black and white, are not easily cast down, and not easily kept on desert isles. Te Tahi watched his enemies sail away on their return to Whakatane, and then ascended a rock and called upon the monsters of the deep to come and rescue him, and they came in noble array, at least so I judge from accounts of the procession of leviathans of the deep given me by Hoani Pururu, Hamiora Pio, and my old friend Matutaera Hatua of the Native Contingent. These verbal accounts are corroborated by the artistic efforts of Timi Waata, who contributed to the cause of taniwha research a striking explanatory sketch of Tutara-kauika, the whale taniwha, bearing Te Tahi triumphantly homeward to Whakatane. The sketch (see Dominion Museum Bulletin 7, 1976 reprint, fig. 169,
In Pio's version of the myth we see that Te Tahi's sea-steed proposed that his enemies should be destroyed when they overtook them, but Te Tahi said: "Waiho ma te whakama e patu" (Let shame punish them). So those people were spared, and Te Tahi was landed safely at the Kohi point; as he walked along the beach people said one to the other—"Surely that is Te Tahi, he who was left at Whakaari, by what means can he have returned?" For Te Tahi had donned his fine garments on his return, and so strode along in gay attire, and swinging a whale bone weapon in his hand. So the people looked, and saw that it really was Te Tahi.
In another version of the above story given by Hoani Pururu of Ngati-Awa we are told that, when Te Tahi returned to Whakatane, he cast down a rock, presumably from the rocky hill near by, and deposited on it his kotara, a form of girdle. That girdle took root on the rock and developed into a flax plant (Phormium tenax). This rock is, I believe, the huge isolated boulder known as the Toka a Houmea situated on the flat south of the schoolhouse. I was told that this was formerly a tapu rock, and that a flax plant grew on it.
Now when, in later days, Te Tahi died at Opuru, he was buried at that place, but later came the taniwha folk from the ocean to bear him away to their strange realm, and so Te Tahi has ever since roamed the ocean wastes, and ever he is ready to succour his descendants when in danger at sea. When, at such crises, men call upon him for help, then Te Tahi comes and bears them to
Now there was a man named Hekia who took a canoe that was tapu and so brought the anger of the taniwha folk upon himself; they bore the canoe off to White Island and there wrecked it, but Hekia was saved.
Should a person eat of tapu food, forbidden to him, then he would be taken away by taniwha, taken away off to their haunts, but he might be rescued and returned to his home by some particular taniwha who was an ancestor of his. Apparently many taniwha possessed eternal life, they knew not death down the changing centuries, while others were slain by man. The ocean taniwha of the Bay of Plenty area were responsible for the death of Manaia and his fishing companions. When Mawake, a man of standing, died, he was buried at Waitahanui, and Manaia obtained his jawbone and fashioned a fish hook therefrom, a dreadful act in Maori eyes. But when Manaia took his new hook with him on a sea fishing trip, then the monsters of the ocean rose and destroyed Manaia and his friends.
Fear of taniwha and kindred mythical creatures was certainly a somewhat useful force in Maoriland, and this fear of the unknown and nonexistent demons was exploited by the elders of a community, and so young folk were told that if they did certain things, then they would be carried off by taniwha to fearsome places, often underground, or under the waters of a river or lake. The offences for which persons were so punished were usually some infringement of tapu, and stories of such punishings were invented and taught to young folk; all of which served to uphold social discipline. Here follows a sample of these taniwha tales of the nursery type—
"A certain young woman named Parekawa was employed by her father to cut his hair. As he was a tapu person of course the woman became tapu also for several days, according to ancient custom. Unfortunately some visitors arrived ere the restriction was removed, and, there being no one at the village to prepare food for the guests, Pare set to work and cooked some for them. Thus was the tapu broken, her hands had touched food.
Shortly after this occurrence it was seen that Pare was altering much in appearance, and spoke in a strange manner; pretty soon she became as one demented and so fled to the forest. On being pursued by her friends she leaped into a river and disappeared. Her friends thought she was drowned; not so, for Peketahi the taniwha had taken her. They passed through the water and through the earth to the home of Peketahi, where Pare saw the strange folk of that place, their houses and cultivations. Those monster folk offered her food, but Peketahi said to her—"Eat not of that food, or never more will you return to the world of light."
It was Peketahi, the chief of the taniwha folk, who sent Pare back to this world in charge of a monster. He told her that she must pass through the water to the village, then leap on to the tapu place without being seen by the people. Now her human form had quite gone while sojourning in the strange underworld, and she was able to pass right up the Puniu river to her home. Here, unfortunately, she. was seen by her people ere she could reach the tapu place, so her companion took her back to the demon world. But Peketahi told her to try once more, and this time she succeeded in reaching the tapu place, where her father recited a charm over her, whereupon she at once regained her human form.
Hence it is that our elders were heard to warn people thus:—"Do not disregard the laws of tapu, or you will be seized and dragged below the waters by Peketahi the taniwha, even as Parekawa was, she who was returned to this world only because she was the daughter of a priestly expert."
The above is a Waikato story, and another story concerning Peketahi the taniwha is given below. Here the punitory measures differed widely from those of the last case, the human offender not being handy, his storehouse and the isle on which it stood were purloined by Peketahi.
In former times a storehouse (pataka) was erected by certain folk on an islet called Kirikiri-roa, situated in the Horotiu river. It was adorned with fine carved work ornamented with paua shell, as also with feathers, of the kereru (pigeon). Certain ritual performances rendered this house tapu, and it was dedicated to one Peketahi, a taniwha (water monster) of those parts. Any food supplies kept in that store were, of course, also tapu, and tapu had been removed by some priestly adept.
It happened upon a certain day that a person took food from that storehouse, and ate of it, without performing the horohoro rite by means of which tapu is removed. The result of this serious offence was that Peketahi came and carried away the storehouse, and also the islet upon which it stood, together with a dog that chanced to be on it at the time. People living near the river lower down heard the howling of the dog, and ran to see. Then was seen by man the strange sight of an islet drifting down the river, with a carved storehouse standing on it, and a dog howling dismally. To the Waikato river they drifted, and down it, while people looked on and wailed aloud. They knew that a taniwha was the cause of this strange occurrence, for land would not float away of its own accord; a taniwha alone can cause land to float and drift.
The land and storehouse drifted down stream and sank at Te Awanui, near Rangiriri. An eel weir was afterwards erected at that place, and it was given the name of Koi-pikau; it belonged to Te Kanawa.
We have seen how Te Tahi of Whakatane became a taniwha after death and there are other traditions of cases of transmigration that occurred in days long past. One such tale was related to me by Te Karehana Whakataki of Ngati Toa as we were sitting outside his little hut at Motuhara, near Plimmerton, in 1894. I note that, since those days, the place has been named after the old man, who was one of the migrants from Kawhia who came south in search of a new home early in the last century. His story centred on one Ataiorongo, an ancestor of Ngati-Toa who flourished at Kawhia long centuries ago. The tale runs as follows:
Raka-pawhara took to wife a sister of Te Ataiorongo, and their child, a boy, was named Kaiihu. Upon a time Raka and Te Ata went a fishing together, taking their fishing rods with them, and they went to a fishing rock called Papa-i-tairutu at Karioi. On reaching that place they placed their rods in position, and, ere long Te Ata had a bite, and he caught five snapper while Raka did not catch one. Then the hook of Raka caught in a rock and so he pulled at his rod in order to loosen it, whereupon Te Ata said: "Do not pull, lest it break, I will go down and free it." So Te Ata descended in order to free the line of his brother-in-law, and this
When the wife of Raka, the sister of Te Ata, saw her husband return alone she enquired after her brother. Raka replied: "I know nought of him, I have not seen him." "But you two went off together." Raka replied: "He turned and went another way, I alone went to the fishing rock." The woman became uneasy about the absence of Te Ata, and so set off to search for him, calling on him as she proceeded. On reaching the fishing place she saw the betrampled sand, and on examining the many footprints came to the conclusion that Raka had made them all. Now as the woman was bewailing her lost brother at the fishing rock, Te Ata appeared in the form of a taniwha his arm thrust up above the water and it was recognized by his sister. It was then that she became confident that her brother had perished at the hands of Raka, hence she went back to their home and accused him of having slain Te Ata; but Raka spake never a word; so the twain parted.
In after days, when Kaiihu was growing up, he asked his mother where the people of his father lived, and she replied: "Look you to yon point that projects outward at Onepaka"—then the lad knew. When he reached manhood he came to Kawhia, where he was taken in hand by a relative named Mania and taught many things, including all forms of spells and charms. Then Mania called upon his people to make a new canoe, and it was made and hauled to the village of Rangihua, at Papakirewa, where the vessel was fitted up and finished, launched and tested. When Kaiihu went on board the vessel he was expelled by the elders, who made him remain on shore. He complained to Mania, who told him to go and conceal himself in the canoe during the night, which he did. While it was yet dark the crew partook of food, then went on board the canoe and passed out on the ocean, where Kaiihu heard the crew talking, whereupon he came forth and took his stand on a thwart where he recited the formula known as the awa o Tainui.
In the morning Raka and the others entered their canoes and all went out seaward, only women were left in the village. Then the village was burned and destroyed, and Raka, on seeing this, came back to land. Kaiihu saw him coming and pursued him by
Ever after, when the taniwha form of Te Ata, with its wide girdle, was seen, then it was known by the people that some serious affliction was looming near.
A correspondent adds that the abode of the taniwha is a deep pit or hole known as the Rua o Te Ataiorongo at Matatua point near Kawhia heads, but that the creature occasionally moves northward to Te Akau.
There is another myth of a taniwha named Paneiraira that was connected with one Raka-taura, a Tainui immigrant, and the last appearance of Pane in 1863 is said to have betokened the coming disaster for the Waikato tribe. I have been told that Pane was a being much relied on when a canoe was capsized at sea, inasmuch as he used to appear at such a time and convey the crew ashore.
The following story was collected by a daughter of the late Rev. Mr Spencer, long stationed in the Rotorua district. It is a better version than one I collected many years later from the Awa folk of Te Teko. Some five or six generations ago the isle of Motutara in the lake known as Rotoma became lost to the world. That isle lay about a mile from the shore, and it was occupied by a number of people, persons where land interests lay on the adjacent mainland. At a certain time came a traveller to the lake shore, one who had come on a visit to the folk of Motutara. He endeavoured to attract the attention of the island people that they might send a canoe for him, but no notice was taken of such efforts. He spent the night on the lake shore, and, next morning, renewed his attempts to gain attention from the islanders, all to no purpose. By this time our traveller was justly enraged at this studied neglect, and so he decided to inflict a terrible punishment on the inhospitable islanders. Now he chanced to be an ariki taniwha, one who held strange power over the monsters of the ocean and of fresh waters. He doffed his garments, immersed himself three times in the waters of the lake, and called upon sundry dread taniwha to come and destroy the island. Then ariki taniwha. The old warlock is said to have stationed one or more of his taniwha at Rotoma after the destruction of the isle, presumably to discipline the survivors of the tribe dwelling on the mainland. In former times, when taking crayfish by net in the lake the local folk used to find tuatara lizards at times in the net, and these lizards were, in Maori belief, connected with the local taniwha.
The Ngati-Awa version of this tale was contributed by old Hamiora Pio of Te Teko, and runs as follows: A chief named Rakei-marama, who flourished some ten generations ago, went from Putanaki (Mt. Edgecumbe) to Rotoma in order to visit friends living on an island in the lake, which isle was known as Motutara. He tried to attract the attention of the islanders that they might send a canoe for him, but they ignored him, as they had found him to be a tiresome visitor. Rakei became so enraged at this treatment that he resolved to destroy both people and island. He threw off his garments, tied a strip of flax leaf around his waist, and so stood ready to perform any tapu ceremony. With a wand or stick in his hand he walked into the water and stood therein repeating the formula calling upon the dread power of the taniwha. As he repeated the following karakia he struck the water with the stick in his hand:
Herein Tama, the dread ogre of Hikurangi, is called upon to rend land and water, and to consign all to the lower world. So the isle of Rotoma vanished beneath the lake waters and all its inhabitants perished.
A somewhat similar tale pertains to the lost village at Ohinemutu, Rotorua, where a few massive posts are still seen projecting above the lake waters, these are all that remain of the stockade that surrounded the sunk village. In this case two different taniwha seem to claim the honour of having destroyed this lakeside pa, their names being Te Ihi and Hurukareao. Here
Te Ihi, a famed taniwha of the Taupo district, is said to have had a human origin, this being another case of transmigration. Te Ihi was the son of a decidedly human mother named Te Aratukutuku. At one time, according to Wiremu Tauri, she got into trouble by foretelling the death of one Pipiri on account of his having transgressed some law of tapu. Unfortunately for her Pipiri did so pass away and so his people promptly slew Te Ara, being probably convinced that she had killed him by means of magic. Either her gods or her supernormal offspring avenged her death in manner most complete, for the two fortified villages name Kohuru-kareao and Whakao-hoka were destroyed, they sank into the depths of the Taupo lake and so were lost forever. This is the same Aratukutuku who had been responsible for the destruction of half of the Ohine-mutu pa at Rotorua. When bathing there once upon a time she was laughed at by some women, with the results that, in the dead of night, half the village sank beneath the waters of the lake. Prior to that time but one boiling spring existed in that locality, but after the catastrophe a number of others were found to have appeared.
Here follows another version of the above story:
Te Ihi was a famous taniwha of the Taupo district, who is said to have been originally a man. When crossing the lake with other persons, he leaped overboard and disappeared. His mother is said to have been one Ara-tukutuku, who foretold the death of Pipiri, a leading man of Motu-tere, because he had gone a fishing while she was going through some ceremonial performance. As Pipiri did die shortly after this prophetic utterance, his enraged friends avenged him by slaying Ara, the result of her death being the destruction of no less than four villages, which were engulfed in the waters of the lake. Two of these villages were named Kohura-kareao and Whakaohoka.
Te Ihi did not confine his activities to Taupo, but is said to have occasionally passed underground as far as Rotorua. On one occasion, we are told, he found a man named Tama-mutu asleep on the Hakaipari islet in Lake Tarawera, whereupon he seized the sleeping Tarua and conveyed him by subterranean ways to Lake Taupo. Here he was kept for some days, during which time he refused to eat any food offered him by the taniwha, otherwise he could never have returned to this world, and eventually the taniwha took him back to the place he was taken from, where he was found by his friends fast asleep. When found he was perfectly bald, no sign of hair remained, even his eyebrows and eyelashes had disappeared.
Here is given the Hurukareao story of the submerged hamlet at Rotorua:
A taniwha named Hurukareao lived in a stream at Poutu, lake Roto-a-Ira, and Te Heuheu Tukino stated that this was the creature that destroyed the pa at Ohinemutu, Rotorua, or a part of it. A certain woman of rank had been insulted or annoyed by the people of Ohinemutu and so called upon Hurukareao to punish the offenders. That useful demon proceeded by subterranean ways to Rotorua, but emerged for a breathing space at Tokaanu, where it changed the course of the stream and caused a new hot spring to appear. On reaching Rotorua Hurukareao caused a part of the fortified village to sink into the lake. Some of the larger posts of the stockade, about 2 ft. in diameter, are yet standing in the shoal waters of the lake (see Dominion Museum Bulletin 6, 1975 reprint, p. 74). Evidently this submergence of the village was caused by one of the minor land movements of which there must have been many in that district. The story concerning the part taken by Hurukareao is an origin myth evolved in order to account for the occurrence.
In his Reminiscences and Maori Stories Gilbert Mair gives an interesting version of the above tale, and states that the sunken fortified village at Ohinemutu was known as Muruika.
This name is known over both the North and South Islands, and there are many stories concerning mythical monsters so named, evidently the term was a favoured one. I have heard about a dozen stories describing the doings of taniwha so named, and they pertained to far sundered places. These stories often take the form of an abnormal union, a taniwha of saurian form, a huge lizard, captures a Maori woman and makes her his wife, in some cases the woman bears a child, or children, of semi-human form, and the story concludes with an account of how she escaped from the monster. An almost ever present incident is the tying of a rope to the captive woman, so as to give her a certain measure of liberty as she performed her domestic duties, while the taniwha husband kept the other end of the cord in his hand if he had any. In a number of cases the woman escaped by releasing the cord from her body and tying it to a pliant limb or sapling, so that, when the taniwha pulled the cord, he felt the "give" of the branch and thought that his captive was still attached to the cord. It would appear that, in those far off times, there were some very simple minded taniwha in New Zealand.
The earliest record of this myth is, I believe, found in the New Zealand Journal of 1848, p. 69, and was contributed by Hutchinson. This is a North Island version; a lizard-like taniwha residing in a cave succeeded in capturing a woman who lived with him for years, bearing him divers children. Whenever she left the cave her captor tied a cord to her ankle to prevent her escaping. One day, however, when collecting shellfish on the beach, with the cord tied to the other leg, she bethought her of the brilliant plan of cutting the cord and then escaping from her reptile husband. She cut the cord with a shell, tied the end of it to a stone and then set off to return to her old home. When her lizard husband found that he had a stone instead of a wife at the end of the marital cord he wailed aloud in his loneliness. Meanwhile the escapee had reached her old home where arrangements were made to invite the taniwha to visit the village, and, moreover, to give him a warm reception when he arrived. So a special house was built as a lodging for the guest, who, on his arrival, was feasted and entertained, after which he retired into his house. When he had fallen asleep the entrance was barricaded and the house set fire to, and so this ngarara perished miserably. Some of his children who were with him managed to escape, and they became the progenitors of other taniwha, and yet other weird beings that dwell in the ocean.
Another taniwha known as Ngarara-huarau dwelt in the Wairarapa district in long past times, but eventually perished at Tupurupuru. In 1893 Te Aro gave me an account of this creature, which, he said, was a moko nui or huge lizard. He came originally from Marokotia in search of his sister, named Parikawhiti, and when he left his cave dwelling at Waimarama some of his scales left therein developed into tuatara lizards. At last he came down by sea to the mouth of the Pahaua stream, then passed up that stream, and up the Wainuioru and Marumaru. On reaching Maurioho he knew that he was near his sister, and so leaped ashore and a mound formed there was called Hau tuapuku rau o Ngarara-huarau. After that he took up his abode in the stream, at a place near a path used by people of those times, but little taniwha. So it went on, great numbers of travellers so perished, until, upon a time, it chanced that of one party so attacked, a lone member had lagged behind and heard the tumult of the slaughter and saw the monster destroying his friends. He at once turned and fled, so came he safely to his home village, where he reported the death of his companions—"Nought remains, save the flowing waters, I alone survive."
All the people were assembled and a plan was devised whereby to destroy Ngarara-huarau. Now this plan was one that is, or was, absolutely unique, one that could only have emanated from the most brilliant minds of the Ngai-Tara folk of that period. Inasmuch as the fearsome taniwha was a creature of great powers and prowess, it was resolved that caution should form a prominent feature of the slaying process, and so those warriors determined to crush the monster by felling trees on him. Enough said; a band of stalwarts, armed with stone tools, went forth to prepare the trap, which they did by "scarfing" the trees near the path, until, as Te Aro explained to me, one more blow of the stone adze would cause them to fall. When everything was ready for action then a warlock bewitched a dog and so compelled it to advance to the den of the monster and entice him forth by barking. Up rose the taniwha of evil repute and pursued the dog, and the dog fled down the path. In furious pursuit came the monster, who caused the very ground to tremble, and who, by colliding with the heavily scarfed trees caused them to fall, and in their fall they crushed and destroyed the taniwha. So perished Ngarara-huarau at the hands of Ngai-Tara, whose eponymic ancestor Tar a dwelt on the isle of Motu-kairangi in the great harbour of Tara.
The place whereat Ngarara-huarau was slain was Tupurupuru, Marumaru and Herewaka are toward the south, Marumaru is between Tupurupuru and Kourarau, that stream flows into Tauweru, Tauweru flows into Ruamahanga, while the latter flows into Wairarapa lake. These waters reach the ocean at Okorewa, which is a famous place for eels.
In later years Tunui-a-rangi gave another version of the above tale in which he states that Ngarara-huarau traced his absent taniwha had formerly led an equally evil life at Waimarama.
In this version two men were selected to go forward with the dog in order to lure the monster along the prepared path, and charms were recited over all members of this forlorn hope, including the dog and a cord used, in order to render all serviceable and efficacious. On reaching a point above the cave the men lowered the dog down by means of the cord, as they did so a glaring light gleamed from the eyes of the monster, and soon his head appeared; then fled the men down the path pursued by the monster; as Tiurangi the hawk darts through space so fled the lurers. When the body of the dread scourge was cut up, layers of men, women and children were found in the stomach, these bodies were buried while that of Ngarara-huarau was handed over as food for Mahuika (personified form of fire). The head of the monster became petrified and is still seen in the form of a rock. The spells employed when the men were engaged with Ngarara-huarau were those known as Pawhakaoho, Tumania and Tupaheke.
Colenso refers to the above tale in one of his papers of 1878, and gives the name of the creature as Hinehuarau, which name betokens the female sex, and he describes her as "a monster Saurian". A place was pointed out to him at Marokotia, between Waimarama and Te Apiti, as the former abode of Hinehuarau. When in the Wairarapa district Colenso went to view the so-called bones or head of the long-defunct taniwha, and in his account thereof he wrote: "I found the said 'bones' to be a heap or knob of yellowish, friable, glittering, quartz-like stone (calcite), which cropped out from the hill-side and lay in large lumps. I remember well how angry one old Maori became … on my asserting that the pile before us was not bone at all but stone…. It bore, at first sight, a resemblance to the yellow Transactions of the New Zealand Institute, vol. 11, p. 85). The present writer can sympathise with both sides in such a case as the foregoing. How many times have I lifted rough trails to view some marvel that was not a marvel, albeit, unlike Colenso, I never cast any doubt on incredible statements made by my companions. Was I told that a certain stone possessed ambulatory powers, or that a rock was a kind of 'concealed' ancestor, no scornful word of mine broke the peace. I was a keen collector, but never a keen moralist.
A very brief account of the above taniwha was given by Hori Ropiha of Waipawa some thirty-five years ago. In this version we are told that when Ngarara-huarau was decending a cliff at Maro-kotia when on his way south he "broke a part of himself off", after which he made for the islet of Motu-o-kura (Bare Island) but did not, succeed in landing thereon. He did however leave some of his scales there, and those scales developed into tuatara lizards, which were numerous on the islet in Maori times. The monster then proceeded on his voyage southward, and, as he did so kept repeating charms to cure his wounds and cause his broken bones to reunite. The people on shore heard him reciting these bone-setting charms, and so Acquired them, and ever since, they have retained these highly useful charms for causing a broken leg or arm bone to knit.
In a paper on a fortified village near Picton, Elvy of Blenheim mentions a cave at Vernon Bluffs known as the Ana o Rongomaipapa or Cave of Rongomaipapa. This cave is said to have been the den of a taniwha called Rongomaipapa in times remote (see Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 36, pp. 367-9). In an account of this monster written for me by Tuiti Makitanara 1894 I note that the creature is styled the Ngarara-huarau, while Rongomaipapa was the name of a valiant warrior who slew it, and so freed the land from a dreadful scourge. Tuiti's narrative now follows—
"Ngarara-huarau was a reptile that lived at Te Pukatea, where its home was a cave. When persons were travelling from Wairau to Whanganui at Port Underwood they were destroyed by that nanakia (fierce creature), consumed by him, whether ten or fifty in number all were eaten by him. The creature slew them by means of the effect of his urine, when he encountered persons he burned and destroyed them by spraying his urine over them, such was the habit of that monster.
"Now when Rongomaipapa came from the North Island he heard the people of this place talking about the deeds of that karaka tree standing above the cave, whereupon he returned to the village and proposed to his son Rangia-tea that they two should go and slay Ngarara-huarau. The son asked how they might succeed in such a task, and was told that his father would arrange the matter. Rongomai then procured his garments, such are termed pora and parawai to be used as a protection against the noxious urine of the reptile; he donned these and then called upon his son to accompany him. So they went their way, and, on reaching the cave Rongomai told his son to go and take his stand above, while he himself proceeded to the mouth of the cave in order to lure the reptile out, Rangiatea was to spear the creature when its head appeared outside the cave. To this the son agreed, and so took his stand above the cave, while Rongomai went to the mouth of the cave and called out. Ngarara-huarau heard the cry and came forth to destroy Rongomai by means of his urine; Rangiatea was in his place, looking at his father facing great danger and awaiting the appearance of the head of the reptile. He called out to his father:—'How is it?', and the reply was:—'The beast is enraged and I am sore afflicted.' Ere long the reptile's head appeared outside the cave, whereupon that head was pierced by the spear of Rangiatea and the reptile writhed in anguish. When Rongomai saw that the spear of Rangiatea had found its mark he came with his weapon to assist him. The head of Ngarara-huarau was severed from his body, and so he perished; when Rongomai cut off his tail the scales scattered and reached Te Pukaka, where they are still seen in the form of eels of uncanny aspect, they seem to be tail-less, to be all head. When the stomach of the reptile was cut open then all kinds of native weapons were found in it, the weapons of those hapless persons who had been devoured."
Outside the cave home of the reptile at the present time is a hollow some two chains in width, the old men tell me that the hollow was formed by the death struggles of the great reptile slain by Rongomai; I myself have seen the cave and also the hollow.
According to my information the dragon slayer flourished about the year 1600, so that the days of marvels are not so far removed from us. Tuiti's narrative is couched in modern Maori, tiirai (chains) wide.
My worthy old friend Te Whetu of Te Atiawa contributed a tale concerning another Ngarara-huarau in the early 'nineties', and this one abode on D'Urville Island, truly the family is a far-spread one. In days long past a party of Taranaki folk known as Ngai-Tarapounamu settled on that isle, known as Rangitoto to the Maori. There a woman of the party was unfortunate enough to desecrate the tapu of a certain spot by eating food thereat. This act called for punishment by the gods, and swiftly came that punishment, a local taniwha stirred up the deep and caused great waves to rise and sweep away an encampment of people where the erring woman was living, all perished in that dread upheaval, although other hamlets escaped.
Some time after the above disaster one of these folk was captured by the Ngarara-huarau. While wandering in the forest she caught sight of the head of the nanakia and so turned to run, but the reptile swung its long tail round and so prevented her escaping, after which she was taken to the creature's cave-home, where the twain lived together. We are then given a long account of the woman persuading her reptile mate to allow her some modicum of liberty by tying a cord to her and letting her go to a stream nearby to prepare food. At length she was so allowed to go, but she explained that her task would take some considerable time to perform. Now the women set off on her errand to the stream, but, on arriving there, she did not proceed with her task but untied the cord, retied the end to a sapling, and then hurried off to visit her friends. She told them how she had been captured by an eight-legged reptile, and that she had thought of a plan by means of which the monster might be destroyed. She asked her folk to busy themselves in erecting a house to serve as a sleeping place for the Ngarara-huarau when that creature should visit his parents-in-law. The house was to be ten double arm-spans in length, and to be erected in the forest, so that the standing trees of the forest might serve as house posts, the walls to be covered with bracken on the outer side, and lined with manuka bush. Also a small aperture was to be left in the wall through which the woman might pass, but not so her bulky husband. Numbers of men were to be employed upon this task, while others were to be set to work making various kinds of spears.
The woman then hurried back to her reptile husband, she reached the stream, retied the cord to her body, and returned to the cave, coiling up the cord as she proceeded. Ere long a messenger arrived to invite the cave-dwelling nanakia to visit his wife's folk. This messenger pretended to be a brother of the captive women, but he was merely a low class person, fleet of foot, and sent on this mission so that a valued life might not be risked; the people were dubious concerning the intentions of the taniwha.
When the time came to pay the visit the reptile told his wife to let her people know that he should be welcomed, not by employing the name of Ngarara-huarau, but by addressing him as Wairangi. Well, they set off, and, as they drew near the village home of the captive woman, her people caught sight of her reptile husband, and remarked: "O! What a repulsive creature." Then arose the cry of welcome of the people: "Welcome, O Ngarara-huarau! Welcome hither!" Now this, you will see, was a disregarding of the wishes of the taniwha, and when he heard the cry he shook his head and snorted violently, the sound whereof was like that of a great gun. When the people noted these evidences of anger they altered their cries to: "Welcome, O Wairangi! Welcome!"
After the ceremonial reception was over the reptile and his wife entered the new house, wherein, after some time, the reptile husband fell asleep. This was the desired opportunity, and all took advantage of it; some hurried to close and secure the door, some busied themselves in piling up dry brush and sticks against the walls. At one time Ngarara-huarau awoke and heard sounds of these preparations, but the woman told him that it was merely the people preparing food for him, and so he slept again. When the woman heard him snoring, and truly the sound of his snoring was like unto the roll of distant thunder, she gave the signal for the house to be fired. Then men with flaming torches set fire to the walls and dry piled brush, while the woman escaped from the house by the small passage through which the taniwha might not pass; meanwhile the snoring of that creature sounded like the booming surf on a rocky coastline.
At last the fire burst through the walls and roof, flames ravaged the interior of the house, and so Mahuika grappled with Ngarara-huarau. When he strove to escape the long spears of the warriors assailed him, and so that fearsome nanakia perished. In later days the woman gave birth to a child that was half human and half reptile, but it was an uncanny creature and did not live long.
Wohlers collected a South Island version of the above tale, or perhaps it concerns a different Ngarara-huarau; presumably this is the case, for this one of the far south was a female, I find (this is the same story that appears in vol. 2 of White's Ancient History of the Maori, pp. 26-30). A traveller named Ruru was captured by this reptile, who caught him by sweeping her long tail round. This tale ends as the one above, and the reptile wife perished in a burning house. A much abbreviated version was collected by H. Beattie (see vol. 29 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society, p. 136).
The Maori has evolved many of these tales about women being captured by reptilian taniwha, but in very few are the sexes reversed. The following story pertains to the Kaipara district:
In times long past away, in days truly remote, there were three women of the district between Kaipara and Hokianga who went forth into the forest in order to collect tawa berries. After having gone a long way, they came to a smooth path about two fathoms wide, along which they went until they reached what seemed to be the end of the road, the same being a sort of fence covered with mangemange (a climbing plant, Lygodium). Here they turned to retrace their way, but, on hearing a rumbling noise, turned to see a taniwha pursuing them, upon which they fled. The monster caught up to the last of the women, but, just as he was about to seize her, he saw that she was ugly, so he let her go, and pursued the other two. On overtaking the next, he saw that she also was ugly, so he let her go and chased the third, who was young and goodlooking, hence he took her away with him to his cave. The two women who escaped described to their people the aspect of the monster that had captured their companion, but the people decided not to attempt to rescue her, lest many of them be slain by the monster and the tribe be thus dangerously weakened.
The captive woman was unable to escape from the monster, and lived with him many years, having six children by him, three of which were born monsters, and three in human form. The three children that resembled the father she taught to make nets, mats and baskets, and to assist her in cooking, but the three
One day, when the monster was away at the creek, bathing, the woman said to her children—"Let us go and catch eels in the forest streams"—which they agreed to do. On arriving at the place, she proposed to the young men that they should show their skill in the spear exercise. This they proceeded to do, and, during the exercise, they attacked and slew the three monster-like sons of their mother, who had prompted them to do so. They then returned to the cave, and the mother went in first, saying that she would signal to her sons when the monster was asleep, and they must then attack and kill him. This was done, they slew the monster, cut his limbs off, and left him lying in the cave.
Then the mother set off to return to her old home, the home left when she was a young woman, accompanied by her three sons. After walking a long way, she began to recognise some of the hills, and then they found a path that led to a village, where they found some of her people living, and there was much crying over the returned captive, and a feast was held, and many speeches made.
Then the people decided to go to the cave and to cook and eat the slain monster. Having placed his body and the severed limbs in a steam oven, they covered it and waited until they deemed it was cooked. But when the covering was removed from the oven, the severed portions of the body flew together again, the limbs were again joined to the body, the monster regained life, arose and attacked the people, slaying many. The survivors fled in all directions, some to the coast, where the monster caught one woman and threw her into the sea. At length he became wearied, whereupon the people assembled again, took courage, and attacked him. Having again slain the monster, they cut his body into many pieces, and burned each piece separately, while the bones they took home, and fashioned therefrom fish hooks and barbed points for bird spears.
The woman who had been cast into the sea by the monster, was saved by one of the gods of her people, and enveloped in a mass of sponge. She drifted about on the waves for a long time, until she was cast up on the beach at Wai-arohia, at Hokianga. Some women who were collecting shellfish at that place, saw the mass
Here follows another such folk tale resembling those given before about the Ngarara-huarau—
There was once a monster named Te Whakaruaki who in form resembled a huge lizard, and who lived in the forest. A woman roaming the forest was captured by this monster, and compelled to live with him as his wife. In time she gave birth to a child that was, in form, half human and half lizard. The monster had many bathing pools, and had a separate one for each of his limbs. Being afraid of his wife running away from him, he plaited the end of a long rope into her hair, and kept hold of the other end of the rope whenever he went to bathe, or when she left their abode. One day she went to the creek for water and, with a shell, cut the rope, and tied the end of it to a pliant sapling, so that, when the monster pulled the rope, he would think that it was still attached to her hair. The woman fled to her people, and a plan was arranged whereby to destroy the monster. He was invited to come and live with the woman at the village, where a special house was built for them. After the couple had lived together in the house for some time, the people procured a long stone, dressed it up in the woman's garments, and laid it on her sleeping place. When the monster returned home and entered the house, the people fastened the door and window and set fire to the house. The monster heard the noise made by the fire and asked what it was; he was told that his wife's people were dancing and singing. A second query brought the reply that it was the sound of the wind among the trees. At last the whole house was in flames, and he endeavoured to escape from it. Not so; there was no escape, in vain he struggled and tried to force his way through the burning walls; his body was destroyed, but the tail parted from it, wriggled out through the fire, and escaped into the forest. From that time lizards became numerous, for the escaped tail of Te Whakaruaki was the origin of the species of lizard known as moko papa, and lizards now can cast off their tails when in danger.
As for the half human, half lizard, child, it was slain by the people, so disgusted were they by its repulsive appearance, and its body was consumed in the burning house.
A taniwha known at Taha'a Island and in New Zealand. In the year 1893 an old member of the Atiawa tribe, on Karepa Te Whetu, gave me an account of a dread taniwha that, in days of old, ravaged the Motueka district of Nelson. In 1916 a native of Taha's island of the Society Group told me of a grim monster named 'Aifa'arua'i that, in former times, harried the people of Motue'a at Taha'a island. The two stories, including the names of places, as Takaka and Motueka (Ta'a'a and Motue'a in the island dialect wherein k and ng have been dropped) agree closely, and one can but conclude that this tale has been brought from Taha'a in past centuries and located here at Nelson, a 2000 miles transference across the ocean.
The tale as known to the old-time folk of the Nelson district is as follows:
In the days of the scourge no person who moved abroad between Takaka and Motueka was safe, parties of travellers proceeding from Wakatu, Takaka and Motupipi to the westward never reached their destination. On reaching the stream known as Parapara, where the den of Kaiwhakaruaki was, they would be seen, and pursued by that nanakia, and in no case was there a single survivor of such parties, all perished, consumed by that fierce ravager Te Kaiwhakaruaki. Now upon a time there came a party of folk from Arahura, come to visit Potoru and Te Koheta; on arriving at Matarua a discussion was held as to how to encounter the danger before them. One valiant warrior of Ngai-Tahu proposed to attack the taniwha single-handed, he being a famous slayer of sea-lions which, he boasted, always succumbed to a single blow from him.
Potoru and his people now made their preparations to attack the terrible dragon; they manufactured a supply of weapons fashioned from hardwood; they moved on to Aorere, where Potoru addressed his men, urging them to be courageous in attack, and explaining how the attacking force would be distributed, a main body to attack the monster in front and two smaller forces to make flank attacks. They now advanced to the Parapara stream where the force of Potoru was disposed to advantage, and the sea-lion slayer advanced confidently to attack the dragon. Ere long the creature was seen eagerly advancing, a great wave of water preceding it, and with its great mouth open. The slayer of sea-lions aimed a vigorous blow at his opponent, the blow was avoided and, the attacker fell into the open mouth of
As in other cases great stores of weapons and garments were found within the stomach of the fierce Kaiwhakaruaki, also human heads, the residuum as it were of many past feasts upon hapless travellers.
At Taha'a isle in far off eastern Polynesia the dread monster 'Aifa'arua'i was slain and eaten in olden times, but so rank was its flesh that it sickened the feasters, and so the taniwha has been known as Revolting Food, all of which seems extremely far-fetched, as assuredly all should be in a taniwha story.
Stack has recorded another story concerning one of these woman-capturing taniwha of olden times, one that pertains to Otago. A woman named Kaiamio was captured by an ogre who was roaming about in company with a band of two-headed dogs. We are told that the woman became covered with scales from the body of the ogre, so that apparently he was of the ordinary saurian type. The hapless woman was tethered in the usual manner, and, when she left the ogre's cave, he would pull at the cord ever and anon, to assure himself that she was still attached to the other end of it. In this case the captive escaped by water; she made a form of raft of bundles of raupo bulrush and, perched on this, floated away down the river, but she tied the end of the cord to some rushes, which yielding somewhat to a tug, would serve to prevent suspicion on the part of the ogre for some time. When the taniwha did find out that his captive wife had escaped by way of the river he adopted the very best plan for stopping the mode of transport, he at once busied himself in drinking all the waters of that river, and so rendering the bed thereof empty and waterless. He was, however, somewhat too late, for by that time the woman had reached her home far down the river.
After the escaped woman had succeeded in freeing her body from the scales that adhered to it a meeting was held, and it was resolved to destroy the pernicious ogre. The woman told her friends that, when a north-wester was blowing, the ogre slept long
(The version of the Kaiamio tale given here also appears in vol. 3 of White's Ancient History of the Maori, pp. 189-91. At p. 13 of vol. 20 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society is given another tale of the same style into which the tethered captive woman enters, but the woman in this case is Hina, the female personified form of the moon. This Hina had ten brothers, whose names are those of the numerals 1 to 10, and the connection may be with the ten months year of olden times. This tale comes from Takaafu island of the Union Group.)
The two-headed dogs do not appear elsewhere in Maori myth, so far as I am aware, but we have an allusion to double-headed taniwha, who were probably even more dangerous. Tarakawa of the Arawa mentioned a two-headed taniwha, or panerua as he termed it in 1894. He spoke as though there were several of them, and they seem to have been subservient to a man named Te Haunumia. These creatures are said to have had a head at each end of their bodies, and they were provided with eight legs. (Na, ko te ngarara panerua nei he tupua ano, ko te tangata nana aua mokai nei ko Te Haunumia, he tangata ano ia, ka waru pea nga whakatupuranga … he tupua, kotahi ano te tinana, ko nga upokoe rua, kei tetahi pito, kei tetahi pito, ko nga peke ano e waru.)
I was told by natives of the Waiapu district that, in remote times, a taniwha named Hine-tapaeururangi dwelt in those parts. At one time this creature captured a woman and carried her off to its cave, and this fact seems to indicate the male sex of the monster, although the name given seems to call for the opposite sex. This is the old tale of the tethered captive (in this case the cord was tied round her waist) and the tying of that cord to a pliant sapling when she escaped. This taniwha was caught by her people who suspended a number of stout snares in front of its cave, and so secured it. It is interesting to note that the natives of Tahiti have preserved folk tales of this kind, one is to the effect that a great lizard-like creature carried off a woman who bore a son of repulsive aspect; another story describes the slaying of several huge lizards that lived in a cave. (In nos 7-18 etc., of the Bullétin de la Société des Études Océaniennes some of these quaint stories may be found, and in Walpole's Four Years in the Pacific, p. 135 is a version of the tale of a woman who bore a semi-human child to a
The mo'o of the Hawaiian Isles were mythical monsters, huge lizards, and some of these northern taniwha tales are much like our Maori ones; in one such mo'o or moko is said to have taken up its quarters with a woman only to end as did some taniwha of New Zealand, by being burned. In our local tales the monster is usually said to have been invited to a village, a special house being built for his use, when secured in the house it was then set fire to, and so the creature perished miserably. Christian, in his work, The Caroline Islands, p. 97, tells us of an alligator that reached one of the isles, where it killed several of the natives, finally, by means of food lure it was enticed into a house which was then burned, and so the pest was disposed of. Such an occurrence might well have been the origin of our much embellished taniwha stories of New Zealand, and perchance of the New Guinea folk tale concerning a marriage between a crocodile and a human being.
The Milky Way is sometimes alluded to as a taniwha, hence its names of Moko-roa-iata, Mangoroa, and Ika-a-Maui. This Mokoroa was a monster that had been overcome by Maui. The name moko nui is a descriptive one, but sometimes used as a special name, as in the case of Mokonui, a taniwha that abode in the Patea river.
The North Island has been in past times singularly prolific in producing, not only taniwha 0, also very gallant destroyers of those annoying and destructive creatures. In some cases we hear of bands of men attacking one of these monsters, in others a few devoted heroes face fearful odds in order to restore peace and quietness to a district, while in yet others only one man's name is mentioned. Such is the case with regard to one Pokopoko of the north, he who slew a famed taniwha in the Orewa river. This creature was another man-eater that ravaged the countryside in days of old, its headquarters being a deep pool known as the Rua taniwha; many travellers perished hereabouts until Pokopoko slew the man-hunting reptile. Another such monster was slain by this valiant St. George at the Pahi stream, near the picturesque limestone rocks. It would appear that taniwha were often credited with living or lurking in deep holes in rivers, and, in the "seventies" of last century, many natives were still nervous about approaching such places after nightfall.
Haumia, the eponymic ancestor of the Ngati-Haumia clan, was another ancestor who achieved fame as a dragon slayer. He was a taniwha named Raparoa, a mischievous creature who caused the ocean surge to overwhelm and destroy the crops of Haumia. This continued for some time, until Haumia was compelled to slay Raparoa, after which feat he was known as Haumia-whakatere-taniwha or Haumia the taniwha destroyer. Kawhia seems to have been a favoured place of residence among the taniwha gentry, and Gudgeon informed us that no less that fifteen were supposed to haunt those parts (Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 14 pp. 167-192). These creatures are said to have had a kind of headquarters at Te Mahoe, and to have been of a kindly disposition, save one named Nga-taratu who was famed as a man-eater. At this place there appears to be, or to have been, a kind of subterranean abode of taniwha where many dwelt together, such as is alluded to in the story of Parekawa. It is recorded that one Uekaha of Kawhia was engaged in spearing flounders at Waiharakeke when he found himself in a cavern wherein were a number of taniwha. Those creatures kept Uekaha for some days, treating him well, and then restored him to the upper world. This restoration itself was a truly marvellous occurrence, one that almost strains the Pakeha powers of belief. Uekaha's friends had given him up for lost when suddenly a strong spring of water gushed forth from the earth close to the village home, and from that spring emerged Uekaha, his hair matted with water weeds, but otherwise, we are informed, well and hearty.
Parahia was a member of the land-dwelling variety of taniwha that formerly lived at Otuhira, Taranaki. His dwelling place was a cave, and this was unknown to the people until, upon a time, they commenced to clear the bush land there in order to make a new cultivation. This act brought on such a frightful storm that it was known that the place was tapu. A tohunga was employed to visit the cave and placate the creature by means of food offerings and karakia. After the above alarming occurrence first-fruit offerings of all cultivated food products were made to Parahia, being deposited at the cave in manner ceremonial. Fowlers and eel-fishers made similar offerings.
The Whanganui river has been a highly favoured resort of taniwha in the past, its deep holes, its cliffs and canyons call for such denizens. One Tipaeara is said to have been a large reptile that was viewed as a kind of guardian of a village at or near Otukopiri (Koriniti); whenever this creature showed itself then it was known that some misfortune was at hand. Creatures of this taniwha named Kawautahi that lives or lived in a1 pond or swamp some twelve miles up the Reretaruke tributary of the Whanganui river. He also contributes an account given by natives of wild doings up the Rere-taruke in the "eighties", when a land surveyor employed some natives for cutting lines, one of which impinged upon the haunted lagoon. Here the native line cutters were pursued by a dreadful creature in human form, having black skin, its body covered with long hair, and two horns on the top of its head. Needless to say those Maori lads left for home in a hurry, and had a most trying experience in endeavouring to put up a "back to camp" record. We are also told that their employer, a European surveyor, joined in the panic and fled for his life, abandoning a theodolite which he never mustered up courage to return for. This is a form of tale highly appreciated by the Maori, each narrator adding an additional horror, but my knowledge of bush surveyors compels me to cast some slight doubts upon it.
But the most renowned taniwha of the Whanganui river is the famous Tutae-poroporo, who is said to have lived in the river at Taumaha-aute (Shakespeare Cliff), where he intercepted canoes passing up and down the river and regaled himself upon the crews thereof. Some versions maintain that he did not hesitate to swallow both canoe and passengers. Kauika of Nga Rauru maintains that this famed taniwha was simply a shark; one Tuariki of Ngati-Apa caught a young shark and tamed it, repeating over it certain charms pertaining to taniwha. So the creature grew apace until it was a very whale as to size, and it wandered about from one river to another. Then came an armed force from Whanganui; raiders who slew Tuariki and so left the taniwha disconsolate. He sought his master at Tutaenui and Rangitikei, but found him not, then he began to track by scent and so traced him to Whanganui, whereupon he knew that the people of that place had slain his master, Tuariki. He took up his quarters at Okupe, and resolved to avenge the death of his patron by reducing the tribal roll of Whanganui; this turned out to be rather a slow process at Okupe, hence he moved up river to the Paparoa rapid and took up his quarters in the deep-water pool at Pipiriki known as Mata-tiwhaia-ki-te-pounamu. Here again man-killing seemed to lag, and so Tutaeporoporo came down river taniwha, that monster came surging through the water like a huge whale, we are informed, and sending a great wave rolling before him. The people in the leading canoes were destroyed, consumed by the monster, but those behind, seeing the fate of their companions, ran their craft ashore and fled to the wooded hills.
The escapees returned up river and carried the doleful news to the forest hamlets. Then, after much deliberation, it was resolved to abandon the river and its tributaries, and to retire to remote places inaccessible to the dread taniwha. The people then strove to devise a plan for the destruction of Tutae-poroporp, and so Tama-ahua was despatched to Waitotara in order to crave the assistance of one Aokehu, a noted slayer of dragons. Aokehu came with his people, bringing with him his two famed shark-tooth cutting implements named Taitimu and Taiparoa. On reaching Whanganui Aokehu told the poeple to hew out a canoe-like receptacle and a close-fitting lid for the same. When finished Aokehu lay down in the vessel, the cover was fitted on and lashed firmly, the joins were filled with clay to exclude the water, and the strange craft allowed to drift down the river. The people followed at a safe distance and saw the receptacle containing the gallant Aokehu floating seaward, saw the taniwha rush to meet it, and saw him swallow it at a gulp, so was Aokehu landed in the stomach of the monster. Then Aokehu emerged from his box and began to repeat charms to enable him to overcome the creature, he drew his keen shark-tooth knives and assailed the dread monster from what may be termed internal lines, he strove to cut a passage through the side of the creature, even as he repeated a charm to cause the body of the monster to come to the surface. Even so the body of Tutae-poroporo was cast ashore at the mouth of the Purua creek, where the people set to work and cut it up. The inmates of the hill fort of Taumaha-aute came down and took part in the cutting up of the taniwha, in whose stomach the bodies of men, women and children were found.
When the dread monster was ravaging the land nought was heard in the vale of Whanganui save the sound of the four winds. When the death of that scourge became known, then from far and wide the people returned to dwell by their river of Whanganui.
In another version we are told that Aokehu leaped down the throat of the monster without any encompassing box, and at once commenced to attack the vitals of Tutae-poroporo. As to the many canoes that are said to have been swallowed by this taniwha of the accommodating interior, we are not told of their being found when his carcass was cut up, although numbers of bone and wooden weapons, and indigestible garments were so discovered. Taylor's version of this tale, as given in Te Ika a Maui, p. 52, gives Roto-a-Ira as the original home of this Poroporo monster, from which place it is said to have reached the Whanganui river by way of the Rere-taruke stream.
Downes tells us in his Old Whanganui, p. 26, that he obtained a description of the taniwha that formerly dwelt at Ahuahu, it was twelve feet in length and of lizard-like form, having sharp claws and teeth, webbed feet and a spike-studded back. This creature made itself utterly obnoxious as a man-eater, and the village at the mouth of the creek had to be abandoned, so many persons had been slain and consumed by Mangapuwera, the taniwha. Upon a time came one Tarawhiti, a traveller, who, when pursued by this hostile taniwha, clambered up a tree and defended himself right well with his stone adze. After terrific adventures amid shattered trees, and all the turmoil of a land slip, Tarawhiti succeeded in slaying his assailant, and so bringing peace to the district. The above named writer also tells us of a taniwha called Mihiatakai that lived in the Whanganui river near Kanihinihi (ibid., p. 70), of one named Tukawainga at Aromanga, of Nga Kuriawe at Parikino, of Piroi at Kauarupawa, and of Tokaputa at Pungarehu (ibid., p. 84). The latter seems to be what we would term an inanimate object, a rock possessed of strange powers, such as is usually termed a tipua.
The taniwha of Otukopiri referred to above is the subject of explanatory remarks in Downes's work. This monster was also known as Te Maru and was apparently an amphibious creature, also a destroyer of mankind, for it was wont to lie in wait for passing canoes at the rapid just below the mouth of Otukopiri stream at Koriniti (ibid., p. 99). We are also told that the taniwha at Ruapirau was named Otarahuru, that it was of lizard form and about seven fathoms in length, and that it was wont to traverse the smaller tributary streams, one wonders how it managed to taniwha is said to have taken to man-eating, and hence, by the agency of certain petrifying charms it was turned into stone, and so rendered harmless (ibid., p. 100).
A well known taniwha name is that of Tutangatakino, and a monster of this name abode at Owhata, according to Downes. Here, at Te Ohu, is a tapu rock named Petipeti-a-Aurangi, and this rock is an uru-uru whenua, or, as the Whanganui folk often term it, tuputupu. Persons passing this rock would pause thereat and lay a simple offering of a branchlet on the rock, and this offering seems to have been connected with the taniwha. As this creature is said to have acted as a guide or guardian of the vessel name Aotea that reached this island from eastern Polynesia about five centuries ago, he must have lived to a green old age, for he was quite active up to the time of the arrival of Europeans. This Tu was of saurian form, we are told, and about five fathoms in length, being provided with four legs; he seems to have been a man killer, but was not so unpleasantly enthusiastic in such activities as were some other taniwha (ibid., pp. 102-104).
Pupu-karekawa is said to have been a taniwha that occasionally caused the Onoke lake at Palliser Bay to break bounds and roll seaward. Another lived in the Waitangi lagoon that formerly existed at what is now Courtenay Place, Wellington. An old native informed me that this creature took its departure just prior to the arrival of the first European settlers, because it heard that white folks were coming. Ngake and Whataitai are said to have been two taniwha that abode in Wellington Harbour in olden times, and another lived at Oterongo, near Tarawhiti. Concerning the latter I find the following in a notebook of the early "nineties": In times of yore a taniwha dwelt, apparently in the sea, at Oterongo, between Waiariki and Cape Tarawhiti, near Wellington, so I was informed by Te Whetu, who lived at Waiariki in his youth, and so should be acquainted with the demons of that rough coastline. This was not by any means an aggressive creature, but it did resent the kindling of a fire at Oterongo, and would at once appear and extinguish any such fires, after which a strong southerly wind would arise.
Kokotauri was a taniwha that lived at Pekepeke on the Kaingaroa Plain, hard by Galatea, while Hinepaka dwelt at Waikaremoana, and occasionally passed by subterranean ways to the lakelets at Te Putere. Ruai-mokoroa was a taniwha that was slain by the sons of Tuwharetoa; Hine-korako was another that abode in the deep pool under the falls of Te Reinga; Tu-te-taniwha at Tamurenui; another, Tukapua by name, was slain at the base of Ruawahia, while one named Iu-te-haumi was killed at Mataroa. Kairere was a monster that lived at Awa-ngarara, Bay of Plenty district, and this reptile was also slain by the valiant Uru-waewae, its death being mourned by the local turehu or forest folk. One Tarakura, another such monster, was slain by Iratumoana inland of Matata, and again the turehu were heard wailing on the hilltops, on Putauaki and Kakaramea.
Nga Rangi-hangu was an ancestor of the Manawa folk of the Galatea district who became a taniwha after death, a genuine case of transmigration I am informed. His body was buried, but the spirit thereof survived and animated another body; so far as I am aware the Maori did not attempt to explain how it was that spirits could thus pass into another body, for it was an article of faith with him that all things possess a wairua or spirit. In these cases of transmigration I would fain know how the liberated spirit came to find an untenanted body wherein to abide. This tribal taniwha of Ngati-Manawa was a mischievous creature fond of interfering with the activities of eel fishers, but apparently not a man-eater. Opakau was another of these monsters that lived at Waiohau, in the Rangitaiki valley, while Ruarera was yet another in the Whakatane river. Taukanihi was a monster of the Awa district of the Bay of Plenty; Hinengawari is a taniwha at Warirohia, near Murupara; Hine-i-wharona resides in the lagoon at Te Puta-kotare, Whirinaki; Moko-puhikaroa hailed from Heretaunga, and so one might run on with a list of these fruits of the Maori's fine powers of imagination.
The Taupo district is another place that was formerly well stocked with taniwha and tipua, and the most renowned member of the weird band was one Horomatangi, who may be said to have been the guardian of the lake, as also the upholder of its mana. This important being is said to have usually dwelt in the lake, in the depths thereof, and to have occasionally appeared to terrify those who attempted to cross the lake without paying deference to its jealous genius. The only persons who could do much as they liked under these conditions were a few of high standing who were acquainted with such charms as were necessary to placate or appease such beings.
We are told that one Atiamuri, a tipua in human form, acted as a kind of satellite to Horomatangi, and was wont to paddle a canoe about the lake during the hours of darkness, and so gave rise to many superstitious fears among the folk of the lake side hamlets. Earthquakes and volcanic disturbances are often said to be caused by taniwha, this has ever been an article of faith with the Maori. Fletcher tells us that Horomatangi is believed to dwell at a certain reef in the lake, which reef is known by the same name as the taniwha. Horomatangi was ever dangerous and would destroy a canoe and its crew with little provocation; in such cases the canoe would suddenly become immovable and no efforts of paddlers would move it. Should a man of sufficient mana be on board he would pluck a hair from his head, cast it into the angry waters, and repeat the necessary placatory formula.
A famed man-eating monster of Pirongia was one Tawaketara, who consumed many travellers until he was himself destroyed by two men named Te Whatu and Ngaupaka, who had found him feasting on a human body.
Arai-te-uru and Ruamano are said to have been two taniwha that helped to guide and guard the vessels of migrants coming to New Zealand, usually mentioned in connection with Takitimu. When this vessel reached Hokianga Arai-te-uru was left at the entrance to the harbour in order, we are told, to prevent other vessels entering that haven.
The Ruamano mentioned above is usually referred to as a sea denizen but seems to have also sojourned on land, as witness the following tale—
In one case the monster Ruamano is located at Te Awapaheke, Bay of Plenty District. The human medium of Ruamano was an old man living in the same district, at no great distance from Maketu. This old man was exceedingly tapu, so much so that, when a visitor approached him in order to salute him by pressing noses together, he always held forward his staff for the visitor to salute, as his own person was too tapu to be touched. Should any person persist in saluting the old priest in the usual manner, then
The fame of Ruamano and his human medium reached one Tiki-raupo, who set forth to visit the old medium. On arriving at his home, and, as he approached him, the old man held forth his staff to be saluted by Tiki-raupo. But Tiki thrust aside the staff and advanced with his own staff lifted and so saluted him. The old man cried: "O! The shadow of your staff has fallen upon me"—and threatened Tiki with the vengeance of Ruamano the malevolent monster.
Then Tiki-raupo bethought him of visiting the abode of Ruamano. On reaching the home of the monster at Te Awa-paheke, he drew his patu paraoa (a short weapon made from whale's bone) and advanced to seek his foe. As he did so he saw Ruamano approaching, with mouth agape. Tiki-raupo struck the head of the monster with his weapon, and the taniwha writhed in his agony, even that he formed large hollows in the earth, which are still to be seen on the northern bank of the stream. Tiki then leaped forward to strike another blow, but Ruamano, with drooping head, suffering from the biting weapon, escaped into the stream.
Now Ruamano long waited in vain for the coming of Tiki to bathe in the stream, or to take water therefrom, but never once came he. Then, when heavy rains descended, Ruamano went afar off and formed a deep hole into which the storm waters flowed until they filled it. In this deep hole Ruamano concealed himself.
It fell upon a certain day that Tiki-raupo in his wanderings chanced upon this deep pool, and to him came the desire to bathe in that pool, deeming Ruamano afar off. Now the taniwha appeared from beneath the waters, and, seizing the bather, swalled him alive; hence the saying: "Ka whakamau a Ruamano ki a Tiki-raupo." (Ruamano is intent upon (destroying) Tiki-raupo.") which saying has been retained by his descendants, even unto this day. When a feud, or effort to wreak blood vengeance was persistently conducted for years, possibly for several generations, ere it was concluded, then the avenger would exclaim: "Ka whakamau a Ruamano ki a Tiki-raupo."
The Matatua people say that Ruamano was originally an ocean denizen, offspring of Tutara-kauika, and so evidently connected with whales. One of his principal tasks was the assisting of distressed seafarers who appealed for his aid in a proper manner. This Ruamano is said to have taken up his quarters in a lake at Te
The next great taniwha to claim our attention is one that formerly decimated the population of the Waikare-taheke valley, near Waikaremoana; the story runs as follows—
This is now a place name near Te Waimako, a few miles from Waikaremoana. It may be rendered as the Great Beast of Meko. This creature is said to have been a dangerous beast, some type of dryland taniwha that abode in a cave in a bluff on the left bank of the Waikare-taheke river. It was caught in a wickerwork trap, termed a taiki, and slain by men of former times.
"It was Tuwhai who slew the monster called the Great Kuri of Meko. He accomplished that feat by constructing a kind of trap like a hut, and made by interlacing supplejacks. This was at Whakamarino, opposite my home. Into this great trap five men entered, and then the beast was attracted to the place by calling. On its arrival, it saw the five men, and sprang at them. As it did so its legs were thrust through the side of the wattled trap, whereupon four men seized hold of the legs, while the fifth attacked the beast and speared it. So it perished. The name of the beast was Hautaruke.
Now, I cannot explain how it was that, while Meko was a supernatural being, yet his kuri was human, that is to say men were enabled to slay it.
The food supply of that beast consisted of six generations of persons, but in the time of Tuwhai it perished."
Hurae has evidently been puzzled over the death of the great dog or beast. If it was of supernatural origin, then how could it have been slain. Man cannot destroy an atua. Hence it must have possessed human or mortal life only, not supernatural life. Hurae omits to explain how the scourge came into existence, whether it was the offspring of Meko, or merely his companion, or follower.
The manner is which Hautaruke was destroyed hard by Waikaremoana reminds one of a South Island tale related in Stack's South Island Maoris, pp. 26-7. In this case the pouakai, a huge bird that carried off people to the mountains, there to devour them. Here also a great taiki or huge crate-like structure was made, and in this fifty men armed with spears were placed, while one, a swift runner, served as a lure to attract the great bird. So the great pouakai was slain, even as Hautaruke had been destroyed. Beattie has a note to the effect that pouakai was an old name for the extinct moa (Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol.27, pp. 150-151). In another recital we have a statement that the pouakai was very destructive to human life, that it was of vast size, that each of its wings was ten fathoms in length.
When Rongotauaha of Tuhoe approached the pond on the summit of Maungapohatu known as Rongo-te-mauriuri some centuries ago he was trespassing on tapu ground, and asking for the trouble that came so swiftly. For the malignant taniwha that abides in that unpleasant looking pond at once pursued him, and Rongo saved himself only by quick action in casting a hastily plucked hair into the violently agitated waters as he recited a whakaeo charm, and so the taniwha retired, and the red waters became calm.
Many of the Maori folk tales carry a moral with them that was emphasised by the elders of a community, such tales as those describing the dangers of interfering with the rigid rules of tapu, and these have already been referred to. There were other stories however in which such lessons were by no means prominent, and possibly no attention was drawn to them, but, at the same time, the repetition of them was thought to be beneficial. Thus in an old Ms. volume of notes written by natives many years ago I came upon the following remark made by an elder concerning the far-fetched story of Hinepopo swimming across Cook Strait: "Ko Manini-pounamu, ko Hikiparoa me Hinepopo, tenei karero he karero purakau ma nga tamariki kia kore e wehi i te wai, kia kaukau ai, hei ako i a ratau ki te kaukau."—The story of Manini-pounamu, Hikiparoa and Hinepopo is a fable composed for children, that they might not fear water, and so indulge frequently and fearlessly in bathing.
Hinepopo, a woman belonging to Rangitoto or D'Urville Island, was taken to wife by one Manini-pounamu who, with his brother Hikiparoa, lived on Kapiti Island. Upon a time some disagreement arose, and so Manini resolved to leave his wife on Kapiti and across over to Rangitoto, taking with him all his followers; when he so left the island his wife was asleep. When Hine awoke she found herself deserted, and so knew that she taniwha of the Sea of Raukawa, or Cook Strait. Having thus prepared matters Hine commenced her long swim, and succeeded in reaching Toka-kotuku, at the entrance of the channel leading to Waitohi (Picton). From there she swam to Papanui-a-puta in Pelorus Sound, and from there to Rangitoto island, where she landed near her father's house. When Hine found that her husband and his brother were living nearby she proposed that a fishing expedition to include all the people be organised. This was agreed to and it was arranged that Manini and Hiki should occupy the same canoe. The command of magic possessed by Hine and her father enabled them to raise the local taniwha and a desolating storm, which destroyed the people of Manini and Hiki, but allowed Hine and her folk to escape.
The canoe containing Manini and his brother was swept far away across the rolling ocean, even to a strange unknown land. In that land they found an old woman dwelling in a cave, who explained to them that the land was desolated by a dread scourge, a fearsome, man-eating taniwha that was harrying the people to extinction. It was resolved that the brothers should endeavour to destroy the dragon.
Hiki-paroa then proceeded to kindle a fire in order that food might be cooked, but the old woman was greatly alarmed at the fire, and begged the castaways to take it away, as it made her feel ill. So it was ascertained that the people of that land knew nought of fire, and so were ignorant of the art of cooking food. The smoke of a fire annoyed them, and indeed seemed to make them quite ill. When food was cooked by the castaways the old woman would not touch it, whereupon they forced a portion into her mouth, but it merely served to make her sick. So strange a people were those raw-eaters of Hawaiki.
The question of slaying the dragon was now discussed, and the old woman promised to give her daughter to the man who succeeded in freeing the land of the dread ravager. This offer was approved of by Hikiparoa who at once put in a claim for the young woman, but the old one insisted upon them having a foot-race in order to see which was the swiftest runner. This race was won by Manini who was selected to act as a lure for the taniwha when the time came. Then all busied themselves in excavating a pit and in rendering it a safe refuge, after which Manini went afar off to lure the taniwha to follow him. He had no difficulty in peke (arms, legs or tentacles). These were cut off one by one by the men in the pit, until at length, the monster was slain. When cut open the bodies of men, women and children were found within the creature, yea women with babes yet on their backs, as when carried in life. Then the woman's daughter was taken to wife by Manini.
For the space of many days all was well, until, upon a day came a party of women who insisted upon performing the Caesarian operation upon the wife'of Manini. The castaway objected to this procedure, saying that it was not necessary, and so sent the women off. They returned at another time when he was absent from home, and his wife explained his views on the subject. The women told her that she would die if she did not submit to the operation, but as they knew that she would die if she did submit to it, there does not seem to be much point in the remark. She held out against their arguments, but later, when sleeping, the women seized her and performed the operation. When Manini returned home he found that his wife was no more, then he wept for her and had some thoughts of destroying her people in order to avenge her death.
Here the story ends abruptly and we are not told how the brothers returned to New Zealand. This version was given me by Pakauwera of Ngati-Kuia about 1894, but long before that Sir George Grey had collected a much longer account of these surprising adventures of Kapiti folk, although he had not published it. It is now buried in the pages of the Pipiwharauroa, a little known Maori paper published at Gisborne. In this version the man-destroying creature of Hawaiki is said to have been a pouakai furnished with wings ten fathoms in length. In the house-trap built to confuse the pouakai and baffle its attacks on the inmates the posts were the trunks of living trees, and so stability was assured. The length of this stalwart structure was, we are told, kotahi kumi ma ono or sixteen fathoms, while its width was e iwa takoto or nine takoto i.e., nine times the height of a person plus the portion of his outstretched arm extended above his head. This latter unit of measurement is called takoto (to lie) because the living unit lies down when measuring anything; it will be seen that the takoto is just about equal to the height of the measurer plus his xvhatianga or cubit, the disturbing factor in this system of
When Manini went to lure the pouakai to the heavy structure wherein the dragon slayers were stationed, he found that great creature catching fish, scooping them up with its long wings, and eating them. This version concludes with the slaying of the destructive pouakai, the new wife and the severe operation find no place in it. It may be observed that there are several things that the Maori is very fond of introducing into his korero tara or folk tales, one of these is the meeting with a people who know not fire, and hence are raw-eaters; in some cases these creatures are said to dwell in trees. The Caesarian operation is another of these favoured subjects of myth makers, as also are such uncanny things as the re-erection of a felled tree, the crossing of wide seas by magic means, and many others.
The Grey version has it that Hine was so long drifting about the waters of Raukawa that she became covered with barnacles. So she drifted by day and night, and so approached Nga Kuri a Kupe, then drifted back to Tarere-mango, at the south end of Kapiti. Upborne by gourd floats she drifted to Omere, to Tokakotuku off Waihi, and Pirikawau, to Tokapourewa, near Stephen Island, to Pareraututu, to Papa-anau, to Otarawao, and so came to her father's home. One old warrior told me that occasionally Hina is yet seen by his folk, seen floating on the waters of Raukawa with her long hair floating behind her, but that was nearly forty years ago and perchance she has given up those chill swims in Raukawa moana.
This was the name of a monster that dwelt at Porirua in times long past, but, having strayed from its home, it came to a sad end in a far land. The name of this taniwha has never been explained, possibly it is connected with the two awa (arms or channels) of the Porirua harbour. The creature was destroyed in the time of Tara, eponymic ancestor of the Ngai-Tara tribe and after whom Wellington Harbour was named the Whanga nui a Tara. The following is a rendering of a brief account of Awarua's end given many years ago:
In the days when Tara was living at Heretaunga this monster Awarua-o-Porirua abode in the Wellington district, and there a taniwha. So it was that they came overland by way of Wairarapa, and when dwelling in their cave they slew and consumed human beings. On reaching Porangahau they saw the people of that place, people who had grown up with the land, the original folk, the people to whom these islands belonged at the time when the Maori had not yet landed on these shores, the people known as Raemoiri and Upokoiri. Now these folk attacked the two taniwha, slew the companion of Awarua, who was cooked and eaten by the Raemoiri, whereupon Awarua-o-Porirua fled and found a new home in the lake called the Roto-a-Tara, the Lake of Tara. While living in that lake Awarua lived on the fish, eels and birds found there, and which food supplies had been reserved for Tara. Now Tara was annoyed at the ravages of Awarua and so resolved to slay that troublesome creature that was destroying the products of Tara's Lake. So the contest began, and eventually the monster was slain by Tara, and, while they were assailing each other the taniwha struggled so desperately and lashed so fiercely with its tail that the soil and gravel of the lake were torn up and assumed the form of an island-like bank. The hole in which the monster dwelt was filled up and the bank of island form came to be known as the Awarua-o-Porirua. The monster returned to its original home at Porirua, in the district of Paekakariki, from which it had come.
In one account the monster was not slain, but in another version collected by Sir George Grey it perished miserably. In this account, the name of the monster appears as Tau-a-Porirua, and nothing is said as to its sojourn at Porirua. The hinaki or fish trap into which this creature was lured to its destruction must assuredly have been of colo ssal proportions, inasmuch as the bodies of two hundred dogs were placed therein to serve as bait, moreover it received the body of the great monster in whose stomach were found the bodies of one hundred children, four tens of women, and eight tens of men. The precision of these statements says much for the coolness of those who slew and quartered the dread scourge of the Lake of Tara. The following is a rendering of this version, which appeared in the original in the Pipiwharauroa:
Concerning the slaying of Tau-a-Porirua, a taniwha of Heretuanga that lived at Ruataniwha plains, the name of the man who destroyed that creature was Tara. The means by which this monster was slain by Tara consisted of the making of a fish trap, and then, when he had made it he set to work at the killing of taniwha was slain is Takaki. The carcass was then cut up, and, when cut open, the bodies of many women, men, and children were found crouched within it, including one hundred children, forty women, and eighty men; these bodies were taken away and buried, while the body of the monster was eaten by the people of Tara.
The Upokoiri people referred to form a clan of the Ngati-Kahungunu tribe, a people who, under other names, occupied their present territory in the Napier district long before the arrival of the later Maori immigrants of some 550 years ago. The form of trap usually constructed by the old dragon slayers resembled a huge crate, but the hinaki trap here mentioned is the well known eel-pot form of trap having a retracted entrance funnel.
Here we have what is generally termed a taniwha, a female of the species, one that is said to have dwelt under the falls of Te Reinga on the Wairoa river, northern Hawkes Bay. We are not told that Hine-korako was a monster of the saurian type, or even that she did not possess a human form, but simply that she was taken to wife by one Tane-kino, who was, apparently, an ordinary member of the human race. It seems to be one of those cases in which the term taniwha is employed to denote, not a monster, but simply an abnormal being, something out of the common. We hear that a child was born to this couple, but that, some time after this occurrence, Hine-korako returned to her former abode under the roaring falls of Te Reinga. She had occasionally been seen at the falls and, judging from what I have heard, I am inclined to believe that the basis of this tale is simply a form of rainbow myth. We know that Hine-korako is described by the Maori as a personification; she represents a luminous kopere or bow, one authority said a lunar bow, another said a pale
Hine-korako the original is viewed as one of the fair Moon Maidens connected with Tangaroa, and she seems to have occupied a position as a tutelary being appealed to by women, but of a status inferior to that of Hine-te-iwaiwa. Now these lunar spirits, personified forms of gleaming bows and similar phenomena, have all a pronounced leaning toward water, as Hina Tangaroa and Rongo are connected with the ocean. We also know that Hina the moon maid is said by the Hawaiians to live in a cave under the Rainbow Falls at Hilo. It is highly probable, judging from what I have heard from natives, that the gleaming rainbow-like phenomena occasionally seen at the Reinga Falls was the origin of this Hine-korako myth. That glittering bow must represent her, as the rainbows seen in the heavens represent Uenuku and Kahukura.
In Miss Henry's work Ancient Tahiti, pp. 622-3, we read of a great mo'o (moko) or lizard of the female sex that captured a man of Papeno'o in olden times and retained him as a husband. Some time later he escaped and returned to his home. Long years after he was accosted by a lad who claimed to be his son by the female mo'o known as Mo'o-tuaraha. The father refused to recognise his half-monster son, and, when the lad's mother came to him to claim kinder treatment he caused her to be slain.
We have seen that taniwha seem to have not infrequently acted as "vigilantes", they punished offenders against moral and other laws, hence they must have acted as agents or subordinates of atua, or were atua themselves. The following narrative was contributed by Te Kahui Kararehe of Taranaki in 1888. An ancestor of the Ngati-Tara clan of the Taranaki tribe whose home was at Aonui composed a song on account of a theft committed by his brother-in-law, one Te Kawhaki, who had stolen a fish hook, fashioned from a piece of bent manuka, from Te Koriri. The latter enquired far and wide concerning his lost hook, but his relative made no statement, and so Te Koriri brooded over his loss and was much cast down. At this juncture a southerly wind sprang, and, during the calm that succeeded it the fishing canoes of the clan put out to sea, whereupon Te Koriri recited a charm couched in the form of a chant.
Now just as Te Koriri concluded his magic chant the man who had stolen his hook was seized by a taniwha from among the crew of a canoe and carried off, leaving his companions in the vessel looking at their friend being dragged down into the ocean by the taniwha. It was then that the companions of Te Kawhaki, the thief, knew that it was he who had stolen the hook. The chant of Te Koriri was really a magic spell, one that handed over the person who had stolen his hook to the taniwha to punish, and so it was that Te Kawhaki, brother-in-law of Te Koriri, perished (a version of the chant is given in Sir George Grey's Nga Moteatea at p. 264).
Wilkes mentions a taniwha described to him by natives of Samoa as resembling a great lizard two fathoms in length, it was a scaly creature having sharp teeth, it lived in a stream and was occasionally fed by the natives.
We sometimes hear of taniwha that were not scourges to a district, but were harmless or dangerous only when annoyed or neglected. Kataore of Rotoiti was such a creature, one that lived on the great hill of Matawhaura that looks down on the lake. This great beast was wont to lie by the side of the path, and any travellers passing that way would provide it with some food. Should no such food be offered then Kataore is said to have occasionally helped himself to one of the travellers. When Rangi-te-aorere left Rangitaiki to proceed to Rotorua his mother warned him to be careful as to his attitude toward Kataore. His father had been a patron of that monster, and, when travelling that way he would call out, and then the creature would come to the path side to receive proffered food; when so fed it would not pursue or molest travellers. There is a boulder known as Matawhaura close to the track, and the great reptile acquired the habit of lying near the boulder and resting its head on it. Rangi's mother told him to be careful how he fed the reptile, to place the proffered food on the end of a pole and so thrust it into the mouth of the creature. He led the way over the hill, and, while he was feeding Kataore, the rest of the party filed past and pushed on apace, they seemed in no way inclined to put much trust in the harmlessness of Kataore.
The taniwha tales pertaining to the Rotorua district are well known owing to the interest taken by the late Sir George Grey in the collecting of Maori lore. One of these dread creatures abode in the waters known as the Puna i Hangarua, and a number of them were slain by doughty dragon-killers of past times.
The famed ocean-dwelling taniwha known as Paikea and Paikea-ariki, is one of the whale monsters, and is recognised as the rescuer of Kahutia-te-rangi, what time the Huripureiata disaster spread dismay among Hawaikian families. Kahutia abandoned his name after the above episode and was ever after known as Paikea.
The sea monster called marakihau by the natives was probably the sea lion. The Maori, in his love of exaggeration and of the grotesque, has depicted in his carvings the long-tongued, fish-tailed creature that is known as marakihau.
A form of taniwha known as tuoro and hore is spoken of among the Tuhoe folk, who describe it as a creature of great size and strength that dwells within the earth, moving from place to place by subterranean ways, forcing its way through the earth uprooting trees and forming tunnels, and caves, and chasms. One of these monsters is said to have abode in the Otara pond on the summit of Maungapohatu in past times, and this creature is credited with the surprising feat of having formed the deep and lengthy valley of the Waikare stream in the days of yore. A cave in the pumiceous bluff overlooking the Whirinaki river at Te Whaiti is, or was, known as Te Ana tuoro (The Tuoro cave).
Kettle, who ascended the Manawatu river in May 1842 tells us that the channel of that river was formed in times remote by a taniwha named Okatia, that reached those parts from the east coast by way of Cook Strait.
John White tells us of a legendary ngarara of this type that came from Aropawa to Tai-koria, where it seems to have dwelt under the patronage of a man named Tupatu-nui, and was fed on birds and eels. After a time this monster went to Taonui and Manga-puata, and Katia, burrowing its way underground. At the latter place it roused the earth and so formed a hill on which, in later days the natives established a fortified village; and the name of this place is Hore-a-ringa. The following song referring to the above myth was collected by Baker in 1848:
We must also notice another mythical creature usually spoken of as the tuna tuoro or tuoro described by Stack (see vol. 10 of the Transactions of the N.Z. Institute, pp. 60-61). In 1853 one Hoani Huki of Waikato told Stack that this creature was a kind of eel occasionally encountered by eelers in swamps and lagoons, and that it rendered senseless or helpless any person it touched. This local gymnotus was firmly believed in by the Maori but must be relegated to the land of myth. Stack was told that it would pursue persons on land as well as in the water and that the only way in which one could stop such pursuit was to burn the fern, for it was unable to pass over ashes. South Island natives also told him of the tuoro, Paora Taki informed him that one lived in the Purau stream at Lyttelton. Percy Smith heard of the tuoro among Ngati-Whatua; they told him that it would sometimes leave the water to feed on the herbage of lake shores, etc. The creature, they said, had a large lump on its tail with which it killed its victims, and it barked like a dog. These Munchausen gentry never produced a single tuoro, and no European has yet seen these marvels (see The Peopling of the North, p. 71, for these remarks by Smith).
We have also to refer to the pukutuoro, possibly the same creature as the tuoro of Tuhoe, but sometimes described as a saurian-like taniwha. In the New Zealand Journal for 1845 at p. 235 we find an early reference to the pukutuoro in an article entitled Notes of a Journey through a part of the Middle Island of New Zealand (now called the South Island), written by D. Monro. Having alluded to the maeroero, a mythical bush folk, he goes on to say: "The pukatuola is another wonderful animal of the southward, told of by the old men. Under a different name he is heard of in the north. A gigantic animal of the lizard species, most dangerous to humanity."
In an account of the myth of Maui slaying the phallic eel Tuna given in White's Ancient History of the Maori, vol. 2, p. 84, we are told that—"from the body of Tuna came the Puku-tu-oro … and other monsters of the sea known on the island of Ao-tea-roa;" Another South Island note is to the effect that the pukutuoro, hore and kurakura are three animals found in the lakes of that region; all seem to be amphibious in their habits. The two first mentioned are somewhat smaller than sea lions, while the last mentioned resembles a seal. The native contributor of this statement concluded with the remark—"Those creatures are now quite extinct"—which we are quite ready to believe. (At p. 131 of vol. 24 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society we read that a pukutuoru was once slain at Ohou in the South Island; it was pukutuaro is described as a harmless creature, while on p. 218 of vol. 28 we encounter two more forms of spelling, pukutuora and pukutuola; these variations probably emanated from native informants, or from compositors, the evidence favours tuoro as the correct form.)
We now pass on to a class of uncanny creatures that may be held as less dangerous than taniwha, but, at the same time, it is often highly unwise to ignore a tipua, inasmuch as some of them possess strange powers and do not hesitate to punish those who treat them lightly. Quite possibly these remarks should be written in the past tense, for the mana maori has decreased woefully during the past two generations. The term tipua, Of which tupua is a variant form, is one that is employed to denote anything markedly abnormal, anything uncanny; the dictionary gives us "Goblin, demon, object of terror, taniwha, etc." as meanings; it also gives "foreigner" as another meaning, this on account of the weird appearance of Europeans in Maori eyes, not because they were foreigners. As we noted in the case of the word atua the term tipua may be applied to things animate and inanimate, material and immaterial. In various parts of Polynesia, the word seems to denote a sorcerer; in New Zealand it might be applied to a warlock on account of his being a fearsome person, but not as a special term for a wizard. At Mangareva tupua denotes an adept, a wise man, at Samoa the deified spirits of chiefs are termed tupua, at Niue the word seems to be used much as it is by the Maori.
In many cases a tipua may be viewed as a local spirit that must be treated with proper respect, and the visible form of which is often a tree or rock. It is at such objects that simple offerings of herbage are, or rather were made, of which more anon. These indwelling spirits, as some term them, should perhaps come under Tylor's term of embodiment (see Primitive Culture, vol. 2, pp.112-113) he, in such cases, seemed to prefer the term obsession to that of possession, the idea of a spirit hovering about an object rather than dwelling within it. I am impelled to make this remark on account of one made to me by an aged Maori; I had asked him how a stranger could recognise a tipua object, stone or tree, when he chanced to be travelling in unknown tipua possessed certain powers of retaliation yet Tylor seems to have been quite right in denying them the status of gods. It certainly appears that it is the spirit that is the tipua, or the object animated or empowered by such a spirit, as some might put it. Lacking such a basis the spirit would presumably be termed a wairua, or, if it made itself obnoxious, a kehua, or kikokiko. The act of placating a tipua by means of a simple offering and a brief charm is called whangai tipua, but to this act the term worship should not be applied, such an object was assuredly not worshipped. Should this simple ceremony be omitted by a person when passing a tipua whereat it was usually performed, then some bad luck would be his lot, heavy rain would fall ere long, or some other trouble ensue. Many natives have told me that it is necessary to make such an offering but once, that is each person would do so on the occasion of his first visit to the tipua, but on no subsequent occasion. This may be correct but I am not at all sure of it. I doubt if the superstitious Maori would be satisfied with one act of placation in a lifetime. Evidence favours my opinion.
Any interference with a tipua was viewed as an act of reckless impudence, indeed such a thing could seldom occur, owing to the power of public opinion and that of superstition. In one explanation that I received from the venerable old Pio of Ngati-Awa it appeared that, when travellers approached one of these tipua a fog might descend and cover the land, in which case an adept would be called upon to dispel that fog by means of white magic, as related elsewhere in this chronicle.
In most cases it does not seem to be known as to how a tipua object becomes possessed of its powers or spirit, that is how or why a tipua becomes a tipua. I have heard it said that a person of sufficient mana might institute a tipua, but I cannot say what induced him to do so, or what advantage it would be to him when it did exist. Apparently tipua pertained to prominent families only, and when the spirit of a member of such a family gained such notoriety the fact reflected a certain amount of fame on that family. I was told that when a person died while travelling then a prominent or peculiar tree or stone near the place of death might be set aside as a tipua to commemorate the event, but I did not gather that any form of ceremony of inauguration was performed. Again, when the body of a dead person was carried away for burial elsewhere, then at any place where the bearers tarried to tipua might spring up as it were. Any adjacent stone, rock or tree might serve as the material part of the tipua. The wairua (spirit) of the dead would be enshrined as it were in that object, at which the whangai tipua or uruuru whenua ceremony might be subsequently performed. The act of performing this simple rite was viewed as hai pupuri i te mana of the tipua, a retaining of the prestige, etc., of the institution, and a token that the memory of the defunct forbear was kept green. I have heard of a case in which a stream was viewed as a tipua, on account of a corpse having been washed in it, and in this case a stone was cast into it during the whangai act. It is a gross offence to take cooked food near such a place, such an offence would be severely punished by the gods, possibly with death, though it would be said that the tipua had punished the offender.
The expression uruuru whenua is employed to denote the act of whangai tipua, and also, the tipua object, rock, tree, or what not. The inherent signification of the phrase is, I take it, a verbal one, and uru means "to enter, to associate oneself with, to become one with", thus a person performing this simple ceremony has paid his footing as it were, he has placated the local spirits of the land and so they will not afflict him. In the published account of Sir George Grey's expedition to Taranaki in 1849-50 the expression tupuna whenua is employed to denote this placatory act (pp. 40-41) and in Williams's Maori Dictionary, 5th edition, 1917, we find "Tupuna whenua, the ceremony of going blindfold to a sacred place and depositing a leaf there" (p. 537). The blindfolding I have not heard of among natives, otherwise it is the whangai tipua act so often described to me. The use of the word tupuna (ancestor, grandparent) in this connection is singular, and recalls the fact that the natives of the Whanganui river use the term tupu-tupu where those of the east coast employ uruuru whenua. At Rarotonga tuputupu are said to be "wandering spirits" (Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 29, pp. 63-67), while in the Tahitian dialect tupu equals Maori ohonga, anything used as a medium in sympathetic magic, and tupu tupua equals Maori tupua, demon, spirit. In the Pileni vocabulary of far off Melanesia we find tupu, "grandparent" and "forefather", hence we have these words tupu, tuputupu, tupua and tupuna curiously linked together as to meanings. Our local tipua or tupua would be called aitu in Samoa, where simple offerings were made to these spirits at certain places, a branchlet, stone, or a portion of food was deposited, with the remark: "Spirit, there is your portion, grant us a favourable journey." (see p. 46 of vol. 5 of the above-mentioned aitu in the following brief formula repeated as an offering was made:
The more learned persons would probably recite a lengthier formula, such as the following:
Another and a better known recital employed at such a time is the following:
In G. S. Cooper's account of Governor Grey's expedition to Taranaki alluded to above, he gives the above formula, and adds: "The above ceremony, which is called tupuna whenua is used by persons on their first arrival at a strange place for the purpose of appeasing the spirit of earth who would otherwise be angry at the intrusion." (p. 40 et seq.). In the Maori version we get: "Mo te orokohaerenga atu o te tangata ki nga wahi tauhou tenei ritenga te Tupuna Whenua. Ma tenei ka marire te Tupuna whenua, a, muri mai he haere noa atu, ekore e ahatia e taue Tupuna." (p. 41). The final line of the formula given above, the reciter admits his inferiority to the tipua.
Colenso had many opportunities of noting the se peculiar customs of the travelling Maori, and tells us that such placatory acts were frequently performed, not only by land travellers, but also by seafarers, the latter reciting charms when approaching a dangerous point or bar. Percy Smith told us of a stone at Te Puru, Waihou where the whakauru or uruuru whenua charm was repeated by travellers, who were careful not to look back after they passed a tipua. Shortland and Taylor both explained the ceremony. An old time Maori described it as being in honour of the gods. The Matatua folk give the usual explanation, a handful of herbage or a branchlet was plucked and cast at the base of the tree or rock viewed as a tipua, while repeating such a brief formula as: "Hirihiri o tauhou; mau e kai te manawa o tauhou", of which a variant form is: "Uruuru o tauhou; mau e kai te manawa o tauhou"—while another is: "Tuhituhi o tauhou; mau e kai te manawa o tauhou, whakapiri ki tautohito" Here also we
The simple act performed by one passing a tipua was also a feature of other precautionary measures, thus when a person passed a place where a man suffering from leprosy (mumutu) had died, or where such a sufferer had had a ceremony performed over him, that passerby would not fail to cast a stone on the spot—koi pa mai taua mate ki a ia—as my informant put it—lest that disease afflict him. In vol. 9 of the Transactions of the New Zealand Institute, Travers described a visit he made to the Auckland lake district in the "seventies"; in speaking of a canoe trip on Tarawera lake (p. 10) he wrote: "After rounding the point … each person in the canoe is expected to place upon a large boulder … some fragment of fern or other article, as a votive offering to a Taniwha, said to inhabit the rugged wood-covered slopes above it." Here the act was intended to placate a taniwha, if the explanation was a genuine one.
This custom of uruuru whenua was evidently one introduced hither from Polynesia. In Tyerman and Bennet's Journal of Voyages and Travels, p. 120, we are told of its occurrence at the Sandwich Islands, and the tipua stones are therein alluded to as local divinities. The writer speaks of—"tufts of grass and wreaths of leaves being devoutly laid around these sanctuaries, by passengers, who thus propitiated his favour that they might be protected from slips and falls by the way." This gentle and sympathetic missionary then proceeds as follows—"In every instance, when we were strong enough, we tumbled these idols over the edge of the cliffs into the sea, and scattered the votive offerings to the wind." In this sentence lies the original cause of much of the covert ill feeling against missionaries.
As already observed a considerable number of the tipua objects known to us are stones, boulders and rock masses, and probably all these objects are known by special names. Thus Tokarangi is a rock near Greytown where the whangai tipua ceremony was performed in olden times. At Te Tiringa, between Te Teko and Whakatane, is a row of stones known as Hine-porete, another old uruuru whenua. Several tipua rocks stand in the Whakatane river, near the mouth thereof, these rocks are named Araiawa, Tokamauku, Tokaroa, Himoki, Hoaki and Irakewa. The two last names are those of old-time Polynesian voyagers who settled here. Araiawa is a great mass of rock in the middle of the fairway, hence when one of the local Awa folk observes a person in his way he will say: "Ko Araiawa koe?" (Are you Araiawa?) tipua; it was invisible during the greater part of the year. A rock in the Mokau river at Mahoenui is unquestionably a tipua, the proof of this is that if any person touches it a violent wind at once springs up. At Pipiriki on the Whanganui river is a rock named Kaituhi, while Te Uru is another at Mataimoana in the same district; both of these were places at which the tuputupu was performed, otherwise "kapanga ta ua", heavy rain would follow.
There is a boulder at the mouth of the Waiapu river known as Hine-waiapu that is looked upon as a tipua; it is said to have been located there by Hine-tuahoanga, the Sandstone Maid, in order to bar the passage to the pounamu or greenstone when it was seeking a new home. This uncanny stone is only occasionally seen, and to see it is an ominous event for the beholder, misfortune looms near; to interfere with the stone in any way simply means death for the offender. The stone itself is a form of chert called waiapu by the Maori, the river and district being known by the same name; Hine-waiapu is said to have been the origin of the name. When Hinewaiapu is seen, which is but seldom, folk say: "O! Kua ea a Hinewaiapu, akuanei he whenua mate" (Oh! Hinewaiapu has emerged, ere long a desolate land).
A stone tipua at Taumarere, near Te Kawakawa, was visited by persons about to take a journey, who would deposit on it an offering of a branchlet, and so prevent, we are told, the occurrence of bad weather. At another one up the Waitotara river money has been deposited in modern times. The Komata-o-te-rangi is a stone tipua on the Manga-o-Hou tributary of the Whakatane river; it was Taneatua, a tribal ancestor, who endowed it with its strange powers; if a stranger approaches it then rain commences to fall at once. Taurua-ngarengare is a stone tipua at Titiokura, it is said to be a mass of rock in the form of a canoe. Te Puku-o-Kirihika is another stone tipua at Pukareao, upper Whakatane, near the old Horomanga-Ruatahuna track. This is one of the ambulatory tipua, of which the Maori tells us, if the stone be moved by any one it will of its own accord return to its original resting place. Another, called Opunga, is a stone or boulder in the bed of the Waihui stream, above Te Umuroa, and this one is, or was, especially dangerous, inasmuch as an ancestor named Paia, a warlock of parts, endowed that stone with the power to destroy any person who interfered with it. A stone at Nukutaurua, known as Te punga o Takitimu, or anchor of Takitimu, is said to move from place to place of its own accord, tipua, though it does not follow that all tipua were tu putupu whereat ceremonies were performed. Then we have Tokahaere the Moving Rock, or, as we call it Tom's Rock, standing in the sea between Sinclair Head and Tarawhiti. In olden times this rock moved about from place to place, or at least so I was told by those learned in local folk tales. It has offspring, a small rock by its side, which is however but seldom seen. This rock is said to have been named after a daughter of Kupe the explorer, while a rock at Te Rimurapu (Sinclair Head) was named Mohuia after another of the old sea wanderer's daughters.
Takuahi-te-ka, a rock in the upper Whakatane river, was of old one of the famed tipua at which the whangai tipua ceremony was performed. Tapanaua, a huge rock in the bed of the Tauranga river is another tipua, and a far travelled one, as we have already seen, while yet others are the Toka-a-Houmea, near Whakatane, and the Tapuwae-a-Ekenui at Maungapohatu, also the Kuri-a-Tarawhata, a rock in the Whakatane river. An old uruuru whenua object is the Whanau-tanga-o-Tuhourangi, a rock near Mt Edgecumbe, another is Tukitewa, a block of stone in the Ruatahuna stream, while in or near the same stream is Tumatawhero, a tipua rock that formerly possessed dread powers for punishing trespassers and purloiners of food supplies. The rock named Taiamai at Ohaeawai was of the uruuru class and it gave its name to the surrounding district. There are many tipua rocks around the shores of Waikare-moana, and, in most cases, if any person touched those enchanted rocks, then a gale would rise, or the wind would change, or heavy rain fall.
This uruuru whenua ceremony is sometimes termed whakau, and a rock whereat it was performed would be described as a toka whakau, or kamaka whakau.
Ranges, hills and mountains believed to be the resort of strange beings, or that were held to be tapu, were often said to be maunga tipua or uncanny mountains, and such places possessed a certain mana. We have already scanned a number of such strange beliefs. Maungapohatu is a famed maunga tipua, as also are Tongariro, Hikurangi, and many others. The small hill or mound named Otarahioi, within the bounds of the Taneatua township, is also alluded to as a tipua; it is said to represent the dog of the old explorer and voyager Taneatua, hence it is often called the Kuri o Taneatua.
Occasionally streams and ponds or lakes were viewed as tipua, thus the Ohora and Kanihi tributaries of the Whakatane river are tipua offspring of the mysterious Taneatua, possibly they were named after two of his children. A pond or small lake at Wairau, near Waikare-moana, is a tipua because it disappeared when the tapu of the place was interfered with. The two ponds on the summit of Maungapohatu, called Otara and Rongo-te-mauriuri, are also said to be tipua.
The term tipua is applied to fire, not to ordinary fire that is generated by the hand of man, which is the fire of Mahuika, but to the uncanny fire that burns in the underworld and descends from the heavens. It is the tipua fire that burns at White Island, at Auruhoe and elsewhere, and that causes all the hot and boiling springs, ponds and streams far spread across the land. The sun itself is alluded to as a tupua.
At Te Pakura, near the summit of Huiarau, by the old Maori path, is a small totara tree growing upon a tawai (beech) tree, and this is looked upon as a tipua, probably because it betokens something very unusual; it was also an uruuru whenua. A beech tree that stands by the old track on the other side of Huiarau, below Nga Puke-turua was also a tipua and an uruuru place, it is named the Rapa-a-Hinewhati. Another such is Maraeroa, a tawa tree at Maungapohatu, where I myself was instructed to make my offering of rau rakau and repeat a brief charm, this by my worthy old friend Pekahinau, he who slew Pane-takataka at Papakai with malice aforethought. Tutaka informed me that, in the "thirties" of last century, the old custom was still kept up at Maraeroa, whereat he saw a decaying heap of branchlets, etc., the offerings of many hands, and a space around the tree was open and free of brush owing to the requirements of passersby. This tends to show that offerings were not made by persons once only, viz. on the occasion of a first visit. It is a very remote place, not on any much traversed path, and the number of strangers who would visit such a place would be very, very small in the course of a year. About the only folk of other tribes who might reach the spot would be enemies, and these would not pay attention to local tipua.
A maire tree at Muriwaka on the Tauranga river, and Mohea, a tree near Matairangi, are similar places. Should a passerby here ask—' 'What place is this?"-rain would certainly follow. Otangiroa is a log of maire that has remained embedded in the channel of the Whakatane for generations past. It is a tipua, and eel fishers were wont to repeat charms thereat whereby to ensure good luck in their venture. We now see that these tipua were visited for such purposes, and that the uruuru whenua was not the only ceremony performed at them. Below the accommodation tipua, if this be touched a storm will arise and put a stop to canoe traffic. A flax (Phormium) plant that formerly grew at Onini, Ruatahuna, was a tipua, and the place a tapu one, for it marked the spot where Te Maunga (personifying ranges) came to earth, and was sought by Hine-pukohu the Mist Maid. A submerged log occasionally seen in the Whanganui river at Pari-whakairo is, or was, a tipua. Parekoritawa, Te Teketeke-o-Rangiwhakaruma and Nga Raho are tree tupua in the Whanganui valley. The famed tipua tree known as Papataunaki has been described by Gudgeon (see vol. 14 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society, p. 58).
Brewster, in his Hill Tribes of Fiji, p. 90, describes a similar custom as practised by Fijians. He describes a tree whereat travellers deposited small stones on a flat branch as an offering: "There was a long bough with a fine flat surface extending from an old and hoary tree, tightly packed with pebbles, deposited there by passersby as the price of their safety. The guide explained the custom to me and I offered a stone and went on."
A tipua tree described in Grey's Journey to Taranaki, p. 16, was of a different class. The tree (Cordyline) known as Hautupua, was a kind of resting place for the spirits of defunct members of the Ngati-Maru tribe, which sojourned a while thereon ere proceeding to the spirit world. As these spirits hovered among the long leaves they bewailed themselves, and experts derived certain auguries from such sounds, which lamentations however were not heard by ordinary folk, a statement that one feels inclined to accept.
Near the northern end.of the Wairarapa lake is a lakelet known as Atuahae, and therein abode for many years a tipua of considerable fame and mana known as Rakairuru. This remarkable tipua appeared in the form of a log, but, strange to say, this log was not always of the same species of timber, it was sometimes a log of totara, at another time it might appear as maire, or white pine, a fact that tended to enhance the mana of Rakairuru. When the river flowed freely to sea this enchanted log is said to have sometimes taken a jaunt to the South Island. Whenever a person attempted to interfere with that log it would disappear. On the arrival of Europeans in the district, a godless ruffian named Jack Murphy started in to cut the log up in order to obtain fencing timber therefrom, but that log disappeared under cover of night, leaving a bewildered Milesian appealing to the holy saints.
Such stories as the above are heard in many districts. Wahanui of Waikato told me of one Waiwaia, a most active tipua log that formerly drifted from place to place by river and sea. The name of this tipua was often heard, as when one enquired as to the whereabouts of a certain person, or one of a party of travellers asked: "Where shall we camp tonight?"—then some person would reply: "O! At the many stranding places of Waiwaia." Here follows Wahanui's account of Waiwaia—
Regarding Waiwaia, it was a supernatural object that existed here, on the Rangitoto Block. The person to whom it pertained was a priestly adept, and here is the story: That old man dwelt quietly at his home throughout the years, his dwelling place being by the side of a totara tree. Now persons would not approach him on account of dread of the tapu. His grandchildren went to the tapu tree and climbed up it in order to eat the fruit thereof, and, having ascended it, were knocking off the berries and eating them, for the fruit of that totara tree was indeed tasteful. The gods of the old priest were angry and caused the tree to be engulfed by the earth, because the children had disregarded the tapu, and had not propitiated the gods by an offering ere they ate of the fruit, hence that tree was caused to subside into the earth, where it disappeared. This was heard by the children in consequence of the sound of the rending earth, which resembled the rumbling of thunder. As the children viewed this occurrence they saw that they were near death. Then they called upon their grandfather, and the old man came and appeased the gods, and released them, but the tree was allowed to be engulfed by the earth. That was the commencement of the driftings of that tree; its branches became broken, and when it formed a resting place on land, it might disappear into the earth, or water. That tree was known as Waiwaia, and later it was seen drifting into the Waikato river and out to the Great Ocean of Kiwa, where it was seen on the beach; that totara had a reddish appearance. Its branches were stranded at many places, hence was repeated the saying—"The many stranding places of Waiwaia." The whole of this island and as far as the South Island were its stranding places.
The Tainui folk still speak of Waiwaia, although, like many other uncanny objects and creatures, it has disappeared before the pale-hued Pakeha. Some say that it was originally set adrift by a taniwha, that it ever drifted to and fro, to the Waikato Heads, back to Kaitangata, then to sea, to Awhitu, to Whaingaroa, back to land-bound waters, to and fro, ever drifting, and so down the long years came the saying—"Ko rau paenga o Waiwaia."
Another famous tipua in the form of a drifting log was one Tutaua of Waikare-moana, it is said to have so drifted about that rock-bound lake for long generations. If, as we are informed, this log of strange habits was really placed in the lake by Haumapahia, the tipua daughter of Mahutapoanui, some 20 generations ago, then we must admit that it has had a fairly long life. This wierd tipua log possessed strange vocal powers, and sang quaint songs as it drifted to and fro across the Star Lake, songs that were heard and acquired by the men of yore. When the shades of night fell across the mountain lake, when Hinemakohu the Mist Maid brooded over the darkling waters, concealing cliff and isle and sombre beaches, then it was that the Maori folk in their hamlets heard the strange singing of the tipua log far out on the mist enshrouded waters, where-upon they would say: "Ko Tutaua e waiata haere ana." (It is Tutaua singing as it goes). When that log drifted ashore, should any person interfere with it in any way, then dire misfortune would be his lot, and, when another day dawned, that log would have disappeared on its ceaseless round of the lake. Said Tutaka—"I myself heard Tutaua in the days of my youth, heard it singing far out upon the waters, singing in a strange manner like unto the whistling sounds of wind." Said another old greybeard: "In the days of my youth, after the coming of the Pakeha [Europeans] that demon log drifted out of the lake, drifted down the outlet at Te Whangaroamanga, singing as it went."
Te Hinaki o Tutaua (the Eelpot of Tutaua) is the name of a rock tipua in the lake near Te Awaawaroa; should any person touch it then the wind will at once change. Quite possibly this rock was named after one Tutaua, an ancestor of the local people, and not after the famous log demon.
The denizens of the twelve heavens, they who possess eternal life, are spoken of as tipua, because they are abnormal beings, they hold strange powers, and are able to assume any form they may desire. On earth tipua are found in many animal forms, and so we find that Okiwa is a tipua dog that represents one of the weird offspring of Taneatua; it abides in a pond known as Te Kuri o Mariko, which is near Te Purenga. A local wind that blows down the Whakatane valley to Opouriao South is called the okiwa wind; it is said to be the breath of the tipua dog Okiwa. Another canine tipua is the Dog of Mahu that dwells with the waters of Roto-nui-o-Ha, a lakelet at Te Putere. This Kuri o Mahu is a banshee of the local natives, and when it is heard barking beneath the waters then it is known that one of their mauri of birds of the district, and they frequent it in great numbers. There are two tipua birds, albino owls, near Ruatoki, and these foretell in some manner the fruitfulness, or otherwise, of coming seasons; at least my informant tells me that they were there some centuries ago, and seems to believe that they are still there. Another bird tipua and banshee is one Hine-ruarangi, a cormorant that lives in a gloomy canyon of the Whirinaki river above Ahikereru. This creature was originally a human being, a daughter of Toi, who, after death, assumed this bird form, or, as some put it, her spirit entered the body of a cormorant. This creature of ill omen has, I am assured, dwelt in the rock-bound gorge for centuries, and, prior to the death of a local native, or to a defeat at the hands of enemies, the dread kawau is seen hovering over the village. So it was that defeats suffered by Ngati-Whare the local clan, at Okiri (Waikato), at Rangihoua (Wairoa), and at Te Ariki (Rotorua district) were foretold by Hine of the Whaiti nui a Toi canyon, also the dark day on which Maro of Tuhoe extinguished the fire that burned in the vale of Whirinaki. The last appearance of this banshee was in May 1869, when, during Whitmore's raid on Ruatahuna, the Harema pa near Waikotikoti was taken by the raiders, and so one more banshee tipua has been put out of action by the encroaching white folks.
This tipua bird is said to have flourished many generations ago, even in the days of Kupe, the discoverer of New Zealand. It is associated with one Potoru, another old sea rover of those remote times, whose name is often abbreviated to Toru in song and it is generally spoken of as the Cormorant of Toru (Te Kawau a Toru). The story of this tipua cormorant is connected with the French Pass between Rangitoto (D'Urville Island) and the South Island, or Te Aumiti as the Maori calls that pass, at which place Potoru's vessel, named Te Ririno, is said to have been wrecked when he came hither from the isles of Polynesia. As usual one tipua birds, Rupe and the Kawau-a-Toru. Rupe is, in our local dialect, the personified form of the pigeon, and the word was occasionally used as an ordinary name for the wood pigeon. This Rupe seems to have busied himself in seeking food products of this land, while the cormorant spent its time in searching for swift, strong currents, at which places such birds are wont to congregate.
Kupe and his following encamped at Sinclair Head, near Wellington, from which place both birds sallied forth to survey the new lands. Ere long many birds came from the South Island and foregathered with Rupe, inviting him to visit their island and examine its food supplies, the wealth of berries in its forests. They also told Kawau the cormorant that he would there find a strong swift current that would suit him. So it was that Rupe and his daughters Mohuia and Tokahaere remained at Te Rimurapa (Sinclair Head) while the two birds set off to visit the South Island. On reaching Puhikoreru, Rupe saw many birds feeding on the berries of forest trees; at intervals they resorted to the nearest water to drink, after which they returned to eat of the fruits of the forest. Rupe joined those birds in their feasting and drinking, and so pleased was he with his land that nevermore did he return to Kupe.
Then it was that Kawau the cormorant set off with others to seek the swift-flowing currents of which he had heard; ere long they came to where the sound of rushing waters was heard, and Kawau prepared to contend with the fierce current. The end of that contest was disaster and death, one of the wings of Kawau was broken, and so he perished, and on the breaking of that wing a passage was formed for vessels to pass through, had it not so broken then vessels would be quite unable to pass through; the wing that remains whole is an obstruction to all such traffic. Meanwhile Kupe, in camp at the Red Rocks, awaited the return of his tipua birds that never came, and then a strange thing happened, for a flock of sea birds came flying over the camp crying out in wailing tone—"Kua mate! Kua mate!" ("Dead! Dead!"). Then Mohuia knew that her charge, the Kawau a 'Toru, had perished, even so she raised her voice and wept for Kawau the cormorant, and then fled into the sea and so died, and there she still stands as the rock called Mohuia, a sign of Kupe and the tipua of those days that abides, and abides, and abides.
When Mohuia and Tokahaere mourned for the lost tipua they lacerated themselves after the manner Maori, even that their blood flowed down the cliff and stained deeply the rocks below, hence the Red Rocks of the Pakeha and the Pariwhera (Red Cliff) of the Maori.
Another version of this folk tale is to the effect that the vessel of Potoru was lost in the French Pass, where he and his crew perished; his mokai or pet cormorant flew off and alighted on a rock, where one of its wings was broken, and the creature was turned into stone and yet abides there. Yet another version (published on page 74 in vol. 10 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society) has it that the home of the Kawau-a-Toru was at Horowhenua lake. Upon a time the Kawau called a meeting of many clans of sea birds, whereupon they assembled at Horowhenua, and were welcomed by the folk of that place after the doleful manner Maori. After much speech making by Kawau and others then food was laid before the guests, such food as eels, whitebait, crayfish, etc. Kawau-paka (the white-throated shag) praised highly the feast provided by the Kawau-a-Toru, and the latter enquired as to the home food supplies of Kawau-paka and his clan. The latter replied that they consisted of fish of various kinds, and that their "food stores" were Kura-te-au, Kahura, Te Au-o-tukarere, and Te Aumiti (these are places famed for abundance of fish). After this the Kawau-a-Toru crossed over to the South Island to pit himself against the currents of those parts, but one of his wings was broken by the currents at Te Aumiti. So perished the Kawau, whose bones still lie there, and on which stands the lighthouse of the white man.
There are two stories on record concerning Te Ririno, the vessel of Potoru, a fact that seems to be referred to in the following lines:
Another poet speaks of Te Aumiti (French Pass) that is the "Tauranga matai o te Koau-a-Toru paihau tahi e kai max ra ki te hau"—(the observation post of the one-winged Koau-a-Toru that braves the fierce winds). Koau is a variant form of kawau, a cormorant, and an old native has stated that there is a rock on the mainland side of French Pass called the Kawau-a-Toru; it was in those swirling waters that the Ririno vessel was swamped and Potoru was drowned, to which another reference is observed in the following extract from an old song:
(Perchance you are concealed like Pelorus Jack within the cave Kaikai-a-waro, he who was left here by Kupe to welcome vessels sailing the Pass, wherein Potoru was overtaken by disaster in swirling currents and whirlpools left there by Manaia in order to baffle pursuit by Nuku-tamaroro). Tuhirangi was the name bestowed by the Maori on the famous Pelorous Jack of the French Pass, the so-called fish-guide of steamers traversing that channel; they are given to stating that Tuhirangi has sojourned at the Pass since the time of Kupe, say forty generations ago.
Here we have another bird tipua, one that pertained to the upper Whanganui district, and which, like unto other tipua, seems to have vanished before the Pakeha (Europeans). The different accounts given by natives of this particular tipua differ considerably. In 1895 the Ngati-Hau folk told me that the manu teko was a tapu bird that lived on Mount Ruapehu; some said that it was a pigeon, others that it was a brown parrot (kaka). Said one lover of the marvellous: "In appearance it is like an ordinary pigeon, but when it is killed by man then at once it changes colour and becomes a pure white. Should any person be rash enough to cook and eat a manu teko, then he is assailed by strange beings, patupaiarehe or similar weird creatures, who carry him off to the great mountain of Ruapehu, a dread region where dwells the Ririo and other doleful creatures. If such a captive eats of the food of the fairy folk never more will he return to this ordinary world and his friends. When Takaka of Ngati-Hau, who died some ten years ago, was thus spirited away by the strange mountain folk, he was held captive for many years, and, when finally he did escape and so reached his home, he had become dumb, or at most could repeat but a few words. His only sustenance during his long captivity was his own blood, which he sucked from his own arm, for, as I have said, he could not touch the food of the mountain folk. But I may tell you that the manu teko might be slain, cooked and eaten if the proper charm was manu teko were the leaders of various flocks of kaka parrots, and some of them were red and some white. In snaring these parrots should the manu teko or ariki be secured then the whole flock would be taken.
The Ngati-Awa folk of the Bay of Plenty area tell us that the dread tipua known as the Ririo lived in the Kaimanawa range, and was in the habit of carrying off to that forest-clad region such persons as had broken rules of tapu. A man named Haukopeke was so seized and carried off from Matahuna in past times, whereupon certain priestly experts assembled at a tapu place of rites whereat they invoked the aid of the gods, or sought to placate them. They doffed their garments and extended their arms as they recited their charms; for seven days these men refrained from touching food; for seven days and nights they performed their weird rites. Then, on the evening of the seventh day, Haukopeke was returned to his home, as the sun descended he was cast down on the earth from the tree-tops near his home; one side of his body was crippled.
In a narration of South Island folk lore it is noted that the term tipua is employed to denote a taniwha (as seen at pp. 12-13 of vol. 20, Journal of the Polynesian Society). This story mentions the two-headed tipua dogs that ranged the South Island in remote pre-newspaper days, and the kahui tipua or ogre-like beings, giants who held the power of transforming themselves into any form, animate or otherwise. Another dog-like tipua was Moekahu, who was a being half human, half canine, said to have lived on the east coast of the North Island. Other tipua dogs were formerly heard on the cliffs of Taupo and elsewhere.
The ogre known as Tamaiwaho is said to have dwelt on the summit of Mt. Hikurangi on the east coast, and he was the scourge of that district, inasmuch as he destroyed every creature that tried to pass by that dreaded mountain. There was only one time when the mountain might be passed, and that was when the rays of the declining sun dazzled the eyes of Tamaiwaho and prevented him seeing anything. This Tamaiwaho seems to have been also known as Tama-ki-Hukurangi or Tama-ki-Hikurangi, and Tama-nui-a-rangi. A reference to the name is noted in the Ngati-Awa song: "Ka taha te ra ki tua o Tama-ki-Hukurangi." Tama enters into the story of the Manu nui a Ruakapanga.
I have heard of abnormally large eels being viewed as tipua, one such, known as Hukikapea, frequented a hole at Ruatoki, tipua eel in the Putakatare lagoon at Whirinaki. When Tamatea-nukuroa and his daughter were traversing the rugged lands of Te Wera some centuries ago they became athirst, whereupon Tama stamped upon the earth and so caused a spring of water to gush forth. The water of that spring formed a pool known as Tangiwai, and in that pool dwells a tipua eel with eight tails, at least so says my informant, a person of unblemished character. At the same time it is but just to explain that another folk lore expert assures me that the above account is entirely wrong, and indeed absurd, that the man who produced that spring was the famous ancestor Tutamure of the Pananehu, who did so by plucking a hair from his leg and casting it on the ground as he repeated a charm.
Inanimate tipua were numerous, as we have seen, though in many cases they were scarcely viewed as being inanimate by the Maori. Some extremely tapu objects were looked upon as being tipua on account of their inherent powers, or the powers of the gods in whose charge such objects were. For instance the extremely tapu ceremonial stone adze known as Te Awhio-rangi (described at p. 230 of vol. 9 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society) is looked upon as a tipua, something extremely uncanny, and why should it not be so viewed if it had the power of producing thunder storms?
Not only were the first Europeans seen held to be tipua by the Maori, but also a similar feeling was entertained with regard to their amazing vessels. The aged Pio of Ngati-Awa told me that the first European ship seen from Whakatane was thought to be Tutara-kauika or a huge tipua from Tonga, that is from the isles of Polynesia. That ship would be Cook's vessel, as seen on his first voyage, when he ran along the shore of the Bay of Plenty. Tutara-kauika is a name for the right whale, but it is also used vaguely as denoting ocean monsters.
The Maori also tells us of certain human tipua of his own race, dread persons who were apparently a kind of ogre in human form. Tama, the ogre of Hikurangi mountain, seems to have been such a nanakia or troublesome creature, and another was a woman named Houmea, the story of whom we will now scan.
Houmea the ogress. This is a tale of a certain dishonest woman, an outrageous creature whose name was Houmea, her husband was named Uta. Now Uta went out to sea in his canoe in order to catch fish for his family, he had two children named Nini and Tuta-wake. Having caught a supply of fish Uta paddled ashore and waited for his wife to come and clean the fish and carry them home, but she came not, hence he went to his home and said to her: "O dame! I have been awaiting you in vain." Said Houmea: "O sir! The children delayed me." Off went Houmea to the beach, where she seized all the fish in the canoe and swallowed them. She then made a lot of tracks and marks on the sandy beach so that it might be thought that enemies had stolen the fish. Then she went home and reported that all the fish had been stolen, and Uta asked: "Now who can those thieving folk of the world be?" Houmea replied: "Probably the teeming multitudes of the Ponaturi."
On the morrow Uta set out in his canoe, and again caught a goodly supply of fish; when he returned to land he once more awaited his wife on the strand, but she came not. He went to his home and again complained of his wife's neglect of her duties, and again she betook herself to the canoe and ate all the fish it contained. But Uta had sent his two children to watch and they returned and told him that Houmea had eaten all the fish in the canoe. Ere long Houmea returned to bewail the loss of this second supply of fish, but Uta informed her that their children had seen her eating the fish, even so was Houmea overcome by shame, and endeavoured in all ways to shield herself; she also bore ill will towards her own children.
Next morning Uta again paddled out to sea on a fishing excursion, and, when he was afar off Houmea said to one of her children: "Go and fetch some water for us." When the child had departed then she said to her other child: "O child! Come hither that I may cleanse your head." But when the hapless child went to her she seized it and swallowed it, so was it engulfed in her voracious stomach. When the first child returned with the water it also was seized and swallowed by Houmea, thus perished both children. When Uta returned from his fishing Houmea went to meet him, wailing as she went, and having many flies clustering round her lips. Uta enquired: "Are you in trouble?" "Alas! Yes, " replied Houmea, "The atua [demon] is assailing my stomach." Said Uta: "Where are the children?" Houmea replied: "Where indeed; they have been absent since the morning." Then Uta looked at her lips, thronged by flies as they were, and recited taiaha (a two handed striking weapon), while Nini handled a huata (long spear).
Uta was now alarmed lest his ogre wife should swallow him and also their children alive, hence he said to the children: "Listen to my instructions to you two; should I bid you go and fetch water, take no notice; should I grow angry, heed not; should I threaten to beat you or bully you, do not heed it." So it came about that the children stubbornly refused to obey their father's commands, whereupon Uta said to his wife, the ogress Houmea: "The children will not go and procure water for me, and I need it sadly; I bid them go and they do nothing but remain stubborn." So it was that Houmea went off to procure water, and, as soon as she had departed, Uta began to recite a charm to cause the water to recede and disappear: "Let the waters become shoal and disappear, let them return to their source and sink into the earth." So it was that, as Houmea advanced toward the water, that water receded, dried up, and disappeared.
While Houmea was pursuing the waters that ever eluded her, Uta and his children were hastening toward the sea beach. As they did so Uta carefully instructed the houses and shells, the tree and all other things how to answer Houmea when she called out questions as to where they had gone. Having done so he and the children went to the beach, launched the canoe, got into it, raised the sail and sailed out into the ocean. As they sailed forth Houmea returned to the hamlet, and, finding that her people had disappeared, she called out to them: "O sir! Where are you and our children?" Then strange things happened, for the sheds and houses, the trees and the lounging place all answered her, until she was much distressed. She ascended to the lookout place and gazed out at the ocean, where, afar off, she saw the canoe; she then went down to the beach where she "entered" a cormorant and, in that form, fared out across the waves of the ocean. The children chanced to be looking landward and so saw Houmea following them, whereupon they said to their father: "O sir! The dread one [atua ] is coming." Said Uta to his children: "O children! What shall I do, I fear being swallowed by the atua ?" Then the young folk said to him: "Let us conceal you beneath the grating of the canoe"—and they so concealed him. But Houmea came swiftly on in pursuit, hoping to slay Uta as food for herself, as she came her mouth was gaping to swallow her prey, and ever koau or cormorant, and a saying concerning her is—Ko Houmea kiko taratara—which seems to imply that she was a rough-skinned person. In these times dishonest and objectionable women are compared to Houmea.
In the following tale we encounter a similar woman to Houmea, an indolent person whose punishment seems to have been somewhat severe; it runs as follows—
There was once a man who had two wives, one a free woman, one a slave. Now whenever this man returned from fishing at sea, it was the duty of his slave wife to clean the fish and carry them to the village home. Being indolent, she adopted the habit of throwing some of the fish away, so that she would not have so great a weight to carry. Her husband detected her in this act, and sought a plan by which to punish her—and found it. He made several trips into the forest in order to snare rats, and then got his wife to go and examine the traps in his place. Then he constructed a large and strong spring trap in the path which his wife traversed when examining the rat run, with the result that she was caught in the trap and strangled.
He then returned home and told his other wife to prepare a meal for him, but she refused, as such tasks had been the duty of the slave wife, whereupon they quarrelled violently, and, in the end, the man struck his wife with his weapon, and killed her; he then went off into the forest. Pretty soon after, two young men arrived at the place, to find the dead body of the free woman lying in the hut, and they set about discovering the cause of her death. Now these two young men were the sons of the slain women, and they had been for some time living in another district. One was the son of the free woman, the other the slave woman's son.
The two young men then entered the forest to search for their father and the slave wife. At length they found him tending an oven of food which he had just covered up. The body of the slave
The rocky islets in Cook Strait that we call the Brothers are known to the Maori as Nga Whatu, in full Nga Whatu-kaiponu, and these we have already referred to in the story of Kupe and the Wheke-a-Muturangi. Even since that time these small islets have been looked upon as being places of exceeding tapu. This tapu was placed upon them because, when the Wheke-a-Muturangi was slain by Kupe and his companions, the eyes (whatu) of that monster were placed on the Brothers rocks, which became known as Nga Whatu (The Eyes), and, in addition to the tapu of the islets themselves persons travelling by canoe across or through Raukawa (Cook Strait) were forbidden to look upon the islets. If this rule of tapu were disobeyed it was believed that a storm would arise and the canoe of the impious travellers would be destroyed. Hence the crews of the canoes traversing that area of Cook Strait were wont to cover their eyes with a veil of leaves, lest they see Nga Whatu and so perish. Some natives tell us that these precautions were necessary only in the case of persons who were crossing the Straits for the first time. This peculiar aspect is noted in connection with a number of native superstitions, certain dangers or restrictions pertain to the first experience only, after which one obtained freedom of action. A tale concerning the island at East Cape resembles our Brothers story. Whence Kaiawa went to Whanga-o-keno to take the tapu off the island he took with them his daughter Ponuia-hine. She neglected to cover her eyes as she approached the tapu isle, and so the dog of Tarawhata, the mohorangi, cast an evil eye upon her. Kaiawa, on landing, performed the makamaka rimu rite by making an offering of sea-weed to the gods, after which he generated a sacred fire whereat to perform the tapu-lifting ceremony. He then sought his daughter that she might act the part of ruahine or mohorangi cast a baleful eye upon him.
It is passing easy to obtain different versions of Maori folk tales, thus we are told in the story of Manaia that, when his enemy Nuku returned to the isles of Polynesia, he first set apart Nga Whatu as a memorial of his quarrel and fighting with Manaia, and made it tapu, hence no person crossing Raukawa might look upon it; should he do so then a dense mist would cover all and bring confusion, or a strong current would carry off the impious ones. "And the mana of that dread place still holds good, even unto this day"—said an old man some fifty or more years ago. Yet again Whatu-kai-ponu appears as one of the young relatives of Kupe said to have been left at various places along the coastline, together with food supplies of shellfish, etc., or, as explained by some, after whom places along the coast were named. (In this connection see a brief recital given at pp. 62-63 of White's Ancient History of the Maori, vol. 3, Maori part. These "young relatives" of Kupe seem to have been his nieces and nephews, and these, including Whatu-kaiponu, are shown in a table at p. 145 of vol. 26 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society.)
This singular superstition described above is alluded to in a number of old songs, as in the following:
(My eyes look upon the Whatu-kaiponu on Raukawa, on account of which eyes were shrouded by our elders.)
Again, in the following:
(Let the eyes be veiled when crossing Raukawa so that the Brothers be hidden, when passed, then all may freely look ahead.)
A similar reference may be seen in the Maori versions of this story.
An account of the method of crossing Raukawa or Cook Strait was dictated to me in the early "nineties" by Te Karehana Whakataki of Ngati-Toa. His account runs as follows—"This sea of Raukawa is an extremely tapu place, when persons crossed it they were careful not to look to right or left, or behind them, until mana-possessing expert, then only would it be possible to continue the voyage to either side of the Straits. All persons in the vessel would veil their eyes with leaves of the Karaka tree to prevent them seeing the land. The experts who conducted such voyages in those days were members of the Kahungunu tribe; when the canoes started the experts would give the command—"Cover your eyes." This was a precautionary measure, lest the people look upon the isles of Kapiti and Nga Whatu, for Kapiti was a tapu island, as also was Nga Whatu, people strongly objected to looking upon those islands. On arriving at the shoal in the middle of the Straits the expert would call out: "O friends! This is the tuahiwi [ridge or shoal place]", and this place was recognised on account of the streaming seaweed seen there. Some explain the matter by saying that the Straits are shallow in the middle but very deep at both sides. The two sides of the shoal are known as Takahi-parae, and on arriving at the parts so-called experts would remark: "O friends! This is Takahi-parae", whereupon those in the vessel would know that they had crossed the shoal and so would be elated.
At a certain time the canoe of Tungia, father of Pirihana [Nga huka of Ngati Toa] sailed for the South Island, and the expert on board that vessel was Te Rimurapa, a chief of Ngati-Kahungunu. Now on board that vessel was a certain conceited, presumptuous person who apparently had no faith in the tapu of the sea of Raukawa, and so when the vessel reached the middle of the Straits, he disobeyed all commands and looked upon the tapu isles. The result was that the canoe was held by invisible powers, it remained stationary for a whole day, restrained by the komako-huariki that guards the groper grounds. As the vessel was so held stationary by the komako-huariki certain persons of Ngati-Kahungunu asked: "Who is the expert on board the vessel?" and certain others replied: "Oh! It is Te Rimurapa"—whereupon people said: "Let them remain there with the swaying kelp of Raukawa." All knew that no danger existed, because there was an expert on board the vessel.
The bird called komako-hauriki is a kind of guardian of the groper banks of Raukawa. Should the fishers in their canoes hear tapu bird and curiously marked, striped, resembling the koekoea cuckoo, it does not resemble ordinary birds. It is said to live on cliffs at Rangitoto and elsewhere. (In the story of Kupe and the Wheke-a-Muturangi one Komakohua is mentioned as an attendant of Kupe, and seems to have been a shark.)
We also have a very brief account of how Raukawa was crossed, as contributed by Hori Ropiha of Waipawa in the "nineties". Hori tells us that, when crossing Raukawa in former times, the eyes of men, women and children were veiled or covered, also the abdomens of women in the family way were carefully covered. Also the carved images, grotesquely human, at the stem and stern of the vessel were covered over; were this covering neglected then the canoe would be rendered immovable and eventually capsize. The eyes of persons were so covered lest they look upon Nga Whatu, should they do so then their vessel became fixed. Those who had made several crossings were not subjected to these restrictions and harassing rules, but all strangers and newcomers were.
In the tale of Kupe and his pursuit of and encounter with the famous wheke we are told that, when Nga Whatu was rendered tapu, then swift and harassing currents were established in the vicinity in order to prevent persons approaching the forbidden islets. As to the alleged shoal in Cook Strait I have always looked upon this as another myth, like the Tahuna a Mataroa in Waikare-moana lake, but evidence given in the Dominion of December 10, 1927, tends to show that there is a fishing bank at least, if not an extensive shoal area in the Straits of Raukawa 7 miles north by west from Mana Island. The following is an old saying concerning the tuahiwi or ridge of Raukawa, or Cook Strait: "Kua mahaki nga tai pakipaki rua o te tuahiwi ki Raukawa" (It is calm where the waves meet the ridge of Raukawa.)
In Maori folk lore we meet with many accounts of mythical beings who are said to have peopled wood and waste, the mountains and the waters that lie beneath them. These creatures of fertile imagination were of different forms, aspects and activities, as we shall see anon, also, as in other lands, they are
The Maori regales us with several tales that are supposed to illustrate a period when the Maori people were living here on sufferance as it were, under the mana of the Turehu or Patupaiarehe, the true lords of the soil. Thus, should a Turehu of that remote period chance to meet a Maori he would say: "Who am I?"—and should the Maori reply: "You are Turehu"—then he would assuredly be slain. If, however, the Maori knew the right answer to make he would reply: "You are Tu-ariki"—thus admitting the superior status of his questioner and so saving his own life.
The Turehu folk claim the products of the earth. In very remote times the land and its products belonged to the Turehu folk. It is said that those who were engaged in digging aruhe (rhizomes of Pteris aquilina) in lone places sometimes heard a voice repeating these words: "E koa koe aianei, a maku hoki te ra apopo" (You are joyful today, but my turn will come tomorrow). They would then know it to be the Turehu speaking, whereupon they would hasten to set aside the first three pieces of the fern root dug by each person as an offering to the Turehu. If such offering was neglected by them, then assuredly as they dug nought but inferior roots would be found, and of those but few. On the second day no work would be done at the root digging, that day being left for the Turehu, but on the third day the diggers would return to work.
One of the earliest recorded notices of the Maori belief in these Turehu folk is that in Polack's Narrative of Travel and Adventures in New Zealand, published in 1838. In volume 2 at p. 226 of this
Many different names are employed to denote the forest folk, or fairies, as our writers often term them, though the Maori concept is not that of a diminutive fey or elf-like folk, but rather that of a people of ordinary stature and appearance, save that they are said to have been fair-skinned and fair-haired. Turehu, Patupaiarehe (also termed Patuparehe, Paiarehe and Parehe), Korakorako, Tahurangi and Heketoro are some of the names applied to the forest folk. It has been said that these names were probably those of the earliest human inhabitants of New Zealand inasmuch as the Maori has geneaological evidence of his descent from such Turehu. This evidence, however, goes for nought, for we have many genealogies recited or written by the Maori that trace his descent from the gods, from the stars, from sky and earth, and a great many other things that are not in the habit of begetting human beings. The theory that a white race ever inhabited New Zealand cannot be held by any sound-thinking person, but, at the same time, we must admit that the Maori brought with him from overseas a light-haired, fair-skinned strain that is persistent in many families, though in no case does it seem to appear in each generation. These light-skinned folk are termed urekehu, a name that means brown or red-haired.
The description of these forest folk given by natives even eighty years ago arouses a suspicion that the aspect of incoming Europeans has influenced such accounts. Taylor tells us that they were a white people who wore white garments; they did not tattoo, and carried infants in their arms, not on their backs as the Maori people do, and they occasionally surprised and carried off Maori women; albinos were looked upon as being the offspring of Patupaiarehe. Sir George Grey wrote that, in 1853, Te Wherowhero described the fairies as a white race, elegantly clothed in garments quite unknown to the natives, and as delighting in music (see Polynesian Mythology, p. 183). I was also shown a hill called Pukewhera, near Hawkes Bay, which was a favourite resort of theirs. If the natives ever set fire to it then the urukehu strain was the origin of this concept.
Wiremu Hoete Riu-kakara, of Waiheke, stated that the Turehu folk live on hills and mountains, and are never seen alone, but only in companies, and are fond of talking, singing, and playing on the flute. These folk are of a very light skin colour, and dress in white garments. Some say they wear the same sort of garments as the Maori. They nurse their children in their arms, as Europeans do, and they do not tattoo. Any person struck by a Turehu at once falls as though dead, but soon recovers. When caught sight of by ordinary people, they vanish, but matakite (seers) can see them. They are sometimes seen in the cultivation grounds in great numbers, but they do not interfere with the crops or damage them in any way. The Turehu sometimes interfere with native women found alone in the forest, and albinos are said to be the result of such meetings.
All accounts state that the Turehu usually dwelt on hills or high ranges, that they were seldom seen by man, but on wet or misty days were often heard on the hills, singing, talking and sounding flutes. In many cases they are referred to as kehua, atua, of wairua tangata (ghosts, demons or human spirits); some have told me that only seers could really see a Turehu, they were merely heard by less gifted people. One entertaining communicant stated that Patupaiarehe were all males and Turehu all females, but no other authority agreed with this. They were a tapu people and so, when any Maori trespassed on their haunts, they at once deserted that place and established themselves elsewhere. Among the many places said to have been formerly frequented by the Turehu folk are Maungapohatu, Putaihinu, Turi-o-Haua, Mapouriki, Pae-whakataratara, Oparoro and Ngaheni in the Tuhoe district; Tititangiao at Te Hurepo; Kakaramea, Pirongia, Moehau, Kaimanawa, Ngongotaha, Pukemore, Kakepuku, Aroha-auta, Aroha-atai, Tararua and mahoi. When the Hakuturi folk appeared to re-erect Rata's tree they are said to have done so in the form of birds, forest birds, and it was these creatures who caused the long fronds of tree ferns to hang downward.
In one version of the story of Maui the folk known as Tini o te Hakuturi and Tini o te Mahoihoi are spoken of as denizens of the underworld, so that, like the Turehu, they may be encountered almost anywhere. They accompanied Maui when he visited Hine-nui-te-po, and are said to have acted as guardians of the forest, or as henchmen of the atua who were the true guardians. The Ngati-Porou folk tell us that the Tini o Hakuturi (a slight change of name here) took part in the task of hauling the hull of the vessel Takitimu to the coast when it had been hewn out by Ruawharo and others at far Hawaiki. Numbers of each species of bird assembled for the purpose, the koko, kaka, kereru, tieke, koropio, hore, tititi-pounamu, kakariki and others, and each species had a drag rope of its own also the human species took part in the hauling. Then Ruawharo and Tupai rose and cut the drag ropes of the Hakituri folk, whereupon each species of bird flew away with its own rope, and that is why birds of those species still fly in flocks, even unto this day.
A curious note concerning the Patupaiwehe was given me by Tuwhawhakia of Whanganui in 1895; it was to the effect that, atua Patupaiarehe, and were found insensible by their friends. Those friends however, threw cold water over the stupefied men, and so revived them.
I have been informed by natives that the Puke-moremore peak of the Tararua range was formerly a favoured resort of Patupaiarehe, but that they were driven from that desirable home by the activities of godless ruffians, minions of the Survey Department, who invaded that tapu place and practised weird and fearsome arts thereat. The fair folk, albeit of a joyous disposition, were only occasionally mischievous, but were essentially a tapu people. Possibly this fact is connected with the belief that such creatures are really wairua tangata, human spirits or souls; we have already examined this aspect in Part IX of this volume. An old native will tell you that companies of Turehu are ope kehua or ope wairua that is troops of ghosts or spirits, spirits of the dead, but the terms Turehu, Patupaiarehe, Heketoro, Tahurangi and Karitehe seem to be applied to such as permanently reside here, in this world, while Kehua and Parangeki are seemingly but visitors from the underworld. This classification might be shattered, however, by some other authority, or version. The curiously inconsistent aspect of Maori myths is illustrated in the description of Turehu as spirits, coupled with statements that they played games, sang songs, built houses, and occasionally kidnapped Maori women.
Arawaru are said to be spirits allied to Turehu, but seem to pertain to the sea, they are heard singing out on the sea and along the coast.
Irewaru are spirit voices heard at night on the sea coast, doubtless a synonym of arawaru, while orowaru denotes the rippling or babbling of running waters; puwawau are spirit voices heard in running waters, and punawaru carries the same meaning.
Companies of spirits roaming through space may be described as kehua, parangeki and other terms, including that of tira maka, a peculiar expression heard in the Matatua district. Thomson was probably the first to tell us that the Patupaiarehe folk are spirits of the dead (The Story of New Zealand, vol. 1, p. 114). Patupaiarehe were sometimes called Korakorako, probably on account of the belief in their fairness, which is the meaning of the korako denotes an albino. I have heard the name Heketoro applied to the forest folk only among the Tuhoe tribe, but it was probably known elsewhere, the Heikotoro mentioned by Nicholas may have referred to such mythical beings (see Nicholas, J. L., Narrative of a Voyage to New Zealand, pp. 57-8).
Pakepakeha and Pakehakeha are said to be names for diminutive creatures occasionally seen floating down flooded rivers on driftwood, singing as they drift along like unto Tutaua the log tipua of Waikaremoana. The term Pakeha, used to denote all white people, is but a form of the above names; evidently the root is keha, a word meaning "pale". Europeans were also known as Waraki, a name applied, it is said, to certain mythical beings pertaining to the ocean. White tells us that the Porotai are allied to the Pakepakeha; the former are quite extraordinary beings from our point of view, inasmuch as half of each individual's body is of flesh, and the other half of stone, while each person has two faces. The Porotai are, or were, accomplished singers, for they are no longer seen in this world of life. The Tutumaiao are apparently allied to the Arawaru, for they are seen on sea beaches; when you are traversing a long stretch of sandy beach you may chance to see far ahead weird, grotesque forms, that tend to disappear as you advance, evidently spirits or tipua. You may then know that you have looked upon Tutumaiao.
White gives a Ngapuhi note to the effect that Kui, Tutumaiao and Turehu were three peoples who abode in New Zealand ere the Maori arrived (see Ancient History of the Maori, vol. 3, p. 189). Hori Ropiha explained that, when a man is traversing a sea beach and sees ahead of him certain persons standing on the beach, and, when he reaches the spot where he saw them, they have disappeared then those creatures are not human beings, they are Tutumaiao. The Ngati-Porou folk speak of mythical coast-haunting creatures termed Tuturi-whekoi and Tuturi-wheikoiko that seem to be identical with the Tutumaiao. A Waiapu man informed me that the Tuturi-whekoi are an ocean-dwelling folk whose bodies are composed of mist; some call them Turi-wheikoiko; they are mysterious, vaguely seen beings who dwell in ocean spaces and appear on the coast as mistlike, unsubstantial forms. Occasionally they are seen on the beach, sometimes resembling human beings in appearance. Their appearance denotes calm weather, but to see them is unlucky. An old song contains the line: "Ka kite ai koe i te Tutumaiao e haramai i te moana" (You will see the Tutumaiao appearing from the ocean).
A fugitive Arawa note tells us that Moehau is a strange being half human and half fish, and having but one eye. Taylor describes a Turehu folk in the far north who were called Karitehe, they are, or were, a white-skinned, yellow-haired people. This seems dubious, as coming from a Maori, perhaps reddish hair was meant. These Karetehe occasionally captured Maori women in the forests, and an ancestor of Nopera caught a Karitehe woman and took her to wife. Another joined a party of Karitehe net-fishing on the coast, but ere long the fishers detected the smell of man and so fled the spot.
A hill named Puketoitoi near the Whanganui river was occupied by the strange Maero folk in long past times, prior to the coming of the Maori to those parts. In after days man violated the tapu of that place, hence the forest folk abandoned it. Any hill that was frequented by Turehu or similar creatures in Maori belief was alluded to as a puke atua, and so, in many cases Pukeatua came to be used as a proper name for such places. A. S. Atkinson, an early collector of Taranaki, was told that the Maero were a light-skinned folk inhabiting New Zealand when the Maori arrived here; most accounts point to this term of Maero being merely another name for the Turehu, but in Taylor's Te Ika a Maui p. 49 we are told that the Maero is a wild man of the woods who has long fingers and nails, and who eats his food raw. South Island natives maintain that Maeroero were formerly numerous in that region, and that they sometimes captured native women and carried them off. These Maeroero sometimes warned fishermen, flax cutters, and others to desist from their activities, and so (presumably) leave enough for the Maeroero. This reminds one of the North Island story of the Turehu and fern-root diggers. On p. 195 of vol. 31, Journal of the Polynesian Society, we see that some of these South Island statements about the Maeroero remind us of Kurangaituku of Rotorua; they knew not fire, ate their food raw, and speared fish with their long finger nails, but they made canoes and were "noted flute players". Evidently these Maero are the folk sometimes referred to as mohoao or wild men by natives. At p. 43 of vol. 15 of the before-mentioned Journal Lt. Col. Gudgeon tells us of an encounter with such a demon that took place in the Whanganui district. In days of yore one Tukoio met a fearsome mohoao in the forest of the Whanganui valley, the hair of that creature was long, even that it trailed upon the ground. As it advanced it speared birds with its mohoao knew not fear, and so fought until its arms and legs had all been severed. Then Tukoio cut off the shaggy head of the creature and set off to carry it to his home, but as he strode along with his gory trophy he heard the head speak, saying: "My children, I am being carried off." This was too much for the nerves of even the courageous Tukoio, he dropped the head and fled homeward with no loss of time. A party then visited the scene of action to view the remains, but those remains had disappeared, they had joined together again and made off into the forest.
The term nanakia is sometimes used to denote these forest-dwelling beings, and may also be applied to malignant taniwha, or tipua, simply because the word means "troublesome, out-rageous, etc."; it is not a specific term for any particular species of goblin, elf, or other mythical creature. The following korero paki or folk tale was related to me by Paitini Wi Tapeka of Tuhoe: "The Nanakia folk were denizens of the forest in days of yore, a strange people who knew not fire and so were raw-eaters; they wore no clothing and lived in trees; they lived principally upon birds which they transfixed with their long finger nails. Now once upon a time a certain woman and her husband dwelt hard by a forest wherein lived some of the Nanakia creatures, and on a certain fine day the woman went forth into the forest to seek the food products thereof. In forest depths there appeared a Nanakia who caught the hapless woman and bore her off to his forest home. When the man found that his wife did not return he set off in search of her, but found no more than her basket which she had dropped when pursued by the Nanakia. He then sought traces of the footsteps of his wife, and these he found and followed to the very home of her captor. At that time the forest man was absent from home engaged in taking birds in the forest, and so the man asked his wife when the Nanakia would return, whereupon she remarked that he would be absent for some time. He then asked her as to how he might conceal himself so as to escape detection when the bushman came home, and then the woman set to work and dug a pit at the place whereat they were wont to pluck their birds. She bade her husband enter the pit and conceal himself therein, and then she covered him and the pit with a mass of feathers so as to conceal both. When the Nanakia returned home he smelt the presence of the man seemingly, and persisted in his statement that there was a man about the place, which was denied by the woman. After long persuasion the
In the above tale the forest denizens described resemble in their habits those termed Nukumaitore, strange beings said to have been known, not here in New Zealand, but in some far distant land reached by Maori voyages in past times. They were seen sitting on branches of trees and on the climbing plants in the forest, they had queer heads and very short arms and legs, and were almost neckless. Tura the voyager is said to have taken one of the Nukumaitore women to wife, hence we know that the Caesarean operation was practised by them, and that fire terrified them. When they first essayed to eat cooked food it caused them to vomit. White gives a tale of certain voyagers from Tawhiti-nui-a-Rua who encountered these weird folk and who slew the man destroying pouakai, the scourge of that distant land. The natives of Manihiki island told Colonel Gudgeon that their ancestors had reached an island called Nukumautere inhabited by women only, a man named Waikohu ventured among them and was slain. This curious myth is known in Pukapuka and also in parts of Indonesia.
In an East Coast version of the story of Rata the companies that re-erected the tree felled by Rata are said to have been the Tini o te Hakuturi and Tini o te Petipeti. Another version states that the Tini o Pararakau were the creatures responsible for that act.
The Taringahere mentioned by Taylor have not, apparently, been heard from since his time, and his Taipo have been discredited; even as Taepo, a somewhat more acceptable form, they are not approved of.
Yet another of these curious folk tales runs as follows: Once upon a time a number of women went into the forest in order to collect hinau berries (from which the Maori folk prepared a dark
Now in the dead of night the people heard a voice singing outside, and the woman recognized the voice as that of the forest man, the Parehe who had captured her. She learned the words of the song, which are still remembered by the Maori folk of the Whanganui valley.
This is a well known story of the Waikato district, and one that illustrates certain prejudices of the Turehu, Parehe or Tahurangi folk, namely their horror of cooked food and red ochre. The former one can understand by remembering the dangers to which tapu persons and places are exposed, but as to why the forest folk should fear red ochre I can offer no explanation. The following tale tells how a Turehu or Tahurangi of Mt Pirongia captured the wife of Ruarangi and carried her off to that mount and its forest solitudes; the name of the forest man was Te Rangipouri. When Ruarangi eturned home he found that his wife was absent, hence he long sought her far and wide, but found her not. How could he
Again Ruarangi set off to seek his wife in the forest, and on the ranges, and again he sought in vain; for months he sought her, and for months the Tahurangi kept his wife far up the great hills. These two wandered about from place to place on the hills where the strange Tahurangi folk lived; they would dwell a while on Taupiri, then go and sojourn a space at Hakarimata, after which they would return to Pirongia, and so on; such were their movements day by day, and, ever and anon, they returned to the hills near unto the home of Ruarangi. On one such occasion Ruarangi caught sight of the twain in the forest but after a long pursuit he lost sight of his wife and her abductor.
Now it came about on a certain day that Te Rangipouri, the Tahurangi, went off alone to Pirongia, to his Tahurangi friends there, for at that place dwelt their chiefs Tiki, Nukupori, Tapu-te-uru, Ripiro-aitu, and Whanawhana, the chiefs of that tribe of Tahurangi folk. After Rangipouri had departed Ruarangi, in his devious wanderings, chanced upon the place whereat his wife had been left. He soon found that her appearance had much changed, likewise her manner, behaviour and thoughts, she had acquired the ways and looks of the Tahurangi folk and no longer looked with favour upon her Maori husband. Thus, when she saw Ruarangi approaching she at once fled into the forest, and he pursued her. Finding that he could not catch her he grasped a portion of cooked food that he had brought with him to sustain him during his devious journey, and threw it at his wife, the food striking her body. You must know that the Tahurangi are a very tapu folk; the people are tapu, and also their sleeping places; and so they dread cooked food. Now when the cooked food struck the body of the woman she was startled and strove to escape but was quite powerless to do so, for she had been tamaoatia by Ruarangi, that is to say deprived of power by means of cooked food. Then it was that a strange change came over the woman, for she regained her "human" or ordinary appearance, although there was still a peculiar absent manner noticeable.
Then the woman said to her husband: "Let us go"—and so they returned to their home, where the woman quite regained her former manner and ways. She then said to her husband: "Ere long Te Rangipouri will surely come to seek me, and, unless we are careful, he will again carry me off. Now if you procure some
Then it was that Ruarangi left the house and went to the spot where the Tahurangi stood and marked it with ochre, whereupon he jumped away to another spot, and Ruarangi kept following him up and marking all places he attempted to occupy. This was continued until the bushman became utterly wearied with leaping about from place to place in search of an unmarked spot where he might find a resting place. So it came about that the whole of the plaza became marked with the abhorred ochre, that there was no standing place for his feet, and he was sorely assailed by fatigue. Then at last he made a final jump to the roof of the house, where he stood and wailed aloud, lamenting the woman he had lost. Having so bewailed his loss he then sang a song of affection to the woman.
As the Nanakia concluded his song he fled to his home in the hills, nor did he return to the village, being fearful of the ochre and cooked food found there, for kokowai (ochre) is utterly abhorrent to those folk, nothing will induce them to approach it. If the doorway of a native house be marked with ochre never will those forest folk, the Tahurangi, enter it.
An interesting tale connected with the above has been given by Ngakuru Pene Hare of Ngapuhi in which we are told that Te Rangipouri the turehu gave his daughter Parearohi as a wife for a Maori man, a member of the newly come race to which had passed the mana of this land of Aotearoa. As in the case of other supernormal women met with in these folk tales Parearohi visited her husband, whose name was Heiraura, during the hours of darkness only, she came to him after the shades of night had fallen and left him at early morn. So it was that Hei never really saw his Turehu wife, she remained away during the hours of amokura plumes, then left the house and, in the presence of the assembled people, mounted the roof of the house and there sang a song of farewell to Heiraura. At the conclusion of her song Parearohi pointed to the east and cried: "The sun appears", whereupon the people turned and looked eastward; when their gaze returned to the house top, behold, Parearohi the Turehu had disappeared never to return to Heiraura.
The above tale is but a repetition of that concerning Hinemakohu the Mist Maid, related elsewhere in this chronicle, and we have also seen that Parearohi is the name of the personified form of the shimmering appearance in the atmosphere seen on warm summer days, she may be denominated Shimmering Heat.
In 1862 a Rotorua Maori told Percy Smith that a Tauranga man encountered some Tahurangi or Patuparearehe in the forest at Kukupo. A party of Maori went forth to attack the forest folk in order to punish them for interfering with Maori cultivation grounds. In the fight that ensued the Tahurangi suffered severely and the survivors fled to Taupiri. Their slain were not eaten, for, when examined, it was found that they had turned into a substance like rotten wood. Tahurangi are said to always carefully avoid albinos, being afraid of them.
In vol. 30 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society appears an interesting tale concerning one Hinerangi, a woman of Hawaiki, who was visited by a man named Miru, said to be a patupaiarehe, an elf or forest dweller. Miru visited Hine many times, but always under the cover of darkness and so was never seen by the people. At last the secret could no longer be preserved, and then the people proceeded to catch the night visitor by the usual method adopted in such cases, the plugging of any crevice that might admit daylight, and the securing of door and window. So it was
In the above tale we note a corrupt form of the myth concerning Miru of the underworld and his visitors who came in search of knowledge. Herein is reversed the procedure of many similar folk tales of the Maori, wherein, as in the case of Uenuku and the Mist Maid, the woman visits the man.
In another tale of the Tahurangi folk we are told that such Patupaiarehe beings are atua and ghosts or spirits (kehua), that they resemble human beings in appearance, but that they do not resemble ordinary Maori folk in being seen in broad daylight. They abide on the summits of the ranges, and on misty mornings are seen by human eyes. There are certain mounts and ranges of the Waikato district that are frequented by such folk, such as Taupiri, Pirongia and Hakarimata. Those forest folk are seen travelling along the ranges, beings resembling men in appearance, but yet a white folk who wear black garments. Their women are fine and resemble European women, and some were given to cohabiting with Maori men. The most appropriate name for that folk is Tahurangi.
When a woman of that people cohabited with a man of this world she would visit the man of her choice only at night, and he would not know how she came and went, and he would be the only person who saw her, to no others would she be visible; on the approach of daylight the woman would return to wherever it is that such folk dwell. Now a certain Tahurangi woman cohabited with a husband of this world every night for months, on no night did she absent herself. Then it was that she disclosed her
Shortland gives an interesting version of Ruarangi-Tahurangi myth in his Maori Religion and Mythology, in which it is clearly shown how effective are cooked food and ochre as defence weapons, p. 49.
A pundit of the Ngati-Whatua tribe informs us, in no uncertain tones, that he and all his tribesmen are descended from one Tumutumuwhenua, a denizen of the underworld who took to wife one Repo, who was a Tahu-rangi, a folk who dwelt in this world, and who are also known as Patu-paearehe. These folk live on the lofty hills and ranges, they are never actually seen save by seers, those possessed of second sight, who see them during rainy and misty weather.
There was once a man named Koire, whose wife was taken away from him by Heketoro, which caused Koire much sorrow. At last he thought of a plan by which he might recover her. He made himself a cloak, the outer side of which he covered with lizard skins, and centipedes, and other such repulsive things. He donned this cloak and, taking his Nguru, or nose flute with him (for he was a clever player on the nose flute, as also on the rehu), he set forth for the home of Heketoro. He had let his hair grow long, and had not washed himself since the loss of his wife, hence he was well disguised, not to speak of having much red ochre daubed on his face, and the repulsive cloak that he wore. So he was not recognised when he reached the home of Heketoro, as he looked like a common old man, and he was allowed to stay in the house. During the night, Heketoro told him to make up the fire,
Having finished his song, he pretended to sleep, but when night was far advanced, he softly "touched" his wife, whose name was Muri-wha-karoto, or Tuhoro-punga, and the two stole away.
When Heketoro awoke he missed his wife, and set off in pursuit of her. He caught up to the couple, and was just about to seize the woman, when suddenly they rose from the earth and disappeared into the heavens. But Koire threw down his lizard skin cloak to Heketoro, telling him to retain it as a keepsake.
We now come to what may be termed the simplest form of folk tales, fables and similar stories that were known to all, and which come under the head of korero tara, korero purakau, pakiwaitara, etc. Some of these are fables that remind us of Aesop, some contain what may be fairly termed moral lessons, some are but the erratic concepts of untrained minds, while others may be classed as allegories or parables. Various lessons were coveyed to the young in the form of fables, such as the undesirable effects of recklessness, boasting, self conceit, indolence, etc., and the necessity for cultivating such virtues as industry, respect for tapu etc.
Of all the stories pertaining to birds perhaps the most noteworthy is that describing the battle between the land and sea birds, a fierce combat the scene of which is laid in New Zealand. The result was a victory for the land birds, which one would scarcely have expected, and in the debacle which followed the defeat of the sea birds the pied shag seems to have been made a prisoner, and hence it has now two homes. The kiwi was selected by the land birds as a chief for themselves on account of it being wingless, and so it has to seek its food supplies in the ground.
Here follows a rendering of an account of the famous battle of the birds as given by a Maori many years ago.
"In days of old a contest took place between the sea birds and land birds, when the former tried to seize the food supplies of the land birds, but were driven back defeated to their own region, and have never since attempted to gain possession of the land. The struggle came about in this wise: The salt water cormorant in its flight reached Whangape, and there found the fresh water cormorant. The former waited to be offered some food, but waited in vain, and at last said: "Friend, let us go to my home, to the salt sea, where food is plentiful." Whereupon they set forth, and flew to the sea, where the salt water bird dived and secured a fish, which it gave to the river bird. The latter swallowed the fish, but, in bringing it up again, the spines wounded its throat sorely so the river bird said to the sea bird:—"Your food is very objectionable; the food of my place is much better." "And what is the food of your place?", asked the sea cormorant. "Eels; which, when swallowed are smooth and slippery, and do not hurt one. I say to you, let us go to my place."
So off they went, and, when they arrived there, the land bird dived and secured an eel, and gave it to the sea bird, which first swallowed it, and then ejected it with the greatest ease, whereupon quoth the sea bird: "O friend! Yours is indeed an excellent place, and your food a most desirable food. Now do you give me part of your domain, and I will give you part of mine in return therefore."
"Not so", said the land bird, "I do not like your place." "Very well", replied the sea bird, "Ere long, however, I will take your place from you."
Then set forth the sea cormorant to raise a party in order to seize the home of the land bird, and collected all the sea birds that a grand attack might be made on the land birds, and their domain seized.
The fresh water cormorant heard of this great preparation, and at once raised a fighting force of land birds to resist the attack. To join this party came Kuku, and Kaka, and Tui, and Honge, and Ruru, and Pirakaraka, and Pitoitoi, and many, many others; in fact, by the time all has assembled; night had fallen across the world of light.
When Hine-ata [personified form of dawn] arrived, arose Pitoitoi [the robin] to arouse the party, crying "Pi-toi-toi-toi!"; and all awoke from their sleep. Then said Kawau, the river Ko-o-o-e", and Karoro shrieked "Aha!" So Koekoea returned and reported. Kawau enquired: "Who will advance and challenge the enemy?" Said Pirakaraka [fantail]; "I will challenge." Even so Pirakaraka went forth with his taiaha [a weapon] before the advancing enemy, and grimaced, and glared, and danced before them as is the manner of a challenger, and cried his challenge thus: "Tei! Tei! Tei!"—then returned he to the column, and sank to earth. Again Kawau enquired: "Who will repeat the ritual of war over us?" Quoth Tui [parson bird]: "I will conduct it", adding: "Let Honge [the crow] commence the air of the chant, and Tiraneke [the saddleback] recite the words, and Tane-te-waiora the invocation, and Pipiwharauroa [short tailed cuckoo] conclude the ritual, and Kuku [pigeon] make a final response." Then Tui commenced the ritual, and Honge gave the tune, and Tiraneke recited the words, and Tane-te-waiora invoked, and Pipi-wharauroa concluded with his well known cry:
All these performed their parts, and then sat down, whereupon Kuku responded with his cry—"u-u-u!" Having finished the ritual, Kawau asked:—"Who will begin the battle?" Ruru [the owl] rose and said:—"I will."
Arose Ruru, uplifting his pouwhenua [a weapon], his eyes glaring at the army of sea birds as they advanced, and calling to them:—"You are brave; you are truly gallant folk." Such were the jeering words of Ruru. Then up rose Kaka [parrot], and glared at them, as he advanced with his weapon, the o kaka stone, screeching:—"Taka revel Taka rere! Kia iro! Kia iro!"
Then closed in battle the sea birds with the land birds, and, ere long, fear struck the sea birds, and they turned, broke, and fled. Yet, even as they fled, the laughter of Parera [the duck] broke forth:—"Ke-ke-ke-ker!"
Fled the sea army to its own realm; while the land folk ever dwell in peace, losing no part of their domain to the sea folk; indeed it was the laughter of Parera that caused such wild flight to their home, wherefrom the sea folk have never since moved."
This is a tale of a contest that took place between Kahu the hawk and Hokioi or Hakuwai as to which could fly to the greatest altitude, and in which contest the boastful Kahu was defeated. The Maori tells us that the hokioi or hakuwai is a bird that abides in the heavens or on lofty peaks, that it never descends to the lowlands, but that it is occasionally heard far overhead in the dead of night crying its own name: "Hakuwai! Hakuwai! Hoho!"—or as others give it: "Hokioi! Hokioi! Hu!" This presumably mythical bird is said to have been a descendant of Tangaroa and Rehua, and it is said to be peculiar for having wings with four joints. An article in the Waka Maori of 1872 states that the hokioi has long been extinct, that it had a form of crest on its head and that its plumage was of divers colours, red, black, white, yellow and green. A song of yore addresses the bird as: "A hokioi on high, a hokioi on high,—hu! Dwelling afar in celestial space, the sleeping companion of Whaitiri-matakataka." This latter name is a title of Hine-whaitiri the Thunder Maid, she who dwells far above and hard by the Cloud House. An account of the fable follows:—
"About that bird the hokioi; our ancestors saw it, but we have not; it is now extinct. Our ancestors said that it was a very powerful bird, a huge hawk. Its habitat was on the bare-peaked mountains, it did not frequent plains, but, when it flew abroad, it was seen by our ancestors. It was not seen every day, as its home was on the mountains. In appearance it was red, black and white. It was a bird of fine plumage, of a greenish-yellow aspect, and had plumes on its head; a large bird, like a moa in size. Its antagonist was a hawk; the hawk said that he could reach the heavens, the hokioi said that he only could do so, this was their subject of contention. Then said the hokioi to the hawk—"What sign will you give?" The hawk replied—"Ke." The hawk asked the hokioi:—"And what then will be your cry?" Said the hokioi—"This—Hokioi! Hokioi! Hu - u!" Such were their remarks. Then they flew upwards, and, on nearing the heavens, winds arose and clouds appeared, so the hawk cried "Ke!" and returned to earth, baffled by the wind and clouds. As for the hokioi, it disappeared in the lofty heavens.
'Ke' is the cry of the hawk, and "Hokioi! Hokioi! Hu - u!" the cry of the hokioi, that is the latter word [Hu] represented the whirring sound of his wings when flying. None could fail to hear the whirring of his wings as he returned to earth."
Here follows still another version of the fable—
"In olden times Hokioi and Kahu [harrier] disputed as to which could ascend to the greatest height in flight. Said Kahu: "You cannot fly so high that the earth is lost to view. You cannot fly any higher than does the fern bird." This so angered Hokioi that he challenged the harrier to a trial, as to which could ascend the highest. So both commenced their flight, but, when the harrier had ascended a certain distance, he saw a fern plain on fire and at once descended in order to prey on the vermin that were trying to escape from the fire, whereupon Hokioi cried:—"He pakiwaha Koe"—[You are a boaster]. Then Hokioi continued his upward flight, and went so far that he never returned to earth again, but sometimes at night Hokioi is heard calling out his own name in derision to the Kahu, thus—"Hokioi! Hokioir!"
As for the cuckoo, it is, of course, a well known fact that Mahuru (personified form of spring), sends the cuckoo to these islands every spring in order to tell the Maori folk that the koanga or crop planting season has arrived. Even so the cuckoo, the far travelled one, is heard calling out—"Koia! Koia! Koia!"…, thus urging man to dig and plant. The song of this cuckoo is given as: "Inu koe ki whea?Inu aw ki waipuna; rokohanga atu e au te tupu o te kumara e waihora ana. Tioro! Tioro! (Where did you drink? I drank at water springs; I found the shoots of the sweet potato in vigorous growth.) The Maori folk in some parts affect to believe that the cuckoo passes the winter underground by burying itself in mud in autumn; others maintain that it springs from a certain species of lizard. At Pihanga is a certain lake or pond wherein is a bird called manapou that has a peculiar double crest; this bird is said to give birth to its young in the bed of the lake. Wanderers and shiftless folk are said to be allied to the cuckoo. Maori children were wont to greet the first cuckoo to appear with the following address—"E manu! Tena koe! Kua tae tenei ki te mahanatanga, kua puawai nga rakau katoa, kua pa te kakara ki te ihu o te tangata. Kua puta ano koe ki runga tioro ai, tioro i te whitu, tioro i te waru; me tioro haere ano e koe tenei kupu e whai ake nei ki te marae o tama ma, o hine ma—Kui! kui! kui! whitiwhiti ora" ("O bird! I greet you! The warm season has now arrived and all trees are in bloom, the fragrance reaching the nostrils of man. You now appear again on high trilling as of yore, Kui! Kui! Kui! Whitiwhiti ora!"
A simple little folk tale of old tells how the kaka parrot filched from the parroquet its bright red plumage and concealed the same under his wings; the following is a rendering of a brief recital:
"Here is the song of parroquet, calling upon the parrot to return its fine plumage—
"O Kaka, flying yonder, give me my brilliant plumage, I procured my gay feathers at the sacred isle of Tinirau. Torete! Kaureke! Torete! Kaureke!"
The kaka bird has a curved upper bill, and bright red feathers on the inner sides of its wings. The kakariki has a similar bill to that of the parrot, but its feathers differ. When the parrot saw that the feathers of the parroquet caused great admiration, it began to jeer at it, and caused it to become confused; then the red feathers of 8 the parroquet were plucked out and appropriated by the parrot, who gave its own feathers to the parroquet. Having so obtained his feathers the parrot fled with them. When the parroquet beheld the parrot flying about glorifying in his plumage, then it lamented aloud, hence its song already given. The parroquet had obtained its plumage at the home of Tinirau, the name of which place was Motu-tapu" (A longer version of the above song of the kakariki appears in Sir George Grey's Nga Moteatea, p. 74).
The following recital is said to have been repeated by a warrior when he was dressing and decorating his hair prior to entering a fight "Te kakariki nei homai aku kura. Ehara, waiho ano aku kura hei kura kaia maku ki tawhiti, torete kai."
In days of yore the kokako or crow had extremely handsome plumage, but the huia filched the fine plumage and left his own dingy garb for the crow. Another story is to the effect that the crow resolved to equal the huia in appearance; as the crow sat on his tree looking at the huia, he remarked: "Ah! How fine is the appearance of the huia, all birds admire its appearance; I much desire to resemble the huia." Now he chanced to espy a dead huia lying by the wayside, and so he borrowed the form of the bill huia and expected to be greatly admired, but he found himself laughed at by all birds, who jeered at him and said: "Ha! Look at the crow trying to ape the appearance of the huia, though he still bears his crow-like aspect as of old."
In days of old when gods and men foregathered, and marvels were as the sands of the sea shore, the pukeko came into the world as a bird of sedate appearance. The origin of this bird is traced to Punga, and, when first seen by Tawhaki, had only recently been born. Now Tawhaki was engaged in building a house named Rangiura and by a mischance cut himself with his adze named the Rakuraku-a-Tawhaki. Said Tawhaki to Punga: "Leave your child with me as a foster child"—and to this Punga consented. Then Tawhaki smeared blood from his wounded hand on the forehead of Pakura the pukeko as a token of his adoption of one of the offspring of Punga. Now, like most other Maori tales there is another version in connection with this story, and it is to the effect that, when Tawhaki was ascending the heavens, he met Pakura and Matuku (swamp-hen and bittern) descending to this world, and the forehead of Pakura was bleeding. It was explained that Pakura had been eating the shell-fish of Tamaiwaho, hence the latter struck Pakura and ripped the skin from his forehead. Observe the red mark of that wound as still seen on the head of Pakura, also the bill stained red with flowing blood in days when man was young.
The owl and bat (ruru and pekapeka) were personified in Popoia and Peka, and these two birds are said to have originally been denizens of the underworld of Rarohenga, and this is why these birds do not move abroad during the daytime, but only during the hours of darkness.
In vol. 22 of the Transactions of the New Zealand Institute pp. 499-506 occurs an account of a carved stone bird said to have been found by a Maori in a pit. This pit is termed a rua in the published account, and this may denote that it was found in an old store-pit, as used for potatoes. This account contributed by Major Wilson is to the effect that it was claimed by the natives that the stone bird had been brought by their ancestors from their traditional homeland of Hawaiki, and that some of the leading chiefs of Waikato greeted this relic of their forbears with tears Transactions of the New Zealand Institute, vol. 14, p. 104, et. seq.) This seems to show that our Maori friends have built up an interesting little story on a non-Maori artifact.
A certain song has been frequently quoted as proof of the Maori tale, but the bird mentioned in that song is, in most versions, called Korotau, not Korotangi, and the evidence goes to show that it was a tamed duck (parera) owned by one Tohiariki. While the tamer and owner of the bird was absent from home his wife neglected to feed the bird, hence it left the hamlet and went off to forage for itself. When Tohi returned home he composed a song the wording of which tends to show that his bird was a tamed duck possessing no abnormal qualities. The translations of the song given in the Transactions are somewhat one-sided in places, the line referring to the huruhuru whakairoiro does not refer to a bird with carved plumage from afar, the reference is to decorative or ornamental plumage, and to render the line "Ka tomo ki te whare takuate kau au" as "Into the house enters my liver heedlessly" is to credit friend Tohi's liver with erratic and abnormal activities. Tohi entered his hut as the shades of night fell and grieved over his lost pet.
The account of Korotangi that I collected speaks of it as a bird, a grey duck, but also as a creature possessing abnormal and uncanny powers, and explains that, after death, its body was in some way converted into stone, so that apparently it was never carved. The account runs as follows: "That bird Korotangi was a grey duck that was well versed in all matters pertaining to old time wars. Should a hostile party be on its way to slay its master that bird would know all about it, and so the people would be forewarned. Ever did that bird act in that way, warning the people of danger. The bird belonged to Te Haupa of the Tainui clan.
The cause of the death of that bird was its habit of looking for food among the ovens; being driven away from the ovens by those tending them the bird was much abashed, and so went away to other parts. Coming by way of Kawhia to Aotea it remained there and was seen by the people of those parts, who endeavoured to capture it, but failed. The owner of the bird came
No sooner had Te Haupa concluded his song than the lost bird appeared from a swamp, whereupon he sprang forward and caught it. The bird then told Te Haupa that it was about to die, and said: 'I am in deep distress at having been driven away from the vicinity of the food ovens.' So that bird perished at Tahuri, at Aotea, and was buried at the margin of the swamp; now, when a European named Neiha was digging a well he found that bird, which was recognised by a number of persons. Te Haupa, the owner of that bird, has long been dead, but the line of descent from him is known, he it was who made it known to all that the bird had died and had been buried by him near the swamp at Tahuri.
My father did not know the persons who witnessed the finding of that bird by the Europeans, but we heard casually that that bird had been found by one Neiha, a European. It was when he was digging a well that the bird was found by that European, and it had been turned into stone. Certain persons are quite aware that that bird turned into stone after its death and its burial by its master.
According to my father and my people this is an old tale, and this is all I have heard about this bird, though other persons may know more about it."
When the waters in the heavens became too warm then Mango (shark), Para (frost-fish), Piharau (lamprey), Tuna (eel) and others came down to earth in search of cooler waters. It was then that Mango the shark said to Tuatara, the great lizard: "Come now, let us go and dwell in the ocean"—but Tuatara replied: "No, rather let us reside on land." So they argued for some time but could not agree as to where they should live; meanwhile Tuna had concealed himself in a swamp, Tuere (blind eel) had beslimed himself in the ocean, Piharau had crept under boulders for safety, while Inanga (whitebait) had sought refuge in shoal waters where Para and Mango could not follow him. At length Mango said to Tuatara: "Very well, remain on land to be loathed by all"—but Tuatara replied: "It is well, for that will give me distinction, and I will thrive. As for you, you will be hauled up with a hook in your mouth, cast into a canoe, and have your head pounded with a fernroot-pounding mallet, after which you will be
We have another fable concerning the tuatara lizard and the kumukumu or gurnard, originally these two lived together on land. At a certain time the news came that Mahuika was abroad and ranging over far lands. Of what nature is that person, Mahuika? She is a consuming fire that spreads over the land and shrivels up trees, herbage and persons, all these she consumes. On account of these reports Kumukumu the gurnard said to Tuatara the great lizard (Sphenodon punctatum): "O! Let us hie to the water, for water only can overcome Mahuika"—whereupon Tuatara replied: "If we go to the water realm we shall be captured, slain and eaten. I will remain on land where all will fear me, but as for you, truly you will grace a basket of food and be served up at a feast." Said Kumukumu: "Yes, we are both in the same position, for eventually you will be slain, cooked and eaten." And the remarks of these two were just, for is it not known that the tuatara lizard was sought by the Maori, and formed a part of his food supply. Many were formerly taken at the Rua-hakoakoa, in the Rotorua district, and those who sought them went at dawn to do so, for it was necessary that they be taken ere the people partook of food. If this rule was not kept then the lizards would be aggressive and bite those who handled them. Near Mt Hikurangi of the Waiapu district is a high hill named Taitai and hard by was a fortified village named Te Pad o Paia in olden days. The people of that village found a number of eggs of the tuatara, which they promptly took home, cooked and ate. The result was that village and people were pokea e te tuatara, invaded and beset by great numbers of these large lizards, even that the village had to be deserted.
In another version we are told that the offspring of Tangaroa and those of Pekerau, that is fish and lizards, argued as to which realm they should dwell in. Said the lizard: "Let us remain on land." Replied the fish: "Let us dwell in the water, abide ye on land to be loathed, then shall shame assail you and cause you to burrow under the herbage to conceal yourself." Replied the
Said the moko kakariki to the rat: "O Kio! Let us ascend the trees and feast on the fine fruits thereof." But Kiore the rat replied: "Not so, the lofty trees are not for us, we belong to the earth where we can find a shelter in many holes and safe retreats."
After the escape of the tail of Kaiwhaka-ruaki, the great lizard-like taniwha of olden times, lizards became very numerous in the land, so much so that they quarrelled with other creatures. Thus a lizard one day met a dog on a forest path and the two fell out regarding right of passage; each returned and told its friends that the other had insulted him sorely. So all the dogs assembled to discuss the matter, and dogs were very numerous in those remote times; they roamed in packs over the plains, and had not yet been tamed by man. Then all the lizards of the different lizard tribes collected together, and the two parties decided to fight the matter out. In the battle that ensued, the dogs were victorious, and, having beaten their enemies, they ate the slain lizards. It was this eating of the lizards that affected the fertility of the dog, and is the reason why they never became very numerous.
In olden times a certain blind man went a fishing on the sea beach, and, when casting his line, he so turned round as to cast his line inland instead of seaward. He then waited for a bite, which, after some time, he got, for his own dog came along, saw and swallowed the bait, and so was caught on the hook. The blind fisherman hauled in his line and found that he had caught what he took to be a seal, which seal he promptly killed. He then prepared a steam oven into which he put the body of his catch and then covered the oven. Sometime later his wife arrived and opened the oven, in which she found the cooked body of their dog. It happened to be a favourite dog with the old folks, and it was long ere the blind fisherman heard the last of his famous seal.
There was once a man who was much troubled by the indolence and carelessness of his wife, who, when he returned from sea fishing, was too lazy to carry all the fish home, hence she threw them away, except two or three, which she kept to cook. This went on until the exasperated husband determined to leave her and go in search of a better wife, so he took a firebrand in his hand and went off on his journey. When he entered the forest, he recited certain charms to influence the gods, and then said to the trees of the great forest of Tane—"Should my wife follow me, and ask you any questions, do not tell her aught of me, for she is a bad, lazy woman who wastes the food I procure." To this the trees consented. Then he went on until he came to a stream, where he repeated a charm to influence Tangaroa, then said to the stream—"I am running away from my wife, who is a deceitful person and tiresome. I work to obtain food for us, and she throws it away as food for maggots; hence I go to seek an industrious wife. If my wife follows, and you will know her by her loud voice, do not betray me." And the stream consented to this. So the man fared on until he came to an inland region where dwelt another people, to whom he related his story. So they told him to stay with them and they would protect him in case his enemies attacked him.
On the day on which the husband had set forth, in the evening thereof, his wife went in search of him. When she entered the forest, she asked: "O Trees! Has my husband passed along this path?" But no murmur was heard from the trees, they remained dumb. Then she returned home, for the shades of night were falling. On her return, she enquired of the fire from which her husband had taken a brand: "O Fire! Where is my husband, he who bore away a part of you?" But no word came from the fire. She then saw the gourd vessel used to contain drinking water, and said to it: "O Gourd! I see the part of you so often touched by the lips of my husband, and by his breath. Tell me by what path he went when he left me." But no whisper was heard from the gourd. She then turned to the clothing left by her husband, and said: "O Garments! Ye that have touched the skin of my husband, and covered him during sleep, thus becoming tapu; reveal to me the way by which my husband departed. But those garments remained silent, and no word was heard. She then addressed his fishing line: "O Line! You who have been handled by the hands of my husband, and have heard him repeat his
On arriving at the river, the Gourd said "Break me again, and I will convey you across the river." She did so, and they crossed over. But on reaching the other side, all became confused, for the Gourd had lost its voice and could no longer speak, having been affected by the charmed water. So the woman had to return to her home, where, after some time, she gave birth to her son.
While her son was yet young, his mother went to Tangaroa (Lord of the Fish), and told her troubles to him. Tangaroa called upon all the fish of Rangiriri to assemble, and they came in their multitudes. Now at that time all fish were alike in form, though differing in size, and all were like the whale, because the whale was the first to be made. Well, Tangaroa told the fish that he wanted them to go and slay a man who had deserted his wife. He formed them into different companies, and appointed a commander or chief for each company. These chiefs were named Kumukumu, Parore, Haku, Tamure, Whai, Takeke, Araara, Patiki, and many others, and each company adopted the name of its chief; while Tohora (whale) was appointed supreme chief over all. Tohora compelled his own folk (whales) to keep in rear of the army, because, being so large, they would be strong enough to stop a panic, and rally the smaller folk.
Then they marched to the place where the fugitive husband was living; for at that time fish had not yet lost their power of living and moving both on land and in the water. It was because fish were descended from lizards that they possessed this power.
In making the attack, the company of Kumukumu (the gurnard) led the assault, and many of them were slain, those who escaped being covered with blood, hence the redness of that fish. Also they moaned in anguish at their loss, hence the moaning of the gurnard when caught. Parore (the black perch) now led his company to the front, where its members got covered with the dried dark blood of the gurnard, hence their colour. Then the company of Haku (the king fish) was beaten by man, as also those of Tamure (schnapper), of Whai (stingray), and many others; until Tohora (whale) brought his company up, and before these leviathans the tribe of men gave way and fled.
Then Tangaroa, Lord of the Ocean, made a speech to his army, congratulating the different tribes on the courage they had displayed, and granting each tribe the right to ask for any one boon it might choose at his hands, as a reward for their bravery in action, and in remembrance of their great victory over the man tribe. Also they might collect and keep the spoils of the battlefield.
So they set about collecting the spoils. Then Whai saw a spear with a double row of barbs on its head, so he asked Tangaroa for a tail like it, and it was given him. Tamure saw a wahaika club, and asked that one of his bones should be of a similar form, and Tangaroa granted this request. Patiki (flounder) saw a fly flapper, and wished to be like it in shape, Takeke (garfish) saw a long spear, and asked for a spear on his nose; he got it. Araara (trevally) saw the blood stained cape of the runaway husband, red spots on a white ground, and desired to resemble it in appearance; and so on, each chief had his wish granted, and he and his folk obtained the form, colour, or other peculiarity desired. This was the origin of the different kinds of fish, and since that time fish have ceased to be all of one shape and colour.
These sayings are from the story of the deceiving of Kapoho, a Taranaki woman, by Te Ao~piki, of Waikato. When on a visit to Taranaki, Te Ao told Kapoho that the taiari shell grew on trees at Waikato and were picked in quantities every year to form the hei taiari (shell necklace), an ornament much desired by maidens. Hence the girl married Te Ao and went home with him to Waikato, where she searched in vain for the tree that produced
When the vessel Takitimu was on her way hither from the isles of Polynesia some five centuries ago the crew was in distress owing to lack of food. One Ngutoro cried: "Alas! Misfortune assails us." Te Ariki-whakaroau enquired: "What distresses you?" Replied Ngutoro: "The lack of food; hunger weakens the arm of man." Again Te Ariki spoke: "Call to Pauatere in the ocean depths"—and Ngutoro called: "O Pauatere! Are you below?" Pauatere replied from the deep: "Here am I"—and so Ngutoro bade him ascend; then was seen the multitudes of Pauatere ascending from ocean depths, myriads of paua shellfish that clung to the sides of the vessel and so provided sustenance for the distressed seafarers. In later days hunger again assailed the crew of Takitimu and then it was that Hine-kuku was called upon to rise from the depths of Hine-moana, and so came thousands of kuku, mussels, that provided food for the ocean wanderers. Thus we see that even shellfish were subservient to man in the long past centuries, that is to man versed in dealing with occult matters.
We have seen that, in Maori myth, Te Arawaru and Kaumaihi had offspring twelve who were the various species of pipi or cockles. As time wore on a feud arose between the Kuku and Pipi clans, that is the Mussel and Cockle tribes at Waikaru, and, after this strife had continued for some time, the Pipi folk continued it at Onetahua, where they found shelter behind their earthworks, that is they buried themselves in sandy beaches. The Kuku folk advanced to attack them, but when they thrust out their tongues they became filled with sand, and so the offspring of Kaukau, the Mussel folk, were defeated by those of Te Arawaru. Now this is why we see the Pipi folk still dwelling with their ancestress Hineone, the Sand Maid, while their elder brethren, the Kuku, abide without, where they ever cling to Rakahore (rocks). When Takaaho and Te Puwhakahara heard of this strife they said:
In the above fable mussels attack cockles, who retire into the sand and so baffle their assailants, who are not at home in sandy areas. Later, when sharks assailed the Pipi folk they also were defeated by Hineone, that is to say by sand.
In times of old, long before the white-skinned tipua came across the ocean from far lands beyond the red sun path, the Maori folk of Matakaoa, when fishing off the coast, were wont to hear strange songs within the waters where their canoes floated, songs sung by some invisible creature in darkling depths. Upon a time the men in one canoe lowered their stone anchor at the spot, and, when the anchor was hauled up, a pupu tara (Septa tritonis) was found clinging to it; this was the origin of the songs heard by fishermen in the vicinity prior to that time. This shell was fitted with a mouthpiece and used as a shell trumpet for many years, and that trumpet was ever viewed as something uncanny, in fact as a tipua, and it was named Hinemokemoke.
A peculiar branch of white magic was that devoted to love messages, to influencing persons of both sexes in connection with their affections; this included the influencing of persons far distant from the operator. Thus birds were used as messengers or mediums to convey such influences, and I was told that inanimate objects were occasionally so employed, such as feathers. Sometimes the necessary charm was simply launched in the wind when blowing in the right direction. But the most peculiar atahu, Tao had shown no partiality for him so far, hence it was necessary to appeal to those unseen powers that render the charms of white magic efficient. Tahito busied himself in making a form of necklace which he duly scented and then inserted it in a ngaruru shell (Astroea sulcata). He then recited a charm over the shell and cast it into the sea where Titirangi looks down on Turanga nui a Ruamatua. That shell found its way round the coastline to the Bay of Plenty where it came to land at Opape. Ere long Tao came to the spot in order to obtain a supply of paua shellfish (Haliotis iris), but, she failed to find any, seeing nought save a ngaruru shell which she cast aside. After that no matter how or whither she wended her way that shell lay before her, until, vexed by its persistent reappearance, she picked it up again and then noticed the necklace it contained, this she drew out and fastened round her neck. No sooner had the charmed object come into contact with the woman's body than she was affected by the power of the charm and at once began to think of and yearn for the far distant Tahito. So strong did this feeling become that she was compelled to start off alone, and make her way across rugged forest ranges for a hundred miles or so in order to reach the man who had sent the charmed shell. According to the story Tao found her man Tahito at Titirangi, and the two became man and wife.
In the above tale we see that touching the shell container had no effect upon the woman, but that she was much affected by the charmed object it contained. In another version, however, the shell itself is the mediumistic object (for further particulars of this atahu rite see the Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 35, p. 315).
Said the ant to the cicada: "O friend! Let us be diligent during the fine summer days and store up food for the cold winter period." "Not so" said the cicada—"Rather let us ascend the
The following is the song of Kihikihi the cicada as he clung to his ancestor Tane and sang his day-long pean: "He pai aha koia taku pai? He noho nei piri ake ki te peka o te rakau, me te whaka-tangi kau i aku paihau" (What truly is my pleasure? It is to stay clinging to a tree branch clapping my wings). The following chant extols the wisdom of the ant in preparing for hard times: "Hohoro mai, e te hoa, kanake e whaka-roa. Ara rat ka turua ta te popokorua. Rawe noa tarigata ki whaka-hauhau mai ki te keri i te rua mo te na o te rangi, me te makariri wero iho i te po, me te kohi mai ano i te kakano haiora mo tamaroto kia ora ai." (Hasten, O friend! Delay not; how diligent is the ant, how wise to hasten the excavating of pits wherein to shelter from rain and the cold that pierces nightly, also the collecting of seeds as sustenance for the inner man whereby to retain life).
The Awa folk of Whakatane also give the following as a song of the cicada; old Pio of Te Teko wrote as follows—"Here follows the song of a very numerous folk of this world, the folk known as the rattling cicadas who are very, very numerous. When summer comes those folk cling to their ancestor Tane-mahuta, and here is their song: "Kaore te waru nei ka piri au ki a Tane-mahuta, ki toku tupuna,—tutakere, tutakere, iere nui au, kohiti ko makaro iere au. Popo nunui, popo roroa, ko wai e aha atu; na Tane ano au i axvhi ki tua te aro rangi; ka whiti mai ko te iwa ka hoki au ki raw ra ki tona kainga, maua tahi ko taku taina ko Anuhe i tonoa iho nei ki tona tungane, ki a Rongo, hei manawa mona, koia ka tumoumoutia." Herein the cicada seems to announce his intention to retire underground on the approach of winter in company with the anuhe, the large caterpillar sent down to prey on the kumara (sweet potato) of Rongo. It was Rangi himself who bade Anuhe descend to this world; in one version of the myth, in another version Whanui (the star Vega) said to Anuhe, Toronu and Moka, three species of caterpillar pests: "Go you below to your elder brother Rongo, who will sustain you." So Dominion Museum Bulletin 9, p. 102, 1976 reprint), another of these tarakihi (cicada) songs was recorded by Sir George Grey and may be found at p. 216 of Nga Moteatea.
Anuhe the caterpillar obtained the fine designs marked on his body from Tawatawa the mackerel, hence the saying so often heard among us—"he anuhe tawatawa".
Said the Whau to the Aute:—"Hei kona koe tu ai hex pare wahine." (Stay you there to serve as fillets for women). Said the Aute to the Whau: "Haere koe ki te moana heipouto kupenga" (Go you to the ocean to serve as net floats).
Now, we see that those things are used for the very purposes mentioned, net floats are fashioned from that wood, and the inner bark of aute is used as fillets.
It fell upon a certain day that the Sandfly and the Mosquito foregathered, when the Sandfly said: "O friend! Let us go and attack the Man tribe." Said Naeroa the Mosquito: "Let us await the shades of night."
"Not so, " said Namu the Sandfly—"Let us attack in the day time."
But the Mosquito persisted that they should attack Man by night, lest they be seen approaching and so perish at the hands of Man. The Sandfly remarked:—"Let us assail Man in great numbers so as to confuse him, thus shall he be overcome by us."
Said the Mosquito: "Better the night; then, as we approach him, we will raise our voices, and he shall be confused by the murmuring sounds and strike wildly while we are yet afar off. Thus shall he but strike himself, while we dart silently in to the attack."
But the Sandfly would have none of these methods, and persisted in following his own plan. Said he to the Mosquito: "Enough; as you are afraid, I alone of us two will go forth."
Away went the Sandfly, gathered his people together, and sallied forth to attack Man. Then were seen the countless multitudes of the Sandfly folk as they swarmed around Man, clung to him and bit him. And then, as Man felt the attack, he turned to defend himself, and vigorously assailed the tribe of
Then Naeroa the Mosquito lifted his voice in lament for the Sandfly folk and sang this dirge:
Then the Sandfly chanted his lament as he wept for his lost kinsmen:
And thus it is that, in the long fight waged between the Sandfly folk and Man, the tribe of Namu perish in their thousands at the hands of Man, but ever do they console themselves with the fact that the blood of man has been shed by them.
When the shades of evening fell, off set Naeroa to avenge the defeat of the Sandfly folk. As he approached Man he raised his voice in mosquito song, and Man, believing that he was attacked, strove to slay Naeroa, but merely slapped his own ear. Naeroa now approached him on the other side in the same deceitful manner, and with the same result, for the Man merely struck himself a blow on his other ear, while Naeroa escaped. This contest was long continued, but ever Naeroa escaped, while Man slapped himself so frequently about his ears that he became quite deaf, and his anger against his enemies was great. But now that he could no longer hear, the Mosquito folk attacked him in great numbers and with ferocious onslaught. Nought was heard save the ceaseless song of the Mosquito folk and the slapping of the hands of Man as he thwacked himself to no avail.
When morning dawned, behold, the face of Man was so swollen that he could no longer see, thus he was both Deaf and Blind. As the sun rose, the tribe of Naeroa departed, for the Sandfly folk were avenged. But ever the war continues between Man and his old enemies, Namu the Sandfly and Naeroa the Mosquito.
Now the reason why the Sandfly folk attacked Tu, that is to say mankind, for man is a descendant of Tu, was that Namuiria, the son of Namu the Sandfly, was slain by Tu for having taken by stealth the hau, the aura of Tu, and so endangered his welfare. Thus it is that the sandfly ever wages war against man. Sandflies and mosquitoes are but a feckless lot, and they are at the mercy of the winds; when winds arrive then both sandflies and mosquitoes fly to their forbears Haumia and Te Monehu (bracken fern) for shelter and succour. But the Ngapuhi folk tell us that, in remote times, a new canoe of great size was made at a certain place, and great preparations were made for the task of hauling the hull from the forest; many men were called upon to assemble and take part in it, and the Mosquito and Sandfly folk were also asked to assist. All the persons who took part in the strenuous hauling job were well fed, all but the Naeroa and Namu folk, the mosquito and sandfly tribes; and these received no food whatever for their valuable services, hence they resolved to devote their energies to the assailing of mankind for all time. Previous to that time no attacks had been made by them on man.
In the days of old there lived a woman whose husband was extremely unkind to her, hence she appealed to the gods to deliver her from this affliction. The appeal was heard, and Ruruhi-kerepo came to her, and enquired into her trouble. The woman said that she wished to escape from the cruelty of her husband. So Ruruhi-kerepo called two spiders, who came from the clouds, and made a web basket big enough to hold the woman and her child. Then Ruruhi-kerepo put the two into the basket, and told the spiders to convey the basket to the heavens.
The deserted husband lived a lone life until old age, and, when he died, he went to the spirit world. There he saw a number of people assembled together, and asked them the object of such a gathering. They told him that a young man was about to have the Tohi, or ceremony of baptism, performed over him, and to Tohi rite. Now this young man was the child taken by the spiders to the heavens, the man's own son. Pretty soon he met his wife, who did not know him, because he was now old and grey haired, but in relating the story of his life in this world, he made himself known. Then they lived together again, for there is no quarrelling in the spirit world. Here comes another tale of the Ruruhi-kerepo—
Some of the folk lore tales of the Maori are as puerile as some of our own, which is saying a good deal. Such is the fable of the Ruruhi-kerepo (blind old woman), which runs as follows: "A very long time ago, five girls went a roaming in the forest, where they met an old woman. One said: "Oh, here is an old dame [ruruhi]." But the latter said—"You must not call me ruruhi, but kuia [old woman]." A girl remarked—"Oh, she is a kuia." Again the old dame objected—"You must not call me kuia, but matua keke [aunt], "—whereupon a girl cried—"I greet you, aunt." Then the old woman caught hold of the girl who had just spoken, and said—"Embrace me." She caught all five of the girls, and made them climb up into the trees of the forest, and said—"O my nieces, how sweet you look up there; I could eat you all, I could eat each one of you at a mouthful." She then shook the trees, crying—"Drop off! Drop off!—and, as each girl fell from the trees, she bit off the girl's head, and ate the body.
"When, at length, their friends came in search of the missing girls, they found only their heads, and, nearby, they saw the Ruruhi-kerepo. One man strove to kill her with his spear, but she struck and killed him with a blow of her fist. But while she was biting his head off, his friends all attacked her and speared her to death. They could not strike her with their clubs, because the bones of those she had eaten stuck out of her body like the spines of the kopu-totara [porcupine fish]; hence they speared her. They then cooked and ate her."
The following story is of the same nature as the above—
There was once a woman who was very fond of pigeons' hearts, and was ever compelling her husband to go to the forest to take pigeons, that she might obtain her favourite food, so that, in
On arriving at his home, the child's heart was cooked for his wife, who remarked on its size, but said that it was the best she had ever eaten. She enquired for the child but was told that he had strayed away from his father, and was lost. Then she entered the forest to search for him, and, as she advanced, called the child's name. A tree at some distance answered her; she proceeded in that direction and called again, whereupon a tree further off answered. So it went on; each time she called out, another tree answered her, until she became lost in the forest, and was never seen again, but yet ever wanders in the forest, calling for her child, and following the demon voice. And sometimes the voice of the demon may be heard proceeding from enchanted trees; answering the call of the woman who ate the heart of her only child.
Of these simple folk tales a number have been collected, and many more have doubtless passed into oblivion. The story of the lost child of Takaraho that follows is but one of many of that class. The child of a woman named Takaraho wandered alone into the forest one day, and was seized and carried off by some uncanny dweller in the wilderness. The parents went in search of the child, and heard it crying in the forest, but could not find it. Other persons joined in the search, and heard the voice of the child, but never found it, for when they seemed to approach near it, then the voice would be heard in quite a different quarter. Hence they at length concluded that the child had become a forest elve, a super-natural being, through the influence of the beings who had carried it off, and so the search was abandoned. Even so, when strange, unaccountable sounds are heard in the forest then some person will say: "O, it is the Child of Takaraho crying." In a version of this tale given in Te Ika a Maui (2nd ed., p. 285) it is stated that the kidnapper of the child was known as tahae o te koraha or tahae of the wilderness. Employed in this way the word tahae means much the same as nanakia, a title already referred to.
In days of old, when strange things happened in Aotearoa, strife arose among the great rivers of the land, in that Waikato and Rangitaiki disputed as to which would first reach their parent Wainui, that is to say the ocean. Rangitaiki stoutly maintained that it would rapidly outpace or outflow Waikato. So Waikato started from the base of Tongariro, and the other from the base of Kaimanawa. Now Waikato and Whangaehu started together, and the latter argued that they should flow southward to their parent Wainui, inasmuch as he bore with him certain health-giving qualities of Wainui. The remark made by Whangaehu that it contained the healthful salt water was quite correct, and Whangaehu maintained that its mother Wainui gave it that salt water that represented its welfare; Waikato consisted of sweet water, but Whangaehu was bitter water, such is still the healthful quality of Whangaehu as it flows from the base of Tongariro mountain. While Whangaehu urged Waikato to make for the south, waikato turned northward and so commenced his contest with Rangitaiki. Waikato maintained that it would reach Wainui, that is the ocean, first, but Rangitaiki said: "Not so, I will be the first to arrive"—and so they disputed. Then commenced the race seaward of these great rivers; when Waikato reached the north side of Tauwhara mountain it sent out Torepatutahi as a scout or courier, in fact it sent out three such scouts. Rangitaiki likewise despatched its emissaries, and these were Waiirohia, Nga Tamawhine, Pokairoa, Pakekeheke and Waikowhewhe (all tributary streams on the left bank of Rangitaiki). The healthful influence of Rangitaiki is represented by Waimangeo, a large stream of bitter water that emerges from a hill. Waikato also sent forth a number of messengers (all are tributaries of that river) and listened intently for any sound of the advance of its rival, until, from afar off, came the roar of many waters as Rangitaiki flowed into the ocean, and so was the first to reach their mother Wainui. So disappointed was Waikato that it swerved westward from south of Paeroa and sought the western ocean; although many taniwha (monsters) assisted it in forcing a passage and opening up a channel, yet Waikato could not win the contest, while Rangitaiki succeeded in forging far ahead and so reaching the ocean at the Awa-a-te-atua.
As noted above the various couriers despatched by the racing rivers were their own tributaries, those of the left bank of Rangi-taiki and those of the right bank of Waikato.
In vol. 21 of the Transactions of the New Zealand Institute is a paper entitled "Notes on the Waikato River basins", by L. Cussen, in which occur some remarks on the wandering habits of that river in times remote; at p. 408 we find the following remarks: "I may here mention a somewhat strange tradition which was mentioned to me by the Assistant Surveyor-General as having been related to him by Mr Lawry: That the Waikato River formerly ran into the sea near Tauranga; and that in the course of ages it changed its course and ran out into the Hauraki Gulf; and then, again, after a further lapse of time, it ran across by Tuakau and Mauku, and then into the Manukau Harbour; and thence into the sea at the mouth of the Wairoa River."
In another paper entitled "Notes on the Piako and Waikato River-basins", published in vol. 26 of the Transactions of the New Zealand Institute, Cussen returned to the subject—at p. 399 of the above paper appears the following: "I think it is more than probable that the Waikato at one time flowed through the Waiotapu Valley to the sea on the East Coast, ……But its channel was obstructed, probably by subterranean disturbance or the volcanic action in the Rotorua district; it quitted the original valley, and eroded for itself a new channel in nearly a due west direction, . . " By "east coast" Cussen seems to have meant the Bay of Plenty in this statement, but further on in his paper he gives some evidence that the Waikato river at a different period flowed through a well defined channel 14 miles from Cambridge to the Hauraki Gulf. Assuredly this wandering habit of the Waikato river reminds us of the Maori myth.
Hutton agrees with these statements in a paper published in vol. 32 of the same Journal (p. 180), viz, that the Waikato river first flowed into the Bay of Plenty by way of the Waiotapu valley, after that into the Hauraki Gulf, ere the gorge at Taupiri was cut. Hill gives a version of the Waikato-Rangitaiki race myth in vol. 43 of the Transactions describing how Waikato sent out Torepatutahi and other tributary messengers to ascertain how Rangitaiki was faring in the strenuous race.
The Clarence and Hurunui rivers of the South Island are known to natives as Waiau-toa and Waiau-uha, or male Waiau and female Waiau, and the latter is said to occasionally feel affection for Waiau-toa, which in some way produces rain, but the story is obscure.
The old, old myth of the contest between water and fire has been preserved by our Maori folk, and a version of it is given at p. 155 of vol. 3 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society. The remnants of fire that survived the attacks of water took refuge in trees and rock. At the same time this fire, called the fire of Mahuika, is really of less importance than the Ahi o Tapeka or Fire of Tapeka, which is the fire that burns in the underworld.
The native folk of the Whanganui River have conserved a considerable number of folk tales. As might be expected one encounters here many taniwha myths, stories of strange monsters that live in the deep pools of the river. One story relates to a certain young woman of former times who was visited nightly by some being that dwelt in the river, but who presumably possessed a form akin to that of man. She marvelled at the coldness of his skin, and consulted her father, the result being that all apertures of her house that might admit light were carefully blocked, and the next visit of the strange denizen of the river depths was awaited. When that being came, he passed the night as usual and waited for the first sign of dawn ere he retired to his watery home. But no sign of dawning light appeared within the house, though the folk of the hamlet had already assembled outside in the broad light of day. Ere long they opened the door and then slew the water man as he came forth. They cut his body into pieces; his head, bones and skin were scattered abroad. Then a strange thing happened, for the people heard the head, and bones, and skin singing a plaintive song, a song that is still retained by the Maori folk.
The great power possessed by water is well known to all men, be they civilised or savage, and the Maori assigns ceaseless energy and destructive power to Hine-moana the Ocean Maid, she who ever attacks her own forebear, the Earth Mother. Ever the surging ranks of Ngaru-nui and Ngaru-roa roll in to attack the flanks of Papa the Parentless, ever the relentless battalions of Hine-moana gnaw their way into her great body, but ever
The following story, told to me nearly thirty years ago by Te Awanui Aporotanga of Omarumutu, and again by Tuta Nihoniho in 1912, might well have served as a basis for a wild myth. In olden times a man had some dispute with his wife, and so resolved to be rid of her. He took her out to sea in his canoe and marooned her on a distant island, after which he returned home to the mainland. Some say that he was a resident of Whakatane, others assign him a home at divers other places. The husband reported that his wife had been drowned, and his report was believed. The abandoned woman supported herself on shellfish and what else she could find at her lone island home. At last she bethought herself of how she might despatch a message to her friends, and so she set about making a kite of such materials as were available. Upon a day when the wind was blowing in the direction of the home of her own people she attached a long cord to her kite, and to the end of the cord a light piece of driftwood. She then tied a motoi ear pendant she had long worn to the kite and released it. The kite dragged the piece of wood along the surface of the water until it reached the beach at her old home, here the attached piece of wood soon got foul of some obstructions and so brought the kite to a halt. Relatives of the lone woman saw the kite and hastened to investigate the matter. They recognised the attached pendant and guessed that she was still alive and had adopted this method of endeavouring to communicate with her friends. A party set forth to search for their clanswoman and eventually found her at her lone island home. When she reached her old home she explained how it was that she had been marooned, whereupon a force of willing regulators set forth to call upon her husband, who was dealt with in a most thorough manner.
Here follows another version of this story of a marooned woman:
In days of yore a certain man named Paia, having become tired of his wife, resolved to destroy her. He took her to sea with him in his canoe when he went fishing, and, having fished for some time, he told his wife to haul up the stone anchor. As she was doing so, he pushed her overboard, cut the rope of the anchor, and then returned home, where he told the people that his wife had been accidentally drowned. He then took another wife, who cared for his two little daughters by his first wife.
When the woman saw her husband paddling his canoe away from her, and making for land, she knew that he intended her to drown; she then swam to an island at no great distance, where she landed safely and took up her abode. Here, some time later, she gave birth to twins, two boys, whom she carefully tended until they grew up fine strong lads. She then sought to teach them the arts of warfare, the use of weapons, and, when proficient, she taught them how to use tools, and how to hew out a canoe.
When the canoe was finished, the marooned wife taught them how to manage it, and then told them of her long cherished plan. They were to go to the mainland, seek out their father, and slay him. Thus should the wrongs of their mother be avenged.
When the young men reached the mainland, they were seized by the people, and were enslaved. They were assigned as servants to their own sisters, who were now both married women. At the first opportunity the young men attacked and slew Paia, then told the whole story to the people. A canoe was sent to the island to fetch their mother, and mother and daughter met again at last. Nor was any attempt made to avenge the death of Paia, for they knew that the end was well.
The Ngati-awa folk of the Bay of Plenty quote a saying concerning one of their ancestors, viz, "Kopaki tuhera tu ana Tamaika" (When a package [of cooked eels] is opened Tamaika will be there). This Tamaika was a gourmand who was very partial to the flesh of eels, and made it his business to know when his neighbours had made a good catch, when he would watch for the smoke of oven fires and make his appearance as the cooked tangata matiro hai, a food cadger, appeared at a hamlet.
A similar story is told of how Hanokai, an extremely lazy man who dwelt hard by the home of one Tama-ki-te-wananga, a man renowned for his industry and forethought. Hau was a very frequent visitor at the home of Tama, at any time the smoke of an oven fire would attract him. At length the patience of Tama was exhausted, and so one morning he called out to his attendant: "Let there be no delay in preparing food ere Hanokai arrives." But Hanokai had already arrived, and he overheard the instructions of Tama, hence he asked: "O Tama! What is that about me?" Tama replied: "You come so often", whereupon Hau explained: "I come often because we are related to each other." Said Tama, "Quite so, but let it be an occasional visit." But Hanokai was angry, and so he said: "Enough, we will meet next time in the spirit world." On my relating this story to Tom Ransfield of Ngati-Raukawa, he remarked: "Bear in mind the story of another food-begging person, Hauokanga, whose sister Hinerongo was annoyed by his frequent visits at meal times. One day he went to her home and chanced to hear her thus addressing the fire where food for her children was to be cooked: "Burn and blaze up, lest ye be forestalled by Hauokanga." Then Hau said: "And what of me, O Hinerongo?" His sister Hinerongo replied: "You are always coming here and so there is little food for my children." Hauohanga said: "I came often because we are closely related, but now we part forever." Such simple stories are often widely known, but, as in these cases, the names of persons often differ, also the details of the story.
According to an aid octogenarian friend of mine all creatures obtained the power of speech in remote times, that is to say when all creatures were begotten. "Rangi and Papa and their offspring begat all things, and all living creatures then became possessed of bodies, heads and limbs; the big things originated as big things, and the small things as small ones. To each creature the power of
Another quaint tale, one recited by a Maori of Whanganui in 1869 explains with charming clearness the origin of the Aurora australis. It appears that, some five or more centuries ago, a number of vessels came southward from the isles of the Pacific. Some of these migrants remained here and settled in the new land, but others pushed on and sailed southward in seach of other lands, or simply to observe the wonders of the deep. Some of these vessels returned hither to Aotearoa, but others never did so, their crews settling in the remote lands of the far south. The belief is that the descendants of those old seafarers of past centuries are still dwelling in those lands, and have no means of coming northward to more genial climes, hence, ever and anon, they kindle huge fires in order to let the Maori folk of Aotearoa know that they are still there, and also in need of assistance. When the light from those appealing fires is seen gleaming in the heavens the Maori knows that the descendants of the castaways are signalling from the drear realm of Paraweranui, but there is no record of any rescue party having sailed southward to help them.
We have already seen that certain atua maori possessed the power of flight. One would naturally expect such a being as Rongomai, the personified form of meteors, to be an active atua, and this is borne out by many accounts of his flying through space, as when he flew into the Rangiuru pa at Otaki, when a force was attacking it. Is it not recorded also how Rongomai took one Raikaumoana on his back and bore him through space from Journal of the Polynesian Society at p. 146).
The story of the flying man Tamarau is the most definite fable of the kind that the Maori has given us. Rawaho and Tamarau are said to have been sons of an old-time voyager named Hape, who is said to have reached these isles from Polynesia some six centuries ago, more or less. Hape having died in the South Island his two sons set off to recover his body, and also the maun or life principle of the kumara or sweet potato that he had taken with him. During the performance of certain mortuary rites over the body of their parent, Tamarau, who was the younger son, acquired the mana tapu of Hape, and so became endowed with marvellous powers. During their return to the Bay of Plenty district they disagreed anent the performance of certain tasks that affect the condition of tapu persons, and so Rawaho set off by himself from the hill at Waiohau, where the dispute had taken place. As Rawaho was trudging down the Maiohau flats of the Rangitaiki valley he heard a hail from above, and, looking up, saw Tamarau flying through space toward the coast, and the commanding hill he flew from has since been known as Arorangi. Tamarau came to earth on a hill overlooking the Owhaikawa swamp, after which he flew to Ohiwa; he has ever since been viewed as an atua, and we may include him as a deified ancestor. If he was not a genuine ancestor the Maori believes that he was.
A people possessing wings and the power of flying are said to have settled at Waitotara, north of Whanganui, in remote times. In Taylor's Te Ika a Maui p. 33-34 we are told that they were descended from Turi of Aotea, that they had for long no permanent home, but flew from place to place, now to the forest ranges and anon seaward. Famous tohunga, such as Papahurihia and Murua, are credited with having possessed powers of flight, but alas! proof of these interesting exhibitions is lacking!
The dread ogre known as Tama at Hikurangi mountain must presumably have possessed the power of flight, to judge from the stories that are told about him, and which we have noticed.
Giants in human form are seldom mentioned in Maori folk tales, but there is a story of a company of giants that once occupied the isle of Rangitoto, near Auckland. The place of the giant of European myths is here taken by taniwha and turehu. Herculean tasks are not performed by giants in Maori myth but by such creatures as Turehu. Thus the lava reef that forms part of
A folk tale may be connected with any rock, tree, hill, or other natural feature seen when travelling. In many places boulders are said to represent persons who flourished in the long ago. On the summit of the rocky hill at Tinui known as Pukerakuraku is said to be a canoe that has been turned into stone, a local native informed me that it is the canoe of Kupe, the old sea wanderer of forty generations ago. We also know, or the Maori does, that the canoe of Maui, he who raised New Zealand from the azure main, rests in stone form on the summit of Mt Hikurangi. We are not told how these deep sea craft came to rest on the summits of lofty hills, in this particular the Noah's Ark myth is more satisfactory.
It is of course a well known fact that the sun and moon once fell out over the question of night or day movement. The sun maintained that both should move across the breast of Rangi the Sky Parent during the daytime, but the moon stoutly maintained that night was the proper time for them to be abroad. On this subject they quite failed to agree, and so, after some altercation, they grew quite testy, and the moon said to the sun: "Very well, go on your way, you will be useful for drying clothes." To this incisive remark the sun replied: "Move you by night and so tremble before the food ovens." And we see that the sun has the real control, the moon's movements are confined to night, while the sun leads the way. Such was the contention of those persons. In another old tale winter and summer are represented by Pipiri and Whakaahu, these two are ever contending with each other, but neither has ever won a permanent victory.
The following is a sample of certain puerile tales, fables, such as were appreciated by young folk in former times—
Once upon a time the trees of the forest met together in order to discuss certain matters, and so the tribes of totara, matai, rimu, maire, toromiro, and others assembled. They argued as to whose totara claimed that it would certainly reach their ancestor Rangi in that way, but the rimu said that it would do so, then maire, rata, tawa and pohue all maintained that they would win the contest, each tree tribe claimed to be the one that would reach the sky. So the contest began, and the totara was the first to try and stretch itself to the sky above, but totara met with a mishap that excited ridicule, hence there was riotous applause. And so, in these days, when you use totara as fuel you will not fail to hear the popping sound that brought shame to the tribe in days of long ago; and that also was why the totara abandoned conspicuous places whereat to dwell, and betook itself to the depths of the forest there to abide far away from the open world. There were others who met with similar mishaps, and when the winds of Tawhirimatea are abroad you may hear the tree branches creaking; they seem to say—"Whe! Whe!, " but they are really saying—"Iou hemo! Iou hemo!"
We have already seen that carved wooden images, or at least some of them, were in olden times gifted with powers of speech, as also were trees, mountains, and divers other things. In the following story we find that decapitated heads speak, or did upon one occasion. Apparently this was not a common occurrence, inasmuch as the exhibition of such a faculty caused terror among the hearers. The occasion was a fight that occurred at Manga-o-Tane, far up the Whakatane river some ten generations ago. Ngati-Manawa of Whirinaki killed Tutonga and Tamakere of Tuhoe, cut off their heads and carried them off as trophies. Tuhoean avengers pursued the party of raiders and overtook it at Marumaru. As these pursuers drew near the raiders the member of the latter party who was carrying the two heads heard them speaking; one said: "How soon?", while the other replied, saying: "Very soon." The head-bearer was much alarmed at hearing the heads talking and so was told by a leader to cast them away. No sooner had he done so than the avengers came up and attacked the party, killing eight of them, but we hear no more of the talking heads.
The following is a specimen of the more puerile tales concerning the primal offspring, and is a story that might come taiaha, etc., were fashioned. Ruru gave him his own child, Ake-rautangi, he who has two mouths, four eyes, four ears and four nostrils. This quaint description denotes the two-handed weapon termed a taiaha and the two series of features pertain to the double-faced head carved on the weapon. In the strenuous fight known as Moengatoto, Rongo-maraeroa was defeated by Tu, and the slain of Rongo were cooked and eaten by Tu. Now Rongo represents the sweet potato and Tu represents man, and when the survivors of the Rongo party escaped they fled to Pani and found a refuge in her stomach. When it was desirable that food should be cooked Pani fired her oven, and then men said, one to another: "Where is the food to be cooked in this oven?" Then Pani proceeded to the water where she gathered up the kumara and took them away to cook them, when cooked she divided them among the people. Such were the meals prepared morning and night in times of peace but in time of war, when raiders were afield, then food supplies were principally the aka o tuwhenua or aruhe, the roots of Pteris aquilina var. esculenta (the common fern).
On one occasion when Pani was so producing, that is giving birth to the kumara or sweet potato in water, one Patatai was watching her from the further bank of the waters of Mona-ariki, and he made with his lips a peculiar sound betokening amusement or contempt. Pani was so overcome by a feeling of shame that she fled homeward, weeping as she went, and so it is that we have retained the sweet potato. The charms repeated over the crops were derived from Pani, whose husband was Maui-wharekino. Tu destroyed the sweet potato lest Rongo should prevail in this world. Patatai, who overlooked Pani's method of producing sweet potatoes, probably represents the bird of that name, the land rail.
All kinds of quaint tales are heard concerning things impossible in the byways of Maoriland, of persons turned into stone, of amazing deeds performed by mythical beings of hoar antiquity. Kahika or white pine tree that grows in the sea at Tokahuru, off the Gisborne coast. When the famed vessel Takitimu arrived from Polynesia and came down the eastern coast, she called at Te Mawhai and then came on to somewhere off the Tapuwae o Rongokako, where Hautu proposed that they stay awhile and endeavour to catch some fish. This must have been in shoal water, inasmuch as the fishers appear to have used one of the sprits of the vessel to tie the bow rope to. The spot where this occurred was named Toka-ahuru; one version states that it was so named after the sprit, though the name of the sprit is given as Toko-ahuru. This spar seems to have developed into a kahika tree that grows, blooms and flourishes in the salt waves of Toka-ahuru, and is viewed as a tipua.
Aitua Omens ever present. Waimarie Omens pertaining to right and left sides, to birds, to dogs, to lizards, to fish. Moral delinquencies result in calamity. Dreams. The ominous takiri. Unlucky to see certain things. Odd numbers unlucky. Spirit voices call for trouble. Omens connected with sleep. Cooked food highly dangerous. Omens derived from natural phenomena. The "home greeting wind". Puhore or unlucky signs. Harmful influence of female sex. Continence imperative at certain times. Ceremonial coition. Signs pertaining to birth, to weaving, to sickness, to sneezing. Hori's discourses on teeth of Maori. Olla podrida.
It may well be thought by readers that this sub-section is a superfluous addition to the present volume, so many omens and superstitions having been alluded to and described in the foregoing chapters. So numerous however are the omens and superstitious beliefs of people in the culture stage of the Maori, and so important was the effect of such beliefs on the life of the people, that I feel justified in here inserting further particulars concerning innumerable beliefs, signs and practices that come under the head of Aitua. This word aitua denotes "misfortune" also "omen" and, as an adjective "of ill omen, unlucky!" The word usually seems to be used to denote an evil omen only, the words marie and waimarie being employed for "lucky" and "good luck". This as a general thing, but when a person is said to have performed some single divinatory rite "kia kitea tona aitud", this must be rendered as "to ascertain his fate", or something similar.
Misfortune and ominous signs form so important an element in Maori life that they are personified in one Aitua, and, moreover, in one version of Maori cosmogonic myths, this Aitua is said to have been the offspring of the primal parents Rangi and Papa, the Sky Father and Earth Mother (see Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. 16, p. Ill) "A Maori Cosmogony". We are told that the offspring or descendants of Aitua are represented by misfortune and death, and Maori orators are heard to allude to "this important personage Aitua". Aitua is evidently allied to aitu, denoting "calamity misfortune, etc."
Persons who live in contact with the Maori people soon observe that there are innumerable signs that call for caution, and possibly the cessation of some activity, or a change of method. Ominous occurrences are as leaves in the vale of Vallombrosa, or as sand grains on the far reaching strand of the One ahuahu a Manaia. We do not, however, hear much of good or lucky signs, which are seldom mentioned, this doubtless on the same principle that influenced the Maori to be circumspect in his placation of his atua, gods or demons, the more malignant demons demanding the most frequent attention. After all this seems to be a sensible course to pursue.
The Maori folk seem to have read omens, signs, portents, in almost everything that occurred, and of this fact a good deal of proof has already been given. The appearance and movement of the heavenly bodies, the appearance of lightning, the sound of thunder, and many other manifestations of natural phenomena, the movements and cries of birds and other creatures, sounds heard in the forest, involuntary movements of a persons limbs, dreams, the seeing of certain objects, all these and countless other things were ominous and so were carefully noted. The most trivial incident might be taken as being a highly important portent, as foretelling the result of some tribal undertaking or a divinatory rite. As for superstition, when a people believe that a human skull set up in a field will ensure a bountiful crop of potatoes, and that to hear a lizard chattering is a matter of dreadful import—well, anything may happen.
Marie and waimarie are terms employed to denote good luck and, as an adjective, lucky, while tohu means a sign, which, if an ominous one, might be a tohu ora or a good sign, or a tohu mate, one of ill omen.
Many of the superstitious beliefs and omens of the Maori are connected with the right and left sides, and the following illustrations will give the reader a fair knowledge of such beliefs. When an expert was performing the tohi taua rite over an armed party about to lift the war trail, he tapped each man on the right shoulder with a branchlet of karamu (Coprosma) that had been dipped in water. For the right side of man, says the Maori, is the tamatane side, it represents his mana tapu and vigour; it is the strength of the right shoulder that drives the weapon home. While the tapu of the war god was on a warrior, that is while on active service, he would always carry his weapon in his right hand, never in his left, for the left side is much inferior to the right, it is the taha noa or common side, void of tapu, it is the tamawahine or female side, also styled the taha ruahine; the right side is the taha ora, representing strength, welfare, etc., while the left side is the taha mate and stands for weakness, misfortunes, and death.
When a person feels a prickling or twitching sensation in his right nostril, then whatever he may be thinking of at that moment will never come to pass, but if felt in the left nostril it will come true. This peculiar feeling is described by the term makuru or whakamakuru. (Kite whakamakuru te ihu o te tangata.) Tamaki and Tangi seem to carry the same meaning. To hear the cry of the pihere or robin on the right hand side is viewed as a lucky omen, while on the left side it betokens ill luck. The same thing is said of the tieke bird or saddle-back by the Tuhoe folk. (Ka tangi te tieke i te taha katau o te huarahi he marie, i te taha puhore he puhore.) Puhore means "luckless", if you are going fowling or fishing, and hear that bird to your left then you will have no luck.
When about to tattoo a tapu person the first act of the operator was to strike his instrument into the left shoulder, although no design was marked on that part of a man. (ka paoa te whi tuatahi ki te pakihiwi maui.) In some cases the left hand was used in ritual performances, but it is not clear why it was necessary to use the right hand in some cases and in others the left hand. Now albeit the Maori tells us that the left hand or left side is 'common' and much inferior to the right yet he also states that the left hand was used ceremonially in certain cases. Thus when a teacher of the school of learning performed a final ceremony over a pupil he placed his left hand on that pupil's head as he recited the appropriate formula. An expert performed a similar act when the tapu was taken off a new pa or fortified village, but in this case the subject was a young woman, whose head was so touched. A peculiar statement made by a Maori was to the effect that, when a person was about to drink water contained in a tapu vessel, he would first have a little of such water poured into his left hand, which water he then cast over his left shoulder. Evidently the fact that the left side is noa or common has some bearing on the above acts, and this peculiar gesture entered into a number of ceremonial performances. Again, when a boundary mark was set up in manner punctilious each person representing a contracting party placed his left hand on the post or stone as a certain formula was recited. When a person suspected that he was in the presence of an enemy who might be desirous of bewitching him, he would, as he rose, draw his left hand across his seat as he vacated it in order to scoop up and retain any of his hau or personality that might otherwise adhere thereto, and which might be used as a medium in sympathetic magic. When a certain expert was about to commence teaching some young men the prized lore of their elders, he took a mouthful of water, ejected it into his left hand, and then sprinkled it over the building used as a school. When the mala rakau charm was being repeated over a weapon the reciter would hold that weapon in his left hand as he scooped up some water in his right hand, and sprinkled it over the weapon. When an expert found that game birds were deserting the tribal forests, being lured away by the magic arts of a member of another tribe, he would obtain a feather of one of such birds, place it under his left foot, and recite a charm the effect of which was to prevent the birds deserting the forest.
One of the acts performed by a man in order to inherit the mana, knowledge, etc., of his father, or other elder, was to bite the big toe of the left foot of that elder just as he was about to pass into the next world. When a tohunga, shaman, was called in to treat a person suffering from a wound, or broken bones, etc., he would place his left foot on the body of the sufferer as he repeated his charms. We are told that the act empowers the charm, renders it effective, but elsewhere that the right side is that possessing mana, so that some confusion exists here.
Some curious acts were performed as relating to the left thigh. Now in Maoriland it is a very serious matter to deny the truth of any statement made by a speaker in public, more especially when it pertains to matters historical. An old maori once advised me never to say anything when affronted by such behaviour, but simply to pass my left hand under my left thigh and grasp the tawhito, the organ that saves man, as I repeated a charm that would cause any evil designs entertained by the speaker to recoil upon himself. (Te utu mote whakahe i te korerotika, kaua e ki te waha; me haere te ringa maui i raw o te kuha ki te hopu i te tawhito, i te we, kia man te ringa i te tawhito; na ko te kupu tenei etc.) My informant was also good enough to give me the charm proper for such parlous occasions. When treating a sick person a shaman would obtain a piece of herb (puha), pass it round the left thigh of the invalid, and then wave it outward at arms length. The semblance of the complaint adheres as it were to the herb, and is then cast off into space. A piece of dead wood ember is sometimes added to the herb. In certain tapu -lifting ceremonial a woman was given a piece of fern-root, which she passed under her thigh, and then ate. When a man wished to influence a woman he admired, but who lived afar off, he would procure a feather and, taking it in his left hand, he passed it under his left thigh, then, holding it in his left hand, he recited a certain charm over it, and then cast it forth to be carried by the wind to the aforesaid woman. An old weaver of the Tuhoe folk informed me that, in olden times, when a woman was about to begin the weaving of a new garment, she passed the first warp thread under her thigh ere she placed it in position.
The above singular acts and beliefs connected with the left thigh are also met with in works on the peoples of Southern Asia, and also of Europe. Max Muller, in an account of Indian funeral ceremonies, describes how mourners walked three times round a tapu fire, turning their left sides to it, and striking their left thighs with their left hands. (Max Müller, Anthropological Religion pp. 257-8.) Hewitt, in his Primitive Traditional History, refers in many places to such strange acts, as, for example, when explaining certain astronomical myths at p. 620:
In Celtic mythology we find that the strength of the god Cuchulainn lay in his left thigh.
As in many other lands the owl was looked upon as a creature endowed with much sagacity, and the sound of its cry at night rendered hearers uneasy. This bird, it was believed, gave notice at the approach of a hostile raiding party, by uttering a cry rendered as "Kou! Kou! Whew! Whew! Wherol" on hearing which the people of a fortified village would look to their wha or "stick insect".
It is, of course, a well known fact that our bush pigeon was originally a white bird, entirely so, but that its colour was changed by the act of Maui, who, when he assumed the form of that bird to facilitate his descent to the underworld, donned the brown apron of his mother, Taranga. So it is that the pigeon still wears the brown apron of Taranga of old, she of whom it was said "I tau a Taranga ki te maro taupaki", which records her comely aspect when clad in that becoming garment. Now, when an albino pigeon is seen in these days, then is it known that trouble lies before, that some calamity will assail the person who sees it, or a near relative of his will pass away.
Birds were also concerned with one form of the divinatory raw ceremony, in which certain sticks were set up in order to ascertain the fate of a raiding expedition. Such sticks were carefully watched, and auguries were derived from the sighting of birds on them. A singular belief concerning birds was that, if fowlers left feathers scattered about in the forest, then birds would desert that forest and move away to another district. If any birds were plucked in the forest then the feathers were carefully hidden; any stray feathers, or dead birds, seen in the forest were also concealed. Of the kaka parrot we are told that they return year after year to breed in the same hollow tree, but that when young birds are taken from such a nest the parent birds will probably desert such tree and resort to it no more. In order to prevent such a desertion it is necessary to produce some of the ashes of the fire at which the young parrots were cooked, and cast the same into the puta kaka, or parrots' nest in the hollow tree.
Of dogs we are told by the Maori that, when a dog howls, it is a sign of an abandoned home, some calamity is impending. If a dog yelps in the porch of a house then an inmate thereof will die ere long; if a dog scratches a hole in the earthen floor of a porch, or in the village plaza, then assuredly trouble lies before yet a little while and you will hear of it. If a sleeping dog is uneasy, with twitching muscles and suppressed yelps, one knows that he is pursuing game, and so it were well to take him a hunting kiwi or pigs without delay.
We have already seen the omens of the most gloomy nature are connected with lizards, and that the mere sight of a small and harmless lizard was about the most terrifying experience that a Maori could pass through. The small green lizard, moko kakariki, was supposed to be particularly active in entering the bodies of persons foredoomed by the gods, and devouring their entrails. No fish stood higher in their favour, partially on account of the richness of flesh, and partly because they are exceedingly numerous and immense quantities of them were formerly taken. Christian, in his Caroline Islands, speaks of 'the Polynesian horror of lizards and eels', but our Maori folk of New Zealand, descendants of immigrants from Eastern Polynesia, certainly show no horror of eels. (Christian, F. W., The Caroline Islands, pp. 73, 364-5). Having remarked that the natives of Ponape have a horror of freshwater eels and will not eat them, Christian goes on to say that:
… It seems to point to a traditional recollection of the crocodiles and venomous serpents they left behind them in the great rivers and jungles of Asia and the larger islands of Indonesia. What proves this so strongly is the fact that crocodile and snake names in New Guinea in many instances coincide with lizard and eel designations current in the dialects embracing all the isles of the Pacific.
Thus it was that the Maori dreaded to see a lizard, and should one cross a path in front of him, then he expected a grim calamity, and so we have the saying "He aua kokoti ihu waka i te moana he aitua, ko Rakaiora kokoti i te ara taua i te tuawhenua." (A herring crossing the bow of a canoe at sea is an evil portent equal to Rakaiora crossing the path of a war party on land). The intercepting of a war party by a lizard is a very serious matter, as ominous as such an act by a person would be, for it would necessitate an instantaneous killing, or a return to the village home.
The Maori had a great number of quaint beliefs concerning fish, few of which have been recorded. One of the strangest of these was that, should a fish be caught in an unusual manner, hooked by the tail or middle parts, then it was high time that the fisherman hied him to his home in order to put his domestic affairs in order, for his wife was assuredly misbehaving herself. Fishermen started out on sea fishing trips very early in the morning, and no food might be cooked or eaten by the home stayers until the fishermen returned. On the East Coast we are told that moki and warehou were formerly held to be tapu fish, and to the fishing for moki in particular many restrictions pertained. One such was that the fishermen must not mention the ahi (fire) or no fish would be caught. It was held to be most unlucky to throw any fragments of bait overboard, apart from ground bait, and some deemed it unlucky to allow a baited hook to touch the gunwale of a fishing canoe.
Concerning the strange belief about women explained above it may here be noted that J. G. Frazer has shown in his Psyche's Task that such beliefs are held in many lands, viz, that if a wife misbehaves herself while her husband is away, then some misfortune, ill luck or downright calamity will befall him. If away hunting then all game will elude him, if on a raid then he will probably be slain (J. G. Frazer, Psyche's Task, pp. 106-7). In some cases absent husbands were warned by means of dreams, and in the story of Manaia we see that the actions of a pair of birds warned him of trouble at home.
Inasmuch as we have touched upon the matter of dreams it were well to explain that the Maori had great faith in such phantasms, and ever some members of a community would pose as gifted interpreters of dreams. Should a man have a dream that foretold for him good luck on, say a fishing trip, he would be careful not to mention that dream to any person, lest that person filch from him his good luck. The filcher would effect his purpose by suddenly clasping the body of the dreamer in his arms.
When Kahu and his followers left Whakatane, in search of a new home they moved to Taupo, sojourned a while at Pouakani, and then came by way of Otairi to Te Houhou, Manwatu district, where they resolved to settle. They busied themselves in collecting timber wherewith to erect defensive works for a hamlet, when Tamauri, one of Kahu's young folk, chanced to have a dream that caused the party to continue its journey to the coast, to construct a vessel and sail forth on the ocean in search of an unknown land. In this dream our worthy Tama saw the timbers that had been so laboriously procured swept away on a flood to the great ocean, and across that ocean, to be stranded on a far and unknown land. When he awoke Tama related his dream to one Tamanoho, an expert in the reading of riddles, and he said: "O Kahu! This dream betokens an abandoned home, and a new home awaiting us afar off." Kahu replied: "Well, after all it may be as well, we are a small party, and we know not who may be dwelling in these parts." Even so the party moved on to the coast, constructed a craft and set forth in search of the new home wairua of Tamauri in far ocean wastes. After wandering across the ocean of Kiwa these home-seekers came to a far land, the land we know as Wharekauri, where they settled. In later times some of the descendants of these migrants returned to Aotearoa, and so the Maori folk came to know of the settlement of the Chatham Islands.
Some centuries ago one Kauhika, an elderly woman living at the Uruhau village that looked down on Tapu-te-ranga, the islet as Island Bay, Wellington, chanced to dream that she saw an enemy raiding force camped on the Wharau range above Kaiwharawhara. Said Te Rangikaikore, chief of the village: "Let a man be despatched as a scout to examine the hills, lest the marua-a-po of the old woman be fulfilled." The scout detected raiding party advancing to the attack, but the various villages were forewarned, they combined forces, drove the raiders from Uruhau and Motukairangi island, and the end was not well for the raiders of Muaupoko.
The expression miti aitua was explained to me as meaning a dryness of the throat and mouth produced by intense fear, but in some Polynesian dialects miti means a dream (as at Tikopia), and a miti aitua would presumably be an unlucky dream. I know of no other hint that this meaning of miti may have been known to the Maori.
Upon a time I was collecting some old-time lore from an elder of the Ngati-Porou folk, and found that he had forgotten certain charms used by fowlers and rat snarers that I wished to obtain. These formulae had been imparted to him by his grandfather long years before. A few days later he came to me and said. "O friend! I have got those charms. My grandfather came to me last night and recited them to me, and when I awoke I began to repeat them, so that I might retain them, much to the amusement of my wife. Let us hasten to write them down so that our descendants may know them." Here the old man believed that his long-dead grandfather had come to his assistance, and such beliefs are common among the Maori.
If a person dreams of some impending danger, or that a person is threatening him, or is desirous of injuring him, it is well known that it is his wairua or spirit that really detects such signs, for ever does the wairua of man seek to protect its physical basis.
An interpreter of dreams, on having an unlucky one explained to him would remark to the dreamer: "Be wary, remain in the rear." He thus warned that person that his life was in jeopardy Reminiscences of the War in New Zealand (T. W. Gudgeon) wherein we see how Winiata of Ngati-Hau dreamed of being shot, and "felt himself die"—he saved his life by marching in the rear on the ensuing raid, and so the man who took his place at the head of the detachment was shot instead, while Winiata escaped many other such dangers, until the day when he fell from the rampart of Pourere near unto Roto-a-Ira.
It is held unlucky to dream that you see a house having a doorway in the rear wall (a Maori house or hut has but the front entrance), to sleep out without covering the face, to dream that you are having your hair cut, that your garment has been burned. When a meal is in progress it is most unlucky not to invite a passerby to join therein. The Kuku or nightmare is looked upon as quite a serious matter, or at least it was by former generations.
Oneiromancy might be said to be composed of two aspects among the Maori folk, both of which were firmly believed in. In the first place dreams were accepted as conveying forwarnings of coming events, in some cases as being in response to divinatory ceremonies, in the second place all sudden movements of the limbs and nervous twitchings during sleep were believed to carry similar messages, all were ominous, of good or evil portent. There is perchance yet another condition to be referred to. We know that the terms rekanga kanohi, rehu, and marua-a-po or maruapo were applied by the Maori to certain aspects of sleep, and I am not convinced that they conveyed the same meaning as does the word moemoea (dream); perhaps "vision" would be a safer rendering. I have heard a native describe rekanga kanohi as what seemed to me to be that singular condition that one occasionally finds oneself in when half-awake. An account of the doings of one Riwai shows the difference between dreams and rehu. When Riwai was sent by a dream expert to carry out certain injunctions he was specially warned to touch no food or drink until he returned, but when he forgot himself and smoked Pirika's pipe the gods were belittled, and so death smote him hip and thigh. The seer knew that Riwai had borrowed a pipe and had a smoke, which is equivalent to taking food; he had seen a vision of Riwai smoking the forbidden pipe and so calling down the anger of the gods; he had seen Tunui the Atua flaming above
Concerning the nervous twitching and sudden movements of sleepers from which omens were derived, these are known by many different names, of which takiri may be viewed as a more or less generic term. The dividing line between good and evil was the centre of the human body as a rule, such manifestations experienced on the right side were usually accepted as good omens, while those felt on the left side were unlucky. An exception to this was the case of two movements known as kohera and ruru. The latter word denotes the sudden inward movement of the sleeper's arm, i.e., toward or across his body, this is a marie, a lucky sign, a protective movement, ruru carrying the meaning of "sheltered". The expression ruru te takiri ("to throw out the arms in sleep, an omen for good") as given in Williams's Maori Dictionary, does not agree with explanations given me by divers natives. Apparently ruru in the above phrase (Williams, ibid., p. 412) is the ruru of p. 407. All such outward movements of the arms have been explained to me as being aitua unlucky signs, bad omens, while inward movements of the arms are marie. The outward flung arm is described as a kohera, which agrees with Williams's definition, though the example given scarcely seems to bear out the meaning of evil omen. The sudden outward movement of an arm was presumably seen as a defensive act, danger must be threatening the sleeper, hence the kohera came to be looked upon as an aitua, ominous of danger. The inward movement of the arm in the ruru was taken as being a protective one. In like manner the takiri may affect the legs. Long years agone I bestrode a long saddle to reach, as day declined, a small hamlet below the old, old ramparts of Puketapu. Here I tarried a space in order to see an old friend who was a survival from the era of tribal warfare. As soon as I entered his hut, he said: "I was just waiting for you. As I lay here some time back both my legs jerked outward, and so I knew that a visitor was coming, hence I was just awaiting you." I did not ascertain the nature of the omen, whether it was good or bad, but the outward movements one would take to be an aitua and so I may have been an unwelcome visitor.
The kohera or outward movements is also known as kauwhera, and the ruru or inward one as hui, while the maka is a movement made with one arm as though the person were throwing something, hence the name (maka = to throw). These three Hui taumanu is said to denote a movement whereby both arms are placed across the breast.
Another expression, commonly used among the Matatua people, is that of tamaki. One assured me that the term is applied only to the left side, in which case all tamaki would be aitua, ominous of evil, but others have referred to right and left tamaki as betokening good and evil omens, which leave tamaki as a synonym for takiri. Some seem to take no notice of outward or inward movements, but reliance only on the right or left aspect. There are a number of names that are applied to various kinds of these tamaki or takiri.
In one explanation of tamaki given by Ngati-Porou I was told that when such a thing occurred to a member of a raiding party, then careful note was taken as to the direction in which the movement was made, whereupon it was known that enemies would be encountered in that direction. In such a situation an imminent attack from an enemy is often made known by means of some form of tamaki. The man who gave this information also explained another form of twitching known as taha kapakapa or hure, which is a twitching sensation felt in the side, shoulder or leg, but he maintained that persons differed as to their lucky and unlucky sides. In some cases the right side is the lucky one, but not always so, for with some persons it is the left side, only experience can enable one to know his lucky and unlucky sides. Also those taking part in raiding expeditions must be doubly careful, it behoves them to pay strict attention to all tamaki or takiri, simply because such manifestations are not random and hapless movements, they are really messages from the gods, from Tu-ka-riri and Tu-ka-nguka when connected with war. Now it is well known that the posting of watchmen in fortified villages was a desultory procedure. When they were so posted it was not infrequently due to some absurd omen, a dream, or perchance, a takiri. Thus it was explained to me by a Waiapu native that a man might say: "E kai ana taku taha, he tamaki me whakaara i tenei po." (My side is twitching, there is danger, let us be wakeful this night), whereupon a watchman would be appointed. Also one of a party of travellers might remark: "My side tells me that there is trouble toward, it will probably rain, let us hurry." An old native came to my tent one evening, and said: "We are going to have a storm, my tamaki told me so."
The kamu sign or ominous movement is the same as the kapo, a convulsive closing of the hand. I have been informed that it Tahae is another term applied to these ominous motions, apparently to evil omens only, though a remark in White (Ancient History of the Maori, vol. 2, p. 2) does not bear this out, for it states that an io tahae may be of good or evil omen (te io tahae he rohu aitua, mate ranei, ora ranei). I base my own rendering on statements made by old natives and the general application of the word tahae.These io are often useful, in the case of travellers by sea and land, in foretelling weather conditions, as seen in White's Ancient History of the Maori, vol. 2, p. 2, where a great many such manifestations are explained.
In koromaki or kai koromaki we have another expression employed to denote these extremely ominous twitchings, as noted in a song line: "Engari take taha e kai koromaki ara."
In hukihuki we have yet another such term sometimes used in the form of huki. It is said by one of my informants to denote a prickling sensation and he also stated that, if a sick man felt such a sensation anywhere on his right side, he would expect to recover, if on the left side he would give himself up for lost.
This brings us to a curious use of the word tangi, as seen in the remark "Kua tangi taku tamaki", made by a person who has just experienced such a visitation. Our dictionaries scarcely help us here, for, viewed as a verb, we are told that tangi means "to sound, give forth a sound, cry, resound, mourn"—but no sound is made by the various twitching omens. It is frequently used in connection with the nose—"Kua tangi toku ihu" to describe a slight throbbing or prickling feeling. As our Maori poet expresses it: "E tangi ra, e toku ihu, e pa tamaki nei" To him that peculiar sensation of titillation was ominous, something was going to happen ere long. A twitching feeling in the eyelid was held to be equally ominous.
The more violent of the involuntary movements that come under the heading of takiri are usually said to be experienced while the subject is asleep, but the condition of sleep is by no means necessary. One may be lying down, but quite wakeful, and yet experience such a movement.
In Maori belief it was held to be unlucky to even see certain things, for example any person who found a pigeon's nest, who saw a lizard, or the stones called hinetauira and tahakura would tapu places, such as Nga Whatu islet, might not be looked upon. In olden times natives were wont to cover their heads when travelling past Mt Tongariro, the upper part of which mountain was exceedingly tapu. In some parts we hear that it was unlucky to see a large eel in daytime.
Odd numbers were disliked in connection with certain things, and activities, thus in making a flax (Phormium) plantation the roots must be planted in pairs—me he mea ka kehe he aitua—it is unlucky to plant them in an odd number manner. It is equally unlucky to fit an odd number of rafters to the side of a roof. Fowlers, when counting a 'take' of birds, disliked an odd number in the tally, and would at least in some cases endeavour to make an even number of it. I have also been told that if the tally of birds was, say 105, they would endeavour to take a few more, and so make up to tally to 108 or 110, a comfortable round number.
In some cases to neglect a duty was viewed as a most unlucky thing, as also was the neglect to obey any injunction of a leader when a party was under tapu. When Nuku of Wairarapa was leading a party of his tribesmen during the guerilla warfare carried on against the Atiawa raiders from Taranaki that party reached the Maungarake range, marching by way of Pukengaki to Aotea, and there camping a space. From there the forest rangers proceeded to the Motu-o-Toi at Otauira, near unto Pae-o-Turuokai. While camping at that place Nuku sent some of the party on a rat-trapping expedition and told them to be careful to preserve the first rat taken and carry it to him. He seems to have wanted it in connection with some divinatory rite. His commands were not obeyed, for one Kokohi took that first rat, cooked and ate it, and Nuka then told the members of his party that ill luck would pursue them, that they would be unable to capture any important personage among their enemies. And so it came to pass, for when they succeeded in surrounding an Atiawa camp whereat Te Wharepouri, a leading chief of Taranaki, was living, that highly desirable quarry succeeded in escaping when his capture seemed certain.
It is unlucky to hear spirit folk singing at night, the weird tupaoe chant, and indeed it is well for persons to avoid singing out of doors at night, though the Maori is given to it when he fears to encounter ghosts. To hear the puwawau, a weird spirit voice heard in the vicinity of running waters, the babbling of brooks, is ominous of coming trouble. To encounter a current of warm air kehua or ghosts are about, and such an experience renders a Maori uneasy, he fears that it portends the death of a relative. It is unlucky to pass a person without saluting him, to build a hut facing the south, to hear the death watch in a house, when you do hear this sound then leave the hut at once, ere some disaster overtake you, delay not. It is unlucky for a wayfarer not to halt and partake of food when you are asked to do so, at the same time ill luck might be averted if such person tarried and partook of a mere morsel of the proffered food.
To break off branches of tutu or monoao means that rain will fall ere long, a fact that should be carefully noted by travellers. If a man with any trace of tapu about him so far forgets himself as to use a female's garment as a pillow, then assuredly trouble lies before him, for he will become bald-headed, a condition much disliked by the Maori, being very seldom seen it excited ridicule. If such a man reclined on a woman's couch he would suffer a severe deprivation, inasmuch as he would become spiritually blind (kahupo and hinapo), and so be unable to see the warning and signs sent by the gods; at such a time his wairua would lose much of its protective power. Yawning is occasionally deemed unlucky, as, for example, when indulged in at a time when strenuous exertion is required. One tells me that, when a person gnashes his teeth during sleep, then a present of food will shortly be received by him, indeed it is already on its way. If you chance to have a poor appetite then know that ere long you will lose a relative by death, or someone will run off with your wife. It is unlucky to interfere with a tipua, to prepare a hut site and then abandon it, to misrender any form of charm, to omit a person when distributing food, to find two squid together, to launch a new canoe stern first, to burn the chips when one is making a new canoe or house, or carving, or to make any error in carving. If a woman steps over a male child that child's growth will be stunted. Landslides are ominous of death, embers popping from a fire foretell the advent of visitors, an unauthorised trespassing on a burial place is highly dangerous to life.
There are many signs, omens, pertaining to all forms of work, house building, canoe making, agricultural work, etc., etc., indeed they may be said to be multitudinous, and many have been noted in other publications in this series. The Maori tells us that to say it is a fine day is to ask for rain, and, when travelling with natives, they have commented on the folly of my erecting a tent in fine weather wherein to pass the night.
It is unlucky to pound fern roots (an everyday food) in the night time, the result will be that the pounders head will be pounded by an enemy's club ere long. It is not only unlucky but also extremely dangerous for a tapu person to enter a cooking shed, or to have any cooked food kept in his dwelling hut. Natives have looked upon me as being amazingly careless, not to say idiotic, when I have suspended rations from the ridgepole of my tent. I once sent a native visitor to sleep in a spare tent in my camp, but unhappily forgot that a bag of flour was suspended from the ridgepole. The celerity with which that man bustled out of that tent was highly remarkable, no man of his status could take such frightful risks. When receiving presents of food it was ever necessary to perform a certain rite over them, to repeat a certain charm, in order to make them safe to handle and utilise. This act was a kopare, it would ward off possible danger or disaster, and is expressed in the saying "Ko Tahu kia roria." When cooking food it was held to be a bad omen if one of the heated stones burst with a loud report. If food products decay in a storehouse then such a condition has probably been brought about by spirits of the dead. When travelling it is unlucky to kindle a fire on a track; and, when food has been cooked, the lining of the oven must be scattered. To sneeze while eating is a dread experience, for it foretells the fact that, ere long, the sneezer will be slain, cooked, and eaten together with the same kind of food that he was partaking of when he sneezed.
We know that, when an expedition of blood vengeance lifted the war trail, it was absolutely necessary to slay the first person met with, be that person friend or foe, otherwise disaster loomed before. It was unlucky in war to omit the usual rites, such as whangai hau, also for a young warrior to omit making a present to the tohunga of a raiding party when he slew his first man. Also it was unlucky for members of the force to eat standing; however hurried they must lay aside their weapons and seat themselves. No cooked food may.be taken near their weapons, or those weapons will be rendered useless by the pollution, as the Maori puts it "Ka tamaoatia te mata o te rakau". To hear the cry of an owl near the junction of two tracks means that an enemy force is at hand. To remain camping at a place where a fight has been won is most unlucky, to find cooked food underdone when an oven is opened by a war party is unlucky. When an offering of a bird was made by fighters to Tunui-a-te-ika, then, if that offering was taken from the hand that offered it the party would be victorious; if it was not so accepted then the force would be defeated. Many noho kahu) will assuredly develop into a famed warrior, so says the Maori. Tamorau of Ngati-Koura informed me that his grandson was born already provided with teeth, hence he was called Niho (tooth); he took this as a sign that the child would develop into a stalwart, virile man who would achieve fame as a fighter, were it not for the distressing activities of the ture pakeha or white man's laws.
A hau mihi kainga (home greeting wind) is a curious term applied to certain winds that are said to blow at places whereat people will ere long be slain by raiders, that wind comes to condole with the foredoomed people. I could never obtain any clear explanation of any difference between this and any other wind, save that it is of brief duration. In another way wind often influenced the Maori in his conduct of warlike operations in his divination by means of smoke, auguries were derived from the direction in which the smoke of a fire was carried by wind.
Maru is a famed war god of Maoriland, and is the personified form of some celestial phenomenon, a glowing appearance of the heavens apparently. If this celestial glow was seen in front of an advancing war party then the same was a shockingly bad omen, those raiders would return home or await the disappearance of Maru. Should Maru however appear in the heavens behind the marching party the omen was a good one and the freebooters advanced with light hearts, for was not Maru favouring them. All these remarks concerning Maru may be confirmed as pertaining to rainbows, as represented by Uenuku and Kahukura, and in addition a raiding force would discern all sorts of signs, omens in the appearance of the bow, its vividness or paleness, and other peculiarities concerning the various coloured arches.
Imurangi and papakura are two other expressions employed to denote a red or gleaming appearance, and omens were read in all these phenomena; ahi manawa is yet another such term. If seen low down then the fact betokened some serious disaster impending. However no native ever succeeded in showing me that these names denoted different aspects of the heavens, they all seem to be applied to the same sort of thing. Tuhirangi and
Omens pertaining to war were derived from the moon and stars, often from the relative positions of star and moon. The appearance of a comet was looked upon with dread, some serious disaster was imminent. The comet and the point toward which its tail extended had their meaning to the men of yore. A sparkling appearance was a bad sign, as also was an upward extended tail, a horizontal tail was a good sign, and one extending downward told that the adverse omen concerned distant places only. Of the comet of 1843 a Wellington newspaper remarked: "The Maoris hailed it as an evil omen and commenced howling very pathetically." Owing to the beliefs and superstitions connected with comets, and to Maori ignorance of natural laws and phenomena, the natives held that such celestial visitors as comets were but local experience, sometimes sent by tribal enemies in order to afflict honest folk. Thus Meade tells us that, during the fighting in the "sixties" the Taupo natives were much disturbed over the appearance of a comet. Meade remarks that "the suggestion which we ventured to hazard to the effect that the self-same comet, seen from Taranaki, would appear to be far away over the sea, is treated as downright heresy." (Meade, Lieut. H., A Ride Through the Disturbed Districts of New Zealand, pp. 104-5). It may be noted that, in this case, the Taupo natives could not make up their minds as to what the appearance of the comet portended.
A vast number of unlucky signs, acts, etc., come under the heading of puhore, a word that means non-success, unsuccessful, unlucky, as in fishing and fowling, any omen of ill-luck is termed as puhore. Thus it is a puhore for a fisherman to yawn, and among fowlers and others certain names and words must not be used, or no game will be taken, indeed it is most unlucky to speak of what one is going to, or may, catch. A friend of the writer once went Kaore ano kia mate max ke poaka kua kainga e koe." (Ere a pig has been killed you have eaten it.) But greater yet was the astonishment and disgust of the Maori when they saw British troops carrying stretchers for their wounded and dead when going into action. Such an act was utterly incomprehensible to the Maori mind, a deliberate casting away of all chance of success, it was practically asking to be defeated, a demand for wounded and slain men.
A rat trapper having set his traps for the first time during the season would not speak to anyone until the first rat had been caught. If a woodsman stumbled with his left foot he would take no game, and it was also very unlucky for a trapper to run into a spider web. Certain dreams foretell lack of success, as also do the actions of dogs. Those searching for the perei, a plant having an edible root, were careful not to mention its name, or no plants would be found, at such a time it was termed maikaika. When a fowler was going to examine his line of snares he could not make use of the words titiro (to look at, examine) and wetewete (wewete = to untie, release) but would employ the terms matai and wherawhera, having similar meanings; were he to pronounce either of the banned words then he would take no birds, for the act would be a puhore. It is a peculiar coincidence that a Malay pigeon snarer will not mention his implements by their proper names when he is at his task of snaring. At such a time he employs false and grandiose names for them in his charms.
It is a highly noteworthy fact that a people such as the Maori, possessing no form of civil law, always seem to evolve in the place thereof innumerable restrictions, bans, and other repressive and disciplinary measures, many of which to us appear to represent the last word in absurdity. Such illustrations of this aspect as are given here teemed in the everyday life of the Maori, and the happy, care-free, irresponsible savage has not been found.
There were in a number of cases certain set-offs, certain acts by means of which ill luck might be warded off, dangers avoided, and so on. Many of these represented a form of insurance, and called for the offices of the village tohunga or shaman. A peculiar institution known as tuapa called for the performance of a simple ceremony which warded off the shafts of misfortune represented by puhore, that is to say it was an insurance against non-success
Ill luck was sometimes foreshadowed in a very simple manner, as we have already seen. Another illustration of this is explained in connection with the hapuku fishing bank or shoal in Cook Strait known as the Tuahiwi. Should a party of fishermen, on arriving at the fishing ground, hear the cry of the bird called komako huariki, then it was known that no fish would be taken. Fowlers always concealed their catch of birds when in the forest, and should they give away any of the birds taken to friends, one of the birds so presented would be reclaimed to serve as a tautawhi, that is to prevent the living birds leaving the district. Great care had to be taken during the fowling season that a forest did not become tamaoatia, that is that no cooked food was taken into it, for in such case no self-respecting bird could possibly remain in the district. Fowlers might cook a meal and eat it in the forest, but no portion of the food cooked but not eaten could be taken away to be consumed later on.
The curious beliefs that wild creatures may come to know that danger threatens them is also heard of in connection with the introduced pig. When setting forth in search of wild pigs it is necessary to be extremely careful, or the pigs may become pawera, apprehensive, nervous, and make off to remote parts. In some matters success could not be attained until a certain thing was seen or secured, as, for instance, when seeking the shellfish known as kakara; when a colony of these was found it was necessary to take the ariki or leader first, otherwise one would fail to secure any.
Connected with the condition of pawera noted above is a peculiar sensation mentioned in a number of old historical traditions. A man has a basket of food placed before him and on the vegetable food is placed a kinaki of human flesh. Ere he can taste that flesh he comes to know by some strange means that it is the flesh of a blood relative of his, and so he refrains from eating it, and proceeds to take steps toward avenging the insult received.
Some queer superstitions are connected with all forms of food supplies. When a person found the pukurau fringes in immature form he would take his stand so that his shadow would fall upon pohowera was found among the sweet potato crop the eggs in it were counted, inasmuch as it was known that, when the crop was lifted, there would be twenty baskets of potatoes for each egg found in the nest.
There were also strange beliefs concerning the harmful influence of the female sex. Thus the Maori held that if a menstruating woman walks a sea beach that the shellfish of that area will at once forsake the place and migrate to a distant part of the coast. If such a woman essays to cook kernels of the tawa berry, then those kernels will never be softened by such cooking, but remain hard and obdurate. If she visits an ahititi, whereat mutton birds are taken, then the act is a puhore and no birds will be taken. The birds will hover in the vicinity and raise a clamour with their shrill cries, and so the fowlers will know the cause of their non-success. It was also known that, if that woman walked in the vicinity of gourd plants then such plants would die, or at least the fruit thereof would not mature. Neither was such a woman allowed to feed a tamed tui bird, or to prepare food for it, for that would prevent it learning to speak. A tui is well aware when a woman is in that condition. Nor may women so affected take part in preparing or cooking food for members of a war or fishing party, or those engaged in house-building, canoe-making, cultivation, etc. (On the eastern coast of the North Island women were not allowed to take part in planting the sweet potato, and this restriction extended to the lifting and storage of the crop. In some places old women were allowed to enter the storage pits, but not young or middle-aged women.) In all these cases the underlying belief was that woman was tapu when in that condition and so possessed of an extremely harmful influence, her mere presence was sufficient to bring trouble or disaster. These superstitions are, or were, world-wide! Pliny wrote that seeds touched by such women became sterile, and it was also believed that vines touched by them were killed. In Cappadocia, however, if the woman walked through crops the effect was to preserve them from pests, here the pests seem to have suffered instead of the crops.
Another strange Maori usage may here be referred to, and that is that, at certain times, man and wife kept apart from each other. Such a condition was brought about by a number of causes; for instance men under the tapu of a war god could not go direct to their homes on returning from a raid, a ceremonial lifting of the tapu alone would enable them to do so, and a man might come under a segregating tapu from any one of many causes. At the opening of the rat-trapping season, when the first set of traps had been set, the trappers were compelled to be circumspect in their behaviour and to practise continence for twenty-four hours, that is until, on the morrow, the traps had been examined, reset, and the game brought home. We have already seen that, at least in some districts, a trapper was also compelled to refrain from speaking for that period. South Island natives have explained to me that, when the ti (Cordyline australis) was being cooked, a matter of not less than twenty-four hours, it was highly necessary that the sexes should keep apart, otherwise the cooking would be a melancholy failure. Maori folk of Wairarapa and elsewhere have told me a similar story anent the cooking of the upper part of the trunk of the tree fern (Cyathea medullaris).
There is another extraordinary thing that here calls for some notice, and that is the ceremonial act of copulation that occasionally occurred in former times. As explained by our Maori folk this was sometimes performed as a divinatory rite during the progress of a fight, and the performance of the act hinged upon an old belief that is voiced in the following saying: "Ka tu te ure, he toa, ka hinga, he mate." That is to say if the act can be consummated at such an anxious time then success is assured. The Maori maintains, that, during a fierce fight, the member of a tino toa, a really courageous man, is remarkably prominent, and that of a timid, nervous man the very reverse. The late Canon Stack obtained from South Island natives an account of a fight in which a chief named Tarewai was compelled to make a desperate sortie against serious odds. Ere delivering the charge he performed the before-mentioned act in view of his people, and both act and sortie were successful. The late Tuta Nihoniho of Ngati-Porou gave me an account of a similar performance for the same object that had occurred among his own people. At pp. 88 and 92 of vol. 20 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society appears a brief account of another such occurrence ("Ngati Whatua Traditions" by H. P. Raukatouri, p. 88; translated on p. 92).
In his work entitled Psyche's Task Dr Frazer gives some account of the performance of such an act by natives in Madagascar and South Africa, where the desideratum was the acquirement of courage and success in striving against human enemies and wild beasts (J. G. Frazer, Psyche's Task, pp. 57-60). In his account of his first voyage Capt. Cook describes a public exhibition of a similar nature given by Tahitians during his An Account of Voyages… vol. 2, p. 127 et seq.). In the Journal of the Anthropological Institute, vol. 50, p. 258 (A. C. Haddon, "Migrations of Cultures in British New Guinea") is a description of somewhat indiscriminate ceremonial copulation as practised in British New Guinea.
Many superstitions pertained to birth, such as signs, omens and divinatory performances. For instance when the umbilical cord was severed it was sometimes placed in a dry seed pod of the rewarewa or honeysuckle tree which was placed in a stream or pond; if it capsized the fact was accepted as an evil omen for the child, if not then a fair future lay before the infant. When the oho rangi divinatory rite was performed over an infant, and thunder resounded in the east or north, then the welfare of the infant was assured, but if in the south or west then the result was a luckless child. There were lucky and unlucky nights or phases of the moon in connection with birth; it was a source of satisfaction if a child was born on a lucky night of the moon, a lucky day as we would put it. My Maori friends tell me that a pregnant woman would not have her hair cut lest the infant be rehe or stunted. If such a woman, when eating a bird, is seen to eat the wings and legs only it is known that the child she bears is a male; if she consumes the body of the bird then the infant is a female; a red or flushed face also betokens a female child. Should she feel the infant moving, then a storm is at hand, if it does so while she is holding another child in her arms, then her own unborn child is of the opposite sex to that of the child she is nursing. Similar signs were in the discolouration of the breasts of a woman. If a whe (stick-insect) is seen on a woman it is then known that she has conceived. Women who desired to have a child would proceed to piki whenua, they would be on hand when an infant had been born and would stand over the afterbirth for a while; an infant born through this influence would be of the same sex as the child whose whenua had been so utilised. In the Tuhoe district a simple ceremony performed over a woman at the magic tree known as the Iho o Kataka had the same effect as the above, while in the Kawhia district barren women resorted to the equally marvellous stone called Uenuku-tuwhatu. At a marriage feast the sisters of the bride would not, in some cases, partake of the food cooked for the couple and their near relatives lest they themselves become
Some curious beliefs exist in some districts as to the birth of male or female children during the prevalence of certain winds only. Should the severing of the umbilical cord be felt by the mother then it betokens ill luck for her. An accidental severing of the cord is a rauru motu, and the child will be stunted and sickly. If the cord has a knotted appearance the next child born will be a boy; occasionally the severed portion was wrapped up and carried about by the mother for some time. Should she chance to lose it then the child would die.
When the timuaki or crown of an infant's head is situated well back then the next child born to the mother will be a male, if lower down or more forward a female child will follow. As to congenital stigmata the maori holds the belief that, when a woman is pregnant, any remarkable sight or occurrence may affect in some may the unborn infant. A woman of Ruatahuna had, among her black hair, one lock of a reddish colour, the origin of which, she informed me, lay in the fact that, when her mother was carrying her, someone brought her from its far away habitat a bunch of reddish coloured grass called maurea, formerly prized by the Maori, and in which she was much interested.
When the tohi rite was performed over a male child he was, in some cases, made to swallow a fragment of stone, and this was supposed to harden his heart and resolution in later days when he lifted the war trail. In the case of twins the first born is looked upon as somewhat of an interloper, according to the Tuhoe folk. If the lower teeth of an infant appear first "then the next child born to that woman will be a female. It was deemed unlucky to nurse or dandle an infant much, and the Maori has a belief, or at least some of them have, that an unborn infant receives nourishment through the raukai or fontanelles, birth takes place when these rua or apertures close up.
Among weaving experts it was reckoned most unfortunate if the process of dyeing fibres was witnessed by other persons, for it meant that the experts would lose their knowledge of the art, that is that bystanders would acquire the art cheaply, the pride of the craftsman was aroused. When engaged in weaving a garment it was most unlucky to leave a row of the tying process incomplete when ceasing work for the day, or to weave a superior
In connection with sickness and disease the Maori believed in a great number of omens, tohu or signs. As in old-time Babylonia the common belief was that sickness and disease were caused by the activities of malignant demons, atua, and it was this belief that prevented anything like medical research, in both religions. The Polynesians had no Arab neighbours to break out a trail in that direction, and so, on the advent of Europeans to these shores, the Maori folk became aware of a procedure that was quite new to them, viz, the treatment of ailments by means of internal medicines. Prior to that time they had pinned their faith to the absurd belief in demoniacal possession to which our forefathers clung so desperately, and which was encouraged by Christian priesthoods down to a late period. Mackenzie's remarks in his Myths of Babylonia and Assyria may be allowed to stand for Maoriland. He tells us how the Babylonians believed in the existence of innumerable spirits and demons: "The spirits of disease were ere lying in wait to clutch him with cruel, invisible hands"—also how demons were believed to enter and consume the body, and were supposed to be expelled by magic ceremonial and charms, all of which was essentially Maori.
If the Maori was ignorant of the science of medicine in pre-European days here, he certainly accepted such treatment with alacrity, and eagerly indulged in the white man's medicines, whether suitable for his malady or not, and indeed he would readily quaff a dose of medicine when untroubled by any complaint. Ere long he began to compound his own medicines, wai rakau, weird decoctions of divers leaves, roots and barks that might well cause a man to bound from his very coffin, or wish himself in it. These marvellous remedies were highly recommended for every ill, malady and calamity under the shining sun, and in some cases are said to have been most efficacious as preventatives. As illustrating the culminating point of these high ideals I may mention one wai rakau highly spoken of by experts of the troubled "sixties" when the song of the musket was heard in the land. When the Tuhoe contingent marched from Ruatahuna to assist in rolling back the Pakeha forces from Waikato-taniwha-rau, its ranks contained one
The simple act of sneezing seems to be viewed in two lights by the Maori. In the first place a sneeze was the first sign of life shown by Hine-ahu-one, the first woman, when created and vivified by Tane, and so we have the saying "Tihi mauri oral" among us to this day, as already explained. But sneezing seems to be also viewed as ominous of some coming trouble, and there are various brief sayings that were uttered to ward off such aitua, such as "Mahihi oral"
In cases of toothache I have been informed that an excellent remedy is to grip between the teeth leaves of a plant called maruru. So far this cure shows no element of interest as viewed from the angle of our chapter heading, but we are credibly informed that the sufferer must not see the said leaves, hence they must be procured and placed in his mouth by another person, if seen by the patient the leaves lose their virtue. Apparently the Maori was but seldom troubled with toothache in pre-European days. We have a dissertation on the teeth of the Maori as written by Hori Ropiha of Waipawa about the commencement of the century. He enlarges upon the fact that many of the food supplies of the Maori of old were hard, as dried fish, shellfish, fern roots, etc., and that the masticating of these helped to preserve the teeth. Soft foods, hard foods, fermented tunga, for the belief was that toothache is caused by some kind of grub, tunga, which fact explains his remarks on prevention of tooth trouble. Separate food and water vessels were assigned to all persons (who would be old folk) who suffered from niho tunga or toothache. Ropiha also states that Maori methods of cooking, steaming, roasting and stone-boiling, were all good methods, and that no hot foods were taken, hence the sound teeth of the Maori.
Another modern remedy consists of a lotion made by steeping bark of the rata tree in cold water. I was informed that the bark is procured early in the morning, and that no member of the family group may partake of food or indulge in a smoke until the bark is procured and brought to the hamlet. If this rule is broken then the lotion is not prepared, for it would be quite ineffective.
When a person was afflicted by mata kiritana or a sty on the eye the following cure was a charmingly simple one; it consisted merely of pointing the finger at the eye; another called for but little more trouble, a piece of dry stick was held in contact with the affected part and then broken by a quick movement so that the snapping of the stick might be heard. I was informed that it might be necessary to repeat the act, which seems probable.
A wound in the foot, says the Maori, may cause a swelling in the groin. In order to do away with such a swelling one would procure two oven stones, such as one used in heating a steam oven, one of which was held in contact with the swelling and was struck with the second stone held in the other hand. The simplicity of this cure is alluring. For certain eye troubles, a person would procure a grass stalk, point it at the sun and then touch the affected eye with it, repeating at the same time a certain form of charm. In some cases a sick person was conveyed to the village latrine and there given some food, should he be sufficiently stout-hearted to eat the food at such a place it was accepted as a sign that he would recover. Papanui is a complaint to which women were occasionally subject, and for which they took a fearsome decoction made by boiling in water four pieces of flax root and four pieces of the plant aka taramoa. So far so good, but, strange to say, it was absolutely necessary that the pieces required should be taken from the east side of the said plants. When, however, the same materials were procured for treating stomach troubles it mattered not from which side of the plant wai rakau or herbal remedies represent a modern usage. A piece of fern root (aruhe) was sometimes suspended from the neck to ward off sickness and disease; so far as I could ascertain this was the only true amulet connected with sickness worn by the Maori, and its use was very far from being general.
In the Reminiscences of Alexander Berry we are told of an epidemic that attacked natives of the Bay of Islands district early in last century, the cause of which malady was a remarkably strange one. The captain of a vessel lying in the bay had shown his watch to the natives, who had come to the conclusion that this strange thing that moved and spoke must necessarily be alive, also that it was an atua, something uncanny, and presumably the familiar spirit of the captain. As the vessel was about to sail from the bay the captain had the misfortune to drop his watch overboard, and so lost it. Shortly after the vessels departure an epidemic of sickness broke out among the natives, who, after much discussion and deep thought, came to the conclusion that the watch was an extremely malignant demon, an emmissary of the captain, and left behind in order that it might destroy the Maori people.
The pocket compasses carried by early travellers, missionaries, etc., were a ceaseless marvel to the Maori, who looked upon them much as he did the watch mentioned above. Even in my time, I have seen natives crowd round one to test the infallibility of the needle; young folk were much given to influencing it by means of a knife blade; the old feeling of fear had in my time died away. I have, however, known elderly natives who objected to being photographed, they having a haunting fear that the portrait in some way is the wairua or spirit of a person. One of the best anecdotes we have anent the terror caused by harmless things is that related by Nicholas about his shot pouch already given in this chronicle (Nicholas, J. L., Narrative of a Voyage to New Zealand, vol. 1, p. 254). In 1814 the Maori, in some places, had a little knowledge of firearms, but in many others he knew naught of them, save possibly some feckless rumour. The old man referred to by Nicholas had seen the effects of firearms, and when Nicholas showed him his shot pouch the old fellow trembled and turned his head away from that terrible engine of death.
Our Maori tells us that it is unlucky to hear the parangeki, a name applied to spirits, some say to spirits of the dead, and if this be correct, then they are one and the same as kehua. These shadowy beings are the only creatures who can traverse both wairua are said to have acted as guides under certain circumstances. An illustration of this is given at p. 50 of vol. 14 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society ("Wars of the Northern against Southern Tribes of N.Z. In 19th C.", S. Percy Smith). When kehua afflict persons, causing sickness, they are often alluded to as kikokiko, if a person so afflicted chanced to recover he might accept and treat the kehua as a familiar spirit.
Echoes are usually a mystery to barbaric man, and the Maori held that they were produced by spirits, wairua tangata, presumably spirits of the dead. Another strange belief was that bones of the dead could, by means of a certain charm or rite, be caused to resound, and so when a man was missing, an expert might set off to search for his remains, during which journey he would ever and anon call upon the bones of the missing man to resound. A reference to this occurs in the lament for Te Maitaranui: "Tarahau nga whara, e, tarahau ki runga oMohaka; tarahau nga iwi, e, tarahau ki runga o Tangitu."
When, about twenty-five years ago, the potato crop at Ruatahuna was largely a failure, the people concluded that the calamity was a punishment inflicted upon them for their having discarded their long cherished policy of isolation and turned to have dealings with Europeans. An epidemic that swept off many children in the same district in 1897 was caused by their having lifted the tapu from the carved house at Matatua.
The evidence given here as to Maori superstition, their recognising omens in most trivial incidents, and their being influenced in weighty undertakings by trifling occurrences, all tends to illustrate the mentality of our native folk. Our Maori neighbour is a shrewd, intelligent person, until something awakens the superstitious side of his nature, and then anything may happen.
Our chapter on Omens and Superstitions is a brief one, owing to the many examples of such included under other headings.
(Dominion Museum Bulletins 10 and 11)