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Biographers have written the stories of several famous men in New Zealand's history—in particular the
Regarded from more than one angle pakeha. He was the forerunner of white settlement in many a district. He saw thousands of square miles of fertile country unpeopled save for the tribes which used only small portions of it, and he saw with the eye of faith, the vision of a seer—a very practical seer—those great regions covered with the homes and flocks and villages and towns of the Anglo-Celtic. To that end, the conversion of wild New Zealand into a land of civilisation, comfort and wealth, a new Britain in a sunnier quarter of the globe, his life efforts were directed.
Maclean's career in New Zealand, the land whose progress occupied his energies of body and brain so completely that he never found an opportunity of revisiting his native land, was divided into two periods of public service. For about twenty years he was an officer of the Crown, first as Sub-Protector of Aborigines, then as chief agent of the Government in the purchase of surplus Maori lands for settlement, and as Native Secretary, a capacity in which he was the principal intermediary between the Governor and the ministries of the day and the native tribes. In the second period from the middle Sixties to the time of his death at the beginning of 1877, he was engaged in politics and also in the active direction of native affairs and in the organisation of the Government's military policy in the most critical era of the Hauhau wars.
A detail of name spelling may as well be made clear. Probably no Scottish Highland name is so variously spelled as Maclean.
The material from which this biography is written consists by far the greater part of original MSS. letters and journals hitherto unpublished. In making researches for this purpose, I was greatly assisted by my good friends
Of the original sources helpful to the author, many were old colonists, contemporaries of
In writing his histories Carlyle valued, above almost everything else, a good portrait of his hero, and searched far and wide for such. “If one would buy,” he wrote, “an indisputably authentic old shoe of William Wallace for hundreds of pounds, and run to look at it from all ends of Scotland, what would one give for an authentic visible shadow of his face, could such, by art natural or art magic, now be had?” “Often I have found a portrait superior in real instruction to half a dozen written ‘Biographies,’ as biographies are now written; or rather, let me say I have found that the Portrait was a small lighted candle by which the Biographies could for the first time be read, and some human interpretation be made of them.”
Judged by the Carlylean standard, the portrait of Maclean reproduced as the frontispiece to the book is a clearly-burning light to the character of the man.
The little rugged islands on the west of Scotland, Atlantic-washed isles of mist and hard weather, have produced many a man who made abiding impression on the story of Britain especially of Britain overseas. The struggle with the gales, the granite soil, the seagirt character of the place, the stern patriarchal upbringing of the sons of the clan, all tended to produce men of courage, resolution, vigour and high principle, men fitted by heredity and environment for the life of the pioneer in new lands when the old isles and the old glens had become too small.
Leaders, pathfinders, are bred in such places, the men who show the way forward in every walk of life. One of our greatest men of southern lands,
Donald Maclean was born on the 27th October 1820; he was the son of
Before he was twenty he was in a new land, the world's width away, where his powers of body and brain were to be tried to the utmost. It was in 1838 that he bade farewell to the highlands and the isles that he was never to see again. It was nearly forty years later that New Zealand mourned for rata tree laid low.
Donald Maclean's cousin Miss MacDougall had married and her husband had been given a Government appointment in Australia; they induced young Donald to accompany them. With some other relations the party sailed from Oban in the ship St George, on November 15th 1838, and arrived in Sydney on April 10th 1839, a voyage of five months.
On first landing in
At that time New Zealand was spoken of as a favourable field for young adventurers eager to push their fortunes. He used every endeavour to find a way there, and this he accomplished through a relation, who introduced him to the firm of Abercrombie and Co., of Sydney. The firm had kauri timber properties in the Auckland district. They sent him across on business. Presently the firm retired from the New Zealand trade and he was left to his own resources. He saw much pioneer life on the coast and became very friendly with the Maoris on the shores and islands of the Hauraki Gulf, at a period when native law and custom still ruled, troubled little by the new dispensation under the pakeha. He lived at Coromandel and
It was Dr. Sinclair, a very gifted man, was drowned in the
Maclean was given employment as a clerk and assistant interpreter in the Native Department, then styled the office of the Protector of Aborigines. Governor FitzRoy, to whom he was introduced by pakeha and Maori.
Physically Donald Maclean was well fitted for the heavy work of travel through the interior and along the coast of the colony. Unroaded, unbridged, this land of stream, forest, swamp and mountain was difficult to traverse even for the strongest. Among the missionaries it was only the men of exceptional strength, of whom pikau. The natives admired a big well-built man, and Maclean in his prime was just the type of man that filled their ideas of a warrior and a leader—tall, burly, wide of shoulder, deep of chest.
For his part, Maclean quickly took a liking to the Maori as a race. His Scottish clan ancestry, his knowledge of and love for the traditions and the institutions of his Highland and Isles folk predisposed him in favour of a people whose social life and methods of government so closely resembled
rangatira, their passion for songs and chants and oratory, even the favourite working and fighting costume the rapaki or kilt, all reminded the lad from Tiree of his clan and their neighbours, as they had been from time immemorial. It was little wonder that the grave and rather dignified young Islesman—he was more than a lad now—felt himself at home among the tattooed tribesmen of the Hauraki and the Waikato and Taranaki. “pakehas could fathom. Thus at a remarkably early age
Donald Maclean's first appearance on the colonial scene as an agent of the Government in dealings with the native race was in Taranaki in 1844. When trouble arose and war threatened in the winter of that year as the result of Mr. Spain's award in the
When the Governor and the Bishop arrived, young Maclean was already in
The story of the quarrel between pakeha and Maori in Taranaki which necessitated this intervention by the Governor and his official and missionary helpers may be reduced to a simple summary.
The New Zealand Land Company of London, after establishing its pioneer colony at Wellington, negotiated with the Maoris of Taranaki for land for a settlement at Ngamotu, which presently was called pa against an invading cannibal army of Waikato. Barrett, however, was not a satisfactory interpreter. His knowledge of the Maori language was merely colloquial; his work as an interpreter in the Wellington purchase was severely criticised by Commissioner Spain when the Company's land claims were investigated. To the Company's loose methods and Barrett's inadequate interpreting may be attributed the misunderstandings and repudiations of bargains that soon arose.
It soon became clear that the Maoris did not realise what they were signing away. In the case of the Taranaki purchase the deed placed before the chiefs and signed so eagerly in return for some presents purported to convey to the company all the land from the Mokau district southward along the coast to Hauranga, several miles south of Ngamotu; the inland boundaries were the summit of Taranaki mountain (pakehas except one or two missionaries, the company proposed to acquire; it was of course unsurveyed, its area no one could
The New Zealand Company sold 60,000 acres of this domain to a colonising company formed in Plymouth, England, with the Earl of Devon at its head, and on this land the settlement of
The Company soon was merged in the pakehas aroused perturbation among the Maoris; they disputed, and with some justice, the Wakefield concern's bargain. Complications, too, arose with the Waikato tribes; who claimed Taranaki by right of conquest, though they did not occupy it. A war-party of Waikato men, armed with double-barrel guns, went to Ngamotu in assertion of their claims. The Governor, in order to save the settlement, induced pakeha, infuriated the Maoris dispossessed of the pick of their ancestral lands.
This was the position when Maclean, as Sub-Protector of Aborigines, found himself faced with the task of the conciliation of the Taranaki tribes in the interests of peaceful settlement.
Maclean and Mr. Whiteley, on August 29th 1844 went to the villages of the Taranaki and pakeha authorities, “arising principally,” as Maclean wrote in his report, “from portions of their land having been occupied by the Europeans without the consent of the real owners, who were in captivity at the time the purchase was effected by the
When Captain FitzRoy arrived a large meeting of pakehas and Maoris was held. The Maori case was made quite clear, and FitzRoy could not but admit that the owners of the soil had been treated with injustice. They explained that when they were overcome in war by the powerful Waikato and allied tribes, the conquerors did not occupy the land. When the spread of Christianity brought about the liberation of the people who had been led away captive, hundreds of the owners of Taranaki returned to their homes, to find them claimed and in many cases occupied by Englishmen. As for Waitara, there was not a single man of the Atiawa tribe,
There was some pathos in the appeal of this unfortunate people, reduced by war and deprived of some of its olden cultivation grounds: “Friend Governor, do you not love your land—England, the land of your fathers—as we also love our land at Waitara? Friend Governor, be kind to the Maori people.”
FitzRoy soon announced his decision. He refused to confirm the award of Mr. Commissioner Spain.
This complete reversal of the Company's schemes and Spain's award created consternation in the white settlement. The settlers who had to abandon their newly-broken-in farms were naturally seething with indignation. Yet if the Governor was to preserve peace there was no other course open to him. The Maori case was based on right; the pakeha case on the extraordinarily careless transactions of Wakefield and Company.
While Maclean remained in Taranaki he assisted in the task of arranging for the enlargement of the settlement by the purchase of various additional blocks. He was styled Sub-Protector of Aborigines until 1846, when the new Governor, Sir George Grey, abolished the Protectorship. Maclean was then appointed officer in charge of a small body of armed police with the title of Inspector. A police force for New Plymouth District consisting of eleven privates or constables and a sergeant.pakeha and Maori and also between the quarrelsome native tribes.
Maclean was instrumental in completing the purchase of the FitzRoy block, on which
The rapid increase of the pakeha population inevitably created apprehension among the Maoris generally as to the future of their race. This growing feeling culminated in 1852 in the formation of a confederation of tribes which came to be called the Land League, binding themselves, so far as Taranaki was concerned, to put a stop to all sales of land northward of the Bell Block (which was about half way between pakeha Government involved Maclean as Native Commissioner and Land purchase Agent for the Crown in a world of trouble and debate.
The scene of this drama of peacemaking in which Maclean played a part was a fortified hold of the Waitotara Maoris, NgaRauru, the pa called
In December, 1844, a taua or war-party of the Taupo tribe,
South Taranaki and the Waitotara were speedily in arms and about a thousand fighting men gathered at pas to resist the march of their Taupo foes. The arrival and encampment of the taua at Wanganui settlement, close to the little pakeha town, created alarm among the people there, who feared that in the coming conflict the white settlers would suffer.
Accordingly a messenger was sent off along the coast to Wellington, with instructions to travel at his utmost speed and deliver a message for Government intervention. The British frigate Hazard commanded by Captain Robertson (who a few months later fell desperately wounded in the battle of Kororareka, Bay of Islands) arrived in a few days bringing as passenger Major Richmond, Superintendent of
The Native Department officials, with Major Richmond and the Hazard's captain, went to Hazard was blown out to sea from the Wanganui anchorage, and an anxious night was spent by the party on land. Arrangements were made in case of attack on the town, but the night passed without alarm.
After a few days of negotiation, conducted chiefly by Mr. Maclean, it was agreed that the war-party should go within sight of their enemies, fire off their guns, and dance their war-dance, in order to whakapata te aitua, that is “to allay the ill-omen,” and then to return peaceably to their own place.
In the hope of making peace between the two parties, the Bishop and Major Richmond walked to taua an intentional insult, as they were not willing to believe that a force of a thousand men could have ex-
pakehas were the authors of it. In a few minutes the chief changed his tone to one of friendliness. An old priest then approached the pile of food, circling round it at first at a cautious distance, but approaching nearer and nearer at each turn, and muttering his prayers as he moved slowly along. When his karakia was completed, the suspected food was ordered to be burnt. (No doubt the Maoris believed that the food had been placed under the spell of makutu by their enemies in order to bewitch them.)
The Taupo war-party slept that night at Kai-iwi. Major Richmond, Forsaith and the Bishop went to the hill pa, where they found a meeting of 800 to 1,000 armed men of “I hoki rangatira mai koutou,” (“You have acted like chiefs in returning”). Then he called upon his men to do honour to the pakeha. The whole body of warriors rose, fired a salute, and danced their war-dance and, in a few minutes, were marching along the beach back to Wanganui.
During most of this time Mr. Maclean had remained with the Waitotara and Taranaki people in their fortress at Ihupuku, endeavouring to restrain them from fighting. The joint action of Government officers and missionaries had the effect of preventing a battle which would have created turmoil all along the
At this period, 1845, the tribes of the interior lived a perfectly independent life, untrammelled by all pakeha laws save the mild rule of the missionaries, each paramount chief exercising the power of a petty sovereign. The Treaty of Waitangi had been signed by most of the principal men in the two islands, but one who steadfastly refused to set his mark to it was the greatest chief of all. This was Ariki of the Taupo country, head of the
Te Heuheu was the most dignified, even majestic figure among the many high aristocrats of his race. Of great stature and in his prime a toa or warrior of exceptional strength and activity, he was now grown old but his vigour of mind and his fiery clan pride remained unabated. He declined with scorn the coaxing of the missionaries to become a Christian or to sign the Treaty with the White Queen. “I shall not abase myself by placing my head between the thighs of a woman,” he declared with the blunt symbolism of the Maori. “I am King here in Taupo.” His younger brother Iwikau—soon to succeed him as Ariki of Taupo—had been induced to sign the document when he
pukapuka o te Kuini.” Iwikau soon had good reason to regret acceptance of that blanket, for his brother berated him for his action in thus belittling the family and the tribe by accepting alien sovereignty, and made him return it.
That was the chief and that was the district which the young Sub-Protector of Aborigines set out to visit in the spring of 1845, in pursuance of his determination to make friends with all the native tribes and familiarise himself with their ways and their attitude towards the Government and the colonists. It was not an easy place to reach in those days of no roads. The only way was to take canoe up one or other of the great rivers as far as practicable and then walk through the forests and swamps and over the many steep ranges. Very few Europeans had been to Taupo. The Rev. Adventure in New Zealand, had been at Pukawa in 1842; he was hospitably entertained by toa's death, in battle, but to perish miserably in a land-slip with half a hundred of his people.
The stalwart Maclean was only twenty-five when he undertook his diplomatic mission through the Island to Taupo, but he was of a discretion, wisdom and acumen beyond his years. Practically he was an ambassador to independent tribes, and he must uphold the mana of his race and his Government with befitting dignity, at the same time paying due respect to the opinions and the customs of a proud primitive folk. One of his responsibilities was the making of peace between quarrelsome clans wherever there was a possibility of conflict.
The story of Maclean's first journey from Manuscript diary, reports and letters of
Writing from
Two big men, physically and mentally, silently appraised each other when Maclean and pakeha. The descriptive Mana-nui, meaning great influence, prestige, authority, was the popular affix to his name. Maclean was still to make his own name and establish his mana, but it was not many years before Wake-field described him as “the great Maori mystery man.” The adventurous Scot and the Maori “savage,” as the missionaries called him, conceived a respect and admiration for each other that was too soon tragically swept aside by death.
Maclean had travelled by way of Whakatumutumu (on the head-waters of the Mokau), and Tuhua, fifty-six miles apart, through a marshy forest country where the party had to carry all their provisions for the journey. At Tuhua he was detained a day or two by the difficulty of getting assistance, his own natives being completely knocked up from
The young Government ambassador met with a most friendly reception at pakeha. “He displayed,” Maclean wrote in his diary, “the martial bearing of a New Zealand chieftain, declaiming on warlike operations, his deportment portraying both dignity and determination, which could not fail having an effect on all he might address. With a powerful but harsh voice he thus began:
“‘The New Zealanders are all a chieftain race. They will not be subdued by Europeans. From their infancy they have been skilled in war.’” Captain William Mayhew, an American who had a store at Wahapu, near Kororareka; he was Acting Consul for the
They had been told the same thing by the pakeha.
Te Heuheu's brother, Iwikau, said that many Maoris who were partial to the pakeha must be a very dishonest people,” said Iwikau; “else why do they have so many locks on their doors and boxes?”
The young Government emissary tried to convince the chiefs that many of their impressions were erroneous, but their cynical scepticism as to the Europeans' good intentions was not to be demolished. So passed the conference with the two big men of Taupo.
After succeeding in pacifying two sections who had quarrelied, Maclean took his leave, and returned to the coast, by way of the plains and the Wanganui River. “On passing down the Wanganui,” he wrote, “I was struck by the denseness of the population on the northern parts, and the inaccessible situation of many of their pas, only to be approached by ladders up the steep sides of precipices. These places, fenced by nature, have been their safeguard when attacked by the otherwise irresistible force of the Waikato, who failed in their attempts to subdue the inhabitants of these rugged wilds, when other parts of the Island were obliged to submit. This part of the river has rarely been visited by Europeans, which caused the Maoris to think the more of my coming to see them at a time when the Island was under such excitement. They manifested great anxiety to learn the intentions of Waikato and Taupo towards them, from whom they were in daily fear of an attack more especially those towards the coast, whose
Here comes in the Wanganui missionary, the
In Maclean's manuscript journal there is a record of a theological argument between tohunga tongues. Maclean includes some extracts he made from a manuscript journal which the missionary lent him.
Mr Taylor preached to the taua, the war-party from Taupo, at Wanganui on 5 January 1845.
“After preaching,” he wrote, “I went to see the Heuheu. He told me that our God was a child, he had only come to the land; his own gods had been there from the beginning. I told them that there was but one God, and exhorted them to listen to His words. Heuheu answered there were many gods, because one God could not make all things. One man could not make all houses, canoes, weapons, etc. Our God, he said, was an angry God to thrust all his enemies into the fire. He, Heuheu, was a god also.
The debate between the chief and the missionary was continued on 7th January. Mr. Taylor wrote: “Had an interview with Heuheu, who spoke very largely about the wicked being sent to Hell. He said he would have a fight with God first before he went there. He said he would take Waitotara; and then he would soon make all the natives give up religion. I could not listen to his boasting and
The horror of the missionary at this impious defiance of his doctrine of hell-fire must have secretly amused the Scot, for all his own Calvinistic training. He did not call the Heuheu a “poor benighted savage.” On the contrary, he wrote in his diary, after quoting Taylor's words: “Here I would remark that the manners of Heuheu are very attractive, so as to command respect, and even admiration; and were he to have more intercourse with respectable Europeans, he would no doubt advance in civilization.”
It was not long before pakeha settlements, and the mingled beauty and grandeur of much of the scenery where the most primitive tribes of the Island lived. The second journey to
At Roto-a-ira, the beautiful lake on the north side of the Tongariro group of mountains, the travellers stayed at Motu-o-Puhi pa, a large stockaded village, on the peninsula which juts out into the lake, and were very kindly received by the Maoris. “We were very much struck,” Maclean wrote in his diary, “by the majestic appearance and kind and hospitable manner of the female chief of this place. She reminded us of what they had been in former days before they had intercourse with civilised people.” This rangatira woman was evidently Te Maari, whose people live to-day at Otukou, Mapouriki and other kaingas in the district. At Tokaanu Maclean saw for the first time the geysers and boiling springs. The principal geyser impressed
Good old Heuheu hospitably received his pakeha guests at kokowai (red ochre, mixed with oil) for pakeha that there was still a strong disposition on the part of the natives to have more fighting; that the mission natives were not well disposed and wanted to make themselves greater than they had any right, and that was one reason he did not join them. He had a great regard for all European missionaries and regretted that the Bishop had not placed one at his place; nothing gave him greater pleasure than having respectable Europeans to visit him.
The following are extracts from Maclean's diary:
Friday 14 November 1845 (at Rapa)–
Te Heuheu said that Hongi (Heke's wife's father) who went to England to seeKing George , advised him to be friendly to thepakehas, both “Tewera”and Missionary, but should it happen after his death that a flagstaff be erected in New Zealand, he was to be careful of preventing it on his own territories, as the intention would be to possess the land and deprive his countrymen of their rights…. Having had some food I passed the greater part of the afternoon with him when he told me that there was still a very strong feeling on the part of the tribes of Taupo—Rotorua, especially the Ngatipikiao tribe (Rotoiti), who, headed by the chiefs Rupe and Matenga, had sent him a basket containing a quantity of ready-made cartridges, as a token that they Tewera: The Maori pronunciation of “devil,” the term applied by the missionary natives to traders and others who were not church people.
were disposed to assist him in attacking Ihupuku (on the Waitotara) and try the strength of those who collected there last year as well as to be revenged for the death of some of their relatives who had been killed in the engagement at Patoka. Those cartridges he fired off to signify he was not inclined to use them for the purpose intended. His desire was for peace, and through him it had been kept to the present time, but he could not altogether suppress the warlike propensities of other tribes. 17 November. After breakfast
Te Heuheu got a canoe ready and accompanied us across the lake to the nextpanorth of the Rapa. This was Waitahanui. I had a long conversation with him, endeavouring to point out to him the benefit to Taupo in having a European settlement at Wanganui and how much it would be to his benefit to behave well to them. He showed us his houses at Waitahanui which were very handsomely built and neatly carved and fitted in the old native style, also one he had built for Mr. Chapman (the Rotorua missionary). We bade him farewell, and he begged us to visit him again and regretted he had not more means at his disposal just then to receive us more comfortably.We then parted from the friendly old chief and arrived at Waimarino, on the lake side, where we found a very pleasing set of natives with an excellent man as teacher named Hakiha. The natives under his tuition were more advanced than at any place at Taupo we had been to. After schooling them for an hour or so we came to Motutere, Maniapoto's place, where we found the natives in a sad state of backwardness, arising principally from the want of a missionary amongst them. I could not but observe even in the short time we were there the good impression made by Mr. Taylor's addresses to them.
Walking up the east coast of
From Rotorua Maclean and Taylor tramped across the heart of the Island, crossing the
From Motukaramu, with a Maori crew, they went down the Mokau River in a canoe. The descent of the many rapids was safely accomplished, and after twelve hours' paddling the party covered the whole distance (about 45 miles) to Mahoe, the pakeha owner. Two days' hard walking along the coast, fording some of the rivers and canoeing across others, took them home to
Maclean and the missionary between them succeeded in persuading the often touchy Maoris in many places to abandon their quarrels and to regard the pakeha tribe with less suspicion—and so far so good.
On 21 May 1846, Maclean wrote in his diary when camped at Upoko-ngaro, Wanganui: “Heard guns firing. A report that they were fired in consequence of old Heuheu, the chief of Taupo, being capsized in a canoe.” (This was not correct). “It is feared he might have been destroyed by a taniwha, or god of the water, on the
A few days later the facts about the great chief's tragic end reached Wanganui. Maclean wrote on 26 May:
“It is with very deep regret that I hear of the death of the fine old chief, Heuheu. I may indeed say that the very
pride and boast of New Zealand chieftains is now gone, nor will successive generations replace this with a more intelligent or well-disposed man, well versed in every tradition and history of his country's people, as well as the productions of the country, of all of which, from the largest tree to the smallest shrub, he had some tradition or knowledge. He was a skilful botanist, and knew the physical uses of many herbs and plants. Nor was he ignorant of the insects and birds of the country. What an irreparable loss to the Island! Would that I had half of his knowledge committed to paper. I would make a greater sacrifice to obtain what I shall never have another opportunity of knowing. This noble chief lost his life at his residence, Te Rapa , on theTaupo Lake , where he was with his wife and clever son, and fifty of his tribe, sunk in a land-slip. The natives suppose this to be the work of ataniwhaor god, over whom old Heuheu had influence; but it is to be hoped that the God of Gods has not forsaken him, and that he is removed where superstition and heathenism are alike unknown. His brother, Iwikau, has written a letter to Mr. Taylor. He states that, as his brother died evincing friendship to all parties, he should now give up his warfaring propensities, and abide by his brother's disposition. The death of Heuheu causes a sensation of grief throughout the Wanganui River, more particularly amongst the Patutokotoko tribe, who were closely allied to him. The females of the tribe have decorated themselves with feathers, the mourning worn by New Zealanders.”
The village pa about a mile away.
It is difficult for many New Zealanders to imagine the troubles of the early days settlers in travelling about the country now so smoothly roaded and safely bridged. I shall give here some extracts from the diaries of pakeha settlement from them, and composing differences between the races which might, but for his efforts, have led to war.
The first extract describes some incidents of a journey from
“April 30, 1845.—At the Rev. Mr. Schnackenberg's mission station (Te Mahoe, inside Mokau Heads). Late in the evening I started for Awakino and Kawhia. There was something very beautiful in the night, travelling north along the beach-roaring white foam dashing against the cliffs, round which we had difficulty in passing, some of us carrying lighted torches to guide us on our way. It contrasted with the quiet solemnity of the plantations and forest and murmuring streams which we had just passed. The Maori postman from
New Plymouth , for Auckland, formed one of the party; and I, having the advance, preceded him to the Awakino settlement, where I had my tent erected and fern laid down for a bed before he made his appearance, havingbeen detained by the tide at one of the projecting headlands on the route. “May 2, 1845.—Continued on our journey to Kawhia. At one place we had considerable difficulty in climbing a projecting cliff near Waikawa having a mural face. It is necessary to have the assistance of natives to draw one up the face of it; and in passing round its base a person runs the risk of being drawn into the surf by the reflux of the heavy rolling waves at this point. One of my Maoris who assisted me in rounding this headland narrowly escaped drowning, being drawn into the surf whilst we were out of sight on the other side of the rock; and with great difficulty regained his footing on the rocks, having lost some of his clothes. Slept at Te Ranga, having travelled this day thirty miles.
“Saturday, 3 May, 1845.—We pushed on with the greatest rapidity, endeavouring to get to Mr. Whiteley's to spend the Sunday, and replenish our stock of food, which was nearly exhausted. We did not, however, succeed, as night closed over us at the bush entering Kawhia harbour, the rain pouring down without interruption. In the midst of it we managed to pitch our tent and strike up a good fire. Here I discovered my meagre stock of food with the party, and invited them all to pass the night in the shelter of my tent, which became very uncomfortable towards morning from the rain flowing beneath our beds, and made it necessary to strike it and pursue our journey at the early dawn of day.
“Sunday, 4 May.—Our path led through the bush, which was both slippery and difficult from the rains. My party were cheered up when we got to the ridge of the hill by observing a small native village at two miles distance, where there were evident preparations making for the morning repast. Here I procured a boat and pulled up to Mr. Whiteley's, where I was received with frankness and hospitality, for which the missionary and his wife are noted.”
The Rev.
The difficulties of the return journey southward, from Mokau to Taranaki, are described in a journal Maclean kept on another occasion in the following year:
“Friday, 23 January 1846.—Started from Mr. Schnackenberg's Station, the Mahoe, at 7 in the morning and came along the beach to Tongaporutu, where there was a dinner of potatoes ready for us. Came on to Parininihi (“Lofty Cliffs”), the famed White Cliffs. We had to remain there for ten hours till we could get past the point, which we tried during the night, getting up to the middle in water. We were obliged to put back from the heavy surf neap tides, and get up a steep bank from the beach. We slept at an old
pathey call Kotikoti-aka, one of the chief Taringa-Kuri's old fortifications, where there is a deep trench cut round and a beautiful karaka grove on the embankment. Here we had a short sleep, and by daylight came to the descent by rope ladder on this side (the south) to Pukearuhe.“January 24.—We came along the coast by degrees as the tide ebbed on the sandy beaches. At Onaero we had food, and all the natives were very busy preparing some food for us all the way to Waitara, where we got about dusk, and were in at Te Henui,
New Plymouth , at midnight.”
It was almost as arduous and dangerous travelling along the coast between Wanganui and
“August 13.—Started my ride from Wanganui at half past six a.m. Reached Waitotara at 1 p.m. Called at Mr. Stannard's, Wesleyan Missionary, a Cork man. Reached Tihoe at night, forty miles. Quite dark, and heavy rain when I got in. The tide dashing in. High water prevented my getting to Patea. Slept on the floor. Heavy rain all night. Bad prospect of crossing rivers in the morning. Quite easy, however, respecting the safety of
New Plymouth .“August 14.—Some delay in crossing Patea. Sent a native inland for a canoe to cross the river. Reached Manawapou. Had tea and potatoes. Great difficulties in crossing the river. A boy swam over with the rope and got the horse across in a short time. Two men came from inland who
carried me across. I alighted on their backs from a rock which had a flax rope suspended from it. The rains and floods are a great nuisance, and hindrance to speedy travelling. Crossed at Rangatapu in the evening; and after a deal of trouble, got to Mr. Woon's by the inland road through scrub and fern. “August 15.—Left Mr. Woon's at 10 a.m. Heavy rain. Immense difficulty in getting to Kaupokonui, the road being now abandoned, and grown over in one place. I was up to my armpits, leading my horse in a heavy fall of hailstones, making it a severe day. Crossed the Kaupokonui. Not so much water as I expected, the tide being out. Got to Otumatua at night, as wet as possible.
“August 16.—Left Otumatua at 8 and breakfasted at Umuroa on potatoes; having got over the creeks and rivers, nine or ten in number, pretty well.
“August 17.—Arrived early in the afternoon at Te Henui,
New Plymouth , having called at Mr. Wicksteed's at Omata. Found them in good hearty spirits, surrounded with plenty, and enjoyed Omata life greatly.”
That journey along the Coast from Wanganui, although on horseback, occupied five days. To-day in the car we can rush through along the main highway in three hours.
The hard, smooth sand extending from Mokau Heads southward to Taranaki was the great Maori highway in peace and war. The Waikato war parties invading the southern parts of the island came down the Mokau River from Totoro in canoes and from the South Head marched to Waitara most of the way along the beach. One of the old
It was easy for hostile tribes to bar that beach way. In later times when the Government built a redoubt at Pukearuhe (“Fernroot Hill”), a commanding cliff-top post near the famous White Cliffs, the garrison of the fort blocked the way at a place where the precipice fell directly to the sea, and the only path was a zigzag track up the cliff for some three hundred feet. The great white cliff of Pari-ninihi (pari means cliff and ninihi is lofty) was a barrier that could not be passed except when the tide was low; it towered for 800 feet above the surf.
Sometimes a chief of high mana raised another kind of barrier, none the less formidable because it was invisible. A tapu was laid on the beach road by the great chief Taonui, of the Mokau country, in 1846. This tapu interfered with peaceful travel and trade along the coast and was likely to cause a little war between Taranaki and the Ngati-Maniapoto.
The origin of the trouble was a trifling matter in itself, as was often the way in Maori quarrels. It was all over a few pigs. Taonui's people at Mokau had sent down some pigs for sale or barter in Taranaki and these precious pigs, transported first by canoe and then driven grunting along the beach, were delivered into the hands of a European living at Tongaporutu, and a minor chief seized them because of some indebtedness. It was all very complicated and so very Maori that it was not easy to unravel.
Two factions were in fighting temper and on top of this came the tapu. No more pig-trading parties were permitted to use the beach, and as the new pakeha town of pakeha goods, and as it was no use going to Taranaki without a pig or two to sell, the closed road was a serious matter.
The tapu was presently tightened up until it applied to all travellers.
The missionary at Mokau Heads, the tapu, and the young officer of the Government decided to make a trip up to the Mokau himself and deal with the trouble. He knew by experience how small quarrels quickly became serious inter-tribal feuds.
In January, 1846, he tramped up the coast to Taonui's country. He found when he arrived at Mokau that the trouble had advanced a stage further because of a curse—a Maori wizardly curse—which had been uttered by some Taranaki chief. Kanga is the term for such a curse. It consisted of comparing a chief's head to a stick of tobacco, a pig, or anything else which had to do with food. Taonui so strictly enforced the tapu that it now applied to Europeans as well as Maoris, and a Mr. Thatcher and the native constable and mail carrier to Auckland were stopped and sent back by one of the Mokau chiefs, who met them halfway along the beach.
Maclean took Thatcher with him to Mokau to forward him on his journey. He was accompanied by a party of the North Taranaki Maoris, who at his suggestion, took
On the journey to the Mokau from tapu commenced. Beyond there, on the next day's tramp, there were some dangerous and damp adventures in rounding the points where the surf came in to the base of the cliffs.
“We had a good ducking in the salt water,” Maclean wrote in his diary. At Tongaporutu, where they camped that night, they met the warrior chief Tikaokao, who welcomed Maclean. Maclean urged that whatever the Maoris might do among themselves in regard to a tapu on roads, they should not interfere with Europeans. He narrated how he had done away with tapus in various other parts of the Island.
Next day Te Ari, one of the chiefs, carried Maclean across the
At the Mokau most of the chiefs were met, and although Taonui was up the river the messages left for him and the speeches of his leading men ensured that pakehas at any rate would not be stopped by the tapu. The return walk to Taranaki was stormy and often perilous, but journey's end was reached with the knowledge that the object of the trip had been attained.
The tapu presently was lifted altogether, and pigs as well as their owners and pakeha travellers could tread the sacred sands unmolested.
Whanganui is the original and correct spelling but in popular usage the “h” has been eliminated so far as the river and the town are concerned. The name of the principal tribe of the district, however, is still commonly spelled Whanganui. The Wakefields' negotiations with the Wanganui chiefs began on board the The next responsibility devolving on the young Native Commissioner was the task of settling the long-standing dispute between pakeha settlers and Maori land-owners at Wanganui.Wellington Independent, 7 July 1846) that: “It would be no bad plan to remove the whole of the colonists from the north to the Middle Island, reimbursing the settlers in some way for their outlay.”Tory towards the end of 1839, when the pioneer ship lay at anchor off Waikanae. Three Wanganui chiefs who were on a visit to Waikanae came off to the ship and hapus of the Wanganui people who declared that they had not sold the land; the result was that most of the whites were restricted to a small area in and near the little town.
Affairs quickly developed for the worse, until in 1847 a little war was waged. Imperial troops were hurried to Wanganui, blockhouses were built on Pukenamu hill, over-looking the small town (it became known as the Rutland Stockade), and another fortified hill, the York Stockade. Skirmishing went on for several months, the whites cooped up in the river-side township, the Maoris from up-river coming and going as they pleased and thoroughly enjoying themselves shooting at the pakeha and eating their cattle and sheep. The only fight of any importance was the final skirmish, known in local history as the battle of St. John's Wood, in which a few were killed on each side. When the Maoris tired of the inconclusive war game they made a tentative peace with their “fighting friends” and retired to their homes to plant the new season's crops.
The land titles were still unsettled, and it was clear that unless the Government made a purchase of sufficient land for the farmers of the district the place would not be worth the occupying.
Mr. Maclean went up the river by canoe, visiting the chiefs, and made a very careful enquiry into titles and boundaries.
“On the twenty-sixth of May, 1848,” he wrote in his report, “the several tribes and claimants to the number of about six hundred, assembled at Wanganui. The natives appeared fully impressed with the importance of this meeting, which was attended with more than usual pomp and ceremony. The elder men were dressed in their best dogskin and kaitaka mats, some of them had their heads decorated with huia and kotuku feathers, not neglecting their méré pounamu (greenstone clubs), and every other ancient emblem of chieftainship, by which they could distinguish themselves. The younger chiefs and members of the tribes were generally dressed in the best European garments they could procure for the occasion. The various tribes, each with its representative, were seated in distinct groups, forming a semi-circle in front of the Wanganui Hotel.
“The preliminaries of recognising the natives being over, I requested them to give unreserved expression to their sentiments respecting the definite sale of their land.
“To this they successfully responded by several animated speeches, to the effect, that they had, in accordance with their own customs, cried, lamented, and wept over their land, which they now wished for ever to be given up to the Government.
“The Deed of Sale, which I drew up in simple and perspicuous, yet the most binding terms that the native language would admit of, was then read over, the natives fully assenting to the external boundaries, the boundaries of their reserves (all of which were pointed out to them on the map annexed to the Deed) and to every other condition embraced in that document.
“On this day (the 26th) eighty-three of the principal claimants signed the Deed, including three young boys, who were brought forward at the request of the chiefs to be future evidence of the acts of their parents. On Saturday
After the distribution, Maclean narrated, the various tribes dispersed quietly, expressing perfect satisfaction with the payment they had received.
Maclean's deliberate and careful purchase of the lower Wanganui lands, covering some 89,000 acres, gave the struggling settlement breathing room, stimulated farming work, and set the Wanganui district on the way to comfort and prosperity. The peace established remained unbroken until the Hauhau war which began in 1864.
On occasions Mr. Maclean travelled along the
“Tuesday, 5 December 1848.—Sailed in the
Carbon(schooner) for Wellington, being anxious to proceed there with the utmost expedition. Did not think it so advisable to take the land journey. I leave Taranaki with a feeling of some regret, from a fear, however unfounded, that disturbances with the natives may be more apt to arise in my absence. It is a great satisfaction to me to have exerted myself indefatigably in settling the land question and all differences and questions that I could bring to an issue before I leftNew Plymouth .“Blowing very hard. Vessel carrying too much sail. I had the captain take in the square-sail.
“Wednesday, 6 December.—A strong breeze from the west and south-west. Made Stephens Island at 12 meridian, and anchored in
Queen Charlotte Sound , at a small well-sheltered bay, where there is a native village, about 7 p.m. Just twenty-four hours from Taranaki, which is considered an excellent run. Landed the little boat for news.“Thursday, 7 December.–Left the Sound about 9 a.m. Light breeze. All sail set. At Wellington Heads a gale and squally weather. Single-reefed. Sailed hard, beating up the harbour. Anchored about 9 at night and went ashore at Barrett's Hotel.
“Friday, 8 December.—Called at Government House and met the Governor-in-chief,
Sir George Grey . He andJudge Chapman [the father of the late judge,Sir Frederick Chapman ] working in the garden. Reported a hundred Maoris at work for the settlers clearing bush, and all quiet.”
The next item in the diary describes the Christmas festivity when Maclean foregathered gladly with some of his fellow countrymen:
“Monday, 25 December 1848.—Engaged with Highland Sports. Breakfasted at Kaiwarra, Mr. McDonald's, and came from there with Lieut.-
Governor Eyre , Mr. A. M. McDonald, and the several Highlanders about that place, with bagpipes. Played to show our feat. A thirsty game! Found Bethune waiting for us with his tent pitched, and refreshments in it. The Governor-in-Chief came to see us before the games. We gave three good hearty cheers, and displayed the utmost loyalty to our Majesty's representative. Throughout, the games were conducted with the greatest good humour, and displayed no strife nor enmity, but all in perfect unison played their parts with animation and cheerfulness; the bagpipes playing at the end of each game; the contending players distinguished by white and pink ribbon. The play of throwing the hammer, wrestling, and other athletic games, being over, the party marched off with Gordon to his house, bagpipes playing a march. This being over, they laid violent hands on me, marching me on their shoulders to Barrett's Hotel, pipes playing on the left, where they also carried Bethune and Adams. At Barrett's I gave them some whisky. A few words of encouragement take effect:“‘Scotchmen and Highlanders—it is to me a sincere pleasure to meet so many people of the same land, the same descent and origin, met together to call to remembrance the sports of our parent land, and not forget them. Do not forget your country and your loyalty. Highlanders, your meeting together shows the energetic spirit that animates you; and whatever you zealously undertake, ye Highlanders, you will do it!'
“In the evening went to Mr. Strang's. Met the Governor-in-Chief on my way. Told him how the day had passed. He laughed rather at my being carried, and remarked,–‘They owe you that for settling the Land question at Wanganui.’ I replied, ‘No, Sir, they are not immediately interested in that, but they do it from my old Highland connection.’”
Donald Maclean's supreme qualities of tact and diplomacy were exhibited in the intricate negotiations necessary in acquiring Maori land for white settlement. This in the early days was a task often attended with great difficulty, particularly when the mana and territorial rights of several tribes hostile to each other were involved. The purchase for the Government of the great Rangitikei block in 1849 is a capital example of “
The increase in the pakeha population about
The purchase of a large area there was discussed at a great meeting at Parewanui. It was a very long drawn out argumentative korero. After nearly a week, Maclean told the other Europeans there not to go away, that a change was coming. In the afternoon the Whanganui tribe announced that they had come to the conclusion that the best way to settle all the different claims of ownership was to sell to the Government.
Mr. J. D. Ormond, who was present, wrote:
“The final proceedings opened by
Te Rauparaha making a speech, notifying that most of his people agreed to thesale. Directly he sat down (all the speeches were made by the natives running backwards and forwards, and gesticulating), Te Rangihaeata rose, a tall gaunt savage in appearance, clothed in a dogskin mat. He was in a towering rage. He rushed backwards and forwards, leaping in the air and yelling imprecations. After a time the dogskin mat came off, and stark naked he rushed to where oldTe Rauparaha sat in front of his people. Leaning over him he yelled every taunt and filthy term of abuse he knew. He calledTe Rauparaha , dog, slave-thing, and his tongue was a wonderful sight, it hung out an enormous length, and his filthy spittle dribbled on to the old chief he was abusing.Te Rauparaha sat perfectly still, never seemed to move or take any notice. At last, Rangihaeata, utterly exhausted, stopped, shouted to his followers to accompany him and leave their slaves to finish their evil work, and he went off.“That was the end of the meeting. The next day the deed of sale was signed by all the principal people, and the purchase of Rangitikei was concluded.”
Rauparaha—who died at Otaki a few months later (27 November 1849) attended this Parewanui meeting by virtue of his position as victor over the mana no doubt was recognised by Maclean. Although he had no landed right there he was capable of giving considerable trouble, and it was well therefore to conciliate him. He frequently visited Maclean in the Government wharé at night, and it is likely that the Commissioner gave him a present for his consent.
The deed of purchase was signed on 15 May 1849. The total sum paid was £2,500 of which £1,000 in gold and silver, divided into a hundred bags for distribution, was paid over on that date, the rest to be paid in three instalments of £500, in the three following years. The deed was signed by
So was concluded a bargain notable in the pioneering
As to the extent of the land so conveyed to the Crown, the following summary is given by
Anyone looking on the map of Rangitikei County will se a straight line running from the
Rangitikei River near Rata to a point close to where the Hunterville-Wanganui road corsses the Turakina, in a north-westerly direction. The whole of the land south of that, with the exception of the reserves at Parewanui, Turakina, and a few elsewhere, comprised the area purchased. The land on the north of the Whangaehu had been purchased by theNew Zealand Company as described in Wakefield's “Adventure in New Zealand.” This purchase ofDonald Maclean 's bought the land up to the Turakina, leaving a narrow strip of land between the two rivers Whangaehu and Turakina, about four miles wide, still in the hands of the Maoris.Sir Donald said the land between Whangaehu and Turakina was to be a tribal reserve for theNgati-Apa .
On this territory settlement soon began and it is one of New Zealand's most wealthy and most beautiful pastoral farming districts to-day.
The high canoe chant of the Maori captains rang like war cries along the Wanganui in the misty morning of a July day in 1849, when pa on the river. A little racing between the canoes enlivened them; and the females, distinguished by their mild voices, even in the thick mist, where their bodies were concealed, gave the scene a romantic charm that is peculiar to New Zealand. The simplicity of the natives, and their kind attention and courteous treatment of travellers makes such journeys as this most agreeable.”
The Rev. kainga of Hikurangi. There more Maoris joined them for a great church assembly or hui which was
“Leaving in the morning, we were much amused by the chattering set up by the ladies who were not accompanying their husbands to the hui. They collected on the bank below their pa, just above our canoe. Some of the men were apparently indifferent to what passed among the fair sex; but they were not insensible of the treasures they were leaving behind them, however much they might appear to neglect them when in their presence. Ladies, however agreeable their company in other parts of the world, are not permitted to join us in our canoe. The women, determined as usual, to have the ascendancy, had taken a canoe of their own, poled and paddled by themselves, a few old greyheaded men, and a tribe of young boys, who are always ready for any extraordinary service or exploit that may chance to cast up. A party of these young chiefs are squatted on the house-tops to watch our movements, as we sweep up against the stream.
“A few miles brought us to Pukehika, the termination of pa situated on the opposite side, called Pa-te-Arero. This is delightfully situated within a lovely karaka grove, and is one of the chief pas of the rebel chiefs up this river. A fine clay-walled church of large dimensions is being erected; which indicated a disposition for peace on the part of this tribe. If New Zealand had a few more zealous missionaries like Mr. Taylor, we should have fewer wars. But this most populous district seems to have been wholly abandoned to one labourer; whereas it would require four to render their services efficient. One of these should be situated among the scattered tribes of Tuhua and the Man-ganui-a-te-Ao; where the natives are becoming unsettled.
“We reached Pipiriki at 2 p.m., after a pleasant pull, the weather proving more favourable than we had expected since we left the mouth of the Wanganui.
“What a cheerful, happy race the New Zealanders are! Their wants are easily supplied, and their cares comparatively few. Even if they have a large family of children, each inherits his land and property, and is independent,
“An elderly native told me that rewha-rewha, that raging disease so destructive to the New Zealanders, prevailed when he was about five years old. He remembers the numbers that used to be buried indiscriminately in one hole, when the disease ravaged this populous part of New Zealand. This circumstance brings the date of the disease to a late period, later than I had officially noticed, by some ten years.
“We rest, to-night, at a house built for the
“Thursday, 14 July 1849.–A fine morning. Refreshed by sleep, but rather disturbed by dreams and premonitions during the night. How far they may be considered of any import, or not, I have not yet decided as fully as I should wish.
“Last night I got a knock on the forehead, above the left eye-brow, against the centre-pole that supported the house, having come to the kitchen to look for some firewood. It drew some blood, and this was observed by the natives in the morning. They seemed anxious about the consequences of this slight scar; and asked me if they would knock down the post, house, and all, as utu for the injury I sustained; or if, in accordance with their custom, I should claim the land; or if they should cleave posts and dig some land to designate where this accident befel me. All our canoe boys said this morning, ‘Let us have some utu for your injury; or let us show that it requires some notice.’ This is a custom among the natives, to claim the land where an accident befalls any of their chiefs, especially if blood is drawn on the spot.
“We had a strong pull up the river; and about two o'clock in the afternoon entered the branch called the Manganui-a-te-Ao, where the rapids are very numerous and difficult to
“About a hundred canoes are hauled up at this place. The owners are scattered in happy groups, like so many gipsies, around the pa. The landing of the canoes, the passing of natives in the shallows of the river, with their long poles over their shoulders, and happy greetings, though shivering at the time with cold, was a picture of great interest to us, who viewed them to great advantage in the deep glen where we were camped.
“We slept at Te Arero, where Pehi's lands commence, and where he is considered to be a large claimant of a country in which he is not likely to be disturbed during the present generation.
“Next day (Friday, 15 July 1849), it rained very heavily. We started at 9 a.m. for Otaki, on the Manganui-a-te-Ao, where the hui is assembled; and crossed a most hilly, dangerous, slippery road, up hill and down dale. The mist was hanging thickly over the cliffs, leaving a beautiful mountain scene to burst unappreciated on the eye, as we scrambled over cliffs that looked so precipitous that you seemed about to fall headlong into a horrid abyss. We arrived at Otaki about 2 p.m. after travelling a distance of six or seven miles from Te Arero.
“The encampments of Otaki were most picturesque. Tents of blankets, and calico, and toetoe huts, spread themselves on various embankments around the pa, which is surrounded, except at the entrance, by high rocks. The rain continued to pour, but there was no diminution in the busyness and chatter of the natives, who were running about for shelter, and erecting houses in all directions.
“It is quite a politic act for an Agent of Government to be present at such meetings, to hear what is discussed among the Maoris, and to correct the erroneous impressions
“Saturday, 16 July.–The display of food provided by the natives for this meeting is very grand. There are 1,200 kits of kumara, large baskets of taro, papa or bark cases of birds cooked and preserved, including tui, kaka, kiwi, and there are also eels. The birds are boiled in their own fat, and covered over with it; they will keep thus for three years. Pigeon, weka, duck, and whio (blue mountain duck) are also included in the papa, which are decorated with the feathers of the birds they hold. They look very well. Pigs and potatoes are abundant. In apportioning the food, the natives observe great decorum. The name of the tribe, and the place of residence, or either, is called out, and the portion of food for it is struck with a stick; and so on, for the several tribes present, or absent, to the end of the line of food; or for such of the guests desired to partake of the food. Food is seldom named or called for the chief individually; as that would, according to their old customs, render it sacred; it could only be eaten by him.
“This country is the most broken and unavailable that can be met with. It is a perfect jungle thrown up in such confusion, as if man's occupation of it was never intended, at least civilized man's, whose superior ability for subduing a country to his use would be fruitless in a place like this. All the eye surveys is horrid steeps and cliffs, with slippery hills and braes. Climbing over precipices, while holding on by the roots of trees, some of these decayed, is not an agreeable occupation, with heavy winter rains, when every false step you take may send you to eternity.
“Glencoe is considered to be a wild part of the Highlands of Scotland; but the scenery is much wilder here than there. Within the last two hours, from eight to ten at night, we have had seven avalanches (or land slips) on the opposite
“Next day again (19 July) was wet and stormy, with strong freshet on the river. It is quite tempting Providence to start in such weather. I feel that I should have remained at Otaki till to-day to have done more good for the Government.”
Maclean noted this with a shiver no doubt. But the party all set out to run the rapids, and they reached the Wanganui safely, and had a comfortable passage for the rest of the voyage. For the journey Maclean, through the Missionary, paid £1 10s., also eleven shirts and some tobacco to the crew.
“It is satisfactory,” he wrote, “to have completed a journey, and seen so many natives at a season of the year when such journeys cannot be undertaken without great trouble. The Manganui-a-te-Ao is a dangerous river, and we had a narrow escape in coming down its rapid streams and torrents, overflowing with a heavy freshet; and so steep on both sides, that a person could neither climb up, or save himself in any way from drowning, or perishing in the frozen streams, on which the sun seldom reflects at this season of the year. We, however, got through in safety; but I shall be more cautious in future how I come along such dangerous places.”
That was one of many canoe voyages up the great Wanganui made by Mr. Maclean, in his capacity as Government Agent, often as peacemaker. Of a cruise up to Pukehika in August 1850, he wrote:
“At 10 a.m. we left the town in a canoe manned by
“We slept at Hikurangi, a nice karaka grove, where oft I have slept before. We arrived at 11 a.m. on the 5th at Pukehika, shortly after the food prepared for a large feast was divided; care being taken to lay aside a good share for us.
“The scene presented here resembles the Holy Fair. People from all places are flocked together, in their fanciful dresses. It is hard to guess how much the simple New Zealanders are animated by Christian zeal, in attending these meetings; but it is certain that in a political view, if an Agent of Government is present, that they are attended with great good; as the native feeling is so easily ascertained; and explanations rendered, of the intentions of Government, so frequently misapprehended by an extremely jealous race. There are several hundred persons of all ranks and ages, assembled here, intent on their religious duties, probably as much as an equal number of our own country people are; and certainly quite as intent as they would be in devouring the food prepared for them, and enjoying the gossip and scandal of the women and idlers of the party.”
The sage young officer of the Government made comment in his notes that when the natives of the wild, broken interior country of the Wanganui could afford to feed 1,400 people for three days together, and have tons of food to spare afterwards, “how well might our British country-people manage to live, even in the wildest parts of New Zealand, and be much better off than in their present starved condition in the Old Land.”
The destruction of forest has so altered the face of the country that it is difficult to find a large area of unspoiled bush in any part of the
On 30 April 1850, Mr. Maclean set out from pakeha, William King (son of Captain King, of
The trail first led past Pukerangiora, the famous old fortress of the Taranaki people overlooking the winding
“I am writing this journal,” Mr. Maclean wrote, “under a large tree, marked and lettered by some natives who passed here in 1849. The notes of the kaka, the tui and smaller birds in the forest, with the rustling of the trees, the shining of the sun and the murmur of the Mangahewa stream give pleasure to the scene where we are camped. There is something very pleasant in camping with Maoris. All are engaged. Some are lighting fires, others breaking wood, others getting fern for a bed and pitching a tent; some are seated by a blazing fire comfortably smoking their pipes; the rest are lying down, fatigued, to await the opening of the food oven, or employed mending their clothes, after the tearing of the bush. The sound of the axe is rather cheerful in the wilderness.
“The young boys (three) are delighted that the day's journey is over. They eye the oven with an anxious look. There is a native with two large pieces of nikau heart or pith, which would feed three men, and which has been procured in a few minutes. Hinau berries are most plentiful. The oven is being opened; it contains a large quantity of harore, or wild mushrooms. This, with pure water from the streams, would of itself be a good hermit's feast. Eels and kokopu are found in the river.”
Next day the party climbed the Reinga-o-Kari, a steep, narrow ridge with a precipice on each side. The scenery was grand and wild. Far below the
On the following day the party embarked in four canoes to pole up the Waitara. “A very agreeable trip through thickly wooded country,” Maclean wrote. “At Tautara, a village on the bank, the party was hospitably entertained by the people, with abundance of taro, potatoes and bush pigeon. This was the
“On the banks, overgrown with high fern and lovely
“There is a beautiful song that I heard here showing that the natives have an idea that the winds come out of their treasuries, and are under restraints that can be attuned by an invisible deity, hitherto unknown to them. This song is used also to make peace; moreover to show that the tribes were not to be raised like the winds, to cause storms, strifes, and wars; but to sink all their animosity till they should be frozen as the hoar frost.”
On 6 May 1850, after leaving the Waitara, the party reached a small clearing in the midst of the forest with a few thatched huts, where the Maoris went to snare birds. “This is a beautiful spot, after leaving the dense forest,” Maclean wrote. “There is a lovely stream, fern and grass, with hundreds of birds keeping us company in our solitude.”
“May 7.–After a good breakfast of Captain King's well cured ham and bacon from
“May 8.–A pretty allusion was made to-day to the mist representing the approach of strangers; and the dissolution of the mist indicated their close approach. A cloud of mist hanging over the Kainga is the sign of strangers coming. The chief of the district knows by the mist that strangers are travelling over the Taumatamahoe, or the other large hills or mountains of his country.”
The olden Maori tracks often kept to the high ridges, a precaution against surprise by enemies. The Taumatamahoe range, which was now ascended by the travellers, was a famous trail of the cannibal war days, when travellers
“The track became so steep that it can only be ascended by ropes and ladders of rough bush-vine construction. Camped early in the afternoon to cook our kiwi and wild pigs. Our encampment is a beautiful spot; the sun's rays shine through a large tree, having the appearance of a lovely decorated crown. Next morning we ascended the road above the Whangamomona (a river nearly the size of the Waitara) by the native ladder repaired by our Maoris yesterday.”
The party now descended to the Upper Wanganui River from the broken ranges. They reached a little village called Matai-whetu (“Gaze at the Stars”), romantically situated on a flat between high misty ranges at the junction of the Tangarakau and Wanganui Rivers. As they arrived there, after their rough bush journey of ten days they were received with loud cries and chants of welcome from the women.
Early next day the canoe voyage down the Wanganui was begun. “On getting into our canoe we met two canoes of people coming to see us at Matai-whetu; other people came marching down the steep slopes below the mist-enfolded ranges.” They carried great fronds of tree ferns to wave a farewell to the travellers and the sight reminded Maclean of the famous scene in “Macbeth,” in which the branch-bearing army advancing seemed to the doomed man to fulfil the prophecy about Birnam Wood coming to Dunsinane.
The motorist, gliding smoothly along the highway cut from the steep mountain side on the south bank of the
I take this animated narrative of a canoe expedition through the pakeha in the party of about thirty Maoris, some of whom were Maclean's canoe men; the rest had come from the Manawatu and the Rangitikei to give a kind of moral support to “toko, the pole, most of the way.
The diary proceeds:
“December 5 1850.–The wind and the diligence of our spirited canoe crews got us up to the waha of the apiti [the mouth of the gorge] at 1 p.m., when we dined. The range on the left bank gradually closes down to the river, till you reach the apiti, when the country changes from a moderately tame scene to a wild alpine appearance, with white foaming rapids and streams rolling down the hills with such violent force as if they would resist the efforts of man to pass them. The natives of a country, however, will not be impeded by such barriers—their persevering efforts overcome all natural obstacles. Our first party having emptied the canoe of luggage, are now in the white foaming surf of a mountain torrent, poling up with savage fierceness, while others are up to the armpits, quite naked, hauling with all their might against the stream and screaming loudly for victory over the river that seems to rage with increasing violence.
“One canoe has just passed the danger and a general shout from all who were pulling seems ample satisfaction for their dexterous efforts. The next is now determined not to be laughed at, and with all their might they dash into the foam, the pole men of the first canoe coming back to their assistance. A strong tug and a long tug! Poor fellows!—just touch and go and she will do it! No! Yes, she will! There comes the help—now! One strong pull and one long pull! No—not yet! The water resists. Into the water, lads! Over she goes, some of the helpers struggling to gain the shore among the heavy boulders and rocks.
“The last canoe now comes. Beautiful, my hearties! Pull and she goes! Heave away, my jolly boys—pull again! Now back for the loads. You have all conquered the water's furious rage! Well done, boys, well done! … New Zealanders, in your own mountain glens … you are a fine, animated, happy, cheerful, persevering race! Far from me would it be to wish that the blessings of civilisation should extinguish your race as I extinguished your claims to these wild mountain ranges of your ancestors….
“At the gorge Dr. Reed was looking on intently, with great glee, singing with zest, and shouting ‘Hurrah, my boys! That reminds one of the Chinese junks on the Yangtse-kiang! Go it, lads! There starts the old queen-long live her Majesty, the Queen of Rangitikei! Into the water, old woman and cheer on your loyal subjects!’”
The “Queen of Rangitikei” was the wife of
Donald Maclean noted in his diary that the gorge was called Te Au-nui-o-Tonga (“The Great Current of the South”). Apparently it might also have been called “Te Hau nui o Tonga” (“The Great Wind of the South”), judging from Maclean's description of the gale which often blows through that funnel in the mountains: “The wind passes through the gorge with all the fierceness of a December day at home (Scotland) that would unroof houses, root up trees and cast the forlorn sailor to look for shelter on some castaway shore. The hills on each side are cleft, lofty and high; with rata trees opening up their blossoms, and the rich green line of fern brake, and the tui, with chirping and nimbleness, the tenant of the groves. It is like a halfway house to Paradise!”
That was eighty-nine years ago. It is a sadly spoiled avenue to Paradise to-day!
It was in December 1850 that pakeha settlers. He was hospitably welcomed by the chiefs and had little difficulty iin arranging for the cession of suitable blocks of the widespreading prairies that extended back to the Ruahine and Ahimanawa Ranges. The site of the present town and port of Napier was then known generally as Ahuriri, and the inner harbour was the Whanganuui-o-Rotu. Mataruahou was the name of the high land that came to be called
The following are extracts from Maclean's diary, taking up the story on the day after canoe passage of the Mana-watu George described in the last chapter:
December 6, 1850 (continuing the canoe passage along the upper Mana-watu, on the Hawke's Bayt side of the ranges).—The country around is
thickly wooded, with a variation of level and hilly land. There are not any traces of this country having been thickly inhabited. We arrived at Nga-awa-purua at 11 a.m. We met with a loud welcome from old and young; and with due dignity we passed into the strangers hall, a long cabin, formed of rushes and roofed with bark, widely different from the substantial idea that an English Hall conveys; but with all its simple rudeness, the welcome is as sincere as it would have been in the ancient days of the Saxon race, when their best rooms were not more richly furnished than the rude New Zealander's reception house. The tangihas now commenced, and will last until fifteen minutes before food appears. We heard the screams of the wild sea-bird, as we got up this morning; and I never hear the cry of that bird without thinking of Jura, and Corrievrechan's whirlpool. We caught some youngputangitangior Paradise ducks. Four of them were brought to Rameka's wife, to make pets of them, but I find they are too young, so left three with the parent ducks and the natives have taken the others back.Landing from the canoes was ordered at Pakiau. The Manawatu is in a S.W. direction from here.
A bush road, tolerably level for a mile. Then a small plain of a hundred acres, surrounded by wood, then another plain, still larger, of the same grassy character, on to a small
kainga, on the banks of the Otawao; where we encamped for the night.Our followers have increased from thirty to fifty, including women, who, of themselves, had manned one canoe up the Manawatu rapids. Fancy six English ladies at the same employment! The hospitality of the natives at every place we have visited has been very great, I may say, excessive.
December 7.–Started at 8 a.m. across grassy plains, hemmed in by hill and bush. Some of the hills on our right are covered with grass and fern. At Paetahi we received a kind welcome. Men, women and children on the house-tops, greeting and hailing, with the usual salutations of
Haere mai! Haere mai.December 8.–We passed through a
totarabush, across the Manawatu and Tamaki rivers, through a second bush; then through Tahoraiti, a grassy plain, well-suited for sheep, watered by the Makirikiri stream, surrounded by heavy forest timber, containing about 700 acres. Claimed by Te Hiriwanui and Karaitiana. Our journey continued through bush and plain.The flats or grazing ground after Tahoraiti were Te-Umutaoroa, Te Piripiri and Mangateao.
Our fires at the encampment, with the natives squatted round, looked a perfect gipsy scene; their songs and merriment, all but their frugal fare, partaking much of that character. A lovely stream, a fine forest of trees, some of them covered with the old beardy locks of age, where oft the warriors' spears have rested, surround our tent. We passed one oven in the bush to-day, where fifty men were killed, cooked and eaten; and the spring below us has been the scene of deathly struggles and revenge. No doubt its waters have been the hue of human blood, more times than once. Old Hanea, our greyheaded warrior, was an active warrior; he performed his part in this scene, with great skill and dexterity; although he does not, like many others, boast of his past acts, as most New Zealanders are fond of doing.
Tuesday, 10 December.–Travelled to Mangatawai-iti, through Te Oho forest. Then through Nihopopo. High
tawaitrees on the descent to Mangatawai-nui, a distance from our encampment at hard travelling pace of eight miles in two hours. Walked through bush, and a small plain,Te Whiti , thence across theManawatu River , which takes serpentine turns. At half past 12 we opened up a view of the Ruataniwha a most extensive grassy plain, lying north and south, bounded on the west by theRuahine Range . Two hours, or six mile walk to Makareti stream. Our natives went out pig-hunting. Consequently we stopped here for the night. Spoke to the natives about uniting, and keeping of one mind, in regard to our expedition; and not to interfere with the people of Heretaunga, but let them have their own say. Prayers by Ropata, at the fire.December 11, 1850.–At 4 a.m. we roused up. A beautiful grey morning. Bathed in the stream, dressed, had a cup of tea, and at half past four we started, and walked across the plain, N.E. by E. At half past seven we halted for breakfast. The plain is peculiarly adapted for sheep grazing, not luxuriantly covered with verdure, but well-clothed with rich grass of every variety. After breakfast we ascended some beautiful grass downs, or hills. The distance we travelled since morning is about thirteen miles, all of it good sheep country; light, dry land, well watered with deep water-holes and rivers, dotted here and there with small quantities of bush, which towards this end of the plain is rather scarce. Our messenger came to us this morning, bringing intelligence that the natives had agreed to sell the Government a considerable portion of land; that the great chiefs were assembling from their different villages, and would be at Waipukurau to-morrow. I gave him £1 for his expedition and trouble.
We arrived in sight of the
pa, and ranged our party, forty-one in number, all in beautiful order, walking slowly to thepa, where a party of men and women, decorated withkotuku(white heron) feathers, advanced, waving their blankets to welcome us. We approached, retreating gradually at a fixed distance, while the house-tops were crowded with people loudly welcoming and joining with those on the ground in choruses all expressive of great satisfaction of our coming. Their general words of welcome were: “Come! Come you and yourpakehafriends! Come to Heretaunga! Come to your land-Heretaunga!” We were shown to the seats where there was clean fern and flax laid down for us to sit on; and a house covered with green flax mats to retire to, when the usual formalities of speechifying were over. In accordance with my advice and instructions, all our party behaved admirably, keeping perfect silence, till the people of the place had expressed their entire assent not only to receive us, but to sell their lands. They spoke quite to the point, and apparently in earnest. Several of them were young men of considerable influence; amongst them, Hapuku's relatives. The only person who first opposed the sale, was the teacher of the place, Matai, who seemed to have a previous determination to oppose the sale of land; although he urged no weighty arguments against it that were not put down at once by Ropata and my party; who had several lectures from me that fortified them against all arguments the natives could adduce; and they used my advice admirably in favour of having English settlers amongst them permanently.I have also succeeded in getting a strong party against the leasing of their lands; and to-morrow I must take proceedings against all Europeans who may be leasing land from natives. One has just now arrived with a large flock of sheep. He is expected here to-morrow, and off he must go, or else land-purchasing is at an end. A few more have spoken against land-selling, but they seem to be in the minority.
Hori Kingi from Rangitikei is now speaking to the effect that he will continue to sell land, and encourage Europeans, and assist me in doing so, as long as he lives or breathes. He looks well, and from his patriarchal appearance and grey locks, he does much credit to the expedition. He is an old man that should be pensioned. They compliment him greatly at this place, by saying: “Come further! Come to your land! Come! Come, take the land, your own land for the Europeans, for Maclean! Welcome! Welcome, Kingi Hori! It is well you have come amongst us. You are our parent ancestor; so the land is yours!”
All this is well; but if poor old Kingi were to ask for any of the payment, I fear the compliments as to the land being his would be reversed.
Te Hapuku is a chief of great importance and great influence. A fine, dignified, high-minded man apparently aware of his own importance. His speech to-day after the rest had spoken was the best I have heard for a long time. He seemed to feel the parting with his land exceedingly; and I trust he will be rewarded, and well-treated by the Government. The block of land of which he distinctly gave us the boundaries is of considerable extent, and includes the best part of the Ahuriri district.
Saturday, 14 December.–
The Ngatikahungunu tribe, after long discussions among themselves, came to meet me at 3 p.m. and spoke generally in favour of disposing of a small portion of their country, to commence with; and seemed generally disposed to have Europeans amongst them. To Moananui spoke first, expressing a desire, which had long existed of having English settlers.Paora Kaiwhata said: “Come to Heretaunga, to your land, you and your children.” Paratene said: “Come to your land Heretaunga, to the fond daughter searched after by all people, and firmly retained till your arrival. Now it is yours. Welcome to your land!”Karaitiana Takamoana said: “Call and be welcome.” Wiremu te Raheke said: “Welcome, welcome, welcome to your land.” Other chiefs spoke to the same effect. I spoke to them to the effect that I had come here at their solicitation; that I had little to say, either myself, or party; it being uncourteous for strangers just arrived to assume the speaking at such an assembly of chiefs, who appeared so well able to speak and act for themselves. Therefore, chiefs and people of Heretaunga speak on!Tareha said: “Come, come, come! This is now your land, from end to end. To-morrow you shall see another end of the land—Ahuriri. Both Heretaunga, and Ahuriri, from end to end, shall be yours.” Te Meihana sang a poetic song, composed to the Governor, the steam-boat, and myself; also another, about two canoes.
Noa, an old man, addressed me very forcibly, then I got up, and made a long speech, reciting a poem in which all my followers, and others, about sixty, joined in the chorus, much to the amusement of the
Ngati-Kahungunu .Te Harawira made an excellent speech about selling large tracts of land, and done with it. What was the use of selling small tracts? A fine clump of forest, and grazing land around it.
December 16.–Started out with Hapuku's son and others, to see the boundary of the purchase, or direction of it. Returned early in the forenoon, and rode with
Te Hapuku and others to Patangata, along a very fine grassy plain; my party having gone by way ofTe Aute , where they are to wait for me. Patangata is a nice village, with a fine river and wood around it. The natives are kind and hospitable. They killed a pig for us, cleaned it, and fried some for me on a clear wood fire by the river side. We had some eggs and potatoes; and I found that Mika, the teacher, had a nice cottage built, which I encouraged by offering him a couple of windows for it. In the evening we crossed toTe Aute , a beautiful clean settlement.The tent was pitched, and after tea, the natives Hoani, Noa, and
Tamati Waka , offered to sell me a block of land. I told them, as the mania for land-selling had only struck them, they had better consider the matter well, and express their final determination on the subject when the natives should be all assembled at a general meeting of the natives there.Te Hapuku opposes this sale, but notwithstanding his great influence, in some respects, the several claimants are likely to carry the day against him.
December 17.–In the morning we started for Pukawa, one of
Te Hapuku 's places, where we had breakfast, and came along a hilly country to the Ahuriri plains. Received a note from Mr. Tiffen, in reply to a notice I had given him, to quit the Ahuriri plains, with his sheep, which he agreed to do. The Ahuriri plain is extensive, but looks flat and swampy. Hapuku spent a great part of the evening with me, talking about Wairarapa, and the best mode of settling the claims.Fleas abound in such numbers that I am obliged to sleep in a canoe.
December 18.–Pulled down in canoes to Awapuni, Mr. Colenso (the missionary) received us very kindly, and invited me to spend the night with him, which I did, obtaining considerable information from him, respecting the natives, their numbers, disposition, and character. From his account, Hapuku, Moananui, Tareha, and Puhaea, have great influence. Nothing of importance can be effected by the others without their consent. Not even the secondary chief, who, in other districts, has great importance, is able to do anything without the consent of either one or other of the above parties. In coming down this morning, the boys had a fine race in their canoes, which was nearly ending in a quarrel; the lads striving with all their might to gain head of the other, at the risk of half-drowning our heavy canoe, with the splashing of the paddles. Mr. Colenso had a neat printing-press at his station.
December 19.–After breakfast we left for Ahuriri, six miles from Mr. Colenso's. The place looks rather bleak, with scorched grass, scarcity of wood and water, which adorn other parts of the Island so much. The river, however, is deep, two and a quarter fathoms at low water on the bar. The natives are collecting from all quarters in their canoes. Therefore they were ready to meet me.
December 20.–About 12 o'clock, Tareha gave me notice that the natives had discussed sufficiently long among themselves about the sale of their land. Therefore they were ready to meet me.
They ranged themselves in a circle; their old senators displaying their white weatherworn locks to the breeze; and the women looking eagerly at the white stranger, who was to purchase the land of their ancestors. No doubt they were also thinking of the fineries the sale would bring them. An old man named Te Tora, got up, with an old cheek-bone of a hog in his hand, as emblematical of his decay, and said:
“My children, let your words be a good welcome to the stranger amongst you!”
Te Morehu said: “Let us all consent to sell the land. Do you all do so?” appealing to the crowd of about four or five hundred. They all replied–“Ae !” (Yes). Old Tora shaking the old bone, with his infirm hand, in a most emphatic manner, as he lay on the ground, consenting to the sale of the land.Paora Torotoro said: “Welcome, welcome, welcome, Maclean! Come to your land. This is your land, we give it to you!” Tareha said: “Welcome, welcome to your land. The water is ours. The land you see before you, is yours.” He then named boundaries, all agreeing to them. Next day the Maoris began to disperse to their homes.
The preliminary arrangements having thus been made satisfactorily, Mr. Maclean returned to report to the Government. When he returned to complete the bargains, the Ahuriri block was the first purchase made. This was completed on 4 November 1851. The deed was signed by Tareha te Moananui, Paora Torotoro, Karanama te Nahu, Paora Rerepu and many others, including numerous women, and by
In 1853 Victoria and went up the whole length of the Wairarapa and the Hawke's Bay plains to Ahuriri. The first purchases of the Wairarapa for the Crown were made in September 1853, totalling areas of 560,000 acres. hapus of the country traversed.
The Hon.
I found Mr. Maclean had arranged a journey from Wellington to the East Coast on a land purchasing expedition to conclude at Napier, and he invited me to accompany him. We travelled up from Wellington by way of Wairarapa and on to Napier. The procession, as it may be called, started from the coast at the outlet of
Wairarapa Lake and consisted of about 200 to 300 natives. They came to initiate the sale of blocks of land along the route, and as they went along purchases were made from all the principal chiefs, and those purchases generally included the homesteads of the settlers who were there occupying on leases and who before had had no fixed tenure. All the way up the only settlers were people who here and there had rented land from the natives and who were sheepfarming. We had with us an accountant with two pack-horses carrying a large sum of money in gold and silver for the purposes of the purchases. We came up to Waipukurau, and there was arranged the purchase of a very large block, taking in Waipukurau, what is now Otane, and down the coast to Pourerere, a very large tract of country and a fine district for settlement. Then another block was purchased in Ruataniwha. Finally we came on where the town of Napier is now, andDonald Maclean purchased this island (Scinde Island ) in 1853 on which there was only one residence—in Onepoto Gully. All these things were accomplished largely by personal influence.
The purchase of
The full English, text of the deed is given here as an
[Translation]13 November 1856 .
Mataruahou (Scinde Island ) Block, Province ofHawke's Bay .This Deed conveying land dated this 13th of November in the year of our Lord One thousand eight hundred and fifty-six (1856) is a paper of the full and true consent of us the Chiefs and People of Ngatikahungunu tribe whose names are subscribed hereto on behalf of ourselves our relatives and descendants to be hereafter born to fully and finally give up a piece of our land to Victoria the Queen of England and to all the Kings and Queens her successors for ever. And for our consenting entirely to give up this piece of our land Victoria the Queen of England on her part agrees to pay us the sum of Fifty pounds (£50) in money. Twenty-five pounds (£25) of which amount was paid to us by Mr. Maclean on the 11th April in the year 1855 and the balance of twenty-five pounds (£25) has been paid to us by Mr. Cooper this day. This is all the money we are to have for this land. But another part of the payment to us for this land consists of two Town Sections. The marks of these sections on the plan of the Town of Napier are…. The Sections are to be granted by the Queen to Tareha.
The boundary begins at the old boundary of Oterango and runs along the edge of the water to Poua thence to Omoko thence to the Ahi-tahu-o-te-Waru where it cuts on the bank (or spit) at the Taupata and runs down to the sea and follows the sea shore till it closes with the old boundary.
Now we have fully considered wept over and bid adieu to this land inherited by us from our forefathers with all its rivers lakes waters streams trees stones grass plains forests good places and bad and everything either above or below the soil and all and everything connected with the said land we have fully and entirely given up under the shining sun of the present day as a lasting possession to Victoria the Queen of England and to all the Kings and Queens her successors for ever.
And in witness of our assent to all the conditions of this paper have hereto subscribed our names and marks at Ahuriri on this thirteenth (13) day of November in the year 1856.
And in witness to the consent of the Queen of England on her part to all the conditions of this paper it hath been subscribed by Mr. Cooper one of the Land Commissioners of the Governor of New Zealand.
, Dist. Commissioner.G. S. Cooper TarehaXKarauria PupuXWitnesses to the payment and signatures: Hone HoeraX, District Surveyor, Napier.H. S. Tiffen (A True Copy of the Original Deed and Translation. M. Fitzgerald, Surveyor, Napier., Wellington, February 18th, 1876.)H. Hanson Turton
The Tutaekuri block was bought on the same day as
The name of the great chief Hapuku appears on numerous deeds of land sale between 1856 and 1860. In full his name is given as Te Hapuku Ika o te Moana. He was the principal seller of the Aorangi block and Te Mata in 1856.
The Ruataniwha north block and a portion of the Ruahine were bought in 1859 for £3,700. Moeangiangi, to the north of Ahuriri, on the way to Mohaka, was bought in 1859.
Pastoral settlement quickly followed the pioneering journeys and negotiations of the Land Commissioner.
In September 1853, Mr. Maclean reported that 560,000 acres had been secured at Wairarapa, “His Excellency having himself taken an active part in directing how the negotiation should be carried on.” The Governor in a despatch informed the Secretary of State of his “happiness” in completing the arrangement which had “given the most lively satisfaction to all the inhabitants of the province…. A considerable European population had in fact already occupied the district under agreements with the natives, illegal in themselves, and which were very likely to favour the cause of future disputes which might hereafter endanger the peace of the country.”
In 1853, Maclean, with the consent of the Governor, organised a Native Land Purchase Department, with officers in each of the principal districts. He was Chief Commissioner himself. In 1854 he made large purchases of land in the Auckland province, and these bargains were never disputed.
The scene of
Maclean enumerated the reasons which actuated the nonsellers among the tribes to cession of any of their territory to the Government: “… Their knowledge of its increased value, and of the extreme urgency of the Europeans to obtain it; their apprehension of never being allowed to repurchase any part of what they once alienate; the fear that they should thereby lose their distinctive national character and standing and be reduced to a state of slavery and indigence.”
The sellers demanded £3,000 for the land, and in agreeing to pay this, Maclean and the other officers of the Government made the arrangement that instead of having native reserves cut out of the block which would take the best of the land, the Maoris should repurchase out of the land they had sold £1,000 worth of land with a pre-emptive right of selection at ten shillings an acre. The young Commissioner explained the advantage of this understanding, or
pas, ready at a moment's notice to collect and arm themselves either for defence or depredation.”
Maclean expected that this system would lead without much difficulty to the purchase of the whole of the native lands in the Taranaki province. The Maoris, he reported, had entered into the arrangement quite readily, and had deposited the £1,000 with
Inter-tribal disputes, in which the warriors of the Puketapu hapu and others were hotly engaged, troubled the settlement considerably in the mid-fifties, and skirmishes between the quarrelsome lords of the soil were fought even on the farms of the pakeha. In August 1855, a British garrison was established on the commanding height called Marsland Hill—formerly a strong Maori pa called Pukaka -which became the citadel of Duke of Portland, which brought the 58th from Auckland, round the North Cape, returned in September with 210 officers and men of the 65th Regiment. The crown of the fort hill was levelled for the erection of barracks, and several guns were emplaced commanding the approaches of the little town.
Mr. Maclean accompanied Iris in March 1859, and a meeting with the Maori owners of land between the town and the Waitara was held. Maclean, on behalf of the Governor made a speech to the assemblage, counselling them to refrain from the inter-tribal wars which were reducing their numbers and interfering with the peaceful cultivation of their lands. In future all offenders against peace within the European boundaries would be dealt with by pakeha law. As to the land, the Governor thought the Maoris would be wise to sell the areas they could not use themselves, but he would not buy any land without an undisputed title. He would not permit any Maori to interfere with the sale of land unless he owned part of it, and on the other hand, he would take no man's land without his consent.
It was at this meeting that Te Teira Manuka, a minor chief of Waitara, offered to sell his land, called Pekapeka, on the south side of the Waitara. He described the boundaries and asked if the Governor would buy the land. The Governor, through Mr. Maclean, replied that he would. Teira then laid a parawai, a fine white flax robe with decorative border, at the Governor's feet, and this His Excellency accepted. That was the beginning of the fatal dispute over the mana of the Waitara. Teira was an enemy of
Unfortunately in those days there was no Land Court in which titles could be investigated thoroughly by competent judges. Parris made the enquiries in his own way. As he was anxious to see his fellow-settlers provided with more land, and as he was naturally an opponent of the politely obstinate
“I do not agree to our sleeping-place being sold,” he wrote to the Governor in April 1859, “this bed (Waitara) belongs to the whole of us.” He warned the Governor that if money was given secretly—that is without the whole of the people being consulted—the Government would get no land for it. “The land will never be given to you, never, never till I die!” This should surely have been sufficient to convince the Governor that the Waitara negotiations had better be dropped. But in November Parris paid Teira and others an instalment of £100, notwithstanding the paramount chief's opposition. Teira was a land-owner, it was true, but the native title was so intricate, and the hostile feeling between sellers and non-sellers so great, that Waitara was the very last place the Government should have attempted to buy at that moment. The area involved in the dispute was only six hundred acres. Certainly it was not worth the waging of the costly and disastrous war which presently began and which dragged on for a year, and led to further wars.
Had Maclean been on the spot all the time and himself investigated all the details of the title it is tolerably certain that he would have shown his. customary discretion and caution and have cut off the negotiations, notwithstanding his strong desire to see the white colony provided with the needful additional land for the expansion of the settlement
Exactly a year of that costly war over the six hundred acres of the Pekapeka block, then a flag of truce went up over the Maori entrenchments at Te Arei—the famous Pukarangiora pa on that glorious bend of the
“E kore Taranaki e makere atu!” (“Taranaki shall not be cast away!”)
The Maoris, like the soldiers, had had enough of it; they were unconquered but they wanted a rest, and they were ready for peace—but peace on terms that would not deprive them of their lands.
The peace of 1861 was due in the first place to pakeha. The Waikato warriors in Taranaki agreed to return to their homes.
Sir George Grey, writing to the Secretary of State for the Colonies on 24 April 1863, said in detailing the reasons for the renunciation of the attempted purchase:
“My settled conviction is that the natives of the Waitara are in the main right in their allegations regarding the Waitara purchase, and that it ought not to be gone on with. … It does not involve any new acquisition of territory for Her Majesty and the Empire.” The Queen, he pointed out, had no legal title to the land, and it seemed more than doubtful if any title could ever be given to her; and the block had never been paid for. Teira Manuka had only received a deposit of £100, and this the Government decided to relinquish.
In further despatches and minutes the Governor said that pa and the homes of 200 of his people were destroyed by the troops in 1860; the houses and the surrounding cultivations were burned. The Waitara Maoris therefore retaliated by burning an exactly corresponding number of settlers' houses.
“Ought Her Majesty,”
The Governor further showed that the forcible occupation of the Pekapeka block in 1860 had convinced the Maoris that a new system of obtaining lands had been established by the Government, and that they would all be despoiled like Waitara if they did not make general resistance. They became convinced that their destruction was decided upon, and thus there arose an almost universal belief that the struggle was one for house and home. Such was the Maori viewpoint, and certainly the Government action of 1860 gave every justification for the belief.
Grey and his Ministers, however, made a most grave blunder in delaying this announcement of renunciation so long. The troops on 4 April took possession of the Tat-araimaka block to the south of
Sir George Grey has often been described by admiring disciples and biographers as the most successful of native administrators. But Grey's capacity to form a sound judgment and execute a sound policy in Maori affairs has been overrated greatly. Grey proved incapable of taking a liberal view of the Maori King movement, and of conceding the clear right of the tribes led by
In one all-important direction
In the time of Grey's successor,
As Native Secretary and Chief Commissioner of Land Purchase under mana of the king barred his efforts to extend Government influence and pakeha settlement beyond the Mangatawhiri, the border river.
Maclean was very friendly with the venerable warrior who had no ambition to be styled King but who was selected by the chiefs of the confederation of tribes as the necessary figurehead. He had met
A few months later there occurred one of those incidents that precipitate a breach between two peoples. As the Taranaki War went on the nationalist Maoris in South Auckland became very excitable, and it needed but small provocation for them to break out into open hostility. Towards the end of October 1860, the body of Eriata, a
“October 18 (1860).–Messrs. Maclean and Rogan returned from Waiuku, and I hear that they had a very narrow escape from being murdered (at Patumahoe). It all depended upon the tangata wero (the spearsman who advanced to challenge a party of visitors) as to how he would throw his spear. But Ihaka Takaanini (the chief of
This chief Ihaka, known to the settlers as “old Isaac,” whose home was at Papakura, was a great friend of the pakeha; nevertheless he was arrested in 1863, at the beginning of the war, and was kept prisoner until his death in the following year on Motu-hurakia Island, in the
Maclean organised the Native Department at Auckland during his term of office and continued as Native Secretary until Maori affairs passed from the hands of the Governor and were brought within the sphere of Parliamentary control. In 1863 he gave up his Government position, went to
In a private letter to
“… There has been a good deal of time occupied by some of the members of the General Assembly, in an investigation of circumstances connected with the introduction of civil institutions into the Waikato district, and some blame imputed to me for the withdrawal of Mr. Fenton, who was sent there as Resident Magistrate. The facts of the case can be summed up in a few words. I was quite favourable to the introduction of such institutions if properly and judiciously initiated, not mere spasmodic efforts, which aimed at the breaking up of the influence of the old chiefs, and disturbing the present social organisations of the tribes however defective, without being prepared to substitute something permanent and reliable to replace those institutions of chieftainships and tribal relations recognised by the people. Moreover, I did not wish the Maori to be made the subject of untried experiments subservient to the ends of party politics, while unprepared to introduce and support a large and comprehensive scheme for their better government, which the circumstances of the Colony very much require, but which the Assembly, until now, has never shewed an earnest willingness to supply. The so-called friends of the Maoris of the present day would not grant £1000 for Native purposes two years ago; although they contribute at least £25,000 to the yearly customs revenue, independent of their contributions in selling us land at a cheap rate, which we retail at a handsome profit. When it suits a party, or political purpose, the natives or the Native Office is found a very convenient stalking horse; but experience proves to me that professions of unbounded generosity in times of war or danger, are not to be relied on as the sincere promptings of the minds of the present Maori sympathisers. However, every well-wisher of the Maori race must hail with satisfaction a spirit of enquiry among the Europeans, as to the Maori question, which must lead to a more full appreciation and just recognition of their social and political rights.”
Donald Maclean in the beginning of his association with
He had been requested by the Administration to take over the duties of Government Native Agent for the East Coast, and he was also holding office as Superintendent of Hawke's Bay. He was soon called upon to exercise his utmost influence against the spread of fanatic rebel propaganda on the eastern coast of the island, which until the middle of 1865 had not been troubled by the risings that had strained all the Government's powers of defence on the West. The “holy war” of the Pai-marire religious and poli-
After several small engagements in the Waiapu Valley, the loyal chiefs, headed by Eclipse landed the force at Te Awanui, near the mouth of the pa, the stronghold of Eclipse fired a number of shells (some of them 110 lbs.) over
Kereopa, the cannibal murderer of the missionary Volkner, was the Hauhau figure most detested and dreaded
One pa after another was taken by the composite forces, acting under the general directions of Mr. Maclean.
Eventually most of the For details of this and all the other campaigns, the reader should consult The New Zealand Wars (Cowan, 2 vols.), published by the Government.
Message from half-caste friendly at Turanga, Poverty Bay, 8 August 1865, to
The condition of affairs in the pas. The principal fortification in which they entrenched themselves was Waerenga-a-Hika pa, a large stockaded position on level ground, a short distance from the English mission house, about five miles from the present town of Gisborne—then a pakeha–Maori settlement known as Turanganui. Some distance inland were two other stockaded villages, Puke-amionga and Kohanga-Karearea (“The Sparrowhawk's Nest”).
Mr. Maclean had urged upon the Government the necessity of combating the spread of Hauhauism down the East Coast, and he went up to Tuparoa to enlist the aid of Brisk in October 1865, landed at Turanganui a detachment of the Hawke's Bay Cavalry (Colonial Defence Corps) under Captain La Serre and some Military Settlers under Lieut. Wilson. The East Cape Expeditionary Force under Major Fraser and pa with his force totalling about 400 pakehas and Maoris. The Hauhau pa consisted of three lines of defence—the outer stockade (wita), the main fence (tuwa-tawata), and the earth breastwork (parepare). The wita was a sloping fence, about six feet high, its top nearly touching the tuwatawata, its base inclining outward two feet or three feet. Only the main timbers of the wita were in the ground; the rest of the stakes did not touch the earth, but left an opening of about a foot at the bottom as firing-space for the riflemen behind the tuwatawata, which was a stout palisade ten feet high. Inside it was the earth breastwork.
Fighting began in the middle of November 1865. The siege occupied seven days. The Hauhaus fought with fanatic desperation. One day they charged out on the troops in three bodies, yelling their Pai-marire war-cries. There was close-quarters fighting ending in the repulse of the Hauhaus, who left about sixty of their number lying on the field. At last a small field-gun, a six-pounder from the Government steamer Sturt, was turned on the stockade. After the second shot the garrison—which had not expected its foes to use artillery—hoisted a white flag and surrendered. Four hundred men laid down their arms.
This success, due to Maclean's prompt action, had its result in the complete pacification of the
It was at Waerenga-a-Hika that a man of the Rongo-whakaata tribe who afterwards set the colony in a turmoil, and made desperate war on the whites and the pro-Government Maoris, first comes into our story. This was
There is little doubt that whiua kuritia ki te poti”), but he became a religious and political leader in
For that prolonged detention on distant Wharekauri, Maclean was not responsible. He indeed urged that the prisoners should be allowed to return and resume their old tribal life on their ancestral lands, after a certain area had been taken as a punishment for rebellion. But the Native Minister of the day, Mr. Rolleston, although he visited
In 1866 there was a brief Paimarire rising in the Wairoa Valley,
Up in the high broken ranges over which the present motor road climbs and winds from Napier to Lake Taupo, there lived a small but pugnacious tribe called pakeha reached the East Coast Hauhau apostles visited these people, and found them ready disciples of the new fighting religion. At the principal villages in that rugged region, with their small oases of cultivation in a generally sterile pumice country, the Hauhau poles, the sacred niu, were set up and round them marched the halfcrazed people, men, women and children, chanting their newly learned hymns—the “Piki mauteni, rongo mauteni” recitals and the prayers of the “Kororia,” Maorified English phrases and scraps of English and Roman Catholic church services.
For generations accustomed to raid and foray on their lowland foes, pakeha industry and influence down on the plains of Heretaunga and Ahuriri excited at once their suspicion and distrust and their agelong desire for plunder. They and their fellow-mountaineers to the north, the Urewera, were in essentials the Highlanders of Scott's day.
In the meantime, the early part of 1866, there were indications of the spread of Pai-marire propaganda in pakeha settlers, and prepared to resist any raid on the settlements. There was, however, considerable danger on the plains a: the outset, when Hauhau prophets, in particular a man named Panapa (Barnabas), went from village to village preaching the gospel of national union against the encroaching white man.
Some time before these conditions came to a crisis,
Maclean established a system of patrols in the Petane and Puketapu districts, covering the route by which the raiders from the hills were likely to come. In this way communications were left open as far as Puketitiri. The patrol leaders had instructions to arrange that at every homestead in the out-districts one of the men should keep a sharp look-out at night, and give warning immediately there was any sign of the Maoris coming from the ranges. Arrangements were also made for the quick removal of the women and children to Napier at the first alarm from the scouts.
Te Rangihiroa and Panapa, by their fierce appeals to the people for a campaign against the pakeha, raised a warparty of about eighty men, chiefly of tohunga also—by the sinister description of “
The plan of campaign was a bold one. The chiefs planned an attack on Napier town itself, as well as the out-settlements of the pakeha. Panapa had sent spies down to the coast, and these men, strolling through the town had noted where the barracks were and found where the arms and ammunition were kept. The first effort of a raiding party would be to seize the rifles and store of cartridges.
When the war-party reached pakeha and Maori and then join in the sack of Napier. It was expected that at the same time Wi Hapi and the Hauhau sections of pakeha and the friendly Maoris; the Urewera were expected to make forays, and the Waikato Kingites were to cross the frontier and raid the settlers on the confiscated lands.
The armed force available consisted of the Militia, numbering about one hundred and thirty men and the youths, and Napier Rifle Volunteers, forty-five men, under Captain Buchanan. A message was sent to Wairoa for Major Fraser and his company of Military Settlers. Fraser and his men, numbering forty, and also a party of Wairoa Maoris, under
At daybreak the Hauhaus began their fanatic services round the Niu pole of worship which had been erected in the village, Panapa the prophet standing at the foot of the mast and leading the Paimarire incantations.
Mr. Maclean sent Mr. Hamlin into the village under a flag of truce with a message to the chiefs, demanding the surrender of the Hauhaus in an hour, otherwise they would be fired upon. Hamlin returned and reported that the natives would not listen to any proposal. After waiting an hour the order was given to attack the village.
The Militia, two companies under Major Lambert, were sent forward to ford the river opposite the settlement and take up a position on the bank. The Hauhaus were still undecided how to act, for they had not intended to take the offensive until the signal was given that wharés and the large meeting-house and returned the fire, Panapa, the war-priest, came out into the open and was shot dead.
The firing continued for over an hour; the Maori casualties were heavy. Disheartened by the fall of their prophet, who they had believed was invulnerable to bullets, most of the survivors decided to surrender. Some attempted to escape to the hills across the swamp, but Captain Gordon and his volunteer cavalry galloped round and intercepted the fugitives. All except one or two were killed, wounded or captured. Those who remained alive in the village hoisted a white flag, and the “Cease fire” was ordered. The brothers Kipa and Kingita both were killed. The Hauhaus lost twenty-one dead and about thirty wounded, of whom some died in hospital. Fifty-eight unwounded prisoners were taken. Very nearly the whole war-party, therefore, was accounted for by death, wounds, or capture.
The Napier victors came out of the fight with few casualties. One Militia man and a Maori were killed, and there were fourteen wounded.
Turn now to Petane that same day (12 October 1866). pakeha was wounded.
So ended the daringly conceived little campaign against the Napier settlement. pakeha to combat that day, only fourteen returned to their people to tell the story of their defeat and the death of their leaders. Eighty prisoners, some of whom were wounded, were sent off in a steamer to the kaingas, is preserved in the old Maclean home in Napier to-day. Some of the prisoners told the story when it was given up on the battlefiel.
Maclean's prompt and capable handling of the critical situation and Whitmore's military skill, saved Napier from the Hauhau raiders that day. The citizen volunteers and militia, most of them quite inexperienced in war, and the trained men of the Military Settlers, served with coolness and intelligence. But had Panapa the prophet not delayed so long at Omarunui, and had he and “taka mua, taka muri” (“Swift to attack, swift to retreat”) as the Maori has it, if at all successful, would have enormously stimulated anti-pakeha feelings in other parts of the Island, and Waikato, Taranaki and the
A Review of
Maclean's position as Native Agent on the East Coast was one of peculiar responsibility in that era of turmoil in the Maori world and of uneasiness on the frontiers developing into raids and counter raids. The territory over which he exercised control extended from Southern Hawke's Bay to Poverty Bay, the
In his Parliamentary capacity Maclean, like Ormond, was a supporter of the Stafford administration, until the mismanagement of native affairs, and especially of the crisis of the East Coast, drove him into opposition. The policy of Mr. Rolleston, as Native Minister in 1868, and of his colleagues in the handling of the situation with regard to the deportees to
Maclean had given it as his opinion that the long-continued detention of the East Coast prisoners of war at Wharekauri was a mistake, and he and Ormond both advised that they or most of them, should be brought back and permitted to settle in their old homes. In this way, they were convinced, the peace of the country would be assured. The friendly natives, too, were anxious that the exiles should be returned; they were willing to guarantee the good behaviour of the people now sufficiently punished for their revolt to the tenets of Pai-marire. But the Government was obdurate; the prisoners were held captive in the distant isle of mist and rain, longing with the intense
The story of that dramatic escape from the prison-isle in the captured schooner Rifleman and the landing of the escapees, to the number of nearly three hundred men, women and children, has been told in full in the histories of the wars.
The story of the events which followed the landing in the bay of Whareongaonga, south of pakeha forces quickly followed, and the massacre at
Maclean's disgust at the Government's mishandling of the first stages of the trouble after
A veteran of the wars said: “Had Sir Donald's advice been taken by the Government and the military authorities, the massacres at
Before he joined the Ministry, after the capture by the Government forces of Ngatapa, Te Kooti's hill-fortress, Maclean received information that the rebel leader meditated an attack on the Whakatane district. This was early in 1869. He telegraphed to the Government, conveying a warning of the intended raid. The pakeha troops—armed Constabulary under St. Kilda to the Coast to induce as many as possible of the
The Government replied that it was of great importance that he should go. Maclean again telegraphed, saying that Ropata was still of the same mind, most unwilling to go, and that he had expressed his dissatisfaction at the way in which his men were enlisted.
As no reply came, Maclean telegraphed to Wellington that under the circumstances he had advised Ropata to re
For thus advising Ropata to remain, Maclean's authority as General Government Agent was withdrawn. Events soon showed that he was perfectly right. He did his duty, and braved the displeasure of the Stafford Government. Other Agents were sent to the Coast, but a very few days convinced the Government that no good would result from their actions, and in their extremity Ministers turned to Maclean and asked him to accept the agency again.
Maclean accepted the offer, well knowing how reluctantly it had been made. But though he was back in his former office and position, he found himself without the power, his every step was obstructed or frustrated by the Government. How was this to be explained? Only on the supposition—it was declared in Napier—that an unpopular Government envied the popularity of their subordinate, and determined to undermine him, lead him into error, and then hold him up as a spectacle to the Colony.
Maclean was member of the House of Representatives for Napier at this time, and was regarded by his fellowsettlers as a tower of strength and the most capable man in the colony in the management of native affairs. There was great indignation in Napier at his treatment by the Government, and on 29 March 1869, a public meeting carried the following resolution:
“That in the opinion of this meeting the confidence reposed in Mr. Maclean both by the European settlers and the native tribes on the East Coast and Taupo districts, and his long experience and great success while acting as General Government Agent on the East Coast, mark him as pre-eminently fitted for the management of public affairs on the Coast during the present season of difficulty and danger; and that the withdrawal of the General Government Agency from him at the present crisis has given rise to a general feeling of insecurity, and is likely to jeopardise the friendly relations at present subsisting between the Colonists and many of the native tribes.”
The position was soon reversed. Before many weeks had passed the Stafford Government was ousted, as related, and it became Mr. Maclean's turn to frame a native policy.
Soon after he took office as Native Minister in 1869, the position on the long troubled muru of the country, as the Maoris would term it, had been abandoned by the Government “so long as they behave themselves and keep the compact about not crossing the Waingongoro.” Maclean acquiesced in their reoccupation of their lands; later on, in a memo of departmental instructions (1872) he said that the lands north of the Waingongoro as far as Stony River (Hangatahua), with the exception of 1400 acres at Opunake, were quite unavailable for (white) settlement, until arrangements were made with the natives for land sufficient for their own requirements. Under this arrangement the Government native agents in Taranaki were empowered to offer up to 7s. 6d. per acre for land. Maclean reported to the Governor that “arrangements have been entered into with a view to a more accurate definition of native rights within the confiscated territory, and for the acquisition by purchase with the good will of the Maoris, of such portions of land as they held within it, but do not require for their own use, and which appears desirable for European settlements.” Thus the Native Minister recognised their ownership of the
But that rest was rudely broken when he himself had been laid low by death. The Native Minister who succeeded him broke the promises and the amicable arrangements of
The necessity, in the interests of national peace and progress, for making friends with the
Maclean's period of service as Native Minister was continuous for seven years and a half, with the exception of a month and a day during which the Stafford Government—which had been defeated in 1869–held office in 1872. The longest-lived of the six ministries of which he was a member was Fox Cabinet, which controlled the affairs of the Colony for a little over three years. In this Ministry he held the portfolio of Defence as well as that of Native Affairs. By the time the Waterhouse Ministry succeeded the Fox Administration in October 1872, his sagacious tactics as the controlling head of the military forces had disposed of the Hauhau menace; the wars were over and he was content to hand over Defence to another.
When Mr. Vogel, afterwards
Thus one government after another, no matter what the brand of general politics, agreed that there was only one man in Parliament fit for the post of Native Affairs, then all-important, and that was Maclean. This remarkable confidence of all parties in the House in the ability of Maclean to carry the country through the Maori crisis was voiced on many occasions.
“On the East Coast of New Zealand there was one man, perhaps the only man living, who was capable of carrying out the task which had devolved upon the Government of the day—that of restoring to amity the disturbed and angry population of that coast, of establishing such relations towards those tribes as might end in future amity, and in carrying out the pledges which had been given to those friendly allies who had fought out battles during the two years of the war on that coast—and that man was
The military position when Maclean took office with the dual ministerial responsibilities of Native Affairs and Defence was the most harassing and anxious in the whole history of the Maori Wars. Although Titokowaru's power had been broken on the mana had been strengthened by his surprise and slaughter of a detachment of pakeha.
The Upper Waikato border was in fear of foray and massacre; it was known that
There was a perilous lack of a strong controlling hand in military and native matters, the two were so closely interrelated at this juncture that one-man administration
One of Maclean's first steps when he took over the direction of the campaign was to enlist the active assistance of the Maori tribes friendly to the Government. He could always rely on the support of his friend the resolute
Te Heuheu and his family, who surrendered soon after this sharp and decisive affair, were brought down to Napier on a kind of parole by Mr. Maclean. He had a friendly feeling for the son of his old acquaintance, the patriarchal warrior of
Two more successes in the next few months still further reduced pakeha in his little force in the action that won him a captaincy and the New Zealand Cross.
Te Kooti had now been driven back into the Urewera ranges, some of his best fighting men killed. Kereopa, the murderer of the missionary Volkner, was there too, in refuge, a dangerous fellow still but without influence and quite devoid of pakeha coast settlements and the friendly tribes.
It was now that the Fox Ministry, on pakehas, to carry on field operations against
Maclean had a handful of tried and reliable officers—Porter, the Mair brothers, Preece, Ferris, and one or two others well used to dealing with native forces. The best of the Maori leaders were Ropata, of
Mair's headquarters were at Kaiteriria Camp, Roto-Kakahi; Preece was posted at
The success of these measures was all but complete. Mair and Preece and their allies on the other side of the island made many expeditions into the Urewera Country during 1870–72, penetrating the heart of the wildest tract of mountain and forest in the atua. Time and again he escaped death when his camps of refuge were surprised and rushed. Porter very nearly had him, under the heights of Maungapohatu; Mair and Preece, too, at Waipaoa, in the most secret parts of the mountain wilderness one snowy day in 1871. But month by month his following grew less; his best men were either killed or parted from him. With a few faithful men he at last escaped across the Kaingaroa Plains to the
The Urewera had by this time had enough of it, and were heartily tired of the Government columns continually scouring their country and.giving them no peace. Maclean's policy was to conciliate them, contingent on their renunciation of
As for Te Kooti, he was left in peace. Maclean wisely chose to regard the King Country as a sanctuary whither he would not follow political offenders. He counselled the people lately in arms to devote themselves to peaceful industry and repair the injury of the long wars.
So peace came to the land at last, a peace that was all the firmer because Maclean did not push his opponents to desperation by threats of punishment but on the contrary
Through all that period of guerilla warfare Mr. Maclean kept in touch by telegraph with his trusted fighting officers. He followed their movements closely, furnished them with advice as to the rebel doings and the supposed where-abouts of the leaders, and did not forget to give them prompt praise for their difficult and trying work of bush campaigning in a roadless, foodless mountain land.
“Geography is two-thirds of military science,” wrote a famous historian of military operations. It might have been said with equal truth that roads are three-fourths of a general's problems in such a country as New Zealand. The unroaded unbridged condition of the interior of the pakeha settler's and soldier's most troublesome obstacle and the Maori's greatest defence. The conquest of the Waikato tribes was only made possible by the existence of a good navigable waterway, the pakeha and Maori, engaged in the bush campaigns had to be their own pack-horses.
None realised more thoroughly than Maclean the necessity for making roads into the interior as a preliminary and accompaniment to military operations and the establishment of permanent friendly relations with the hostile tribes. Acquainted as he was with the history of the Scottish Highlands and General Wade's road-making through the heart of those wilds after the Jacobite war, he was impressed by the value of such highways not alone for the transport of troops and supplies, but for the purposes of settlement and civil communication. He had the labour at hand in
The following memorandum was issued by the Native and Defence Minister, under date Auckland, 29 October 1869:
Officers and non-commissioned officers of Constabulary will understand that it will be a part of their duty in regard to information to send to the Defence Minister from time to time (or as may be specially ordered) reports descriptive of the topographical character of the country that they may be stationed in, with the facilities of communication by roads or rivers from their station as a centre; bearing in mind that the peace of a district cannot be permanently insured until facilities shall exist to penetrate its fastnesses.
Assuming Taupo Lake to be the centre through which lines of military road will have to diverge, officers will, as the circumstances of their ordinary duty may admit, examine the paths leading from their respective stations towards that place, with a view of ascertaining what improvement may be made in their direction. Native tracks, as a rule, follow the best lines of country, but are generally capable of being improved in detail. Inasmuch as bridges are rarely thought of by the natives, considerable detours are often made to avoid a stream that might be covered with the exercise of a moderate amount of mechanical ingenuity. Swamps, too, are wound round which might be made passable by a small amount of work in draining.
As soon as any officer or non-commissioned officer in charge of a detachment or station is in possession of authentic information on these subjects, he will furnish to the Defence Minister a sketch with explanatory notes descriptive of the present paths leading in that direction, and the improvements that he would suggest. Officers and non-commissioned officers will in this way have an opportunity of evincing their ability in a very important branch of their duty. A sketch map of the district of which their station is the centre should also be prepared, and a copy sent to the Government, the original being kept at the station for general use: this should be drawn to scale say four miles to an inch.
In observing a line of country, particular attention is to be given to the existence of any parallel tracks; these may be more available for transit at certain times of the year; they are of the greatest importance in advance and retreat. Notes should be made as to how far a path continues available for carts or packhorses.
Lieut.-Colonel St. John, who had commanded the left wing of the composite European and Maori force with which
St. John's suggestions commended themselves strongly to Mr. Maclean. The result was the adoption of the Tauranga-Rotorua route and the construction of the present road through the Oropi-Mangorewa forest and gorge, and the road from Rotorua to Atiamuri, thence to Taupo. On St. John's recommendation also the site of the present township of Taupo, opposite the Maori settlement of Tapuwaeharuru, was selected as the location of an Armed Constabulary post and a redoubt was built there, on the right bank of the
This road-making campaign was not welcomed by some of the Armed Constabulary force. There were officers who disliked the prospect of a monotonous job as road over-seer instead of the soldier's life, and the extra shilling a day for navvying did not strongly attract all the men.
Maclean on learning this, deemed it necessary to issue a circular to the officers in charge of districts, requesting to be informed of cases in which their subordinates objected to the road-making work. He emphasised the necessity for road-making as a means of opening up and controlling the interior, and pointed out that it was just as important as any branch of military duty. This cautionary letter had its effect, but the veterans of the Force needed no such reminder. In the Taupo country Major Roberts's Constabulary carried out some excellent work, so did the Waikato divisions under
“Ohinemuri is in my hand: I will not let it go. These hills and valleys shall never be held by people of a strange tongue. Let them go to Hauraki. As for me, I am a Hauhau.”
The speaker was a Maori of the Maoris; that was evident; his downright words left no doubts of his sentiments about the pakeha. He was a grim old tattooed warrior chief; tattooed so deeply and thickly that his face seemed a black mask, from which his fierce glittering eyes glared out at his audience. His name was pakeha and the champion of Hauhau independence.
Such interviews in the Maori country—this episode was at pakeha party and preparing the way peacefully for the inevitable transformation of the Ohinemuri wilderness into a scene of civilised industry and treasure-winning.
The overlord of all this pakeha Government had died down to a resigned acquiescence in whatever fate might send his way. In 1869 he had become reconciled to the looming digging invasion, and on 10 December of that year he welcomed
The venerable cannibal chieftain at this conference with the Native Minister, made with quavering voice, as he supported his bent form with a taiaha, a final indignant protest against his recalcitrant tribespeople under
At another meeting with the Hauhau party, this time in the carved house called “Te Whakahaere O Hauraki,” at Ohinemuri, Donald Maclean had to combat some strenuous objections to the cession of land for gold-mining. There were Hauhau prayers, and then pakeha prospectors, he said: “What good do
But Te Hira was not impressed. “This is my place; why do you seek after it?” he asked. “It is only a little piece. Let it remain to me.”
The Hauhaus held that there should be a limit beyond which diggers could not come. Hohepa te Rauhihi said: “Let Omahu remain the boundary.”
At one of Mr. Puckey's meetings with the natives it was agreed that a party of ten men, consisting half of Kingites or Hauhaus and half of Queenites, should go into the ranges and warn off all white prospectors. But after a fruitless search of five days, no pakehas were discovered, though there were many traces of them having been there a short while before. It was risky work prospecting, for Hauhaus were moving to the places where fighting was still going on. In fact it was generally expected that
The most truculent figure of all about this time at Ohinemuri was a woman, a white-headed, scornful-visaged dame by the name of pakeha. She kept her brother well stirred up against the Government. Mr. Puckey reported to
Mr. Puckey remarked of Paeroa—it was called
It was about the same time that these people were much disturbed at the rumoured purchase of
There were war dances and wild spectacles, and pukana in front of her armed tribesmen, was the wildest of them all. And that was Ohinemuri as some of our mining veterans can still remember it—not so very long ago, yet the events of the day seem like a dream when one regards the gold country—and the good farming country—as it is to-day.
Taraia died in November 1871, and the Governor (tangihanga.
In 1869 Mr. Maclean went into the King Country, in response to invitations from the Chiefs, and met the principal men at Otonohanga. A beginning was then made in the work of racial reconciliation. But there were still elements of strife. The period 1870–75 was an era of many alarms among the settlements and farms along the frontier. In 1870 a Government surveyor,
Maclean went again up to the border in the early part of 1871 and tried to induce Waikato to surrender the murderers. They refused; and although Tawhiao and his fellow chief Manuhiri disapproved of the killing, their attitude indicated that they would shield the killers; it was a matter of Maori nationalist policy.
The white settlements were decidedly unsettled; no one knew what the next day or night might bring. There were hundreds of armed Maoris at pakeha. “Stop—No Admittance” it signified. After the killing of Mr. Todd, the settlers considered the time had come for retaliation.
In a “Confidential” memorandum to the Premier and
pakeha territory.
“Their grounds for this application,” Maclean commented, “have some justice in them, as it is no doubt a source of irritation to see natives avowedly hostile within the boundaries; in two cases coming into actual conflict with Europeans, and in most returning to their own country laden with property and information. It appears, however, that the majority of the petitioners repudiate the idea of shooting trespassers across this frontier, as originally proposed, and contemplate restricting to imprisonment the penalty to be incurred.
“Even this would be impracticable. The Native Rights Act would, in the first place, put a bar in the way of any such action; and the enforcement of a measure of the kind would necessitate the employment along the frontier of a very much larger body of troops than the country can afford.”
Maclean described the spirit of Hauhau fanaticism which prevailed among many of the Maoris, and the anxiety which this gave the pakeha settlers along the border, who had reason to fear sudden raids on the outlying homesteads.
“Many of the natives,” he wrote, “while subject to the influences of the Hauhau superstition, appear to behave as if distracted and unaccountable for their actions. The name of porewarewa (madman) given by themselves to a phase of this belief pretty well defines the mental state of the persons affected by it. The interval of peace which has lately passed has done much towards the decline of the Hauhau religion; but its professors still regard it as a bond of union, and as a means of uplifting the National party, of which Tawhiao and Manuhiri are looked upon as the heads; and there is but little doubt that a war with the pakeha would rekindle the spirit of fanaticism now gradually expiring. A large proportion of the friendly and
casus belli, should the Government feel disposed to take up the matter. Justice, in this case, is so clearly on our side that some tribes who have hitherto remained neutral would in the case of a conflict co-operate with us. The most intelligent among the friendly natives are, however, of opinion that efforts should be made to obtain the murderers by negotiation before proceeding to hostilities.”
There was one comforting gleam of hope for settled peace at that period.
One stormy day in 1873, the Government paddle-steamer Luna, butting into a strong southerly on a passage from Onehunga to Wellington, turned in at Kawhia Heads for shelter. Captain Fairchild remarked in his drawling “Blue Nose” way to his passenger, the Native Minister, “Well, Mr. Maclean, I guess you won't object to a few hours' rest at a quiet anchor instead of racketing about outside. Kawhia is one of the snuggest places I know, and I ought to know for I ran a cutter in and out of here in the old days before the war.” Mr. Maclean had a companion in his northern cruise, the Atiawa chief, tapu.
The Luna's waddling entry, her paddle-boxes rolling heavily as she crossed the bar, at Kawhia's mouth, was watched by Maoris at Maketu village with intense curiosity. Some of them knew, from war-time, that she was a Government ship. She had carried pakeha and Maori military forces round the coast. Higher up the harbour, where the Kawhia township is now, at Powewe beach, a large canoe was presently launched. Paddled by nearly a score of practised waka-taua men she came sweeping down the harbour, her kai-hautu standing nearly amidships and gracefully turn
“Visitors coming, Mr. Maclean,” Captain Fairchild announced. The canoe steersman swept his long craft up to the gangway ladder which had been lowered, and several Maoris stepped up on board. They shook hands with the Captain who met them at the top of the gangway and greeted “hongi.
The leading man in the canoe party was the chief Te Tapihana, Te Tapihana is the Maori form of the name Tapsell. The Danish tupara had gone. He was the leading chief in the plan of escape which resulted in all the Waikato prisoners taking leave of their place of exile,
Te Tapihana was courteous but restrained in his welcome to the Native Minister. The speechmaking which followed, as it developed, was of some political importance; it led, in the end, to the renewal of friendship between the tribes of Kawhia and inland and the pakeha Government and people.
Pacing to and fro, his greenstone club in his hand, Tapihana welcomed the Native Minister to Kawhia. “I greet you, Makarini,” he said, “I welcome you to Kawhia. I saw the masts of your vessel, and therefore I came down to you. Listen to my word. I am the supporting post of Tawhiao's kingdom. I am not willing that another steamer should enter this harbour. Do not think that I have forgotten
To Tapihana's speech Mr. Maclean made the following reply:
“We had no object in coming here, but were driven in by the weather. You are one of Tawhiao's followers, but I should prefer to see him before dismissing questions of importance. As for the request that the confiscated land as far as Mangatawhiri, should be returned—this will certainly not be done. I may at once assure you that this will not be done. It has been confiscated, and must remain so. We want to see peace and goodwill established on fair terms. Your people have been to Pirongia (the speaker referred to the shooting of Todd, the surveyor), but I will not bear anger on that account. You have all suffered disaster in the days gone by, and should now turn your attention to seeking for what will benefit you. You and the few who adhere to you must have suffered enough by war to induce you to follow more profitable pursuits. I know of your conduct at Pirongia, and elsewhere. That is past, and the Europeans are a forgiving people.”
Wi Tako Ngatata, the old chief from Wellington, then replied to Tapihana's welcome. He had originally supported the Maori King, but found it expedient to change to the Government side. He referred to his visit to
Tapihana rose again and said he wished Mr. Maclean to stay there until the weather became fine. As for the pakehas generally, he would be willing in a year or so to allow Europeans free access to Kawhia.
Later there was an interview on board the Luna between Mr. Maclean and Tu Tawhiao (the King's son), a young man, who died a few years later. The other chiefs present included
Honana said: “Makarini, you have come upon us unawares. We did not know of your coming. Now you have seen us, ariving among us regardless of what might be done to you.”
Tapihana reminded Maclean, “I have protected you this day. I have not been willing to see Europeans or vessels here, but now the way is open for us to meet. I see also the man who set up the King (
Hone Wetere said that he had been shutting up Kawhia, but now, “Come and see us when you like. Tahau (Tapihana) is the wild beast of this place, Kawhia. Your real friend, Potatau (Tawhiao), welcomes you. No one is more welcome than you to Kawhia.”
Mr. Maclean said that he and
Hone Wetere said that
Mr. Maclean: “So are we. Our desires, therefore, may be accomplished, as they run in the same direction. The fact Tawhiao is preserving order in this district is evidence of his good intentions. The Government is doing its part to promote peace throughout the country.”
When the Luna put to sea again the Native Minister had the satisfaction of knowing that a reconciliation of the two races had been advanced a little farther. The meeting with Tawhiao's son was of importance at that stage. It led to a visit to Tawhiao in the King Country in 1875, and this prepared the way for the final peacemaking with the King's tribes in 1881. Maclean died before that time, but his good work lived after him.
The new generation of farmers on the Upper Waikato old frontier does not realise, perhaps, the condition of anxiety which prevailed in that zone of settlement in the Seventies, when all the country was wondering whether there would be another Maori war, and when redoubts and blockhouses were manned all along the borderland.
The murder and decapitation of a farm worker a few miles from the base of Maungatautari mountain—about mid-way between Orakau and Cambridge—caused a crisis which all but developed into fighting. It was a semi-political murder; a deed designed as a dramatic protest against pakeha attempts to acquire Maori land for settlement. The savagery of it sent a thrill of horror along the border, and the general belief was that it was the prelude to a concerted Kingite invasion of the frontier farming country. Soon, however, it became known that it involved only a few people, and that there was a certain amount of justification for the deed, from a Maori point of view.
A farming firm engaged in breaking-in operations on the border was that of Grice and Walker, managed by pakeha tribe, and he agreed to carry out the wishes of the anti-pakeha faction. First, one or two cattle were killed as a protest, and others were driven across the border. As this did not have the effect of making the whites keep to their side of the frontier, také or pretext and basis for the killing.
A young settler, manuka. They pointed their guns at him; they ordered him to go back. “This is our land,” they told him; “off with you or you will be killed.”
The young ploughman did not argue the point. He turned his team about, and presently reported to the manager of the station. The warnings were disregarded by the manager of the station, but not by our ploughman. He did not return to the attack.
A day or two later, the 25th of April, several employees of Grice and Walker were employed in draining and road making across a swamp to give access from Roto-o-Rangi to the Pukekura leasehold land on the east. Three of the men, manuka fascines on the marshy line of road, and manuka from where it was cut—a considerable distance away. A party of Maoris armed with guns and tomahawks fired on Sullivan and his companions. They ran towards Roto-o-Rangi and two escaped, but Sullivan, exhausted, sat down to meet his fate. He was shot and tomahawked, his head was cut off and his heart was cut out, the old pagan offering to the god of war. Parker and his companion were attacked by the same men in ambush later on, but got away and Parker rode into Cambridge township and gave the alarm.
Purukutu and his party carried their trophies of war to Aotearoa, the headquarters of the pakehas of the frontier fully expected a raid, and the Upper Waikato border was practically in a state of war for many weeks. Jackson's Waikato Cavalry Volunteers were called out for active service. The Cavalry was a highly competent body of frontier men (established by Maclean as Defence Minister, 1871), well mounted and armed with carbine, revolver and sword. Most of the work devolved on
At this crisis in frontier affairs it was fortunate that such a man as Maclean was Minister for Native Affairs and Defence. He was not carried away by the frenzied demand made in some quarters for an immediate punitive expedition into the King Country. Had some Ministers of a later day been in command of affairs the country would have been plunged into war. One remembers the methods of
In the Nineties, Seddon's one and only method of arguing with the Maoris over a survey dispute was to despatch an armed force to overawe them, irrespective of what rights the Maori side possessed. Had Seddon reigned twenty years earlier he would have had a racial war waging over some trivial misunderstanding. But Maclean, living in the midst of alarms, was a very different type of man, the man that fitted the times. In this Waikato frontier dispute he adopted the necessary defensive measures but he contented himself with the defensive. He was wise too, in his selection of an agent to take charge of affairs on the spot.
All this time the political orators and the newspapers were hotly discussing the crisis; the further from “the front” the more insistent they were on sharp military measures. Even some men long versed in Maori matters thought that war was inevitable. One of these was that famous figure in our history, Old New Zealand). Here I shall quote a hitherto unpublished manuscript, a letter written to
Judge Maning fully expected a renewal of the Maori War, as this letter shows, and he advocated measures that, had they been adopted on the Waikato frontier that year, would inevitably have provoked fighting. It was just as well that
In his letter from Onoke, Hokianga, under date 5 July 1873, Maning wrote:
My dear Maclean,I have received your seafaring letter of the 25th ultimo…. Now, as you say, anent Waikato, what is there to be said about it. You have done all a man could do for years back to maintain peace and stave off the evil hour, but nevertheless, as you know, I have always believed we should have another serious war. Be that as it may, you have also in this case done all that
couldbe done, all that was possible to do, to get over the untoward occurrence without making an actual war of it, which is to be avoided for many reasons if possible. You have also, from what I have been able to observe, been feeling the pulse of the native tribes to see who can be depended on to assist and who will keep neutral. What theresultis I of course do not know, but on the whole I hope it to be favourable. What then is the position?In the first place, it appears, as we had to expect from the first, that the murderers will not be given up and cannot be got at at all without fighting, and if we once begin fighting the chances are more than ten to one that it will lead to a most desperate war, a war which will require every item of strength we can raise, every man and every shilling of money, to ensure a successful conclusion for we
mustbe perfectly successful or else perfectly ruined. I need not recount the evils both internal and external which a failure or want of full success would bring upon us, and a complete success, a complete subjugation of the enemy, would certainly in its direct and collateral effects fully pay us for all the cost, and put us in a position from which we could never again be driven.In the second place,
canwe avoid fighting? To execute the warrants (for the arrest of theNgati Raukawa party) is to begin the war, and to refrain from doing so would be to give the natives a triumph which would so much increase their already sufficient insolence and vanity that before very long they would force it upon us or oblige us avowedly to give up the assertion of sovereignty of the Crown over a large part of New Zealand. For the success of the King Party, as it would be looked upon, would bring many to their standard and there is much lurking disaffection all over the country. The affair is a miserable dilemma for which no man can be blamed, for it is the mere consequence of the contact of such two races being placed in the position in which they are with respect to each other in this island.To demand a compensation in land for Sullivan's murder would be laughed at except backed up by the full force necessary to carry on the war to a successful issue. Under those circumstances a demand of that nature
mightbe acceded to in a limited degree. But whether after going to the expense of preparing for war it would be worth while to take this course is doubtful, for the peace would last at best for only a few years and next time we should have to fight the whole Maori people in all probability. Besides, such a course would involve the inconsistency of treating the rebellious natives as a foreign independent nation (I wish we could) and not as British subjects.Almost all our difficulties in this country have in reality arisen from our engrafting on the
Treaty of Waitangi a theory which I think does not properly belong to it, that is to say, that, because the sovereignty is in the British Crown the British civil and penal law is also to be considered in force, and the only law recognisable in the country. This is not the case in some other of the British possessions, India for instance, nor always strictly, according to practice, here: yet it is undoubtedly the theory upon which all the proceedings of the Government and the Legislature have been obliged to act. I think that strict British law should have only been taken to be established in such districts as the Government should have seen cause to proclaim from time to time and that settlers living outside the pale should have done so at their own risk and only expecting such protection as the Government should see fit or politic to give.It seems to me, therefore, from what I know of matters, though not very well informed, that while hoping and wishing for peace, we must prepare for war, and that in earnest and without any regard to expense, I think it has become necessary to make a demonstration of our
wholeforce and march into Waikato, this itself might cause some decent composition to be made at the last moment which might serve as an excuse for not pushing things to the last extremity, and the salutary effect of a grand demonstration of force (the only thing respected by natives) might last a few years, and time to us is gain, but nevertheless I would not by any means count on such a favourable result, though our play should be to leave open to the last moment every possible chance of coming to a peaceable conclusion. It is fortunate as I gather that the natives are in no hurry to begin and this will give you time to perfect your plans and delay till a more favourable time of year but I think we must count on war and expect nothing else while determined to take any chance of avoiding it and therefore putting off the firing of the first shot to the last reasonable moment.But now I come to the part of the subject on which I am quite without data to give an opinion upon. I have no idea whatever of what European Force you can raise for that must be our main trust at the last resort, nor do I at all know how many natives you can raise all along the East Coast and whether you can expect them to fight in earnest: to me it appears we want a large force and 1 count one Waikato enemy equal to four of the best friendlies you have—the Waikatos will fight with utter desperation well knowing their doom if defeated, and I know very well what the style of the fighting of the majority of the friendlies would be except when elated and excited by the consciousness of greatly superior numbers on their side.
As to the conduct of the war, my rough idea is this—what we want the enemy to do, is to meet us on open ground where our European regular tactics can be brought into play, and where cavalry can act, and second to fight general engagements with their full force, such as would lead to decisive consequences. I think we can force them to do this by marching in force over the border into the best part of the Waikato country, declaring our object to take and confiscate
allthe land still remaining to the Waikato people or any others having land in that country who were not merely neutral, but who were not fighting on our side, we should take up and fortify a position as near the centre of the Waikato country as would suit our purposes and declare ourselves in possession, as we in part would be,this would put the onus on the enemy attacking uswith all the force they could raise, a turning of the tables on them which, as I suppose our force superior in numbers, and acting on ground of our own choosing would in all probability lead to their ruin. In engagements of this kind there would be much loss of life and the enemy have not many men to spare and they would soon be shattered in the attempt to serve an ejectment on us, and we might then turn defence into attack, but if not attacked we could begin planting potatoes as a sort of assertion of ownership and at the same time harry the enemy every now and then so as to prevent him from settling or cultivating anywhere on the open or rich level lands of the Waikato, in these last mentioned services the friendlies would be of inestimable service. If the Waikato did not attack us the land would be gone before long, and if they did attack us on ground of our own choosing it would be our own fault if we did not beat them, but there is not the slightest fear but they would attack us; if we were met with on our advance before we had arrived at the happy land where we intended to take up our rest, no matter, all we want is to fight, and it would be as fair to one as the other, but the chances are that by a rapid march friendly natives probably in advance, we would have penetrated to where we wished to arrive without any opposition at all, no baggage, or roads, or anything else would be required at first, nothing but a herd of bullocks now and then driven after us, all the natives or anyone else ought to require for a while to subsist on would be plenty of beef, until we had gained an assured position, and if the natives went first and took up the ground thepakehas, poor things! could come on at more leisure. You would require cavalry but no artillery at all, it would only be a nuisance; this is a rough idea of what I think ought to be our first move in the war, if war it must come to, as I think likely, but there are many other things I would rather say to you than write. But all this time I do not know how many men you can raise and above all things if you can get the East Coast natives to join. I confess that if you cannot I would feel baffled for anything but mere defensive measures—and in speaking of a European force I mean men who know one end of a rifle from the other and who can shoot some, and at least to be officered and commanded by regular soldiers.When I came to Auckland from Wellington I found that old Moses
was red-hot for a start with as many men as he could muster and a lot of Ngapuhi going wild to be off but this was not the feeling of the majority as I well knew, who considered Moses as in too great a hurry. I sent word on my own responsibility to old Moses not to make too much noise till the proper time came which we would be informed of soon enough when the island began to rock. The Ngapuhi are all willing to aid the Government but are not over willing to do so until they see that you can depend on the Arawa and Ngati-porou tribes whom they have old accounts with and who they fully believe would join the King if they, the Ngapuhi, were to march first into Waikato, you know best whether this would be the case or not, but I can tell you that the Ngapuhi believe it is general and so do the Rarawa and before I saw either of these tribes you will remember at Wellington I laid great stress on your first committing those natives, your old soldiers, against the King by actual fighting, before calling on the Northern natives. If the Government and the Mohi Tawhai, chief of Waima, Hokianga.
pakehainterest seemed in real danger the Northern natives would turn out without any conditions at once but they do not think it would be fair to call on them first in an offensive war. I tell you this as informatory of the feeling in general of the natives here. I was called upon the other day by all the chiefs of the Rarawa and this I can tell you was their general opinion as it is of the Ngapuhi. I care nothing for what you may be told by individuals or from any other quarter, I want you to know the truth but do not suppose that they would refuse to join. You can have the two tribes I am sure when you like but they would much rather, as I have said, see the East Coast natives and all others you can depend on join first, if once you do call them out, however, I shall consider that you have done so from a feeling that it is a necessity, and that you are going in for the last extremity of merciless unmitigated war, as it must be and ought to be seeing we have no mercy to expect from the enemy and never can hope for peace while enough of them remain alive to be dangerous—it is a great pity, but so it is …”
Fortunately, as it developed, this was avoided. Aukati line. It was fortunate indeed that such a man as
Waitomo, the heart of the Cave Country, is a place with a certain historical interest, unknown to those who tread its wonderful limestone halls and marvel at its fairy dome of glow-worm lights. Human associations enhance the pleasure of travel; beautiful scenes, without the values of story and legend and poetry, leave one with the feeling that there is something vital wanting. There is a satisfying plenty of this element of human history in such King Country scenes as Waitomo. Long before its limestone caverns had been explored by Maori or pakeha, it was a place of some importance. The Ngati-Maniapoto people prized its well-sunned valleys as a land where food-crops could be grown to perfection. There were large wheat-fields there before the Waikato War, in the era when the Maori found farming after the pakeha methods a profitable occupation for the man-power of the commune. The country in this limestone land carried a strong appeal to a people who always had a keen eye for attractive home sites—the sheltering hills, with their outcropping crags, the clear cool streams, the many tracts of white-pine bush and other forest patches, abounding in food for the pigeon and the kaka.
In this desirable land about
Government, Tawhiao and his people were practically the guests of
It was at this stage of the King Country's story that the Native Minister of the day,
In 1874 that excellent intermediary between pakeha and Maori, Major
On 1 February 1875, the Native Minister arrived on the border. In those days the means of travel to Waikato were coach and river steamers. It took Maclean and his party two days from Auckland travelling from daylight till dark, to reach Alexandra. There, on the tokos in unison. At it was the height of summer, the Waipa was rather low, and at the shallower places the crews got out and hauled the canoes along with ropes. With Sir Donald were
The canoe voyagers landed for a meal at
As the conference between the Native Minister and Tawhiao was by way of preliminary to further negotiations for the removal of the isolation which had so long bound the Kingite party, the speeches on the first day were chiefly in the nature of felicitations at the renewal of friendship between the two races.
Most of the people were Hauhaus at this time, and the prayers and chants of
On the second day of the meeting Tawhiao asked that the Waikato confiscated lands should be returned to the Maoris, and that the fortified posts on the frontier should be abandoned.
Sir Donald Maclean said this was impossible. The Waikato was covered with pakeha townships and with the homes of settlers.
Tawhiao, of course, knew that the Government could not restore Waikato, but he was bound to make the request on behalf of his people.
The conference then dealt with the broad terms on which a scheme of control of the Kingite territory could be based.
First—Tawhiao to exercise authority over the tribes with in the district of which he was recognised as the head.
Second—A certain number of chiefs to be selected by Tawhiao to assist in maintaining order and repressing crime among his people.
Third—The Government to support Tawhiao in his carrying out the duty which would thus devolve on him.
Fourth—A suitable house to be built for Tawhiao at Kawhia, and portions of land on the Waipa and Waikato Rivers to be granted to him.
With these general proposals Tawhiao expressed himself satisfied, and he and his chiefs repeated their sentiments of friendship and pleasure at the breaking down of the barriers between the two races.
The most remarkable feature of the conference was the offer of virtual home rule for the King Country on behalf of the Government and the recognition of Tawhiao as the head of his people. This was to a large degree an admission by the pakeha government of the principle of self-government, for which the Maoris fought in 1863–64. The rights originally claimed by the Kingite party were not conceded in full, but in effect a special Maori province was proposed by Maclean. For various reasons this never developed beyond the proposal stage. The Ngati-Mania-poto chiefs, headed by Wahanui and Taonui, did not wish to see the Waikato tribes become permanent occupants of the Rohepotae. But Maclean's diplomatic visit of 1875 led to the final reconciliation for which he had laboured, though he did not live to see it.
Sir Donald Maclean, in an address to the electors of Napier on 15 December 1875 reviewed his work in native affairs and his connection with the Province of Hawke's Bay, which began in 1850. It was in that year that he was commissioned by
In his capacity as a Minister, Maclean continued, he had been a member of the Government which initiated the policy of immigration and public works, a policy the introduction of which marked an era not to be forgotten in the history of the colony, and the fruits of which were already apparent in the wonderful advances made by the country, and the manner in which its resources had been opened up. The telegraph extended from one end of the islands to the other; roads, bridges, and other improvements had been carried on in all directions, and were followed up by a railway system. There were already 400 miles of railway open, while 300 more were under contract; and in addition to this, 2000 miles of roads had been constructed.
He quite concurred with those who maintained that a scheme of colonial defence was required, and that it was necessary they should have the means of repressing crime and outrage, and a force sufficient for the purpose. The cost of defence in 1869–70, when he took office, was £350,000; he had been very soon able to reduce this outlay by £200,000, and on the authorised expenditure, out of the Defence Loan, he had effected a saving, during five years, of £78,000. He had sometimes been charged with extravagance in his departments, but he thought that facts like these shewed that they had been administered with economy and considerable saving of public money. He had no sympathy with those who would deny to the settlers the means of self-defence, but at the same time he thought there was but little prospect of their services being needed. He did not say they would have no more troubles, but he hoped that the relations between the colonists and natives would continue to improve, and it would not be his fault if they did not. It was his desire to see the natives
The last years of Maclean's service in the Ministry were embittered by virulent party attacks, largely prompted by jealousy of his successful handling of native affairs.
In the House of Representatives on 5 October 1875, Sheehan violently assailed the Native Minister and Mr. Ormond, the Judges of the Supreme Court, the missionaries and the settlers with having made and sanctioned and procured unfair purchases of native land in pakehas were united, like a tribe, to plunder the Maoris, was their refutation. The fact was, as members pointed out, that Sheehan was employed by certain Maoris of Hawke's Bay and was paid a salary, and that a regular organised “Repudiation Office” was maintained in Napier.
The House emphatically negatived Sheehan's motion
Indignant at the clamour and abuse from the camp of the Grey-Sheehan party, a venerated chief of the Waka Maori, the Maori newspaper, under date 5 January 1876, enumerating the deeds of the Native Minister on behalf of the Maoris. It was through Maclean, he said, that the Natives were represented in Parliament; Maclean had established Native schools all over the country, had made roads which encircled the island, had brought peace to the land, had sent prisoners of war back to their home. It was through him that prisoners taken in the wars were spared; through him the weapons of war had been laid aside.
Many a Maclean came to New Zealand, inspired by Donald's letters. Two of these were his brothers. One, Captain John Maclean, left the sea and settled as a sheep farmer in South Canterbury, where he was accidentally killed. The other, Alexander, came to Waka Maori, Wellington, said of him:
“Visitors to Maraekakaho, rich or poor, ever experienced his kind hospitality, and his door was never shut against the weary and hungry traveller.”
Alexander lies buried in the family plot in the Napier Cemetery, by the side of his famous brother, where a lofty Runic cross, a copy of the Columba Cross on sacred Iona, and a granite rock from far Tiree, mark the Islesmen's graves.
Sir Donald Maclean never had a holiday, never revisited his native land. He thought of making a voyage to Great Britain in 1861, and on 16 March of that year he wrote to the Premier, asking for two years' leave of absence so that he might visit the Old Country. He mentioned that he had not asked for or obtained leave of absence for seventeen years, the whole period of his employment under the Provincial and General Governments. “While anxious that leave should be granted to me,” he wrote, “I do not wish to avail myself of it during the present disturbed state of the country, nor until I can do so without detriment to the public service.” To this the Premier, Mr. Weld (afterwards
Prematurely aged by his ceaseless toil in the cause of his country, suffering from the effects of hard travel and exposure in his early journeys and campings, and harassed by the virulent attacks of political opponents, Maclean gave up his ministerial post only to die. He remained at work until the beginning of December 1876, when he felt he could no longer carry on his work. Rheumatism racked his once powerful frame; dropsy was more insidious and
Little has been said in preceding chapters about Maclean's personal affairs. He lived a rather lonely life, until his only son Douglas, after his education in England, was able to join him in the Colony. He married in 1850 Bengal Merchant in 1840. The Strangs had a rather notable family history; two of their forebears had served under Nelson in the Royal Navy, one as surgeon and the other as captain; the latter, Captain Douglas, was captain of the flagship the Theseus at the battle of Teneriffe, where Nelson lost his right arm and Douglas his right hand.
The mourning for Maclean was nation-wide. Pakeha and Maori joined in lamenting the too-early death of one who had all his life in New Zealand striven for peace and the mutual goodwill and prosperity of the two races. The burial rites blended the ceremonies of the European colonists and the Maoris. The wail of the Highland pipes farewelled a Celtic chief; the mournful cadences of the tangi, and the placing of beautiful flax and feather cloaks in the grave as whariki, soft wrappings for the rangatira, betokened the grief of the native people. There was a greatly picturesque gathering of the tribes on the lawn in front of the Maclean home on the hilltop of totara tree that once towered above the lesser trees of the forest, the barrier against danger, the shelter against the stormy blasts; and again they likened him to the steadfast rock, the toka-tu-moana which stood unmoved by the raging seas. They danced their war dances, they fired volleys from their rifles and double-barrel guns, the paura-mamae
All over the country the Maori tribes and more particularly those which had assisted in Maclean's military measures against the Hauhaus, held meetings for the purpose of expressing their grief at his death. A typical gathering of this kind was a meeting at Taupo, in which pakehas (one was Major Roberts, commanding the Armed Constabulary) as well as Maoris participated; the meeting was addressed by several high chiefs, including visitors from Waikato.
Hauauru, the grim old warrior chief of makuturia) because your knowledge was so great in the conduct of affairs—that is the reason your days were cut short in your work in Parliament! Go, oh our father! Our only grief is that you were not allowed to set at rest our troubles before you were taken from among us and left your son Tawhiao to carry out the instructions which you gave to him.” (This was in allusion to the meeting in 1875 between Maclean and Tawhiao and other Kingite chiefs in the Rohepotae.) Another orator, Taupiri, chanted a song in which he likened the departed chieftain to the glowing sun vanishing in the west, and besought him, “Oh linger for a while to gladden me in this solitary world!” Developing another piece of poetic imagery, he compared
The old warrior chief Paerau, of the Urewera tribe, who had fought against the Government troops in many engagements, from Orakau to Waikaremoana, wrote from Ruatahuna, expressing his regret on hearing of Te Mak-arini's death. In his letter he saluted the spirit of the departed white chief as “te whetu marama o te ata i te wa o te
pouritanga” (“the bright star of the morning in the time of gloom and sorrow.”)
Major
Napier,
February 21, 1877.
To,Douglas Maclean
(Takurahi Makarini).My son, salutations to you in remembrance of your parent and of my parent, of your father and of my father, of your mother and of my mother. The affections of my own parents did not exceed his loving-kindness towards me. I grieve for the father who has departed. I am like an orphan. After this who will be a father to me like unto him? He established peace amongst the tribes of the island, and his death took place soon after he had spread the sleeping-mat of peace for the tribes of the island.
Perhaps some weak-chested one may be presumptuous enough to think that he can break the foaming crest of the ocean. Impossible! It is the manly breast who can divide the heavy billows of the sea with strength like unto that of our father. Perhaps there may be some who imagine they too can do such deeds as he who has gone has done—Perhaps so! I know not! What can tell? … Go, Te Makarini! Now that you have pointed out the path for us to follow, we will not be in doubt nor will our thoughts go astray, for was it not all planned out while we were both in life together? Death has separated us, but the thoughts remain with me the living one, and will never be forgotten.
Sufficient, Douglas Maclean, are my words of sympathy to you. From your loving father,
.Meiha Ropata
In a despatch to the Earl of Carnarvon (Colonial Office), dated 6 January 1877, the Governor said:
It is with sincere regret that I have to announce to your lordship the death of
Sir Donald Maclean which took place at Napier. When I reported to your lordship by last mail, the retirement ofSir Donald from the office of Native Minister, I had no reason for expecting that the illness from which he was then suffering would so soon prove fatal. Although from the able and judicious manner in which he has for some years conducted Native affairs in this colony, his loss is not now likely to produce the same results as it might have done a few years ago, I shall look upon his death as a serious loss to the colony, as even when out of office, the great influence which he possessed among the Maoris would always have been available to smooth down and mitigate any little difficulty that might arise. There is, in my opinion, no public man in this country to whom the colony owes a deeper debt of gratitude than toSir Donald Maclean , and hehas left a name behind which will long be regarded with respect and esteem by all parties in New Zealand.
In Maclean's birthland, too, there were words of praise and regret. A lament in Gaelic, by a New Zealand Scot “Nether-Lochaber,” appeared in the Inverness Courier; this was a translation of the concluding lines:
Long shalt thy name be held in honour high Here and on Albyn's shores, far, far away; Oft shall the Maori breathe a heart-deep sigh In memory of the pale-face chief whose sway, Ev'n when most firm, was gentle, still, and kind. Kindness that bound him fast whom nothing else could bind.
All
Douglas Maclean, born in Wellington in 1852, was first educated in the Wild Duck–to gain a college education, first at Temple Grove, in Surrey, and then at Clifton College. On his return to New Zealand he was articled to Messrs. Hart and Buckley, barristers and solicitors. Some years later he went to England again and read for the law in London, and was admitted as a barrister at the Middle Temple. He did not practise but returned to New Zealand to join his father, who was then Native Minister, and presently began practical acquaintance with
Rosario.
Douglas Maclean had memories of old-time New Zealand. As a boy of eight he was with his father at the conference of Maori chiefs held at Kohimarama, Auckland, in 1860, in the time of
On his father's death Douglas Maclean's training in law matters proved useful when he found it needful to straighten out a tangle of titles and native leases. Steadily he developed the station until Maraekakaho became a model stock-raising estate. He was recognised as the leading breeder of shorthorn cattle, and his pure bred Lincoln and Leicester sheep, his merino flocks and his thoroughbred horses were notable for their quality. Pedigree stock from Maraekakaho took high place in all pastoral shows, and were in demand all over New Zealand and in Australia. He imported stud animals from England, and spared neither money nor pains to make Maraekakaho the finest breeding station in the land. He was a great believer in the beneficially stimulating influence of shows on the farming industry, and the Manawatu Agricultural and Pastoral Association, of which he was president at the time of his death, was strongly supported by him financially and with exhibits of his best stock.
Sir Douglas Maclean had some experience of Parliamentary life as well as of service on many local bodies. He represented Napier in the House of Representatives in 1896–99. But the turmoil of politics was not to his liking. He used to say that a country made progress in spite of its politicians; they imagined themselves the builders of the nation, but it was the hard-working men on the land who were directly the makers of its material prosperity and who gave it its stamp of individuality. He was an earnest patriot and a great advocate of a strong Royal Navy. He was president of the Wellington branch of the Navy League, and a member since the foundation of the league; vice-president of the London executive during the war period; was elected president for New Zealand at the Dominion conference in 1922; and was the first president of the
Douglas Maclean married
* * * * *
“One of my guests,” said
That day at the station homestead, lying well to the sun among its great shelter plantations and orchards,
Here the Maori word marae was particularly appropriate. The marae, or village assembly ground, the square among the houses, was the gathering-place of tribe or hapu. And along the river bank the kakaho, the toetoe or pampas grass, once waved its plumes abundantly; hence the place-name which puzzled so many of the overseas and colonial visitors to the Maclean Estate.
The chief showed with mingled pride and sadness the Great War roll of honour of the station and district in the church hall. There were many Highland names on it, good names such as
The death of the generous-hearted chief, on 7 February 1929, was a great grief to the countryside, and it wrought great changes at Maraekakaho. The one large station now provides farmsteads for some fifty families, and small stock-fattening farms and dairy farms have replaced the one-owner station. The key to this breaking-up process is found in the heavy death duties. So the old order gives place to the new; and Maraekakaho township is to-day, in its way, a more cosmopolitan place than the old, with its clan-like character. But there are many who deeply regret the passing of old Maraekakaho.
* * * * *
There remains to complete this Maclean memoir, the brief story of the third generation.
On the sun-bathed gentle slope of the beautiful old burying-ground on high
Fox Ministry (1869–72):
Waterhouse Ministry (1872–73):
Vogel Ministry (1873–75):
Pollen Ministry (1875):
Vogel Ministry (1876):
Atkinson Ministry:
Maclean was M.H.R. for Napier, 23 March 1866 to the dissolution, 30 December 1870. He was Superintendent of Hawke's Bay, 26 February 1863 to 10 January 1867.
He was a member of the Hawke's Bay Provincial Council:
In October, 1877,
At Otaki, 1849, “The famous Rauparaha, the old chief notorious for treachery, deceit, and every skilful artifice that enables him to seduce his hitherto blind followers, is a man low in stature, not
Friday, October 11, 1850. (In the seaward Rangitikei district.) … “
(
At Tongaporutu (
(Note: Many of the Maoris at that period were rigid observers of the sanctity of Sunday and would not permit or assist travel on that day.)
Donald Maclean's Diary: “October 14, 1850.–Had a meeting with the
“October 16,—…. Park (the surveyor) solicited me to join in a pledge between ourselves that we should abandon drinking of spirits, as the effects of last night's ride, and a few glasses of gin caused some excitement that annoyed him.” (Mr. Park had not stayed at McDonnell's but at Tylee's place). “I agreed willingly and trust I may keep the resolution to avoid all spirituous liquors, excepting wine and beer. Park gives up even that. To be aided in this sudden resolution may I be countenanced by the Almighty.”
At Ahuriri,
Letter from
Ngatapa, January 6th, 1869. “My Dear McLean, We have taken Ngatapa. It is a place that justified the hopes of
Te Kooti that he had a safe retreat. In my opinion, it is 1,500 feet above the valley, and 2,000 or more above the sea. It is a sort of wedge; with a deep gully up the gentlest slope; which, however, is a steep wearisome ascent. The whole mountain was bush-covered, to the top. Kooti, and perhaps others before him, had cleared the very pinnacle. I endeavoured to burn off the light bush down the gentler slope, on the north-eastern side. The forest is continuous for miles, except where our road approaches; and heavy timber, except on the same side, where scrub 20 feet high, clothes it. The rear runs out in a ridge of rock—a knife edge.The main force sapped up to the main front. Colonel Fraser scaled the rocky ridge in rear. We had not men enough to stop descent by the cliffs, on the right; and Kooti evacuated as our men got in. But 60 of his warriors were killed before he left; and our men have overtaken and killed 60 more. Among the dead are Nikora and Rangiaho. It is likely that the latter led a body of 30 or 40 Urewera. These made a faint stand in the bush, whilst trying to escape; but Ngatiporou dispersed them, killing 18. The pursuit is being followed up to-day. Our loss is:–1 officer killed; 1 wounded; 10 men killed; 10 wounded, only one dangerously.
There was no food in the Pa; and little ammunition in the pouches of the slain. Clothing, two or three watches, and about £50 in gold and silver have been taken; the remains of the plunder of Turanga (
Poverty Bay .) Hamlin was first in the Pa. Wehave 80 prisoners–14 men, the rest women and children. One of the men is believed to be deep in the murders. I hope to keep him alive for trial; but it is very hard to restrain our Ngatiporou friends, who do not appreciate the nature of a regular trial, and the value of a legal conviction of one or two in this case. I should like to obtain a conviction, to answer all cavillers about our action, if there are any still in the land.”
The antagonism between the races after the defeat of Waikato, and in the anxious period on the frontiers produced some curious proposals. In 1869, a settler who had seen some hard service in his day, wrote to the Native and Defence Minister with reference to the King Country: “If the English Government is not going to help us, I think it is quite time that our Government adopted some other means of clearing the country of Hauhaus, i.e., give ten pounds per head for all Hauhau heads and supply the parties that undertake to bring them in with arms and provisions. Before six months had gone we would not be troubled with a single Hauhau. Say 2,000 Hauhaus (men)–it would be only the small sum, for all expenses, of £30,000.”
This cheerful optimist was
Later on in the Seventies the fiery
Ahimanawa Range, 58
Angas, G. F., 16
Aotearoa, 123
Arawa Armed Constabulary, 107
Arei, Te (Pukerangiora), 71
Atkinson, Major, 98
Au-nui-o-Tonga (
Aute, Te, 62
Awakino, R., 27
Barrett's Hotel Wellington, 39
Bay of Plenty Cavalry, 100
Bell, F. D., 10
Browne, Col. T. Gore, Governor, 75
Bush Campaigns 100-4
Bush journey, Taranaki to Wanganui River, 51-4
R. S. Bush, R.M., 131
Canoe cruises, Wanganui River, and Manganui a-te-Ao 44-50
Canoe passage through
Cavalry, Waikato Volunteer, 123
Chapman, Judge H. S., 39
Chapman, Rev. T., 24
Confiscated Maori lands, 96, 97, 113, 114, 118, 121, 122, 132, 133
Coromandel, 3
Fanaticism of the Hauhaus, 114
Food, Maori, 48
Gaelic lament for Maclean, 142
Goldfields, Ohinemuri, 109
Grey Block (Pukehe),
Haurauga (Taranaki), 7
Haroto, Te, 86
Hatepe Pa, Waiapu, 79
Hauauru, King Country chief, 140
Hauhau (Pai-marire) War begins, 78-79
Hawke's Bay, land sales to Government, 58-66
Hawke's Bay, Maclean's travels, 58-66
“Henare” (Rev.
Hetet, John (King Country), 132
Heuheu, Te (Horonuku), 101
Hikairo, Rotorua chief, 24
Hira, Te (at Ohinemuri), 109-112
Hongi Hika, 23
Jackson, Major (O.C. Waikato Cavalry), 123
Kakepuku Mt., 131
Kapiti Island, 42
Kariri, mission station,
Kawepo, Renata, 86
Kereopa captured and hanged, 103
Kilmaluaig, Island of Tiree, 1
Kingi, Wiremu (
King Tawhiao, 130-133
Kuikui Pa Waitara, 72
Lyon, Colonel W., 108
Maclean, Alexander, 137
Maclean, Captain Algernon, D.D., 147
Maclean, John (father of
Maclean, Lady, 145
Maclean, Mrs (née Strang), death, 139
Maclean, Sir R. D. Douglas, 139-147
Mair, Captain Gilbert, 101-3
Mair, Major William, 102
“Makarini, Te” (Maclean), meets Tawhiao, 130-133
Maketu (Kawhia), 116
Manawatu Gorge, canoeing through, 55-7
Manganui-a-te-Ao, 44-49
Marae-o-Hine, Otorohanga, 132
Marsland Hill,
Matai-whetu, Upper Wanganui, 54
Mataruahou (Scinde Is., Napier), 63-5
Maungapohatu, Urewera County, 103
Maungatautari Range, 121-3
Mayhew, Captain W., 18
McDonnell, Lt.-Colonel T., 101
Mokena Kohere, 79
Motukaramu, Mokau, 24
Motu-o-Puhi Pa, L. Roto-a-Ira, 22
Native Land Purchase Dept. organised, 66
Newall, Lt.Col. Stuart, 108
New Plymouth, Maclean's first visit, 6-11
New Zealand Company claims, 7-11
Ngae, Te, 24
Ngakau, Te, 132
Ngaruawahi, 75
Ohinekuku, 86
Ohinemuri Goldfields, and the Maoris, 109-112
Okareka, L., 24
Omarunui battle (H.B.), 85-90
Onoke, Hokianga, 125
Opepe stockade, 107
Orakau, 140
Otukou, South Taupo, 22
Pai-marire, introduced on East Coast, 78
Panapa, Hauhau priest, 86-90
Pari-ninihi, the White Cliffs, 29-33
Parker, Richard (Roto-o-Rangi station), 121
Patara te Tuhi, 132
Pa-te-Arero, Wanganui R., 45
Patene Puhata,
Pekapeka Block, Waitara, 71
Pipiriki, Wanganui R., 45
Pirongia Mountain, 113
Police, Taranaki, force under Maclean, 10
Porere, Te, 101
Porter, Captain T. W., 103
Potatau, first Maori King, 75
Poverty Bay Hauhaus, 81-4
Preece, Captain, 102
Protector of Aborigines, 10
Puckey, E. W., 109-112
Pukearuhe (North Taranaki), 28
Pukehika, Wanganui R., 45
Purukutu (killer of
Qualtrough, T., 122
Rangihaeata, Te, 18
Rangihiroa, Te, 85-90
Rangitikei Block purchase, 41-43
Roadmaking Military, 105-8
Rolleston, W. (Native Minister), 84
Roto-a-Ira, South Taupo, 22
Rotorua, 24
Ruataniwha Plain, 60
Ships–Brisk, H.M.S., 81; Duke of Portland, ship, 68; Eclipse, H.M.S., 79; Hazard, H.M.S., 6, 12, 13; Iris, H.M.S., 69; Luna, Govt. steamer, 116, 119, 120; Rifleman, schooner, 93; Rosario, H.M.S., 144; St. George, ship, 2; Sturt, Govt. steamer, 82; Tory, barque, 34; Wild Duck, ship, 143
Sinclair, Dr. Andrew, 3
Spain, Commissioner, 8-10
Sullivan, Timothy, killed on frontier, 122
Tahau (
Tapihana, Te (at Kawhia), 117-19
Tapu on a road, 31-3
Tareha te Moananui, H.B. chief, 63
Taumatamahoe bush route, 51-4
Te Teira Manuka, Waitara, 69
Urewera tribe, 92
Vogel, Sir Julius, 98
Waerenga-a-Hika Pa, 81-83
Waikato Maori Kingdom established, 75
Waitara War begins, 71