Historical Records of New Zealand Vol. II.Historical Records of New Zealand Vol. II.[electronic resource]Robert McNab, M.A., LL.B., Litt.D.Creation of machine-readable versionTechBooks, Inc.Creation of digital imagesTechBooks, Inc.Conversion to TEI.2-conformant markupTechBooks, Inc.TEI header and validation; MADS markupEdmund Kingca. 2134.50 kilobytesNew Zealand Electronic Text CollectionWellington, New ZealandModern English, McN02Hist
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Historical Records of New Zealand, Vol. IIRobert McNab, M.A., LL.B., Litt.D.WellingtonJohn Mackay, Government Printer1914.Source copy consulted: Central Library at Victoria University of Wellington, Call No: DU401 M169 H
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NZETC Subject Headings1914EnglishFrenchNew Zealand History21:22:37, Tuesday 7 August 2007Edmund KingText-proofing of a sample of the text21:22:37, Tuesday 7 August 2007Edmund KingConversion to TEI.2-conformat markup21:22:37, Tuesday 7 August 2007Edmund KingAdding scripted markup21:22:37, Tuesday 7 August 2007Edmund KingAddition of encodingDesc21:22:37, Tuesday 7 August 2007Edmund KingAssembled all images21:22:37, Tuesday 7 August 2007Edmund KingCreation of derivative images21:22:37, Tuesday 7 August 2007Edmund KingValidation of TEI21:22:37, Tuesday 7 August 2007Edmund KingValidation of names21:22:37, Tuesday 7 August 2007Edmund KingConversion to Unicode (utf-8)
HISTORICAL RECORDS
OF
NEW ZEALAND.
Vol. II.COMPILED AND EDITED BYROBERT McNAB, M.A., LL.B., Litt.D.
WELLINGTON.BY AUTHORITY: JOHN MACKAY, GOVERNMENT PRINTER.1914.VOLUME I PUBLISHED IN 1908.
Preface.
This volume is issued in accordance with the line of policy laid down in the Preface to Vol. I—to place at the disposal of the Public a further instalment of material when sufficient had accumulated to enable that to be done.
As recent events in Parliament have shown that considerable misunderstanding exists regarding these Records, and the relation of the writer to them, the latter takes this opportunity of stating the position. There is in New Zealand no Department of Archives, nor are there any officers with the duty imposed upon them of collecting, arranging, and publishing material regarding the infant days of the Dominion. The writer's connection with the work is purely honorary, and comes about in this way: He is engaged privately in investigating the early history of New Zealand, from its discovery by Tasman in 1642 until the Proclamation over it of British Sovereignty in 1840, and from time to time publishes the results of his investigations. At present, having completed the southern, he is working on the history of the northern, portion of the Dominion. All that is quite apart from this work. Some years ago he was asked by the Ministry then in office—and the request has been endorsed by all their successors—to place at the disposal of the Dominion for publication all the documents which came to light in his search, and which, in his opinion, were worthy of publication in extenso. It was thought—and in the writer's opinion wisely thought—that many documents were of value quite apart from what the writer might take from them for the narrative in his private work. To this request the writer agreed, as also to a request later on that he would edit them. Thus did the supply of these historical
documents to the Government, and thus did their preparation for publication, fall into the hands of the writer.
The documents reproduced, with few exceptions, relate to the period before the Treaty of Waitangi, because the Editor in his private research work is confining himself to that period. Though in each volume the papers are arranged in chronological order, each volume covers the same period. The Editor does not defend this plan, nor does he excuse it; he simply says that the documents are obtained by him at the most unexpected times and places, and, if they are to be published before his private work is finished and his search is ended, there is no other way known to him by which it can be done. But while Vol. II cannot be made exclusive of Vol. I in regard to time, an effort has been made to gather into it as much matter as possible relating to the great voyages of the early days of New Zealand's history; hence the presence of matter dealing with Tasman, Cook, De Surville, Marion, Vancouver, Biscoe, and Balleny. By this means it is hoped to give a distinctive character to a volume which collects material over the whole period. The overlapping of dates in the different volumes is proposed to be overcome by complete tables of Contents, and in this volume are the tables for Vols. I and II. By this can be seen at a glance what documents are printed, and their chronological order can be followed by any one desiring to do so.
The question has been raised that there are not sufficient notes made by the Editor to enable the various documents to be understood by the reader. This has always presented a difficulty. The Editor thinks that notes in Records should be conspicuous by their absence; what is wanted is an exact reproduction of the original, and notes tend to put the Editor's interpretation, which may be a wrong one, into the mind of the reader. We must always recollect that, in the main, Historical Records are to supply in its purest form material to the specialist. It is the writer on this material who supplies the work which the general reader will peruse. If there is anything which is noticeable in the original, and which cannot be reproduced, it should be commented on by the Editor. In this category come additions to the
text, in the same or in a different handwriting; erasures also sometimes show a change of mind of the writer, as, for example, when Cook struck out the name “Endeavour Bay” and substituted “Poverty Bay.” Only a photograph would detect that, and the Editor is within his duties in noting it. To make the book more popular by the introduction of interesting explanatory matter, some of which may turn out not to be quite accurate, is outside the duties of an Editor who has no commercial considerations to weigh. For these reasons notes are deliberately reduced to a minimum, and the reader is here warned that they form no part of the Records.
Volume I consists of the references to New Zealand which were contained in the printed and unprinted Records of New South Wales, and, in regard to the unprinted documents, the Editor had to rely upon the copies sent him without being able to verify the accuracy of the transcription. It now appears that, while not altogether inaccurately copied, there is a want of completeness in the work which is greatly to be regretted. This weakness commences on page 316, and is found to the end of the volume. The Editor hopes that in the next volume he will be in a position to state exactly what this deficiency is; for the present it may be said not to affect the general contents of any document, but to make some of them not exact reproductions of the originals. Meantime, notes to the table of Contents have been inserted to correct errors in dates, &c. A long experience of this class of work on the part of the Editor satisfies him that the camera alone copies accurately, and that when other methods are adopted some allowance must always be made for error and inaccuracy; in this case, however, the quantum of error is beyond a reasonable allowance. The pages of the Log of the “Endeavour” will show the ideal method of reproducing Records, except that, if the system were generally adopted, a size of reproduction more nearly approximating to the size of the original would have to be employed.
The thanks of the Dominion are due to Mr. A. H. Turnbull, of Wellington, for permitting his Log of Captain Cook's “Endeavour” to be photographed, and his Journals of the various officers in Cook's and Vancouver's Expeditions to be
copied, and reproduced here. The presence of these Journals alone would give this volume a world-wide value. Special mention should also be made of the Journals of Tasman's sailor, and of De Surville's and of Marion's Expeditions, never before published in their own or in any other language. No such array of Journals of great voyagers has ever before been published in one volume in connection with the Records of any British Possession.
Robert McNAb.Knapdale, Gore,21st April, 1914.
Contents of Volume I.
(Journals and documents covering a period will be found on page xvi.)
Date.Parties.Page.1770.23 Oct.Cook to Secretary Stephens1No dateCrew of “Endeavour”5No dateSurgeon Perry to Lieutenant Cook71771.12 JulyState of “Endeavour”1027 JulyGeneral Evening Post1013 Aug.Cook to Secretary Stephens151772.15 JulyCook to Furneaux151773.28 Mar.Cook to Furneaux164 JuneCook to Furneaux1717 JulyCook to Furneaux181774.5 AprilFurneaux to Secretary Stephens181775.18 Mar.Furneaux to Secretary Stephens1922 Mar.Cook to Secretary Stephens201776.24 MayCook to Mr. Banks236 JulyCook's Secret Instructions2410 JulyCook to Mr. Banks291778.20 Oct.Cook to Secretary Stephens291779.15–26 Dec.Mr. Pallas to Mr. Pennant321783.23 Aug.J. M. Matra's proposal361784.1 Oct.J. M. Matra to Under-Secretary Nepean4312 Oct.James De Lancey to J. M. Matra4426 Dec.Lord Howe to Lord Sydney451785.13 Jan.Attorney-General to Lord Sydney451786.18 Aug.Lord Sydney to Lords Commissioners of Treasury4931 Aug.Lord Sydney to Lords of the Admiralty56No dateProposal for settlement of New South Wales58No datePhillip's proposals67Inset—Hist. Records1787.1 Mar.Phillip to Under-Secretary Nepean711788.24 MayProposed trading settlement at Norfolk Island7224 MayCaptain Bligh to Secretary Stephens7328 JuneCaptain Bligh to Secretary Stephens741789.3 Jan.Captain Hunter to Secretary Stephens7413 Oct.Lieutenant Bligh to Sir Joseph Banks9215 Oct.Captain Bligh to Secretary Stephens761790.12 Feb.Governor Phillip to Lord Sydney104Mar.M. W. Grenville to Governor Phillip1131790.22 Dec.Instructions for Mr. Menzies1151791.1 Jan.Further instructions for Mr. Menzies11810 Jan.King's Description of Norfolk Island11911 Feb.Lord Grenville to the Lord of the Admiralty12218 AprilLieutenant-Governor King to Under-Secretary Nepean1265 JulyRight Hon. H. Dundas to Governor Phillip1276 JulyRight Hon. H. Dundas to Lords of the Admiralty12817 JulyCaptain Vancouver to Under-Secretary Nepean1319 Aug.Captain Vancouver to Lord Grenville13220 Aug.Instructions to Vancouver13322 Aug.J. Johnston to J. Berteret13624 Oct.Lieutenant-Governor King to Marquis of Buckingham13723 Nov.Lieutenant-Governor King to Under-Secretary Nepean1391792.No dateBanks' notes re Vancouver14126 Sept.Mr.
In the “Records” wrongly designated “Lieutenant.”
Menzies to Sir J. Banks1434 Oct.Governor Phillip to Right Hon. Henry Dundas1474 Oct.Major Grose to Governor Phillip1484 Oct.Governor Phillip to Major Grose14815 Oct.Captain Vancouver to Governor Phillip15429 Dec.Captain Vancouver to Governor Phillip15629 Dec.Captain Vancouver to Lieutenant Hanson1581793.19 AprilLieutenant-Governor Grose to Right Hon. Henry Dundas16421 AprilLieutenant-Governor Grose to Right Hon. Henry Dundas164 Sept.Lieutenant-Governor Grose to Right Hon. Henry Dundas1662 Nov.Captain Raven to Lieutenant-Governor King1777 Nov.Lieutenant-Governor King to Captain Nepean1757 Nov.Lieutenant-Governor King to Captain Raven1769 Nov.Lieutenant-Governor King to Under-Secretary Nepean16819 Nov.Lieutenant-Governor King to Right Hon. Henry Dundas16919 Nov.Lieutenant-Governor King to Under-Secretary Nepean17919 Nov.Letter from Norfolk Island18219 Nov.W. N. Chapman to Mrs. Chapman1851794.25 Feb.Lieutenant-Governor Grose to Lieutenant-Governor King18710 Mar.Lieutenant-Governor King to Right Hon. Henry Dundas18919 Mar.Lieutenant-Governor King to Lieutenant-Governor Grose19323 JuneHunter's instructions1951795.21 Mar.Lieutenant-Governor Paterson to Right Hon. Henry Dundas1951 JuneCaptain Bampton to Lieutenant-Governor Paterson19810 JuneDuke of Portland to Governor Hunter1991796.19 Jan.Lieutenant-Governor King to Duke of Portland20319 Jan.Captain Bampton to Lieutenant-Governor King20419 Jan.Lieutenant-Governor King to Deputy Commissary Clark20518 Oct.Lieutenant-Governor King on Norfolk Island2061797.26 Dec.Minute of the Board of Trade2161798.10 Jan.Governor Hunter to Duke of Portland2171799.13 Feb.Lieutenant-Governor King to Sir J. Banks2191800.26 JuneLieutenant-Governor King to Major Foveaux22118 Dec.India Government Officials to Governor King2211801.2 Oct.Governor King to Marquis Wellesley22331 Dec.Governor King's report2241802.30 Jan.George Bass to Captain Waterhouse22522 Mar.Ex-Governor Hunter to Under-Secretary King22729 Mar.Governor King to Duke of Portland23221 MayGovernor King to whaling captains23421 MayWhaling captains to Governor King2345 JuneGovernor King to Sir J. Banks2361803.5 Jan.George Bass to Captain Waterhouse24030 Jan.George Bass to Governor King2422 Feb.George Bass to Captain Waterhouse2449 MayGovernor King's notes2449 MayGovernor King to Lord Hobart24630 JuneShipping return24829 Nov.Shipping return24831 Dec.Shipping return2491804.29 Aug.Sir J. Banks to Governor King24931 Dec.Shipping returns2531805.30 AprilGovernor King to Earl Camden25326 MayGovernment and General Order25731 Dec.Governor King to Under-Secretary Cooke25831 Dec.Shipping returns (two)2601806.2 Jan.King papers2614 JuneBanks on State of New South Wales2717 JulyBanks' observations on Bill27612 Aug.Shipping returns (two)2781807.30 JuneShipping returns2798 Oct.Surgeon Luttrell to Under-Secretary Sullivan279–Dec.Ex-Governor King on timbers2861808.1 Oct.Lieutenant-Governor Collins to Under-Secretary Cooke2881809.10 JuneGovernor Bligh to Viscount Castlereagh28911 Oct.Certificate of shipping agents re “Boyd”293No dateMemo concerning New South Wales2891810.6 JanMassacre of the “Boyd”2936 JanA. Berry to Governor Macquarie29512 Mar.Governor Macquarie to Viscount Castlereagh29612 Mar.S. R. Chace's evidence re Boyd29810 AprilWhalers to Governor Macquarie29915 AprilWilliam Leith to Lord, Williams, and Thompson30130 AprilGovernor Macquarie to Viscount Castlereagh30411 Aug.Ex-Governor Bligh to Sir J. Banks3051 Sept.Sydney Gazette account of “Boyd”30625 Oct.Marsden to Pratt (extract)4211811.31 Dec.Shipping returns (two)30919 Mar.J. Bosanquet to W. Fawkner31021 Mar.Calcutta Gazette account of Boyd31010 AprilW. Ramsay to Messrs. Enderby3124 JuneReport of Committee of Church Missionary Society3121812.13 Aug.Captain Birnie to Governor Macquarie31414 Aug.Statement of Governor Macquarie3151813.25 Mar.Birnie with Williams (agreement)46831 Mar.Captain Birnie to Governor Macquarie3151 AprilNotes by Governor Macquarie31610 Nov.Deposition of John Besant42119 Nov.Deposition of Jacob Williams4261 Dec.Proclamation
In “Records” wrongly described as Government and General Order.
by Governor Macquarie3161 Dec.Summary of above42913 Dec.Hampshire Telegraph re Macquarie Island3181814.9 Mar.Rev. Samuel Marsden to Captain Dillon31815 Mar.Rev. Samuel Marsden to Church Missionary Society31915 Mar.Rev. Samuel Marsden to Church Missionary Society32112 MayGovernor Macquarie to Under-Secretary of State32220 Sept.
In “Records” wrongly dated 1815.
Extract from letter by S. Marsden4023 Oct.The New South Wales New Zealand Company to Governor Macquarie3239 Nov.Government and General Order
Heading and ending of Order not given on pp. 328 and 329, but will be found on pp. 427 and 428.
328, 427No dateS. Lord with R. Williams470No dateLord and Blaxcell with Williams47312 dateGovernment and General Order32918 dateS. Marsden to J. Pratt330No dateNew South Wales New Zealand Company with Williams4731815.24 Feb.Church Missionary Society conveyance40027 MayT. Kendall to S. Marsden40017 JuneG. Blaxcell to Secretary Campbell40119 Aug.Government and General Order4022 Oct.S. Marsden to Church Missionary Society (extract)40423 Oct.T. Kendall to Secretary Campbell40426 Oct.S. Marsden to J. Pratt4056 Nov.S. Marsden to J. Pratt4241816.No dateT. Kendall on massacre of “Boyd”4066 Jan.Opinion of Bench of Magistrates4279 AprilEarl Bathurst to Governor Macquarie40725 JuneJ. Pratt to Earl Bathurst4074 Oct.Captain Hammond to Secretary Campbell4081817.1 AprilGovernor Macquarie to Earl Bathurst4091 AprilRobert Williams to Governor Macquarie4102 MayS. Marsden to Church Missionary Society41315 MayGovernor Macquarie to Earl Bathurst4157 Oct.W. Moreran to Governor Macquarie416No dateMemorial of Committee of Church Missionary Society417No dateDeposition of James Elder422No dateDeposition of James Besant424No dateDeposition of Abraham Hendricke, &c.4241818.10 JuneReport on New Zealand flax432.13 JuneSir Robert Barlow on flax51319 JuneNavy Board to the Admiralty4311819.4 MayReport of Committee of Church Missionary Society43314 JulyS. Marsden to J. Pratt43524 JulyS. Marsden and R. Cartwright to J. Pratt43628 JulyS. Marsden to J. Pratt4375 Nov.S. Marsden to Settlers, Bay of Islands438, 4458 Nov.T. Kendall to Commissioner Bigge441No dateMemo. among Bigge's papers44828 Dec.S. Marsden to Commissioner Bigge448No dateRules concerning missions455No dateR. Williams on flax457No dateR. Williams with Birnie466No dateR. Williams to Birnie4691820.12 Jan.S. Marsden to J. Butler47514 Jan.S. Marsden to J. Pratt4765 Feb.Government and General Order4777 Feb.S. Marsden to J. Pratt4777 Feb.S. Marsden to J. Pratt48011 Feb.Captain Skinner to Commissioner Bigge51112 Feb.S. Marsden to J. Pratt48211 Mar.J. Nicholson to Commissioner Bigge48320 Mar.W. Savage to Earl Bathurst48311 AprilCaptain Skinner to Governor Macquarie48411 AprilJohn Butler to Captain Skinner52414 AprilDeposition of F. Ewer52614 AprilDeposition of T. Lewe52714 AprilDeposition of H. Gordon52815 AprilS. Marsden to Governor Macquarie48419 AprilCaptain Skinner to S. Marsden48519 AprilCaptain Skinner to Admiralty52119 AprilCaptain Skinner to Commissioners of Navy52421 AprilCaptain Skinner to Governor Macquarie48524 AprilS. Marsden to J. Pratt48926 AprilCaptain Skinner to Governor Macquarie48726 AprilS. Marsden to Commissioner Bigge49312 Aug.James Downie (extract from letter)56912 Aug.R. Elives to Commissioner Begge4942 Sept.Invoice of oil5172 Sept.Shares to “Active's” crew51912 Sept.Captain Skinner to Commissioner Bigge49510 Nov.Advances to “Active's” crew51820 Nov.Under-Secretary Goulburn to J. Pratt498No dateBigge's papers4988 Dec.Joseph Thompson's evidence49915 Dec.Captain Skinner to Governor Macquarie48821 Dec.Captain Skinner to Governor Macquarie4881821.4 Jan.John Hunter's evidence50313 Jan.Charles Hook's evidence50618 Jan.R. Sugden to Earl Bathurst5162 Feb.Edward Riley's evidence5095 Feb.R. Campbell to Commissioner Bigge5176 Feb.Petition to Earl Bathurst5199 Feb.Captain Beveridge's evidence50915 Feb.Navy Office to Admiralty52121 Mar.S. Marsden to J. Pratt52022 Mar.Admiralty to Colonial Office52123 Mar.Mission Secretaries to Earl Bathurst5313 AprilR. Brown to Henry Goulburn53125 AprilHenry Goulburn to R. Sugden5321 MayReport of Church Missionary Society5321 MayMcCrae's evidence534No dateDr. Fairfowl's evidence550No dateMr. McDonald's evidence55813 JulyUnder-Secretary Goulburn to S. R. Lushington56321 JulyS. Marsden to J. Butterworth56322 JulyS. Marsden to Major Goulburn56224 JulyS. Marsden to J. Pratt56511 Aug.S. Marsden to J. Pratt56616 Aug.W. Fenwick to Charles Graham51219 Sept.S. Marsden to J. Pratt56720 Sept.Admiralty to the Colonial Office56915 Oct.Report re Flax51017 Nov.S. Marsden to J. Pratt57120 Dec.James Downie to Earl Bathurst57226 Dec.T. Kendall to Earl Bathurst573No date“Evangelical Magazine”5731822.7 Jan.J. Butler to Governor Brisbane57526 Jan.Reports on New Zealand flax60714 Feb.T. Lack to Under-Secretary Wilmot57721 Feb.R. Wilmot to T. Lack57722 Feb.Navy Board to Under-Secretary Wilmot57718 Mar.S. Marsden to Missionary Settlers57821 Mar.James Downie to Earl Bathurst57928 Mar.T. H. Armstrong to Commissioner Bigge5141 AprilS. Marsden to J. Pratt57927 AprilR. Wilmot to William Jackson58130 AprilAnnual meeting Church Missionary Society58122 JuneD. Erskine to Earl Bathurst5819 JulyF. Hunt to Commissioner Bigge51515 JulyB. Carvosso to Secretaries, Wesleyan Missionaries5826 Aug.R. Wilmot to Navy Commissioners5839 Oct.Taylor and Upton to Earl Bathurst58322 Dec.
Wrongly dated 1892.
J. Thomson to Henry Duudas5841823.15 Jan.S. Marsden to J. Pratt58515 Jan.S. Marsden to J. Pratt58627 Feb.Commissioner Bigge to Earl Bathurst5874 JuneJ. Pratt to Earl Bathurst59628 JuneS. Marsden to Governor Brisbane5971 JulyJames Busby to Earl Bathurst59730 JulyJ. Peake to Lieutenant-Colonel Nicholls60616 Sept.Enderby and others to Lieutenant-Colonel Nicholls60820 Sept.S. Marsden to J. Pratt5988 Nov.Lieutenant-Colonel Nicholls to Earl Bathurst59810 Nov.S. Marsden to J. Pratt61012 Nov.P. Young to Lieutenant-Colonel Nicholls60914 Nov.C. Dempster to Lieutenant-Colonel Nicholls60918 Nov.John Moore to Lieutenant-Colonel Nicholls611Horton's notes re Lieutenant-Colonel Nicolls61220 Nov.Lieutenant-Colonel Nicolls to Under-Secretary Horton6112 Dec.Baron De Thierry to Earl Bathurst61410 Dec.Under-Secretary Horton to Baron De Thierry6151824.13 Jan.S. Marsden to J. Pratt61616 Jan.Baron De Thierry to Earl Bathurst61729 Jan.S. Marsden to J. Butterworth61831 Jan.N. Turner to Secretaries, Wesleyan Society61913 Feb.G. Erskine to R. Watson62221 Feb.S. Marsden to J. Pratt6222 Mar.Baron De Thierry to Earl Bathurst6239 Mar.Baron De Thierry to Earl Bathurst62413 Mar.Baron De Thierry to Under-Secretary Horton6242 AprilW. White and N. Turner to Secretaries, Wesleyan Society62521 AprilBaron de Thierry to Earl Bathurst62521 AprilW. M. Praed, lines on New Zealand6264 JuneS. Marsden to J. Pratt6275 JuneCaptain Coe to Governor Brisbane64819 JuneJ. Busby to Governor Brisbane64924 JulyUnder-Secretary Croker to Under-Secretary Horton62930 Sept.N. Turner to J. Etchells6294 Nov.S. Marsden to J. Pratt6315 Nov.D. Tyerman to G. Erskine and S. Leigh163112 NovTyerman and Bennett's narrative6401825.29 Mar.Earl Bathurst to E. Littleton63430 Mar.E. J. Littleton to Earl Bathurst6345 AprilN. Turner to Secretary, Wesleyan Society63418 AprilR. K. Reynolds to Earl Bathurst6356 MayUnder-Secretary Horton to Secretary Harrison63730 MayGeorge Harrison to R. W. Horton63814 JuneNavy Commissioners to Under-Secretary Horton63818 JuneR. W. Horton to R. K.
In the “Records” wrongly given as “H.”
Reynolds63821 JuneR. K. Reynolds to Under-Secretary Horton63930 JuneJ. Gladstone to Under-Secretary Horton63920 JulyJ. Busby to Governor Brisbane65010 Oct.R. K. Reynolds to Under-Secretary Hay64210 OctR. K. Reynolds to Earl Bathurst64314 OctR. W. Hay to Secretary Harrison6441826.9 Jan.J. Busby to Colonel Dumaresq6549 Jan.J. Busby to Governor Darling65520 Jan.F. Goulburn to A. McLeay6472 Feb.S. Marsden to E. Bickersteth6448 Feb.R. Darling to A. McLeay65713 Feb.Resolution of Board for General Purposes647, 6574 Mar.Governor Darling to Earl Bathurst65622 Mar.J. C. Littleton to R. Horton65824 AprilEnderby and others to Earl Bathurst66325 AprilS. Marsden to A. McLeay65827 JuneR. Torrens to R. W. Horton6624 JulyR. Torrens to R. W. Horton66116 JulyColonel Bathurst to Governor Darling66622 Oct.Lieutenant-Colonel Cruise to R. W. Hay6671827.10 Feb.N. Turner to Secretaries, Wesleyan Society66719 Feb.R. Duke to Lieutenant-Governor Darling67224 Feb.H. J. Rous to Colonial Secretary67324 Feb.S. Marsden to D. Coates66813 Mar.Governor Darling to Earl Bathurst67131 MayD. Coates to Viscount Goderich6746 JuneThe Navy Commissioners to Secretary Hay67414 JuneR. Torrens to Under-Secretary Horton67619 JuneT. B. Martin to Under-Secretary Horton
In the “Records” wrongly given as “Hay.”
67812 Nov.S. Marsden to E. Bickersteth6791828.–AprilAnonymous letter6812 Sept.J. Croker to Under-Secretary Twiss68330 Aug.Navy Board to J. Croker68326 Dec.Attorney and Solicitor-Generals to A. McLeay68725 JulyS. Curtis to Lord High Admiral6841829.3 Jan.T. Raine to Sir G. Murray6864 Jan.Governor Darling to Sir G. Murray6852 Mar.Capture of the “Haweis”68714 Oct.S. Marsden to D. Coates6981830.8 Feb.S. Marsden to D. Coates70013 Mar.S. Marsden to E. Bickersteth70228 AprilS. Marsden to ——7032 Aug.S. Marsden to Governor Darling7054 Aug.Statement of S. Leigh7084 Aug.S. Marsden to D. Coates7107 Aug.S. Marsden to E. Bickersteth71014 Aug.New Zealand trade71322 Sept.Governor Darling to Sir G. Murray7127 Oct.S. Marsden to E. Bickersteth7151831.18 AprilS. Marsden to D. Coates71525 AprilS. Marsden to E. Bickersteth71718 Sept.S. Marsden to D. Coates7181834.13 MayS. Marsden to D. Coates71825 Sept.S. Marsden to —–7191837.27 Mar.S. Marsden to D. Coates72025 MayS. Marsden to D. Coates72211 Aug.S. Marsden to Mr. Jowett72318 Aug.S. Marsden to Mr. Jowett72417 Dec.Baron de Thierry to Sydney Gazette7241838.18 Feb.S. Marsden to D. Coates72826 AprilS. Marsden to Church Missionary Society72812 Dec.J. Stephen to J. Backhouse74231 Dec.J. Backhouse to J. Stephen7441839.30 MayNormanby to Attorney-General7394 JuneCampbell and Rolfe to Normanby74913 JuneJ. Stephen to A. Y. Spearman74022 JuneG. J. Pennington to J. Stephen74524 JuneW. Hobson to Under-Secretary of State7444 JulyJ. Stephen to A. Y. Spearman74424 JulyG. J. Pennington to J. Stephen74711 Aug.W. Fox Strangways to H. Labouchere74713 Aug.Lord Palmerston to W. Hobson74813 Aug.Lord Palmerston to W. Hobson74914 Aug.Normanby to W. Hobson72915 Aug.Normanby to Governor Gipps72915 Aug.Normanby to W. Hobson753–Aug.W. Hobson to Under-Secretary of State750
Journals.
(Including documents covering a period.)
Period.Designation.Pages.16 Aug., 1787, to 20 Aug., 1789Bligh's Voyage94 to 104.24 May, 1788, to 16 Oct., 1789Bligh's Voyage76 to 92.21 Feb., 1793, to 27 Feb., 1793Malaspina's Visit162 to 165.9 Nov., 1814, to 23 Mar., 1815Marsden's First Visit331 to 400.9 Nov., 1814, to 27 July, 1837Marsden's Visits327 and 328.21 June, 1817, to 21 Aug., 1820Outward Sydney Shipping430 and 431.18 Sept., 1817, to 8 Aug., 1820Inward Sydney Shipping429 and 430.1 July, 1839, to 31 Dec., 1839
In the “Records” wrongly printed “1835.”
Bay of Islands Shipping756 to 758.
Contents of Volume II.
(Journals and documents covering a period will be found on pages xxi and xxii.)
Date.Parties.Page.1642.22 Jan.Memoir touching the discovery of the South Land141 Aug.Resolution of the Governor-General and Councillors of the Dutch East India Company213 Jan.Instructions for Tasman413 Jan.Resolution of the Governor-General and Councillors on the eve of Tasman's departure171643.19 JuneResolution of the Governor-General and Councillors on Tasman's return3522 Dec.Instructions for further voyage361768.21 Mar.The Lords of the Admiralty to the Navy Board445 AprilThe Lords of the Admiralty to the Navy Board455 AprilThe Lords of the Admiralty to the Marquis of Granby4625 MayThe Lords of the Admiralty to Cook4727 MayCook to Secretary Stephens4831 MayCook to Secretary Stephens483 JuneCook to Mr. Alcock483 JuneCook to Secretary Stephens4830 JuneCook to Secretary Stephens495 JulyCook to Secretary Stephens496 JulyCook to Secretary Stephens507 JulySecretary Stephens to Cook507 JulySecretary Stephens to Cook508 JulyCook to Secretary Stephens508 JulySecretary Stephens to Cook5120 JulyCook to Secretary Stephens5121 JulySecretary Stephens to Cook5122 JulyLords of the Admiralty to Cook5225 JulyCook to Secretary Stephens5327 JulyCook to Secretary Stephens5327 JulyCook to Secretary Stephens5328 JulySecretary Stephens to Cook5430 JulyLords of Admiralty to Cook543 Aug.Secretary Stephens to Cook553 Aug.Lords of the Admiralty to Cook5514 Aug.Cook to Secretary Stephens5617 Sept.Cook to Secretary Stephens5617 Nov.Cook to Viceroy of Brazil6318 Nov.Viceroy to Cook6519 Nov.Cook to Viceroy6619 Nov.Cook to Viceroy6620 Nov.Viceroy to Cook6820 Nov.Viceroy to Cook6821 Nov.Cook to Viceroy6921 Nov.Cook to Viceroy7022 Nov.Viceroy to Cook7022 Nov.Viceroy to Cook7024 Nov.Cook to Viceroy7127 Nov.Viceroy to Cook7128 Nov.Cook to Viceroy7230 Nov.Cook to Secretary Stephens561771.9 MayCook to Secretary Stephens7312 JulyCook to Secretary Stephens7412 JulyCook to Secretary Stephens76— Aug.Cook to Secretary Stephens779 Sept.Cook to Secretary Stephens779 Sept.Cook to Secretary Stephens78.13 Sept.Cook to J. Walker7820 Sept.Cook to Secretary Stephens8121 Sept.Cook to Secretary Stephens822 Dec.Cook to Secretary Stephens823 Dec.Cook to Secretary Stephens8314 Dec.Cook to Secretary Stephens83— Dec.Cook to Secretary Stephens841772.14 Jan.Cook to Earl of Sandwich8416 Jan.Cook to Secretary Stephens8527 Jan.Cook to Secretary Stephens855 Feb.Cook to Astronomer Royal8615 Feb.Cook to Secretary Stephens8625 Feb.Cook to Secretary Stephens8627 Feb.Cook to Secretary Stephens8716 Mar.Cook to Secretary Stephens873 AprilCook to Secretary Stephens873 AprilFurneaux to Secretary Stephens8813 AprilCook to Secretary Stephens8816 AprilCook to Secretary Stephens8822 AprilCook to Secretary Stephens8927 AprilCook to Secretary Stephens8930 AprilCook to Secretary Stephens901 MayFurneaux to Secretary Stephens906 MayCook to Secretary Stephens9113 MayClerke to Mr. Banks9119 MayCook to Secretary Stephens9221 MayCook to Secretary Stephens9222 MayFurneaux to Secretary Stephens9324 MayCook to Secretary Stephens9425 MayFurneaux to Secretary Stephens9430 MayJohn Dodsworth to Cook9731 MayClerke to Mr. Banks972 JuneCook to Mr. Banks963 JuneCook to Secretary Stephens977 JuneCook to Secretary Stephens987 JuneClerke to Mr. Banks9810 JuneFurneaux to Secretary Stephens9919 JuneFurneaux to Secretary Stephens9919 JuneCook to Secretary Stephens9920 JuneCook to Secretary Stephens1003 JulyCook to Secretary Stephens1003 JulyCook to Furneaux1013 JulyCook to Furneaux1024 JulyCook to Secretary Stephens1035 JulyCook to Secretary Stephens10311 JulyCook to Lieutenant Cooper10315 JulyCook to Furneaux10415 JulyCook to Furneaux105No dateCook to Furneaux1051 Aug.Cook to Secretary Stephens1061 Aug.Cook to Furneaux1061 Aug.Cook to Daniel Clark107No dateFurneaux to Cook1071 Aug.Cook to W. Carr1072 Aug.Furneaux to Cook1082 Aug.Cook to Furneaux10816 Nov.Cook to Secretary Stephens10816 Nov.Lieutenant Shank to Cook11116 Nov.Cook to Surgeons11116 Nov.Surgeons' report11216 Nov.Cook to Lieutenant Shank11218 Nov.Cook to Lieutenant Kemp11218 Nov.Cook to Lieutenant Kemp11318 Nov.Cook to Secretary Stephens10918 Nov.Cook to Mr. Banks11323 Nov.Cook to Furneaux1146 Dec.Cook to Furneaux11514 Dec.Cook to Furneaux1151774.14 JulyFurneaux to Secretary Stephens1151775.19 Mar.Cook to Secretary Stephens11524 MayCook to Secretary Stephens11630 JulyLieutenant Clerke to Mr. Banks11611 Aug.Cook to Secretary Stephens11712 Aug.Cook to Secretary Stephens11717 Aug.Cook to Secretary Stephens11818 Sept.Cook to Secretary Stephens119No dateRobert Anderson to Cook119No dateJohn Frazer to Earl of Sandwich12026 Dec.Cook to Secretary Jackson1211776.3 Feb.The Admiralty to Cook12110 Feb.Cook to Secretary Jackson12214 Feb.Cook to Captain J. Walker12215 Feb.Clerke to —12320 Feb.Cook to Secretary Jackson12322 Feb.Clerke to Secretary Jackson12328 Feb.Cook to —12329 Feb.Cook to Secretary Stephens12429 Feb.Cook to Secretary Stephens1246 Mar.Cook to Secretary Stephens12414 Mar.Cook to —12516 Mar.Cook to Secretary Jackson12618 Mar.Cook to Secretary Jackson126No dateCook to —126No dateCook to Sir J. Pringle1272 AprilCook to Sir J. Pringle1299 AprilCook to Secretary Stephens13025 AprilCook to Secretary Stephens13126 AprilJ. Boddington to Cook13129 AprilCook to Secretary Stephens1317 MayClerke to Secretary Stephens13213 MayClerke to Secretary Stephens13214 MayInstruction to Lieutenant Pickersgill1221 JuneCook to Secretary Stephens1337 JuneCook to Secretary Stephens1347 JuneClerke to Secretary Stephens13413 JuneClerke to Secretary Stephens13413 JuneLieutenant Barney to Cook13515 JuneCook to Secretary Stephens13430 JuneCook to Secretary Stephens1359 JulyCook to Secretary Stephens135No dateClerke to Mr. Banks. .135No dateClerke to Mr. Banks. .1361 Aug.Clerke to —1373 Aug.Cook to Secretary Stephens13723 Oct.Cook to Secretary Stephens13823 Nov.Clerke to Mr. Banks. .13828 Nov.Cook to Secretary Stephens1401777.13 Mar.Lords of Admiralty to Lieutenant Young1402 AprilLieutenant Young to —1426 JulyLieutenant Young to Secretary Stephens14220 Sept.Lieutenant Young to Secretary Stephens1421831.5 Feb.Deposition of G. D. Browne5795 Feb.Deposition of J. B. Montefiore5805 Feb.Deposition of Pery5825 Feb.Deposition of A. Kemmis5837 Feb.Deposition of W. Brown5847 Feb.Deposition of J. Swan5867 Feb.F. Rossi and F. Hely to Governor Darling5787 Feb.Opinion of W. H. Moore588Geo. IV, Cap. 85, Sec. 458812 Feb.Alexander McLeay to W. H. Moore58912 Feb.W. H. Moore to F. Rossi58917 Feb.W. H. Moore to F. Rossi5908 AprilAlexander McLeay to W. H. Moore59012 AprilW. H. Moore to Colonial Secretary59013 AprilAlexander McLeay to Superintendent of Police59113 AprilAlexander McLeay to W. H. Moore59113 AprilGovernor Darling to Secretary of State59214 AprilW. H. Moore to Colonial Secretary5943 Oct.J. Stewart to Secretary of State5952 Dec.Opinion of Jenner, Denman, and Horne5965 Dec.Nicholl to Lords of Treasury59523 Dec.Treasury minute5971832.31 Jan.Secretary of State to Governor5985 AprilCharles Bourcher to Treasury59923 AprilW. G. Maule to Treasury60010 MayJ. Stewart to Viscount Howick6021839.27 MayJ. R. Clendon to Hon. J. Forsyth60427 MayJ. R. Clendon to Hon. J. Forsyth60530 JulyJ. R. Clendon to Hon. J. Forsyth6052 Aug.J. R. Clendon to Hon. J. Forsyth60717 Aug.Report of J. Busby and J. R. Clendon60924 Sept.T. C. Sanford to Hon. J. Forsyth60826 Oct.J. R. Clendon to Hon. J. Forsyth6081840.10 Jan.J. R. Clendon to Hon. J. Forsyth61120 Jan.J. R. Clendon to Hon. J. Forsyth61320 Feb.J. R. Clendon to Hon. J. Forsyth6133 JulyJ. R. Clendon to Hon. J. Forsyth6141 OctJ. R. Clendon to Hon. J. Forsyth6161841.11 Jan.J. R. Clendon to Hon. J. Forsyth61720 AprilJ. R. Clendon to Hon. J. Forsyth6181 JulyJ. R. Clendon to Hon. J. Forsyth6191842.1 Jan.J. R. Clendon to Hon. J. Forsyth62021 Feb.William Mayhew to Secretary of State620
Journals.
(Including documents covering a period.)
Period.Designation.Page.13 Dec., 1642, to 6 Jan., 1643Tasman's Journal18 to 30.13 Dec.,
Original is one month in error throughout.
1642, to 7 Jan., 1643Sailor's Journal31 to 34.13 Dec.,* 1642, to 7 Jan., 1643Sailor's Journal (in Dutch)39 to 43.3 Mar., 1769, to 9 April, 1770Monneron's Journal231 to 295.20 Oct., 1769, to 1 April, 1770“Endeavour” Log144 to 182.18 Dec., 1769, to 9 April, 1770L'Horne's Journal296 to 347.25 Mar., 1772, to 13 July, 1772Roux's Journal351 to 443.25 Mar., 1772, to 4 July, 1772Du Clesmeur's Journal445 to 481.26 Mar., 1773, to 27 Nov., 1773Pickersgill's Log183 to 186.1 April, 1773, to 22 Dec., 1773Bayly's Journal201 to 218.11 Feb., 1777, to 25 Feb., 1777Bayly's Log218 to 221.11 Feb., 1777, to 25 Feb., 1777Edgar's Log222 to 229.12 Feb., 1777, to 27 Feb., 1777Burney's Log197 to 199.2 Nov., 1791, to 24 Nov., 1791Menzies' Journal483 to 495.2 Nov., 1791, to 29 Nov., 1791“Chatham” Journal496 to 508.12 Nov., 1791, to 19 Jan., 1796King's Journal535 to 553.8 Sept., 1792, to 7 Jan., 1796Murry's Journal508 to 534.10 Oct., 1831, to 22 Dec., 1831Biscoe's Journal555 to 561.2 Dec., 1838, to 17 Jan., 1839Balleny's Journal562 to 570.3 Dec., 1838, to 17 Jan., 1839Balleny's Mate's Journal571 to 577.1 Jan., 1839, to 31 Dec., 1841Bay of Islands Shipping606, 612, 615, 617, 619, 622.
Historical RecordsOfNew Zealand.
Records Relating to Tasman's Voyage.
The accompanying records are, with one exception, taken from the official translation of Abel Janszoon Tasman's Journal and papers, published in Amsterdam in 1898 to meet demands from the Australian Colonies for reliable information about the great Dutch explorer and his movements. The originals are preserved among the State archives at The Hague, and leave to reproduce them here was, at the request of the editor, kindly granted to the New Zealand Government.
The exception above referred to is the second journal of the expedition herein set forth. It is known as the “Sailor's Journal,” and is supposed to have been kept on board the “Heemskerck.” So far as can be ascertained, it has never before been translated into English. It should be noted that the date is exactly one month in error throughout.
For what may be regarded as the last word on Tasman, the reader is directed to Abel Janszoon Tasman's Journal, by J. E. Heeres, Amsterdam, 1898; and, for an identification of the places referred to in the journal, a paper contributed by Dr. T. M. Hocken to the Transactions of the New Zealand Institute, Vol. xxviii, pp. 117–140, will supply excellent material. The subject of places is also discussed in a minor degree by the editor in “Murihiku” (1909), Chapter i.
Resolution of the Governor-General and Councillors
of the Dutch Chartered East India Company, with
Headquarters at Batavia, dated Friday, 1st August
1642.
Since our predecessors, the Lords Governors-General Jan Pietersen Coen, deceased, Pieter de Carpentier, Henrick Brouwer, and ourselves, pending their administration and ours, have been greatly inclined to forward the navigation to the partly known and still unexplored south and east land, in order to the direct discovery of the same and to the consequent opening up of important countries, or leastwise of convenient routes to well-known opulent markets, in such fashion that the same might in due time be used for the improvement and increase of the company's general prosperity, our worshipful masters have not only highly approved of the said plan, but also by successive general missives strongly recommended the said Governors-General to carry the same into execution; but owing to the requirements of commerce and war in this country, together with the deficiency of fitting vessels, to our regret, little has up to now been done towards the furthering of this good work, except that, in the beginning of our administration we have, pursuant to the resolution of February 13, 1636, dispatched via Banda, along the coast of Nova Guinea, under the command of the Hon. Gerrit Thomassen Pool, deceased, the yachts “Cleen Amsterdam” and “Wesel”, which ships have by contrary winds been prevented from proceeding so far to the east and south as we could have wished and had instructed the said Hon. Pool to attempt; in such fashion that, having up to that time obtained scant knowledge of the matters aforesaid, we have since amply and fully conferred with divers persons known to be thoroughly conversant with the matter in hand, more especially with the renowned and highly experienced pilot Frans Jacobssen Visscher, touching discoveries eventually to be made, and the direction in which they had best be undertaken; and, having received from him, as also from other experts, certain advices and opinions in writing concerning this matter, we now deem and consider it most expedient for an expedition to set out about this time from here for the Island of Mauritius, and from there to navigate southward with the sun in the beginning of the month of October, thus endeavouring to make the discoveries aforementioned from the west to the east; which matter having been diligently weighed by us, and it having been found on due estimation of the company's naval forces now available that for the furtherance of this important work
and useful undertaking we might, without detriment to the company's ordinary trade and military interests, fit out and dispatch two able ships adapted for the purpose and at present available for the said enterprise:
Therefore, for the reasons above set forth, it has been unanimously determined and resolved to dispatch for the discovery and exploration of the supposed rich southern and eastern lands, &c., the ship “Heemskerck” and the flute “de Zeehaen,” the first manned with sixty and the second with fifty of the most efficient able-bodied sailors available on the roadstead here, victualled at all points for twelve calendar months, but with rice for eighteen ditto; furthermore, amply provided with all useful necessaries, and with divers commodities, and a quantity of precious and other metals for bartering purposes in the lands eventually to be touched at; the whole under the command of the Hon. Abel Janssen Tasman, who, together with Commander Matthijs Quast, deceased, sailed east of Japan A.D. 1639, and is now strongly inclined to this discovery; seconded by the aforementioned Pilot-Major Frans Visscher, together with skippers Gerritt Janssen and Jde T'Jercksen, who have both of them approved themselves experienced navigators, and merchant Jsaack Gilsemans, who is sufficiently versed in navigation and the drawing-up of land-surveyings: supported by such able steersmen as the said Tasman shall be able to select; instructing them, as before attempted, first to sail from here to Mauritius, and, after taking in refreshments there, to sail due south about the middle of October as far as 52, or at most 54, degrees southern latitude, in order to discover and survey in an easterly direction such lands as they shall meet with in the latitude aforesaid or before it, to determine their proper longitudes and latitudes, and duly observe and note whatever requires observation for the purposes of this important voyage, without, however, running farther south than the 54th degree, even in case they should not find any land there; next to sail as far as the longitude of Nova Guinea and the Solomon Islands, or somewhat farther east, in order to ascertain whether there is any passage into the great South Sea between the said lands, the land of d'Eendracht
The western portion of Western Australia, discovered in 1616.
and the unknown south land; subsequently, after completion of this search, to steer east and north of the Solomon Islands and Nova Guinea through the narrows near Gilolo, in order to find out, likewise, whether the west coast of Nova Guinea already discovered is connected with the land of d'Eendracht, or divided from it by channels or straits; then to run along the whole length of the utterly unknown north coast as far as 21 degrees, near the Willems
River; thence to return hither with the east monsoon through Sunda Straits in the month of June or July of next year.
The Hon. Justus Schouten, Councillor-extraordinary of India, is by the present directed to draw up fitting instructions with the advice of the parties concerned, and to submit the same for due examination to this Council by the time the said ships shall have completed their preparations; the Hon. Cornelis Vander Lijn being at the same time enjoined to put on board the ships bound for the south land, over and above what they shall themselves require, and what is embarked for bartering purposes, such necessaries for the Island of Mauritius as Commander Adriaen vander Stel, who arrived here with the flute “d'Eendracht” on July 26 last, requires for the said island.
* * * *
Actum in the Castle of Batavia, date ut supra, signed—
Antonio van Diemen,Cornelis van der Lijn,Joan Maetsuijker,Justus Schouten,Salomon Sweers,Cornelis Witsen,Pieter Boreel, andPieter Mestdagh, Secretary.
Instructions for; Skipper Commander Abel Jansz. Tasman,
Pilot-Major Franchoys Jacobsz. Visscher, and the Council of the Ship “Heemskerck” and the Flute
“de Zeehaen,” destined for the Discovery and Exploration of the unknown and known South Land, of the South-east Coast of Nova Guinea, and of the Islands circumjacent.
It is well known that a hundred and fifty years ago only a third part of the globe (divided into Europe, Asia, and Africa) was known, and that the Kings of Castile and Portugal (Ferdinandus Catholicus and Don Emanuel) caused the unknown part of the world, commonly called America or the New World (and by cosmographers divided into North and South America), to be discovered by the highly renowned naval heroes Christopher Colombus and Americus Vesputius, who thereby achieved immortal praise; likewise that about the same time the unexplored coasts and islands of Africa and East India were first reached and discovered by the famous Vasco de Gama and other Portuguese captains. With what invaluable treasures, profitable trade-connections, useful trades, excellent territories, vast powers and dominions the said kings have by this discovery and its consequences enriched their kingdoms and crowns; what numberless multitudes of blind heathen have by the same been
introduced to the blessed light of the Christian religion: all this is well known to the expert, has always been held highly praiseworthy by all persons of good sense, and has consequently served other European princes as an example for the discovery of many northerly regions.
Nevertheless, up to this time no Christian kings, princes, or commonwealths have seriously endeavoured to make timely discovery of the remaining unknown part of the terrestrial globe (situated in the south, and presumably almost as large as the Old or New World), although there are good reasons to suppose that it contains many excellent and fertile regions, seeing that it lies in the frigid, the temperate, and the torrid zones, so that it must needs comprise well-populated districts in favourable climates and under propitious skies. And seeing that in many countries north of the line equinoctial (in from 15 to 40 degrees latitude) there are found many rich mines of precious and other metals, and other treasures, there must be similar fertile and rich regions situated south of the equator, of which matter we have conspicuous examples and clear proofs in the gold-and silver-bearing provinces of Peru, Chili, Monomotapa, or Sofala (all of them situated south of the equator), so that it may be confidently expected that the expense and trouble that must be bestowed in the eventual discovery of so large a portion of the world will be rewarded with certain fruits of material profit and immortal fame.
This being the case, and no European colony being better fitted for initiating these promising discoveries than the City of Batavia (which is, as it were, the centre of East India, both known and unknown), therefore the Governors-General Jan Pietersz. Coen and Henrick Brouwer (our predecessors in office) were during their periods of office seriously inclined to send out expeditions for the discovery of the unknown southern regions, although they were prevented from so doing by voyages of greater necessity. Likewise ourselves have, during the period of our office, been well disposed towards the same, our lords and masters equally recommending the said matter as a highly useful one. For all which reasons we, the Council of India, having made a proper estimate of the company's naval forces now available, and having found that, without detriment to other more important expeditions, both warlike and mercantile, two able and fitting vessels may without inconvenience be set apart for this purpose, have determined no longer to postpone the long-contemplated discovery of the unknown south land, but to take the matter in hand forthwith, using for the purpose the ship “Heemskerck,” together with the flute “de Zeehaen” (duly provided with all necessaries), placing the said vessels
under the command of your persons, to whom, as well fitted and inclined to the same, we with full confidence commit this important voyage, trusting that you will ably and prudently manage the same with good judgment, necessary courage, and the requisite patience, so that on your return you will be able to give us a full and satisfactory account of the execution of your mandate.
We shall not here enlarge on the various methods for discovering the south land submitted to us in writing by certain experienced pilots, but will rather refer you to the appended copies of the same, of which you can avail yourselves on occasion; while in the following we proceed to give you such rules and instructions as we think best adapted to meet your case, it being always understood, however, that you will be at liberty at all times to introduce such corrections as with the advice of your council you shall deem to be required by time, place, and circumstances, with an eye to the advantage of the company and the attainment of our object; all which we confidently leave to your tried judgment and experience. Tomorrow morning, after due muster, you will then set sail together, and try to get out of Sunda Strait as quickly as possible, setting your course so as to fall in speedily with the south-east trade-wind, with which you will take your way westward to the Island of Mauritius (running in sight of Diego Rodrigos), and come to anchor there in the south-east harbour before the fortress of Fredrick Henrick, where you will hand to Commander Adriaan Van der Stel our annexed letters, together with the commodities you have taken on board for the said island. While you are there you will quickly and properly provide your ships with water, firewood, and refreshments, bestowing on this no more than fourteen or fifteen days, however, or till the 12th or 15th of October at the latest, taking due care that during that time your crews be properly refreshed and dieted exclusively on fresh viands, to which end we have given the needful orders to Commander Van der Stel to assist you to the extent of his power, and if necessary to allow you to go a-hunting for wild animals.
As before mentioned, your necessities having been provided for, you will about medio October, or earlier, set sail from the Mauritius, shaping your course with the trade-wind nearly southward, as high as wind and weather shall permit, until about the southern latitude of 36 or 38 degrees. When you have got out of the eastern trade-wind you shall fall in with the variable winds, with which you will always put about on the best tack for getting to the southward, until you get into the western trade-wind, with which you will sail nearly southward
until you come upon the unknown south land, or as far as south latitude 52 or 54 degrees, inclusive; and if in this latitude you should not discover any land, you will set your course due east, and sail on until you get into the longitude of the eastern point of Nova Guinea, or of the Salomonis Islands, situated in about 220 degrees longitude, or until you should meet with land; and when this is the case, whether in the beginning or afterwards, when you have sailed more to eastward, you will sail eastward (as before mentioned) along the coasts or islands discovered, following the direction of the same.
All the lands, islands, points, turnings, inlets, bays, rivers, shoals, banks, sands, cliffs, rocks, &c., which you may meet with and pass you will duly map out and describe, and also have proper drawings made of their appearance and shape, for which purpose we have ordered an able draughtsman to join your expedition. You will likewise carefully note in what latitude they are situated; how the coasts, islands, capes, headlands or points, bays, and rivers bear from each other, and by what distances they are separated; what conspicuous landmarks, such as mountains, hills, trees, or buildings, by which they may be recognized, are visible on them; likewise what depths and shallows, sunken rocks, projecting shoals, and reefs are situated about and near the points; how and by what marks these may most conveniently be avoided; item, whether the grounds or bottoms are hard, rugged, soft, level, sloping, or steep; whether one should come on sounding, or not; by what land and sea marks the best anchoring-grounds in roadsteads and bays may be known; the bearings of the inlets, creeks, and rivers, and how these may best be made and entered; what winds blow in these regions; the direction of the currents; whether the tides are regulated by the moon or by the winds; what changes of monsoons, rains, and dry weather you observe; furthermore, diligently observing and noting whatever requires the careful attention of experienced steersmen, and may in future be helpful to others who shall navigate to the countries discovered. The summer season being evidently the time best fitted for the intended voyage and for the observation of all the things mentioned, on account of the length of the days and the shortness of the nights at that time of year, you will take care not to neglect time nor waste any needlessly, but make the most of the summer season and the favourable weather, when you will be able to sail on by night and by day alike, which you cannot do when the days are drawing in and there is no moon, seeing that it is of the highest importance that you should get sight of everything, if you wish to discover a great deal soon and in a short time.
As already mentioned, you will explore the coast discovered on an eastward course, or, if you should not meet with any land, you will continue your eastward course as far as the longitude of New Guinea or the Salomonis Islands, unless after mature consideration you should deem it better to sail no farther than the longitude of the eastern extremity of the known south land, or of the Islands of St. Pieter and Franchoys, and then to direct your course due north, in order to run in sight of these islands; thence to follow the coast to eastward, in order to ascertain how far it extends, and whether this discovered south land joins Nova Guinea near Cape Keer-weer, or whether it is separated from the same by channels or passages; in which latter case, by passing through one of the channels as far as the Wilms River, the north coast might be conveniently explored sailing westward; but since it is most likely to be supposed that these lands join each other without a break, and it is uncertain whether you would be able to follow its south coast as far as Nova Guinea, owing to its north-east trend and your falling in with the eastern trade-wind, so that you might perhaps be compelled for that purpose to go southward in order to fall in with the westerly winds, or otherwise to return to Batavia by the westward route along the land of d'Eendracht; therefore we think the route first proposed to be the more eligible one—namely, to sail to eastward as far as the longitude of Nova Guinea or of the Salomonis Islands.
We therefore, as aforesaid, give it as our opinion that, in case you should in sailing eastwards not come upon any land in 48, 52, or 54 degrees southern latitude, you should not seek any land farther to southward, but proceed on an easterly course as far as the longitude of the east side of Nova Guinea, and, with the consent of the council, from there to the Salomonis Islands, or still 100, 150, or 200 miles more to eastward, in order to become the better assured of a passage from the Indian Ocean into the South Sea, and to prepare the way for afterwards conveniently finding a short route to Chili.
When on the course thus indicated you shall have reached the longitude of the Salomonis Islands, or have got from 100 to 200 miles more to eastward, you will, with the south-east trade-wind, and keeping a westerly course, explore the same, and otherwise sail northward and westward, south or north of the islands (if such they be), towards the east coast of Nova Guinea and along it as far as the Island of Gylolo, where we have no doubt you will discover certain passages or channels to the south, which, that you may conveniently and profitably pass through the same, you will endeavour to be near in the unsettled month of April, in order to get to Cape Keer-weer with the
variable winds, by interior passages (if practicable) east of Ceram, and the Islands of Cauwer, Quey, and Arou; all which should be effected before the east monsoon begins to stiffen, as otherwise efforts to run to the south so far to eastward would be attended with great difficulty.
Now, when you have fetched up Cape Keer-weer (in 18 degrees latitude), you will sail along the coast of this land to westward as far as Wilms River (situated in d'Eendracht's landt in 21 degrees), making use of the south-east trade-wind, and following the direction of the coast; observing, describing, and noting what above has been enumerated as regards the discovery and exploration of the unknown south land, more especially diligently endeavouring to ascertain whether between Nova Guinea and the land of d'Eendracht, particularly at the points just mentioned—Cape Keer-weer and the Wilms River— there are any channels or passages to southward, such channels or passages being of the utmost importance for getting speedily into the South Sea.
What instructions were in 1636 given to Commander Gerrit Pool for the discovery of this unknown region you will be able to see from the copy of the same which we annex, and of which you can avail yourselves on occasion.
From Willems River, which we hope you will reach about the month of May or July or next year, you will shape your course straight for the middle of the Isle of Java, then sail along its south coast with the east monsoon, and thus pass through Sunda Strait on your way to Batavia, between the western extremity of Java and the Prince Islands.
That you may avoid running against unknown land, and being cast on shoals or cliffs, and prevent accidents thereby arising so far as human precaution may go, you will cause a proper look-out to be kept without intermission, and promise a reasonable reward to the person who shall first see and become aware of unknown coasts or dangerous shoals.
The above is what we have deemed needful to enjoin you regarding courses and sailing-routes in order to the discovery of the unknown southern regions; what other things may be required, according as circumstances shall present themselves, we herewith refer to your good management, experienced sea-manship, and the decision of the ship's council.
Passing on to other matters which you will have diligently to observe, attend to, and pursue in the voyage now by you to be undertaken, we urgently recommend you, in discovering new coasts, to come to anchor now and then when time and place shall serve, always seeking and selecting convenient and fitting bays or roadsteads where you may lie with least danger,
for which purpose the two tinganghs you take along with you may be of great use, more especially in the discovery and exploration of bays, shoals, harbours, rivers, &c., what time you shall have come near Nova Guinea and the land of d'Eendracht, or got into smooth seas with the south-east trade-wind.
In landing with small craft, extreme caution will every-where have to be used, seeing that it is well known that the southern regions are peopled by fierce savages, for which reason you will always have to be well armed and to use every prudent precaution, since experience has taught in all parts of the world that barbarian men are nowise to be trusted, because they commonly think that the foreigners who so unexpectedly appear before them have come only to seize their land, which (owing to heedlessness and over-confidence) in the discovery of America occasioned many instances of treacherous slaughter; on which account you will treat with amity and kindness such barbarian men as you shall meet and come to parley with, and connive at small affronts, thefts, and the like which they should put upon or commit against our men, lest punishments inflicted should give them a grudge against us, and by shows of kindness gain them over to us, that you may the more readily from them obtain information touching themselves, their country, and their circumstances, thus learning whether there is anything profitable to be got or effected.
So far as time shall allow, you will diligently strive to gather information concerning the situation of their country, the fruits and cattle it produces, their methods of building houses, the appearance and shape of the inhabitants, their dress, arms, manners, diet, means of livelihood, religion, mode of government, their wars, and the like notable things, more especially whether they are kindly or cruelly disposed; showing them various specimens of the commodities you have taken with you for that purpose, so as to learn what commodities and materials are found in their country and what things they are desirous of obtaining from us in return: all which matters you will carefully note, correctly describe, and faithfully set forth in drawings, keeping for the purpose an ample and elaborate journal, in which you will set down an exact record of all that may befall you, that on your return you may be able to lay a proper report before us.
If, unlikely as it may be, you should happen to come to any country peopled by civilised men, you will give to them greater attention than to wild barbarians, endeavouring to come into contact and parley with its Magistrates and subjects, letting them know that you have landed there for the sake of commerce, showing them specimens of the commodities which you have
taken on board for the purpose, for which we refer you to the specified invoice; closely observing what things they set store by and are most inclined to; especially trying to find out what commodities their country yields, likewise inquiring after gold and silver, whether the latter are by them held in high esteem; making them believe that you are by no means eager for precious metals, so as to leave them ignorant of the value of the same; and if they should offer you gold or silver in exchange for your articles, you will pretend to hold the same in slight regard, showing them copper, pewter, or lead, and giving them an impression as if the minerals last mentioned were by us set greater value on.
You will prudently prevent all manner of insolence and all arbitrary action on the part of our men against the nations discovered, and take due care that no injury be done them in their houses, gardens, vessels, or their property, their wives, &c.; nor shall you carry off any of the inhabitants from their country against their will; should, however, any of them be voluntarily disposed to accompany you, you are at full liberty to bring them hither.
If in the course of this voyage there should be discovered any rich countries or regions, islands, or passages profitable to the company, we shall not be found ungrateful towards the managers of the expedition and all the well-behaved men taking part in it, duly recompensing the pains and trouble they have been at, and honouring them with such rewards as their services done shall be found to have deserved; on all which all of you may rely to the fullest extent.
The ships are manned with 110 able-bodied men—to wit, the “Heemskerck” with sixty and the “Zeehaen” with fifty. They are victualled and provided with all necessaries for twelve and with rice for eighteen calendar months; out of these you will have the ordinary rations regularly and properly served out, with two meat-days and one bacon-day every week, and one mutchkin and a half of arrack every day; all which you will cause to be properly arranged and seen to. Of strong arrack each of the ships will take on board two hogsheads, to be in moderation served out in cold weather for the sake of the men's health. But, above all, you will carefully husband the fresh water, that you may not come to be in want of it, or be forced to delay your voyage in order to seek it, or return from such search unsuccessfully.
And to the end that this voyage may be well regulated and performed in accordance with these instructions and our good intentions, that proper order may be maintained among the men, law and justice be administered in conformity with the
general regulations, and, furthermore, everything that in so long and dangerous an expedition shall occur and be required be done and executed to the best advantage and service of the company, therefore we have appointed the Honourable Abel Jansz. Tasman commander of the two ships, by the present authorising him to carry the flag on the manitopmast of the “Heemskerck,” to convene the council, and permanently to occupy the chair in the same; in consideration thereof commanding and enjoining all officers and sailors, excepting none, who have been ordered on board the ships “Heemskerck” and “Zeehaen” to acknowledge the aforesaid Abel Tasman as their commander and chief, to respect and obey him, and likewise on all occasions to assist him with their good advice and diligent service, for the furtherance of the voyage and the discovery of unknown lands, in such fashion as befits vigilant and faithful servants, and as on their return they can conscientiously answer for to ourselves.
The council of these ships will consist of the persons following, to wit:—
The Commander Abel Jansz. Tasman, permanent President.The Skipper Yde T'jercxsz, on board the “Heemskerck.”The Pilot-major Francois Jacobsz do.The Skipper Gerrit Jansz, on board the “Zeehaen.”The Supercargo Isaack Gilsemans do.The Subcargo Abraham Coomans, on board the “Heems-kerck,” who will also act as Secretary.The first steersman Henrick… on board the “Zee-
haen.”
In this council all matters relating to the progress of this voyage and the execution of our instructions will have to be discussed and determined, the commander to have a double vote in case of equality of votes; in matters touching the administration of justice the master boatswains will also have to be summoned, according to the orders of our masters; but in matters relating to navigation, such as the courses to be held and the discoveries of lands to be made, the Pilot-major Francoys Jacobsz will give his vote immediately after the commander, and his advice be duly attended to, the plan of the voyage having been drawn up in conjunction with him; in these cases the second mates will also have to be summoned to attend the council, in which they will have an advisory vote; the commander will have to collect these votes, and decisions to be determined by a majority of the same, the commander taking due care that all resolutions taken be forthwith recorded, properly signed, and efficiently executed for the service of the company.
In case of decease of Commander Tasman (which God in His mercy avert), Skipper Yde T'jercksen shall succeed to his place, and command, in all points replacing his predecessor, according to these our instructions, and be obeyed like him.
As soon as you shall be at sea, you will, with the advice of the council, and in order the better to remain together, draw up a proper code of signals, such code being of the utmost importance for the execution of our plan, which code should also contain arrangements necessary for enabling you to come together again, if by storm (which God avert) you should get separated from each other.
Concluding these instructions, we cordially wish you the blessing of the Ruler of all things, praying that He may in His mercy endow you with manly courage in the execution of the intended discovery, and may grant you a safe return, to the increase of His glory, the greater reputation of our country, the benefit of the company's service, and your own immortal honour.
Done in the Castle of Batavia, the 13th of August, A.D. 1642.
(Signed) Antonio van Diemen,Cornelis Vander Lijn,Joan Maetsuijcker,Justus Schouten,Salomon Sweers,Cornelis Witsen, andPieter Boreel.
All continents and islands which you shall discover, touch at, and set foot on you will take possession of on behalf of Their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Provinces, the which in uninhabited regions or in such countries as have no sovereign may be done by erecting a memorial-stone or by planting our Prince-flag in sign of actual occupation, seeing that such lands justly belong to the discoverer and first occupier; but in populated regions, or in such as have undoubted lords, the consent of the people or the king will be required before you can enter into possession of them, the which you should try to obtain by friendly persuasion and by presenting them with some small tree planted in a little earth, by erecting some stone structure in conjunction with the people, or by setting up the Prince-flag in commemeration of their voluntary assent or submission; all which occurrences you will carefully note in your journal, mentioning by name such persons as have been present at them, that such record may in future be of service to our republic.
Given at Batavia, date as above.
In the name of the Hon'ble Governor-General and Councillors of India.
(Signed) Justus Schouten.
A List of the Papers handed to Skipper Commander Abel Jansz. Tasman (with Destination for the Discovery of the South Land).
Instructions for the commander aforesaid.
Observations by Skipper Marten Gerritsz. Vries touching the discovery of the south land.
No longer extant.
Disquisition touching the same discovery by the Pilot-major Francoys Jacobsz.*
Memoir by the same on the same subject.
Spanish description of Nova Guinea and the Salomonis Islands.*
Copy of the Instructions for Commander Gerrit Pool for the discovery of the unknown lands eastward of Banda, and of the south land.
Not reproduced.
Vocabulary of certain words of the languages of the Salomonis Islands, of Nova Guinea, and of the islands circumjacent.
Invoice of the cargoes of the “Heemskerck” and the “Zeehaen.”†
Inventory of the “Heemskerck.”*
Do. of the “Zeehaen.”*
Memoir touching the Discovery of the South Land.
In the first place, it would appear to us most suitable to set out from Batavia about the middle of August, or the 1st of September at the latest, for divers reasons—first, to use the main part of the summer season and the long days for making discoveries, since it is unknown to us what occurrences we may meet with that might take up our time; secondly, in order to take in fresh water, firewood, &c., at the Island of Mauritius, to reach which we shall require at least a month under favourable circumstances, while we shall have to lie still there from fifteen to twenty days; the sun then declines south of the equator, which is the best season for us to sail south with the sun as far as 52 or 54 degrees; by that time we shall have got to the beginning of November, when in those southern regions the longest days are approaching, together with the most favourable weather, and northern winds from time to time. It is therefore the best season both for getting southward quickest and for making discoveries, since about that time we may sail pretty fast by day and night alike; whereas, on the other hand, at the period of the short days one can never be without certain
apprehensions, and is, besides, liable to be befallen by storms, with snow, hail, and cold weather.
But if we sail hence at the time aforesaid we have from three to three and a half months' time to make this discovery with minute care, both as regards large rivers, bays, rocks, shoals, sands, shallows and depths, and the nature of the inhabitants; what commodities are obtainable and what others may be disposed of there in return: all which require a good deal of time, since such people are shy, rude, and savage, and can therefore hardly be treated with and pacified within a short period. Now, in case we should have got to the latitude aforesaid of 52 or 54 degrees without coming upon land, we should, in accordance with the preceding instructions, have to shape our course to eastward until we should meet with land, or as far as the longitude of the east side of Nova Guinea, and then sail north by west in order to fetch up Nova Guinea; or, if preferred, we might run so far to eastward till we had the Salomones Islands north of us, and then keep a northward course in order to discover the said islands, which lie spread over so vast an area that we could hardly miss them; this, considering everything, appears the best way of going to work, since we do not in the least doubt that divers strange things will be revealed to us in the Salomones Islands. The return voyage might take place along the north of Nova Guinea, then along Cheramlaeut, passing between Nova Guinea and Cheram to reach Banda or Amboina.
Further discoveries might be made by starting from the Netherlands, sailing from Cape de Bonne Esperance, and from there running directly southward as far as the 54th degree aforesaid, or until land should be met with: by so doing one would begin the discovery fully 500 miles more to westward; and, should no land be found, one might, as before mentioned, sail eastward as far as the longitude of the Salomonis Islands.
We shall now propose still another method for discovering the south land still 700 or 800 miles further westward, starting from the Netherlands.
After leaving the Netherlands one might set one's course for the Bay de Todos los Sanctus or Rio Janeiro in the Brazil, there take in refreshments and provisions of all necessaries, then run for the Strait of Lameer, keeping in with the eastern side—to wit, Staten Landt—which is a high double-jagged coast, always covered with snow; and since there is no want of westerly winds there, one might easily sail eastward along Staten Landt, and in this way come to a perfect knowledge how far the said Staten Landt extends; sailing on the said easterly course as far as the longitude of the Salomonis Islands,
in which way one would become acquainted with all the utterly unknown provinces of Beach, and could return to Amboina or Banda by the aforesaid route northward of Nova Guinea.
In my opinion, it would at present be impossible to discover the south land referred to, between and starting from the Salomonis Islands, eastward to the Strait of Le Maire.
Coming from the west the voyage would be too long and too difficult, nor, owing to the westerly winds, can it be done by coming from the east through the Strait of Le Maire; but if the Netherlanders possessed some fitting refreshing-station on the coast of Chili—for example, Conseption or Chillewey—one might fit out an expedition from Chili, and run westward with the tradewind in from 12 to 15 degrees southern latitude (this being the latitude in which the Salomonis Islands are currently believed to lie), until one got sight of the Salomonis Islands, or got into the longitude in which they are marked on the globe. If in this case one could get refreshments there, it would be all the better. Starting from the Salomonis Islands aforesaid, one would have to do one's best to get to the south, and to fall in with the western winds, even if it were as far as the 50th degree, or until land were met with. Then, taking advantage of these western winds, one would have to sail eastward again as far as the Strait of Le Maire or the ancient Strait of Maggellaen, by which method one will be enabled to discover the southern portion of the world all round the globe, and find out what it consists of—whether land, sea, or icebergs; all that God has ordained there; excepting only the north side of the south land already known—viz., from 22° S.L. or from the Willems River, situated nearly south of the middle of Java, down to the Valsche Hoecq, bearing from the Island of Arnoy
Aroe.
east-south-east sixty miles.
The only part undiscovered would then, as just said, extend from the cape in 22 degrees south of the middle of Java, to the Valsche Hoecq, lying sixty miles east-south-east of the south side of Aru, in latitude 8 degrees 10 minutes south; but this coast forms a large bay here, and was partly discovered before as far as 17 degrees near Staten River in the year 1623, April 24; still, there is a large part left undiscovered from there to the cape in 22 degrees, since the coast there trends chiefly to west and west by south.
Now, in order to make a perfect chart of this remaining part, and further rectify certain parts imperfectly mapped before, it would be necessary to sail from Banda or Amboina eastward as far as Aru in the month of March; and from the
southern extremity of Aru to shape one's course east-south-east in order to reach the Valsche Hoecq in April, which is a doubtful month as regards the wind; in which case one might easily by sounding get as near the land as time and circumstances will allow. According to the annotations of the previous discoverers, the sea is very shallow there, so that with the wind blowing hard from the west, which would make the coast there a lee shore, one would be exposed to many perils. But if one arrived in those parts in April, I think there would be no difficulty; and this could be done without much loss of time, since the discoverers sailing westward as far as 22 degrees S. lat., and coming near or along the south land, can fetch up the coast of Java on the south side, and thus could easily come back to Batavia in the month of June or July.
Written in the castle of Batavia, this 22nd day of January, 1642.
(Signed) Franchoijs Jacobsen.
Resolution of the Governor-General and Councillors on the Eve of Tasman's Departure.
Wednesday, August 13, 1642.
The ship “Heemskerck” and the flute “Zeehaen,” according to the resolution of the first of this month destined for the unknown south and east lands, via the Island of Mauritius, being now ready for departure, having taken on board their victuals, provisions, necessaries, and whatever more is wanted for this expedition, together with the necessaries for Mauritius itself; item, the instructions for the leaders of this voyage, drafted by the Hon. Justus Schouten, Councillor-extraordinary of India, together with the missive addressed to Commander Adriaen vander Stel in the said Island of Mauritius, and duly amplified by the Secretary of this assembly in accordance with the suggestions of the Governor-General, being drawn up in due form and now ready to be handed to the parties concerned; item, the other documents required for the said voyage being also ready; all of them having been properly examined by this council and ratified by our signatures.
It has been unanimously resolved to let the discoverers aforesaid set sail in the name of God early to-morrow after due muster, to take their course from here to Mauritius, and thence to the southward. To this end the Hon. Schouten and the Secretary aforesaid are hereby deputed to install on board the Hon. Abel Janssen Tasman as commander of these two ships, and at the same time to make promise to the officers and the
crews of the two ships alike that we shall, on their return, honourably reward them all for their good services in discovering and exploring important coasts or useful routes or passages.
* * * *
Thus resolved and determined in the castle of Batavia, datum ut supra.
(Signed) Antonio Van Diemen,Cornelis Vander Lijn,Joan Maetsuijcker,Justus Schouten,Salomon Sweers,Cornelis Witsen,Pieter Boreel, andPieter Mestdagh,
Secretary.
Tasman's Journal.
Journal or Description drawn up by me, Abel Jansz Tasman, of a voyage made from the Town of Batavia, in East India, for the discovery of the unknown south land, in the year of our Lord 1642, the 14th of August. May God Almighty vouchsafe His blessing on this work. Amen.
[Off the coast of New Zealand, December 13, 1642.]
Item the 13th do. Latitude observed, 42° 10′; longitude, 188° 28′; course kept east by north; sailed 36 miles in a south-south-westerly wind with a top-gallant gale. Towards noon we saw a large, high-lying land, bearing south-east of us at about 15 miles distance; we turned our course to the south-east, making straight for this land, fired a gun, and in the afternoon hoisted the white flag, upon which the officers of the “Zeehaen” came on board of us, with whom we resolved to touch at the said land as quickly as at all possible, for such reasons as are more amply set forth in this day's resolution. In the evening we deemed it best, and gave orders accordingly to our steersmen, to stick to the south-east course while the weather keeps quiet, but should the breeze freshen, to steer due east, in order to avoid running on shore, and to preclude accidents as much as in us lies; since we opine that the land should not be touched at from this side, on account of the high open sea running there in huge hollow waves and heavy swells, unless there should happen to be safe land-locked bays on this side. At the expiration of four glasses of the first watch we shaped our course due east. Variation, 7° 30′ N.E.
Item the 14th do. At noon, latitude observed, 42° 10′; longitude, 189° 3′; course kept east; sailed 12 miles. We were about 2 miles off the coast, which showed as a very high double land, but we could not see the summits of the mountains,
owing to thick clouds. We shaped our course to northward along the coast, so near to it that we could constantly see the surf break on the shore. In the afternoon we took soundings at about 2 miles distance from the coast, in 55 fathoms (a sticky sandy soil), after which it fell a calm. Towards evening we saw a low-lying point north-east by north of us, at about 3 miles distance; the greater part of the time we were drifting in a calm towards the said point; in the middle of the afternoon we took soundings in 45 fathoms, a sticky sandy bottom. The whole night we drifted in a calm, the sea running from the west-north-west, so that we got near the land in 28 fathoms, good anchoring-ground, where, on account of the calm, and for fear of drifting nearer to the shore, we ran out our kedge-anchor during the day-watch, and are now waiting for the land-wind.
Item the 15th do. In the morning, with a light breeze blowing from the land, we weighed anchor, and did our best to run out to sea a little, our course being north-west by north; we then had the northernmost low-lying point of the day before north-north-east and north-east by north of us. This land consists of a high double mountain-range, not lower than Ilha Formoza. At noon, latitude observed, 41° 40′; longitude, 189° 49′; course kept north-north-east; sailed 8 miles. The point we had seen the day before now lay south-east of us, at 2 ½ miles of distance; northward from this point extends a large rocky reef; on this reef, projecting from the sea, there are a number of high steep cliffs, resembling steeples or sails; one mile west of this point we could sound no bottom. As we still saw this high land extend to the north-north-east of us, we from here held our course due north, with good, dry weather and smooth water. From the said low point with the cliffs, the land makes a large curve to the north-east, trending first due east, and afterwards due north again. The point aforesaid is in latitude 41° 50′ south. The wind was blowing from the west. It was easy to see here that in these parts the land must be very desolate; we saw no human beings nor any smoke rising; nor can the people here have any boats, since we did not see any signs of them; in the evenings we found 8° N.E. variation of the compass.
Item the 16th do. At six glasses before the day we took soundings in 60 fathoms, good anchoring-ground. The northern-most point we had in sight then bore from us north-east by east, at 3 miles distance, and the nearest land lay south-east of us at 1 ½ miles distance. We drifted in a calm, with good weather and smooth water; at noon, latitude observed, 40° 58′; average longitude, 189° 54′; course kept north-north-east; sailed 11 miles. We drifted in a calm the whole afternoon;
in the evening at sunset we had 9° 23′ increasing N.E. variation; the wind then went round to south-west with a freshening breeze; we found the farthest point of the land that we could see to bear from us east by north, the land falling off so abruptly there that we did not doubt that this was the farthest extremity. We now convened our council with the second mates, with whom we resolved to run north-east and east-north-east till the end of the first watch, and then to sail near the wind, wind and weather not changing, as may in extenso be seen from this day's resolution. During the night, in the sixth glass, it fell calm again, so that we stuck to the east-north-east course. Although in the fifth glass of the dog-watch we had the point we had seen in the evening south-east of us we could not sail higher than east-north-east slightly easterly, owing to the sharpness of the wind. In the first watch we took soundings once, and a second time in the dog-watch, in 60 fathoms, clean grey sand. In the second glass of the day-watch we got a breeze from the south-east, upon which we tacked for the shore again.
Item the 17th do. In the morning at sunrise we were about one mile from the shore; in various places we saw smoke ascending from fires made, by the Natives; the wind then being south, and blowing from the land, we again tacked to eastward. At noon, latitude estimated 40° 32′; longitude, 190° 47′; course kept north-east by east; sailed 12 miles. In the afternoon, the wind being west, we held our course east by south, along a low-lying shore with dunes, in good dry weather; we sounded in 30 fathoms, black sand, so that by night one had better approach this land aforesaid sounding; we then made for this sandy point until we got in 17 fathoms, where we cast anchor at sunset owing to a calm, when we had the northern extremity of this dry sandspit west by north of us; also high land extending to the east by south; the point of the reef south-east of us; here, inside this point or narrow sandspit, we saw a large open bay upwards of 3 or 4 miles wide; to eastward of this narrow sandspit there is a sandbank upwards of a mile in length, with 6, 7, 8, and 9 feet of water above it, and projecting east-south-east from the said point. In the evening we had 9° N.E. variation.
Item the 18th do. In the morning we weighed anchor in calm weather; at noon latitude estimated 40° 49′; longitude, 191° 41′; course kept east-south-east; sailed 11 miles. In the morning before weighing anchor, we had resolved, with the officers of the “Zeehaen,” that we should try to get ashore here, and find a good harbour; and that, as we neared it, we should send out the pinnace to reconnoitre; all which may in extenso
be seen from this day's resolution. In the afternoon our Skipper Ide Tiercxz and our Pilot-major Francoys Jacobsz, in the pinnace, and Supercargo Gilsemans, with one of the second mates of the “Zeehaen,” in the latter's cock-boat, went on before to seek a fitting anchorage and a good watering-place. At sunset, when it fell a calm, we dropped anchor in 15 fathoms, good anchoring-ground; in the evening, about an hour after sunset, we saw a number of lights on shore, and four boats close inshore, two of which came towards us, upon which our own two boats returned on board; they reported that they found no less than 13 fathoms water, and that when the sun sank behind the high land they were still about half a mile from shore. When our men had been on board for the space of about one glass the men in the two prows began to call out to us in a rough, hollow voice, but we could not understand a word of what they said. We, however, called out to them in answer, upon which they repeated their cries several times, but came no nearer than a stone-shot; they also blew several times on an instrument of which the sound was like that of a Moorish trumpet; we then ordered one of our sailors (who had some knowledge of trumpet-blowing) to play them some tunes in answer. Those on board the “Zeehaen” ordered their second mate (who had come out to India as a trumpeter, and had in the Mauritius been appointed second mate by the council of that fortress and the ships) to do the same; after this had been repeated several times on both sides, and, as it was getting more and more dark, those in the Native prows at last ceased, and paddled off. For more security, and to be on our guard against all accidents, we ordered our men to keep double watches, as we are wont to do when out at sea, and to keep in readiness all necessaries of war, such as muskets, pikes, and cutlasses. We cleaned the guns on the upper-orlop, and placed them again, in order to prevent surprises, and be able to defend ourselves, if these people should happen to attempt anything against us. Variation, 9° N.E.
Item the 19th do. Early in the morning a boat manned with thirteen Natives approached to about a stone's cast from our ships; they called out several times, but we did not understand them, their speech not bearing any resemblance to the vocabulary given us by the Hon. Governor-General and Councillors of India, which is hardly to be wondered at, seeing that it contains the language of the Salomonis Islands, &c. As far as we could observe, these people were of ordinary height; they had rough voices and strong bones, the colour of their skin being between brown and yellow; they wore tufts of black hair right upon the top of their heads, tied fast in the manner of the Japanese at the back of the heads, but somewhat longer
and thicker, and surmounted by a large, thick white feather. Their boats consisted of two long narrow prows side by side, over which a number of planks or other seats were placed in such a way that those above can look through the water underneath the vessel; their paddles are upward of a fathom in length, narrow and pointed at the end; with these vessels they could make considerable speed. For clothing, as it seemed to us, some of them wore mats, others cotton stuffs; almost all of them were naked from the shoulders to the waist. We repeatedly made signs for them to come on board of us, showing them white linen and some knives that formed part of our cargo. They did not come nearer, however, but at last paddled back to shore. In the meanwhile, at our summons sent the previous evening, the officers of the “Zeehaen” came on board of us, upon which we convened a council, and resolved to go as near the shore as we could, since there was good anchoring-ground here, and these people apparently sought our friendship. Shortly after we had drawn up this resolution we saw seven more boats put off from the shore, one of which (high and pointed in front, manned with seventeen Natives) paddled round behind the “Zeehaen”; while another, with thirteen able-bodied men in her, approached to within half a stone's throw of our ship. The men in these two boats now and then called out to each other. We held up and showed to them, as before, white linens, &c., but they remained where they were. The skipper of the “Zeehaen” now sent out to them his quartermaster with her cock-boat with six paddlers in it, with orders for the second mates that if these people should offer to come alongside the “Zeehaen” they should not allow too many of them on board of her, but use great caution, and be well on their guard. While the cock-boat of the “Zeehaen” was paddling on its way to her those in the prow nearest to us called out to those who were lying behind the “Zeehaen,” and waved their paddles to them, but we could not make out what they meant. Just as the cock-boat of the “Zeehaen” had put off from board again, those in the prow before us, between the two ships, began to paddle so furiously towards it, that, when they were about half-way, slightly nearer to our ship, they struck the “Zeehaen's” cock-boat so violently alongside with the stem of their prow that it got a violent lurch, upon which the foremost man in this prow of villains, with a long blunt pike, thrust the quartermaster, Cornelis Joppen, in the neck several times with so much force that the poor man fell overboard. Upon this the other Natives, with short thick clubs, which we at first mistook for heavy blunt parangs, and with their paddles, fell upon the men in the cock-boat, and overcame them by main force, in which fray
three of our men were killed and a fourth got mortally wounded through the heavy blows. The quartermaster and two sailors swam to our ship, whence we sent our pinnace to pick them up, which they got into alive. After this outrageous and detestable crime the murderers sent the cock -boat adrift, having taken one of the dead bodies into their prow and thrown another into the sea. Ourselves and those on board the “Zeehaen”, seeing this, diligently fired our muskets and guns, and though' we did not hit any of them, the two prows made haste to the shore, where they were out of the reach of shot. With our fore upper-deck and bow guns we now fired several shots in the direction of their prows, but none of them took effect. There-upon our Skipper Ide Tercxsen Holman, in command of our pinnace, well manned and armed, rowed towards the cock-boat of the “Zeehaen” (which, fortunately for us, these accursed villains had let drift), and forthwith returned with it to our ships, having found in it one of the men killed and one mortally wounded. We now weighed anchor and set sail, since we could not hope to enter into any friendly relations with these people, or to be able to get water or refreshments here. Having weighed anchor and being under sail, we saw twenty-two prows near the shore, of which eleven, swarming with people, were making for our ships. We kept quiet until some of the foremost were within reach of our guns, and then fired one or two shots from the gun-room with our pieces, without, however, doing them any harm; those on board the “Zeehaen” also fired, and in the largest prow hit a man who held a small white flag in his hand, and who fell down. We also heard the canister-shot strike the prows inside and outside, but could not make out what other damage it had done. As soon as they had got this volley they paddled back to shore with great speed, two of them hoisting a sort of tingang
Small boom-sails or yard-sails, as carried by tingangs (small Indian vessels).
sails. They remained lying near the shore without visiting us any further. About noon Skipper Gerrit Jansz. and Mr. Gilsemans again came on board of us; we also sent for their first mate, and convened the council, with whom we drew up the resolution following, to wit: “Seeing that the detestable deed of these Natives against four men of the ‘Zeehaen's’ crew, perpetrated this morning, must teach us to consider the inhabitants of this country as enemies, that therefore it will be best to sail eastward along the coast, following the trend of the land, in order to ascertain whether there are any fitting places where refreshments and water would be obtainable”; all of which will be found set forth in extenso in this day's resolution. In this
murderous spot (to which we have accordingly given the name of “Moordenaers Bay”
Murderers' Bay.
) we lay at anchor in 40° 50′ S. latitude, 191° 30′ longitude. From here we shaped our course east-north-east. At noon, latitude estimated 40° 57′; longitude, 191° 41′; course kept south; sailed 2 miles. In the afternoon we got the wind from the west-north-west, when, by the advice of our steersmen, and with our own approval, we turned our course north-east by north. During the night we kept sailing, as the weather was favourable, but about an hour after midnight we sounded in 25 or 26 fathoms, a hard sandy bottom. Soon after the wind went round to north-west, and we sounded in 15 fathoms; we forthwith tacked to await the day, turning our course to westward, exactly contrary to the direction by which we had entered. Variation, 9° 30′ N.E
This is the second land which we have sailed along and discovered. In honour of Their High Mightinesses the States-General we gave to this land the name of Staten Landt
Afterwards named “New Zealand.”
, since we deemed it quite possible that this land is part of the great Staten Landt, though this is not certain. This land seems to be a very fine country, and we trust that this is the mainland coast of the unknown south land. To this course we have given the name of Abel Tasman passagie, because he has been the first to navigate it.
[The five pages following are taken up by coast surveyings and drawings with inscriptions]:
Item the 20th do. In the morning we saw land lying here on all sides of us, so that we must have sailed at least 30 miles into a bay. We had at first thought that the land off which we had anchored was an island, nothing doubting that we should here find a passage to the open South Sea; but to our grievous disappointment it proved quite otherwise. The wind now being westerly, we henceforth did our best by tacking to get out at the same passage through which we had come in. At noon, latitude observed 40° 51′ south; longitude, 192° 55′; course kept east half a point northerly; sailed 14 miles. In the afternoon it fell calm. The sea ran very strong into this bay, so that we could make no headway, but drifted back into it with the tide. At noon we tacked to northward, when we saw a round high islet west by south of us, at about 8 miles distance, which we had passed the day before; the said island lying about 6 miles east of the place where we had been at anchor, and in the same latitude. This bay,
Zeehaen's Bocht.
into which we had sailed so far by mistake, showed us everywhere a fine good land: near
the shore the land was mainly low and barren, the inland being moderately high. As you are approaching the land you have everywhere an anchoring-ground, gradually rising from 50 or 60 fathoms to 15 fathoms, when you are still fully 1 ½ or 2 miles from shore. At 3 o'clock in the afternoon we got a light breeze from the south-east, but as the sea was very rough, we made little or no progress. During the night we drifted in a calm; in the second watch, the wind being westerly, we tacked to northward.
Item the 21st do. During the night, in the dog-watch, we had a westerly wind with a strong breeze; we steered to the north, hoping that the land which we had had north-west of us the day before might there fall away to northward, but after the cook had dished we again ran against it, and found that it still extended to the north-west. We now tacked, turning from the land again, and as it began to blow fresh, we ran south-west over towards the south shore. At noon, latitude observed 40° 31′; longitude, 192° 55′; course kept north; sailed 5 miles. The weather was hazy, so that we could not see land. Halfway the afternoon we again saw the south coast; the island which the day before we had west of us at about 6 miles distance now lay south-west by south of us at about 4 miles distance. We made for it, running on until the said island was north-north-west of us, then dropped our anchor behind a number of cliffs in 33 fathoms, sandy ground mixed with shells. There are many islands and cliffs all round here. We struck our sail-yards, for it was blowing a storm from the north-west and west-north-west.
Item the 22nd do. The wind north-west by north, and blowing so hard that there was no question of going under sail in order to make any progress; we found it difficult enough for the anchor to hold. We therefore set to refitting our ship. We are lying here in 40° 50′ S. latitude, and longitude 192° 37′; course held south-west by south; sailed 6 miles. During the night we got the wind so hard from the north-west, that we had to strike our tops and drop another anchor. The “Zeehaen” was almost forced from her anchor, and therefore hove out another anchor likewise.
Item the 23rd do. The weather still dark, hazy, and drizzling; the wind north-west and west-north-west, with a storm, so that to our great regret we could not make any headway.
Item the 24th do. Still rough, unsteady weather, the wind still north-west and stormy; in the morning when there was a short calm, we hoisted the white flag, and got the officers of the “Zeehaen” on board of us. We then represented to them that since the tide was running from the south-east there was
likely to be a passage through, so that perhaps it would be best as soon as wind and weather would permit, to investigate this point, and see whether we could get fresh water there; all of which may in extenso be seen from the resolution drawn up concerning this matter.
Item the 25th do. In the morning we reset our tops and sailyards, but out at sea things looked still so gloomy that we did not venture to weigh our anchors. Towards evening it fell a calm, so that we took in a part of our cable.
Item the 26th do. In the morning, two hours before day, we got the wind east-north-east, with a light breeze. We weighed anchor and set sail, steered our course to northward, intending to sail northward round this land; at daybreak it began to drizzle, the wind went round to the south-east, and afterwards to the south as far as the south-west, with a stiff breeze. We had soundings in 60 fathoms, and set our course by the wind to westward. At noon, latitude estimated 40° 13′; longitude, 192° 7′; course kept north-north-west; sailed 10 miles. Variation, 8° 40′. During the night we lay-to with small sail.
Item the 27th do. In the morning at daybreak we made sail again, set our course to northward, the wind being southwest with a steady breeze; at noon, latitude observed 38° 38′; longitude, 190° 15′; course kept north-west; sailed 26 miles. At noon we shaped our course north-east. During the night we lay-to under small sail. Variation, 8° 20′.
Item the 28th do. In the morning, at daybreak, we made sail again, set our course to eastward, in order to ascertain whether the land we had previously seen in 40° extends still further northward, or whether it falls away to eastward. At noon we saw east by north of us a high mountain, which we at first took to be an island; but afterwards we observed that it forms part of the main land. We were then about 5 miles from shore, and took soundings in 50 fathoms, fine sand mixed with clay. This high mountain is in 38° S. latitude. So far as I could observe this coast extends south and north. It fell a calm, but when there came a light breeze from the north-north-east we tacked to the north-west. At noon, latitude estimated 38° 2′; longitude, 192° 23′; course held north-east by east; sailed 16 miles. Towards the evening the wind went round to north-east and north-east by east, stiffening more and more, so that at the end of the first watch we had to take in our topsails. Variation, 8° 30′.
Item the 29th do. In the morning, at daybreak, we took in our bonnets, and had to lower our foresail down to the stem. At noon, latitude estimated 37° 17′; longitude, 191° 26′.
Towards noon we again set our foresail, and then tacked to westward; course kept north-west; sailed 16 miles.
Item the 30th do. In the morning, the weather having somewhat improved, we set our topsails and slid out our bonnets. We had the “Zeehaen” to lee of us, tacked and made towards her. We then had the wind west-north-west, with a top-gallant gale. At noon, latitude observed 37°; longitude, 191° 55′; course held north-east; sailed 7 miles. Towards evening we again saw the land, bearing from us north-east and north-north-east, on which account we steered north and north-east. Variation, 8° 40′ N.E.
[The next page has two coast-surveyings, with inscriptions: “A view of the Staete Landt in 38° 30′ S. latitude.” “A view of the Staete Landt in 36° S. latitude.”]
Item the last do. At noon we tacked about to northward, the wind being west-north-west, with a light breeze. At noon, latitude observed 36° 45′; longitude, 191° 46′; course kept north-west; sailed 7 miles. In the evening we were about 3 miles from shore. At the expiration of 4 glasses in the first watch we again tacked to the north. During the night we threw the lead in 80 fathoms. This coast here extends south-east and north-west; the land is high in some places, and covered with dunes in others. Variation, 8°.
Item the 1st of January. In the morning we drifted in a calm along the coast—which here still stretches north-west and south-east. The coast here is level and even, without reefs or shoals. At noon we were in latitude 36° 12′; longitude, 191° 7′; course kept north-west; sailed 10 miles. About noon the wind came from the south-south-east and south-east. We now shaped our course west-north-west, in order to keep off shore, since there was a heavy surf running. Variation 8° 30′ N.E.
Item the 2nd do. Calm weather. Half-way the afternoon we got a breeze from the east; we directed our course to the north-north-west; at the end of the first watch, however, we turned our course to the north-west, so as not to come too near the shore, and prevent accidents, seeing that in the evening we had the land north-north-west of us. At noon we were in latitude 35° 55′; longitude, 190° 47′; course kept north-west by west; sailed 7 miles. Variation, 9 degrees.
Item the 3rd do. In the morning we saw the land east by north of us at about 6 miles distance, and were surprised to find ourselves so far from shore. At noon, latitude observed 35° 20′; longitude, 190° 17′; course held north-west by north; sailed 11 miles. At noon the wind went round to the south-south-east, upon which we steered our course east-north-east,
to get near the shore again. In the evening we saw land north and east-south-east of us.
Item the 4th do. In the morning we found ourselves near a cape, and had an island north-west by north of us; upon which we hoisted the white flag for the officers of the “Zeehaen” to come on board of us, with whom we resolved to touch at the island aforesaid, to see if we could there get fresh water, vegetables, &c. At noon, latitude observed, 34° 35′; longitude, 191° 9′; course kept north-east; sailed 15 miles, with the wind south-east. Towards noon we drifted in a calm, and found ourselves in the midst of a very heavy current, which drove us to the westward. There was besides a heavy sea running from the north-east here, which gave us great hopes of finding a passage here. This cape, which we had east-north-east of us, is in 34° 30′ S. latitude. The land here falls away to eastward. In the evening we sent to the “Zeehaen” the pilot-major with the secretary, as we were close to this island, and, so far as we could see, were afraid there would be nothing there of what we were in want of; we therefore asked the opinion of the officers of the “Zeehaen” whether it would not be best to run on, if we should get a favourable wind during the night, which the officers of the “Zeehaen” fully agreed with. Variation, 8° 40′ N.E.
[The two pages following contain a double-page chart of New Zealand from Cape Maria Van Diemen as far as the 43rd degree S. latitude, with inscription: “Staete Landt: This land was made and discovered by the ships ‘Heemskerck’ and ‘Zeehaen,’ the Hon. Abel Tasman, commander, A.D. 1642, the 13th of December.”]
[The next two pages contain two double-page coast-surveyings, with inscriptions: “A view of Drie Coningen Island, when it is north-west of you at 4 miles distance.” “A view of Drie Coningen Island, when you are at anchor on the north-west side of it in 40 fathoms; to this island we gave the name of Drie Coningen Island, because we came to anchor there on Twelfth-night-eve, and sailed thence again of Twelfth-day.”]
Item the 5th do. In the morning we still drifted in a calm, but about 9 o'clock we got a slight breeze from the south-east, whereupon with our friends of the “Zeehaen” we deemed it expedient to steer our course for the island before mentioned. About noon we sent to the said island our pinnace with the pilot-major, together with the cock-boat of the “Zeehaen,” with Supercargo Gilsemans in it, in order to find out whether there was any fresh water to be obtained there.
The sailor's journal in the Sweer's collection gives some more particulars, without great interest however.
Towards the
evening they returned on board, and reported that, having come near the land, they had paid close attention to everything, and had taken due precautions against sudden surprises or assaults on the part of the natives; that they had entered a safe but small bay, where they had found good fresh water, coming down in great plenty from a steep mountain; but that, owing to the heavy surf on the shore, it was highly dangerous, nay, well-nigh impossible, for us to get water there; that therefore they pulled farther round the said island, trying to find some other more convenient watering-place elsewhere; that on the said land they saw in several places on the highest hills from thirty to thirty-five persons—men of tall stature, so far as they could see from a distance—armed with sticks or clubs, who called out to them in a very loud rough voice certain words which our men could not understand; that these persons, in walking on, took enormous steps or strides. As our men were rowing about some few in number now and then showed themselves on the hill-tops, from which our men very credibly concluded that these natives in this way generally keep in readiness their assagays, boats, and small arms, after their wonted fashion; so that it may fairly be inferred that few, if any, more persons inhabit the said island than those who showed themselves; for in rowing round the island our men nowhere saw any dwellings or cultivated land, except just by the fresh water above referred to, where higher up, on both sides the running water, they saw everywhere square beds looking green and pleasant, but owing to the great distance they could not discern what kind of vegetables they were. It is quite possible that all these persons had their dwellings near the said fresh water. In the bay aforesaid they also saw two prows hauled on shore, one of them seaworthy, the other broken; but they nowhere saw any other craft. Our men having returned on board with the pinnace, we forthwith did our best to get near the shore, and in the evening we anchored in 40 fathoms, good bottom, at a small swivel-gun-shot's distance from the coast. We forthwith made preparations for taking in water the next day. The said island is in 34° 25′ S. latitude, and 190° 40′ average longitude.
Item the 6th do. Early in the morning we sent to the watering-place the two boats—to wit, ours and the cock-boat of the “Zeehaen”—each furnished with two pederaroes, six musketeers, and the rowers with pikes and side-arms, together with our pinnace with the Pilot-major Francoys Jacobsz and Skipper Gerrit Jansz, with casks for getting fresh water. While rowing towards the shore, they saw, in various places on the heights, a tall man standing with a long stick like a pike, apparently watching our men. As they were rowing past, he had
called out to them in a very loud voice. When they had got about half-way to the watering-place, between a certain point and another large high rock or small island, they found the the current to run so strongly against the wind, that with the empty boats they had to do their utmost to hold their own; for which reason the pilot-major and Gerrit Jansz, Skipper of the “Zeehaen,” agreed together to abstain from exposing the small craft and the men to such great peril, seeing that there was still a long voyage before them, and the men and the small craft were greatly wanted by the ships. They therefore pulled back to the ships, the rather as a heavy surf was rolling on the shore near the watering-place. The breeze freshening, we could easily surmise that they had not been able to land, and now made a sign to them from our ship with the furled flag, and fired a gun, to let them know that they were at liberty to return, but they were already on their way back before we signalled to them. The pilot-major, having come alongside our ship again with the boats, reported that owing to the wind the attempt to land there was too dangerous, seeing that the sea was everywhere near the shore full of hard rocks, without any sandy ground, so that they would have greatly imperilled the men, and run the risk of having the water-casks injured or stove in. We forthwith summoned the officers of the “Zeehaen” and the second mates on board of us, and convened a council, in which it was resolved to weigh anchor directly, and to run on an easterly course as far as 220 degrees longitude, in accordance with the preceding resolution; then to shape our course to northward, or eventually due north, as far as latitude 17° south, after which we shall hold our course due west in order to run straight in sight of the Coques and Hoorense Islands, where we shall take in fresh water and refreshments; or, if we should meet with any other islands before these, we shall endeavour to touch at them, in order to ascertain what can be obtained there; all this being duly specified and set forth at length in this day's resolution, to which for briefness sake we beg leave to refer. About noon we set sail; at noon we had the island due south of us at about 3 miles' distance; in the evening at sunset it was south-south-west of us at 6 or 7 miles distance, the island and the rocks lying south-west and north-west of each other. During the night it was pretty calm, with an east-south-east wind, our course being north-north-east, very close to the wind, while the tide was running in from the north-east.
* * * * *
Done on the ship “Heemskercq”; date as above.
Your Worships' obedient and ever obliged servant,Abel Jansz Tasman.
Journal kept on the New Voyage round the South in East India made by the Commander Abel (in another handwriting: Jansz. Tasman) in the Year 1642 in August.
Fol. 7 verso.
Southern latitude observed, 42° 5′; longitude, 194° 53′; course, E. by N.; wind variable, but fresh breeze generally from S.S.W., with a stiff loomgale till morning against breakfast, then the weather became calmer, clear bright sunshine, tempered sky; sailed 33 miles; had seen land about 12 to 13 miles.
Southern latitude observed, 42° 19′; longitude, 195° 39′; course, E.S.E.; wind W., generally with calm, clear, bright weather with sunshine, tempered sky; sailed 9 miles. Item do.: In the afternoon we took soundings in 60 fathoms, rocky bottom, about one mile from the (
Probably the word “coast” is omitted.
); had variation of 8° 0′ N.E.
Southern latitude observed, 41° 49′; longitude, 195° 56′; the (
The word “course” omitted.
) N.N.E.; the wind variable, with stiff, clear, and bright weather, with sunshine; sailed 8 miles.
Southern latitude observed, 40° 50′; longitude, 196° 28′; the course N.N.E., the wind variable, with a stiff breeze, say light breeze, clear bright weather with sunshine; sailed 16 miles; had the variation of 8° 19′ N.E.
Got no altitude, but guessed to be on the latitude of 40° 6′, and on the longitude of 197° 55′; the course N.E. by N.; the wind variable, but fresh breeze mostly from the western side, with fair bright weather; guessed to have sailed 20 miles.
Got no altitude, but guessed to be on the latitude of 40° 11′, and on the longitude of 198° 3′; the course E. by S.; the wind variable, with clear bright weather and a light breeze; guessed to have sailed 6 miles. Item do.: By the help of God we came to anchor in a beautiful and safe bay, in 15 fathoms of water; the bay widened at the mouth W. by N.
(Written in between in another handwriting and afterwards struck out again: 19th of November and following days to 18th of December inclusive here omitted; see in the more accurate journal drawn up by A. J. Tasman himself, in the book with the heading: “Tasman's Discovery of Hollandia or South Land.”)
In the morning, before breakfast, nine ships, full of people, came from the land, which we thought came to us to make peace, and treat us with friendship; but, on the contrary, they have, to our deep regret killed three of our people. May our Lord God preserve us from greater misfortune. The first was called Jan Tyssen, from Oue-ven; the second Tobias Pietersz, from Delft; the third Jan Isbrantsz. Soon afterwards we got under sail, steering our course N.E. by E.
Got no altitude, but guessed to be on the latitude of 40° 46′, the longitude of 199° 45′; the course E.S.E.; the wind variable, with a stiff loomgale, variable weather, now sunshine and then again rain, with a cloudy sky; guessed to have sailed 23 miles; four bells in the second watch being beaten, we veered over larboard, and made soundings in 26 fathoms. Item do.: We put on again the mizentopsail, which was broken.
Southern latitude observed, 40° 31′; the longitude of 198° 57′; the course W.N.W.; the wind variable, but fresh breeze mostly from the west side, with continual breeze, now and then sunshine and now and then clouded sky; sailed 20 miles.
To-day came into a creek, about one mile from the shore, in 25 fathoms, grey sandy bottom, and lowered our yards, because of the high wind from N.W.; the course had been S.S.W.; the longitude of 198° 45′, the latitude 40° 53′; guessed to have sailed 16 miles. To-day we fastened our mainstay and the topmast shrouds before and behind; made some repairs; the wind blew from S.W., rough weather, very dark and cloudy sky, now and then pale sunshine.
In the beginning of the day-watch we got so strong a wind that we had to drop our small bower and take our topmasts down; in the morning the weather abated somewhat, but against noon the wind began once more to blow very strongly from the N.W. by N.
In the morning at dawn the wind had somewhat abated; was a variable breeze generally from the N.W., with a strong gale, with clear weather, bright sunshine, tempered sky. Today we heaved our anchor hauled here, to wit our small bower; our commander hoisted the flag that the officers of the “Zeehaen” should come aboard; against noon the wind began to blow very hard again from the N.W., so that we were compelled to lie still.
In the morning at dawn the wind had somewhat abated; was a variable fresh breeze, mostly from the N.W., with fine light breeze, thick cloudy sky, now and then a drizzling rain. We put on our topmasts again. The same ditto against noon the master came with the merchant of the “Zeehaen” on board our ship as guests to the commander. There were also two pigs killed for the crew, and the commander ordered, besides the ration, a tankard of wine to be given to every mess, as it was the time of the fair.
In the morning at dawn we got under sail; in the afternoon we got no altitude, but guessed to be on the latitude of 39° 36′, on the longitude of 198° 4′; the course N.N.W.; the wind variable, but fresh breeze, mostly from the south, with a light breeze, drizzly, murky and rainy weather; guessed to have sailed 8 miles; during the night we got one-half of arack less.
We observed southern latitude of 38° 28′; longitude of 197° 40′; the course N.W. by N.; the wind variable, but fresh breeze mostly from the S.W. with rain; in the morning at dawn the weather became fine again, with sunshine; sailed that round day 20 ½ miles.
Got no altitude, but guessed to be on the latitude of 37° 59′, at the longitude of 198° 34′; the course N.E. by N.; the wind S.W., with light breeze, cloudy sky, fine weather, now and then sunshine; guessed to have sailed 13 miles. That same round day in the evening, in the (first watch, we took the topsails in)
The words in parentheses double in the manuscript.
and clued the sails up, to wit the foresail; in the middle of the night we again arranged our sails. The same ditto in the forenoon; we saw again land and sounded in 50 fathoms; at noon our commander went to the “Zeehaen.”
Got no altitude, but guessed to be on the latitude of 30° 8′, on the longitude of 197° 39′; the course W. by S., the wind variable, with variable breeze and tempestuous outbursts, stormy weather, thick cloudy sky, with rain and some sunshine. That same round day, in the night, the first watch, we took our topsails in, and n the beginning of the day-watch we put them on again; guessed we had sailed 12 miles.
Southern latitude observed being 37° 3′, longitude 198° 35′; the course N.E. by N., with unsteady (
Probably “wind” is left out.
) and fresh breeze; variable weather, cloudy sky with rain and some sunshine; sailed 19 ½ miles.
We observe the southern latitude of 36° 37′, the longitude 197° 15′; kept the course W.N.W.; the wind variable with slight breeze; clear bright weather with sunshine, tempered sky; sailed 17 miles. In the night, in the beginning of the second watch, we veered over larboard, away from the shore, and in the afternoon once more over starboard, towards the shore.
First of December (the word “December” struck out, and afterwards written in again, in another handwriting—December).
We have (our anchor) got the southern latitude of 36° 18′, the longitude of 196
Apparently the word “grades” and the number of minutes omitted.
minutes; the course N.W.; the wind variable but fresh breeze, mostly from the western side, with calm and clear bright weather with sunshine, tempered sky; sailed 17 miles. We put out our boat in order to tow the ship from the shore; sounded in 43 fathoms, near the shore. Sounded once more in 40 fathoms, had a variation of 9° N.E.
Got no altitude, but guessed to be on the latitude of 36° 9′, the longitude of 196° 26′; the course W.N.W.; the wind variable;
inconstant weather, clouded sky, and some sunshine with drizzling rain; guessed to have sailed 6 miles.
Southern latitude observed, 35° 25′; ongitude, 196° 3′; the course N.N.W., slight breeze, variable wind, mostly calm; clear bright weather with sunshine, clear sky. That round day we sailed 12 miles; the variation was 9° N.E.
Southern latitude observed, 34° 34′; the course N. by E.; the wind S.E., with slight breeze; with clear bright weather. The commander had the great white flag blowing, and we bent another great topsail; sailed 13 miles.
Got no altitude, but guessed to be on the latitude of 34° 23′, the longitude of 196° 10′; the course N.N.W.; the wind variable, but fresh breeze, mostly from the western side; guessed we had sailed 3 miles. To-day we went with our boat and the boat of the “Zeehaen” well equipped to the island; about a cannon-shot from the island sounded in 36 fathoms, and coming nearer in 28–25, close to the island 10 and 5 fathoms. The said island is all over very quiet and stony; in the higher places verdure is very scarce; few trees; the island is about 2 miles in circumference; on the west there are three more small islands and some rocks; on the east lay also some rocks; and coming near the land we saw in one place the water running down from above; we also saw some plantation and also people who cried to us; it was a kind of people almost like the people who killed our three comrades on the mainland; they came up to us; had wooden sticks about 2 fathoms or one fathom and a half long and about 2 ft. at the end; were very thick, as if the end were very thick, as if they were clubs; they threw stones down upon us from above; the island is about 10 or 11 miles off the mainland; so then the same ditto we anchored with the help of God about a shot from the island in 40 fathoms, grey sandy bottom. May the Lord God preserve us from damage and misfortune.
In the morning we went with our boat, the launch, and the boat of the “Zeehaen” with casks to the land in order to fetch water, but the wind began to freshen up, and there was also a lee shore, so that we had to return on board; coming aboard we put our boats in and went again under sail with a S.E. wind; fine weather. May the Lord God grant us good fortune and a safe voyage.
Southern latitude observed, 33° 7′, and longitude 196° 28′; the course N. by E.; the wind variable and fresh breeze mostly from the eastern side, with a fine constant breeze; variable weather, cloudy sky, little rain; sailed 19 miles, &c.
Resolution of the Governor-General and Councillors on Tasman's Return to Batavia.
Friday, June 19, A.D. 1643.
Inasmuch as on the 15th instant Commander Abel Janszoon Tasman has again come to anchor on this roadstead (for which God be praised) with the yacht “Heemskerck” and the flute “Zeehaen,” who on the 14th of August of last year had been dispatched from here by way of the Island of Mauritius with orders to navigate to and discover the unknown southern and eastern lands; as shown by the journals kept on board the said vessels and the reckonings recorded by them, in sailing on an eastern course they found the wind very strong and the seas so high that they did not think it advisable to run farther southward, but thought it better gradually to deviate more to northward of the said course, until they came to 44° lat. and 167° long., where on the 24th November last they sighted and discovered a certain great land surrounded by islands, which land they have christened Antonij van Diemen's land, without, however, being aware how far it extends to north-west or north-east, and without communicating with any of the inhabitants, the ships having only sailed along the south coast of it and onward as far as 189° long., where in the latitude of from 43 to 35 degrees, on December 13, they sighted and came upon another large land, to which they have given the name of Staten Landt, of which latter land they found the natives to be of a malignant and murderous nature, seeing that in a certain large bay these natives came upon them with a number of strongly manned prows, cut off one of our boats from the ships, and killed four of our men in her with wooden clubs, and wounded another who returned on board swimming; the said land was found to trend to southward in lat. 35° and long. 192°, and consequently a passage from the Indian Ocean into the South Sea had been found, it having been ascertained that in this parallel, where the westerly trade-wind is blowing, there is a convenient passage to the gold-bearing coast of Chili; from there running on a north-east course they next, in lat. 21° and long. 205°, came upon certain islands apparently well peopled by civilized and kindly disposed natives, who allowed them to land and take in fresh water, at the same time providing them with such refreshments as they stood in need of; thence they next turned their course to westward, passed a few more islands and shoals, which they strongly surmise to form part of the Insulis Salomonis, and then went on tacking about as far as between the 5th and 4th degree, where they got the coast of New Guinea alongside; they sailed on north of this coast, until they got
between the western extremity of it and the Island of Gilolo, then ran south towards the north coast of Ceram, and farther on through Buton Strait, whence they arrived here as above stated:
And inasmuch as by the instructions handed to Commander Tasman aforesaid and his council we had assured and promised them that, in case in the course of this voyage any rich lands or islands profitable to the company's commerce should be discovered, or serviceable passages for navigation be found, we should on their return award a handsome recompense to the leaders of the undertaking and the common sailors for extraordinary pains taken and diligence shown by them:
Therefore, although in point of fact no treasures or matters of great profit have as yet been found, but only the lands aforesaid and the promising passage referred to been discovered, whose real situation and nature will have to be further ascertained by a subsequent investigation set on foot for the express purpose:
Yet we have unanimously resolved, for the reasons above cited, to award a recompense to the said discoverers on behalf of the honourable company, and in fulfilment of our promise aforesaid—to wit, to the commander, skippers, super and sub cargoes, steersmen, and inclusive of the book-keeper, two months' pay each; and to the common sailors and soldiers one month's pay each; for which they shall each of them be credited in running account to the debit of the company, and subsequently be debited again for the amount of the said recompenses, which shall be paid to them in cash.
* * * *
Done and resolved in the Castle of Batavia, date as above. (Signed)—
Antonio Van Diemen,Cornelis Van der Lijn,Joan Maetsuijcker,Justus Schouten,Salomon Sweers, andPieter Mestdagh, Secretary.
Instructions for Further Voyage.
Noble, worshipful, wise, provident, and very discreet gentlemen.
From our latest advices you will have seen that we have fitted out certain ships for the further discovery of the south land, both known and unknown, and what instructions we had
given to the leaders for their guidance in the said expedition. The yacht “Heemskerck” and the flute-ship “Zeehaen,” sent out for the purpose under the command of Skipper-commander Abel Tasman, returned safe to this roadstead on the 15th of June last, having made the home voyage between Halemachera and Nova Guinea through the narrows or passage of Maba along Ceram and through Bouton Strait; in the course of their voyage they lost ten men through illness, and four others besides that were slain by the savages on the coast of Staten Land. Several new lands and islands have by them been discovered in the south, besides which they affirm that they have found an open passage into the South Sea to get to Chili. It would carry us too far to detail in this place the particulars of this voyage, nor would it be necessary, since everything is most fully and amply set forth in the Batavia minutes, under the date of June 15, while for your Worships' further information we also send along with the present the daily registers kept by the aforesaid Tasman and the Pilot-major Francois Jacobsen Visscher, the said registers pertinently showing the winds and the courses held, and faithfully delineating the aspect and trend of the coasts, and the outward figure of the natives, &c. We have, however, observed that the said commander has been somewhat remiss in investigating the situation, conformation, and nature of the lands discovered, and of the natives inhabiting the same, and, as regards the main point, has left everything to be more closely inquired into by more industrious successors. It also appears that in running to southward from the Island of Mauritius they did not sight any land until they had come to the 49th degree; but thence going eastward they finally got into the South Sea to the south of the south land. Now, that in this latitude there really is a passage to Chili and Peru, as the discoverers stoutly affirm, we are not prepared to take for granted, since, if they had run a few more degrees to the south they might not unlikely have come upon land again, perhaps even upon the Staten Land (thus named by them) which they had left south of them, and which may possibly extend as far as Le Maire Strait, or may be even many more miles to eastward. All this is mere guesswork, and nothing positive can be laid down respecting unknown matters.
In spite of all this, after the return of the discoverers aforesaid we did not give up our plan of having the same voyage undertaken a second time in October last with a fitting number of ships, yachts, and men, with orders to further explore the passage to Chili, to form alliances and trade-connections with the Chilese, with God's aid to wrest from the Spaniards the island of ChilyWay, and to establish a permanent settlement there, and by the
way endeavour to obtain some good booty in the South Sea; all which bade fair to be crowned with success and to result in considerable profit to the company. But these plans of ours were frustrated by the machinations of the Portugese over here (with whom we were compelled to renew hostilities, and, to vindicate the company's right, to employ our forces against them, as we shall further show in the fitting place). Meanwhile the overbold Portugese in these parts are bringing about their own destruction, but at the same time are doing the Spaniards such staunch service that for the moment we are forced to leave the latter unmolested in the South Sea and elsewhere. Besides this, they would probably have met the Lord General Brouwer in the waters of Chili (unless they should have been there before his Worship), which might have given rise to unexpected encounters on both sides. Still, we have resolved to stand by our plan of taking the matter in hand again towards September or October next (provided the company's affairs will allow of it), this time arms in hand, and to have conveyed to Chili such goods as we know to be in request there, unless your Worships should send us counter-orders to the effect that we are forbidden to navigate and trade thither in virtue of the West India Company's charter, decision on which point on your part we look forward to receiving in March or April next.
At all events, about that time the further discovery of the south lands will be vigorously taken in hand again, in the wellfounded hope that something profitable will ultimately turn up there. And, in order to prevent their being idle in the interim, we intend to dispatch the said Tasman and Pilot-major Frans Visscher with two yachts to the north coast of Nova Guinea by way of Banda about the month of February next; and to have the said land discovered and surveyed from Cabo Keerweer in 17 degrees to westward, in order to ascertain whether the known south land is connected with the same or divided from it—which point, if decided, is likely to be of material assistance in the exploration subsequently to be undertaken. The result of which expedition shall in due time be reported to you.
* * * *
Written in your Worships' Castle of Batavia, December 22, 1643.…
Antonio van Diemen,Anth. Caen,Cornelis Van der Lijn,Joan Maetsuijcker,J. Schouten, andSalomon Sweers.
The Sailor's Journal.
As the Journal is not known to have ever been printed, either in Dutch or in English, the editor has inserted here his own copy of the original Dutch, so that any who may desire to compare the English translation (pp. 31–34) with the original may do so. Owing to the publication, in 1898, of a photo-lithographic fac-simile of Tasman's Own Journal, it has not been deemed necessary to follow the same course with it.
Journael gehouden op de nieuwe voeijagie om de Zuijt in Indien gedaen door Commandeur Abel (met andere hand:
Jansz. Tasman) in't jaer 1642 in Augusto. (Met andere
hand: met't jagt Heemskerk).
Hadden wij de prince Eijlanden op't zij van ons. Etc.
Fol. 7 verso.
De geobserveerde Zuijer brede becomen van 42 graden menuten, de langhte van 194 graden 53 menuten, d' coers O. ten N., de wint variabel, doch coelde meest uijt de Z.Z.W. ten met een stijve marzeijls coelt, tot smornigen tegen het cock schaffen, doen is het weer wat gestilt, claer helder sonneschijn, getemperde lucht, geseijlt 33 mijlen, hadden laent gesien ontrent 12 a 13 mijlen.
De geobserveerde Zuijer brede becomen van 42 graden 19 menuten, de langhte van 195 graden 39 menuten, de coers O.Z.O., de wint W. meest met stilte, claer helder weer met sonneschijn, getemperde lucht, geseijlt 9 mijlen, den selven dito gront geworpen den Smiddachs op 60 vaem, clippige gront ontrent een meijl van de
Vermoedelijk het woord “cust,” weggelaten.
hadden de miswijsinge van 8 graden 0 menuten N.O.
De geobserveerde zuijer brede becomen van 41 graden 49 menuten, de langhte 195 graden 56 menuten de
Het woord “coers” weggelaten.
N.N.O., de wint variabel, met stijf claer ende helder weer, met sonneschijn, geseijlt 8 mijlen.
De geobserveerde zuijer brede becomen van 40 graden menuten, de langhte van 196 graden 28 menuten, de coers N.N.O., de wint variabel met stijve coelte, segge slappe coelte, claer
helder weer met sonneschijn, geseijlt 16 mijlen hadden de mitwijsinge van 8 graden 19 menuten N.O.
Geen hoochte becomen, maer gisten op de brede te wesen van 40 graden 6 menuten, ende op de langhte 197 graden 55 menuten, de coers N.O. ten O. de wint variabel, doch coelte meest uijt de westelijcker hant met moeij helder weer, gisten geseijlt te hebben 20 mijlen.
Geen hoochte becomen, maer gisten op de brede te wesen van 40 graden 11 menuten ende op de langhte van 198 graden 30 menuten, de coers O. ten Z., de wint variabel met claer helder weder ende slappe coelte, gisten geseijlt te hebben 6 mijlen. Den selven dito sijn wij door de hulpe van Godt in een schoone ende bequame baeij ten ancker gecomen, op 15 vadem water, de baeij sterckte in't uijt loopen W. ten N.
(Met andere hand tusschen geschreven, en later weer doorgehaald: 19 November en vervolgende tot 18 December inclusive hier overgeslagen, ziet in't accurater journael van A. J. Tasman zelven gehouden, in't bock met't opschrift: Tasman's ontdekking van Hollandia ofte Zuidland.)
Des smorgens voor cockx schafven zijn negen vaertuijgen vol volck van lant gecomen, die wij meenden dat bij ons quamen om vrede te maken ende met ons in vrientschap te handelen, doch hebben ter contrarie tot ons groot leetwesen drie van onse volck om het leven gebracht. Godt de Heer die bewaer ons voor grooter ongeluck, den eenen hiet Jan Tijssen van Oue-ven, den anderen Tobias Pietersz. van Delft, den derden Jan Tsbrantsz. Wij gingen coers hier naer onder zeijl, onse coers stellende N.O. ten O.
Geen hoochte becomen, maer gisten op de brede te wesen van 40 graden 46 menuten, de langhte van 199 graden ende 45 menuten, de coers O.Z.O. de wint variable met stijve Marzeijls coelte, variabel weer, somtijts sonneschijn, dan wederomme regen met een betogen lucht, gisten geseijlt te hebben 23 mijlen, 4 glasen in de tweede wacht uijt wesende, doen wenden't wij over backboort ende wierpen gront op 26 vaem, den selfden dito hebben wij de cruijsstange die gebroocken was wederomme op geset.
De Zuijer brede becomen van 40 graden 31 menuten, de langhte van 198 graden 57 menuten, de coers W.N.W., de wint varijabel doch koelde meest uijt de westerlijcker hant met gestadige coelte, somtijts sonneschijn, ende somtijt betogen lucht, geseijlt 20 mijlen.
Van dage quamen wij in een bocht ontrent een meijl van de wal, op de diepte van 25 vaem, grauwe santgront, ende streecken onse rees door de harde wint uijt den N. westen, de coers was
geweest Z.Z.W., de langhte van 198 graden 45 menuten, de brede 40 graden 53 menuten, gisten geseijlt te hebben 16 mijlen. Wij hebben van dage onse groote stach, ende het stengewand after ende vooren vast geset, het goet wat gerepareert, de wint woeij uijt de Z. Westelijcker handt, ongestuijnich weer, heel donckere ende betogen lucht, somtijts bleecke sonneschijn.
Cregen wij soo een harde wint in 't eerste van de dachwacht uijt den N.W. ten N. dat wij ons tuijancker moesten laten vallen ende onse stenge strijcken, des smorgens nam het weer wat af, maer tegen de middach begon het wederomme seer hardt te waeijen uijt den N.W. ten N.
Des smorgens met den daghe was de wint wat gestilt, was variabel coelde meest uijt de noortwestlijcker hant, met een stijve harde coelte, met claer weer, moeije sonneschijn, getemperde lucht. Wij wonden van dage ons ancker hier verhaelt op, te weten het tuijancker, onse commandeur liet de vlagge waeijen om de officieren van de Zeehaen soude aen boort comen; tegen den middach begon het wederomme seer hart te waeijen uijt den N.W. soodat wij genootsaeckt waren te blijven leggen.
Des smorgens met den daghe was de wint wat gestilt, was variabel, coelde meest uijt de Noortwesten, met moeij labbere koelte, dicke betogen lucht, sometijts wat motregen. Wij setten onse stenge wederomme op. Den selfden dito tegen de middach soo quam de schipper met de coopmaen van de Zeehaen aen ons boort te gast by den Commandeur, daer waren oock 2 verckens geslacht voor het volck, ende Commanduer liet boven het raensoen een canne wijn aen elcke back geven, omdat het kermis waer.
Des smorgens met den dageraet gingen wij onder zeijl, des smiddachs geen hoochte becomen, maer gisten op de brede te wesen van 39 graden 36 menuten, op de langhte van 198 graden 4 menuten, de coers N.N.W., de wint variabel doch coelde meest uijt de Zuijelijcker handt, met een labber coelte, mottich, dijsich ende regenachtich weer, gisten geseijlt te hebben 8 mijlen, des snachts hebben wij een halfken arack minder gecregen.
Hebben wij de bevonde Zuijer brede becomen van 38 graden 28 menuten, de langhte van 197 graden 40 menuten, de coers N.W. ten N. de wint variabel, maer coelde meest uijt den Z.W. met regen, des smorgens met den dage werde het wederomme moeij weer, met sonneschijn, dat etmael geseijlt 20½ mijl.
Geen hoochte becomen, maer gisten op de brede te wesen van 37 graden 59 menuten, op de langhte van 198 graden 34 menuten, de coers N.O. ten N., de wint Z.W. met labbere coelte, betogen lucht, moeij weer, somtijts sonneschijn, gisten geseijlt te hebben 13 mijlen. Dat selfde etmael des savonts in de
[eerste wacht, doen namen wij de marzeijls in]
Deze woorden in het handschrift dubbel.
, ende gieden de zeijlen op, te weten de fock, in't midden van de nacht maeckten wij onse zeijlen weer bij. Den selfden dito des voormiddachs hebben wederomme lant gesien, ende wierpen gront op 50 vadem, des Smiddachs is onse Commandeur aen de Zeehaen gevaren.
Geen hoochte becomen, maer gisten op de brede te wesen van 38 graden 8 menuten, op de langhte van 197 graden 39 menuten, de coers W. ten Z. de wint variabel met ongestadige coelte ende travaden, onstuijmich weer, dicke betogen lucht, met regen, ende een weijnich sonneschijn. Dat selfde etmael des snachts in d'eerste wacht namen wij de marzeijls in, ende in het eerste van de dachwacht maeckten wij die wederomme by, gisten geseijlt te hebben 12 mijlen.
De geobserveerde zuijer brede becomen van 37 graden 3 menuten, de langhte 198 graden 35 menuten de coers N.O. ten N. met ongettadige end coelte variabel weer, betogen lucht met regen, ende een weijnich sonneschijn, geseijlt 19½ mijlen.
Hadden wij de bevonde zuijer brede van 36 graden 37 menuten, de langhte van 197 graden 15 menuten, de coers behouden W.N.W., de wint variabel met slappe coelte, claer helder weer met sonneschijn, getemperde lucht, geseilt 17 mijlen. Des nachts in't eerste van de twede wacht doen wenden wij het over backboort van de wal af, ende des smiddachs wederomme over stierboort naer de wal toe.
Primo December (het woord: December doorgehaald, en met andere hand weer bij geschreven: December.)
Hebben wij (ons ancker) de geobserveerde zuijer brede becomen van 36 graden 18 menuten, de langhte 196
Blijkbaar het woord graden en het aantal minuten weggelaten.
menuten, de coers N.W., de wint variabel, maer coelde meest uijt de westerlijcker hant, met stilte, ende claer helder weer met sonneschijn, getemperde lucht, geseijlt 17 mijlen. Wij setten onse schuijt uijt om het schip van de wal te boecheren, wierpen gront op 43 vaem ontrent de wal, wierpen gront mede op 40 vadem, hadden de miswijsinge van 9 graden N.O.
Geen hoochte becomen, maer gisten op de brede te wesen van 36 graden 9 menuten, de langhte van 196 graden 26 menuten, de coers W.N.W., de wint variabel, ongestadich weer, betogen lucht ende een weijnich sonneschijn, met motregen, gisten gezeijlt te hebben 6 mijlen.
De geobserveerde zuijer brede van 35 graden 25 menuten, de langhte 196 graden 3 menuten, de coers N.N.W., slappe coelte, variabel wint, meest stilte, claer helder weer met son-
neschijnsonneschijn, claere lucht. Dat etmael geseilt 12 mijlen, de miswijsinge 9 graden N.O.
De zuijer brede becomen van 34 graden 34 menuten, de coers N. ten O. de wint Z.O. met slappe coelte, met claer helder weer. De Commandeur liet de witte vlagge waeijen ende wij sloegen een ander groot marzeils aen, geseijlt 13 mijlen.
Geen hoochte becomen, maer gisten op de brede te wesen van 34 graden 23 menuten, de langhte van 196 graden 10 menuten, de coers N.N.W., de wint variabel, doch coelde meest uijt de westelijcker handt, gisten geseijlt te hebben 3 mijlen. Van dage ginge wij met onse boot, ende boot van de Zeehaen, wel gemontert naer het Eijlant, ontrent een cartouschoot van het Eijland gront geworpen op 36 vaem, ende nader comende op 28–25, dicht onder het Eijlant 10 à 5 vaem. Het Eijlant voorsz. was rontomme hel stil ende steenachtich, het tis boven heel selecht van groente weijnich boomen, het Eijlant is ontrent 2 mijlen in 't rontt, bewesten leggen noch 3 clijne eijlanden, ende eenige clippen beoosten, leggen mede eenige clippen; ende bij het lant comende soo sagen wij op een plaets het water van boven comen loopen, sagen oock eenige plantasie, ende oock volck die ons toe riepen; het was al een slach van volck gelijck het volck, die ons die dre manen dootsloeggen op het groote lant; sij quamen naer ons toe, hadden houte stocken ontrent 2 ofte anderhalff vaem langh, ende waren ontrent 2 voeten aen het ent heel dick, gelijck of het ent heel dick, gelijck ofte het knossen waren; sij wierpen met stenen van boven neer; het Eijlant is ontrent 10 à 11 mijlen om het groote lant; des den selven dito sijn wij door de hulpe van Godt ontrent een schoot weechs van het Eijlant ten ancker gecomen op 40 vaem, grauwe sandtgront. Godt de Heere wil ons voor eenige schade end ongeluck bewaren.
Des morghens sij wij met onse boot, de saloup ende boot van de Zeehaen met vaten naer lant gevaren om water te halen, maer het begon hard te koelen, ende was oock een lager wal, soodat wij wederomme naer boort moesten keeren; aen boordt comende setten wij onse vaertuijgen in, ende gingen wederomme onder Zeijl met een Z.O. wint, moeij weer; Godt de Heere wil onse geluck, ende behouwen reyse verlenen.
De geobserveerde zuijer brede becomen van 33 graden 7 menuten op de langhte van 196 graden 28 menuten, de coers N. ten O., de wint variabel, doch coelde meest uijt de oosterlijcker hant met een moeije stadige coelte, variabel weer, betogen lucht, weijnich regen, geseijlt 19 meijlen.
Etc.
Records Relating to Cook's Voyages.
When Volume i of these Records was being prepared, pages 1 to 35 were devoted to those documents relating to Cook which contained some distinct reference to New Zealand. Since the publication of that volume, however, it has been felt that Cook's five visits to this country are of such importance that all official papers relating to his Expeditions merit a place in the Dominion's Records. Hence the recurrence here of Cook material.
In addition to letters, the editor has been able to secure a copy of one of the logs which were kept on board the “Endeavour” while she was on the New Zealand coast. Mr. A. H. Turnbull, of Wellington, in whose library this log is, kindly consented to its reproduction by photo-engravure, which adds greatly to its interest and to its value as a record. In addition to the log of the “Endeavour,” Lieutenant Pickersgill's log on board the “Resolution,” and Lieutenant Burney's on board the “Adventure” during her last visit to Queen Charlotte's Sound, are also reproduced.
The Lords of the Admiralty to The Navy Board.
21 March, 1768.Gentlemen,—
Having taken into our consideration your letter of this date, representing that you are of opinion that his Majesty's ship the Rose may be a proper ship to be employed on the service, the Tryal was proposed to be fitted for, except that you doubt of her being able to stow the quantity of provisions required on such an occasion, but that if we are inclined to make use of a cat-built
These vessels were distinguished for their great carrying capacity and comparatively small draught. They were largely used in the Baltic, and in the coal trade on the north-eastern coast of England. Cook admitted that it was in consequence of having a vessel of this class—such as the Endeavour was—that he was able “to traverse a far greater space of sea, till then unnavigated, to discover greater tracks of country in high and low south latitudes, and to persevere longer in exploring and surveying more correctly the extensive coasts of those newly-discovered countries, than any former navigator, perhaps, had done during one voyage.”— Voyage towards the South Pole, vol. i, p. xxvi.
vessel for the said service, which in their kind are roomly, and will afford the advantage of stowing and carrying a large quantity of provisions so necessary on such voyages, and in this
respect preferable to a ship-of-war, a vessel of this sort of about three hundred and fifty tons may, you apprehend, be now purchased in the river Thames, if wanted. We do hereby signify to you our approval of the employing a cat-built vessel instead of a ship-of-war on the aforesaid service, and desire and direct you to purchase such a vessel for the said service accordingly.
We are, &c.,C. Townshend.Py. Brett.C. Spencer.
Marginal Note:—To purchase a vessel of about 350 tons to go to the southward of the Equinoctial Line to observe the transit of Venus over the sun's disk.
The significance of the Transit of Venus was first pointed out by Dr. Halley, in a paper read before the Royal Society in the year 1691, On the Visible Conjunctions of the Inferior Planets with the Sun.—Philos. Trans. (abridged edition), vol. iii, p. 448. He demonstrated that by the observation of this phenomenon alone, the distance of the sun from the earth might be determined with the greatest certainty. He returned to the subject in 1716, in another paper, On a New Method of Determining the Parallax of the Sun or his Distance from the Earth.—Philosophical Transactions (abridged edition), vol. vi, p. 243. The observations of the first Transit of Venus, which occurred after the publication of Halley's “new method,” were not very successful. Some of the calculations were erroneous; and, as one of the consequences, the most favourable localities were not used as observing-stations. When the time approached for the second Transit—viz., that of 23rd May, 1769—the Royal Society determined to make amends. The matter was successfully represented to the Government of the day—that of the Earl of Chatham. The Endeavour was placed at the disposal of the Royal Society. Cook, then a master, was raised to the rank of lieutenant, placed in command by the Admiralty, and selected by the Royal Society to observe the Transit in conjunction with Mr. Green. The island of Otaheite, then newly discovered by Wallis, was selected as the observing-station. The history of the expedition will be found at length in Hawkesworth's Voyages, vols. ii and iii.
The Lords of the Admiralty to The Navy Board.5 April, 1768.Gentlemen,—
Whereas you have represented to us by your letter
The letter is not amongst the Records.
of the 29th of last month that, in pursuance of our directions of the 21st, you have purchased a cat-built bark of the burthen of 368 tons, for conveying to the southward such persons as shall be thought proper for making observations on the passage of the planet Venus over the sun's disk, we do hereby desire and direct you to cause the said vessel to be sheathed, filled, and
fitted in all respects proper for that service, and to report to us when she will be ready to receive men.
At the time this letter was written, Alexander Dalrymple, the eminent hydrographer, was regarded as commander of the expedition. In a pamphlet published by him in 1773, and entitled—A Letter from Mr. Dalrymple to Dr. Hawkesworth, occasioned by some groundless and illiberal imputations in his account of the late Voyages to the South—he claims to have chosen the Endeavour, and to have had actual command of the ship. In the postscript to a second letter, which—in consequence of Dr. Hawkesworth's death—was not published, he refers to his reasons for “preferring the Endeavour to the other ship, which was smaller.” Locker, in his Memoirs of Naval Commanders, gives the following account of the circumstances which led up to Cook's appointment:—
“In 1768 the Royal Society made application to the King to appoint a ship to convey to the South Seas Mr. Alexander Dalrymple (a gentleman of great nautical science) and other persons qualified to observe the transit of Venus over the sun's disk. They further proposed that a brevet commission should be given to Mr. Dalrymple to command the vessel.
“When the case of Mr. Dalrymple was referred to Sir Edward Hawke, he declared that none but a King's officer should bear the royal commission, and that he would rather lose his right hand than sign an act so dishonourable to his profession. In this dilemma it was suggested that Mr. Cook was fully qualified for the proposed service, he being a master in the Royal Navy, and already distinguished as an able mathematician. The Admiralty thereupon gave him a lieutenant's commission to command the Endeavour.” See also Kippis, p. 51.
And you are to cause the said vessel to be registered on the list of the Royal Navy as a bark by the name of the Endeavour,
It is evident from this that Kippis was wrong in stating (p. 17) that the Endeavour was selected by Sir Hugh Palliser and Lieutenant Cook after the appointment of the latter on the 25th May, 1768.
and to cause her to be established with six carriage-guns of four pounds each and eight swivel guns.
We are, &c.,C. Townshend.Py. Brett.C. Spencer.
The Lords of the Admiralty to The Marquis of
Granby.
John Manners, eldest son of the Duke of Rutland. He distinguished himself as a military officer on the Continent, where he commanded the British forces serving under Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick. At the date of this letter he was Master-General of the Ordnance in the Grafton Administration.
5 April, 1768.My Lord,—
The Navy Board having, in consequence of our directions, purchased a cat-built bark for conveying such persons as shall be thought proper to the southward for making observations on the passage of the planet Venus over the disk of the
sun, and proposed that she may be established with six fourpounder guns and eight swivels, we desire your Lordship will cause the same number and nature of guns to be established on her accordingly; and having ordered the said vessel to be registered on the lists of the Royal Navy by the name of the Endeavour, bark, we signify the same for your Lordship's information.
We are, &c.,C. Townshend.Py. Brett.C. Spencer.
The Lords of the Admiralty to Lieutenant Cook.
Whereas we have appointed you First Lieutenant of his Majesty's bark the Endeavour, now at Deptford, and intend that you shall command her during her present intended voyage; and whereas we have ordered the said bark to be fitted out and stored at that place for foreign service manned with seventy men (agreeable to the scheme on the back hereof), and victualled to twelve months of all species of provisions (for the said number of men at whole allowance), except beer, of which she is to have only a proportion for one month, and to be supplied with brandy in lieu of the remainder. You are hereby required and directed to use the utmost dispatch in getting her ready for the sea accordingly, and then falling down to Galleons Reach to take in her guns and gunners' stores at that place, and proceed to the Nore for farther order.
Given, &c.,c., 25 May, 1768.Ed. Hawke.C. Townshend.Py. Brett.
Scheme referred to.
Allowed one servant.
1 1st Lieutenant, to command, at 5s. a day.
*1 2nd Lieutenant.
*1 Master.
*1 Boatswain.
*1 Gunner.
*1 Carpenter.
*1 Surgeon.
*1 Cook.
2 Master's mates.
3 Midshipmen.
1 Surgeon's mate.
1 Clerk and steward.
2 Quarter-masters.
2 Boatswain's mates.
1 Carpenter's mate.
1 Armourer.
1 Sailmaker.
8 Servants to the officers.
40 Able seamen.
70 Total.
Lieutenant Cook
Cook was appointed a First Lieutenant of the Royal Navy, and Commander of the Endeavour, on the 25th May, 1768, and Captain on 29th August, 1771.—(Kippis's Life of Cook, pp. 17 and 182.) Pelham, in his Collection of Voyages, states (vol. i, p. 142) that Cook received his lieutenant's commission on 1st April, 1760. This, however, is an error. A Lieutenant James Cook, a protégé of the Duke of Newcastle, was serving in 1765 on board the Wolf, at Jamaica, under Sir William Burnaby. This, doubtless, is the officer whose commission issued in 1760, and whom Pelham confounded with James Cook, the circumnavigator.— See Annual Register, vol. viii, p. 100.
to Secretary Stephens.
Endeavour, at Deptford, 27 May, 1768.Sir,—
I have received their Lordships' order of the 25th inst., touching the fitting of his Majesty's bark the Endeavour, which I shall immediately set about complying with.
I am, &c.,James Cook.
Lieutenant Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Deptford, Endeavour, bark, 31 May, 1768.Sir,—
Please to acquaint my Lords Commiss'rs of the Adm'ty that I have this day received their orders and instructions,
Unfortunately, the document referred to is not amongst the Records.
&c., and shall comply agreeable therewith.
I am, &c.,James Cook.
Lieutenant Cook to Mr. Alcock.
Mr. Alcock was apparently one of the officials in the Admiralty Office.
Friday, 3 June, 1768.
Mr. Cook presents his compliments to Mr. Alcock; hath no objections to the bearer, Mr. Jno. Gathiry
Guthrey was duly appointed boatswain, but did not live to return. He died at sea on 4th February, 1771. He was one of the twenty-three unfortunates who succumbed to dysentery and fever during the terrible six weeks immediately following the departure from Batavia.
[Guthrey], being appointed boatswain of the Endeavour, bark; believes him to be a man well quallified for that station.
Lieutenant Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Deptford, 3 June, 1768.
Mr. Cook presents his most respectfull compliments to Mr. Stephens, and begs leave to recommend the bearer, Mr. Stephen
Forward
This appointment was made. His name was Forwood, not Forward.
as a very proper person to be appointed gunner of the Endeavour, he having pass'd his examination for that purpose.
James Cook.
Lieutenant Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Admiralty Office, 30 June, 1768.Sir,—
I here inclose the state and condition of his Majesty's bark the Endeavour, under my command, and am, &c.,
James Cook.
[Enclosure.]
An Account of the State and Condition of his Majesty's bark the Endeavour, Lieutenant Cook, commander, at Deptford, this 29th of June, 1768:—
70complement.Provisions on board for the compl't at whole allowance.70borne.68mustered.Days. — 547 bread, 28 beef, 335 brandy, rum, wine.1mid'man.Chequed, and why absint.without leaveChequed, and why absint.Weeks.—78 beef, 78 pork, 78 pease, 78 oatmeal, 12 butter, 12 cheese, 66 oyle, 78 vinegar.with leaveChequed, and why absint.on boardSick.1on shoreSick.Officers.hospital shipSick.16officers and servantsOf the number borne.Part all paid.Boats'n, gunner, carpenter.Stores wanting.54petty and able ord.Of the number borne.Part all paid.Absant.landsmenOf the number borne.Occasion.number short of complementOf the number borne.Condition of the ShipSuper'y.Fitting for sea.When last Cleaned.20th May, 1768.
Lieutenant Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Endeavour, bark, at Deptford, 5 July, 1768.Sir,—
His majesty's bark the Endeavour, under my command, being allow'd only eight swivel guns, and it may then happen that four of these will be wanted for the longboat, and as the ship can conveniently carry twelve, please move my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to order her to be supply'd with four more swivels.
I am, &c.,James Cook.
Lieutenant Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Admiralty Office, 6 July, 1768.Sir,—
The surgeon of His Majesty's bark the Endeavour, under my command, hath acquainted me that the Navy Board cannot supply the said bark with surgeon's necessarys to a longer time than twelve months, which is not in proportion to her victualing, and may not prove sufficient for the voyage. Please to move my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to order her to be supply'd with an additional quantity, or to a longer time.
I am, &c.,James Cook.
Secretary Stephens to Lieutenant Cook.
7 July, 1768.Sir,—
I have communicated to my Lords Comm'rs of the Adm'ty your letter of the 6th inst., representing that the bark you command is allowed only eight swivel guns, and desiring, as four of them may be frequently wanted for the longboat, and the bark can conveniently carry twelve, that she may be supplied with four more to make up that number; and I am to acquaint you that the Board of Ordnance are wrote to for that purpose.
I am,
P.S.
Secretary Stephens to Lieutenant Cook.
7 July, 1768.Sir,—
I have communicated to my Lords Comm'rs of the Adm'ty your letter of the 6th inst., representing that you are informed the Navy Board cannot supply the bark you command with surgeon's necessaries to a longer time than twelve months, and desiring, as that is not in proportion to her victualing, that she may be supplied with an additional quantity; and, in return, I am to acquaint you that the Navy Board are directed to cause her to be supplied with a twelve months' additional quantity.
I am,
P.S.
Lieutenant Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Admiralty Office, 8 July, 1768.Sir,—
In order to make surveys of such parts as his Majesty's bark the Endeavour, under my command, may touch at, it will be necessary to be provided with a set of instruments for that
purpose. Please to move my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to order me to be supply'd with the under-mentioned mathematical instruments.
I am, &c.,James Cook.
Theodolite compleate, one; plane table, one; brass scale, 2 feet long, one; d'ble concave glass, one; glass for traceing plans, from the light, one; a pair of large dividers; a parellel ruler; a pair of proportional compass's; stationery and colours.
Secretary Stephens to Lieutenant Cook.
8 July, 1768.Sir,—
Having laid before my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty your letter of this date, representing that, in order to make surveys of such parts as the Endeavour bark under your command may touch at, it will be necessary that she should be provided with the instruments, &c., named on the other side hereof, and desiring that directions may be given for your being supplied therewith, I am commanded by their Lordships to signify their direction to you to provide the same, and lay before them an account of the expence thereof.
I am, &c.,
P.S.
[Enclosure.]
A theodolite compleatA pair of large dividersA plane tableA parallel rulerA brass scale two feet longA pair of proportional compassesA double concave glassStationery and coloursA glass for tracing plans from the light.
Lieutenant Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Admiralty Office, 20 July, 1768.Sir,—
Pursuant of your letter of the 8th instant, I have provided mysel with mathematical instruments and stationery, and have here inclosed an account of the expence thereof, which please to lay before my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, and move them to order me to be paid.
I am, &c.,James Cook.
Secretary Stephens to Lieutenant Cook.
21 July, 1768.Sir,—
My Lords Comm'rs of the Adm'ty having directed the Navy Board to send twenty cork jackets on board the bark you
command for the use of the men that it may be necessary to employ in boats, in the course of her present intended voyage, I am commanded by their Lordships to acquaint you therewith; and am, &c.,
P.S.
The Lords of the Admiralty to Lieutenant Cook.
Whereas the Council of the Royal Society have acquainted us that they have appointed Mr. Charles Green,
Mr. Charles Green (youngest son of Mr. Joshua Green, a considerable farmer and freeholder, of Yorkshire), born 1735, educated by his brother, a schoolmaster. Appointed to Greenwich Observatory as assistant to the Astronomer Royal, Dr. Bradley, in 1761. Continued to act in same capacity to Mr. Bliss (Dr. Bradley's successor). In 1763 appointed, in conjunction with Dr. Maskelyne, by the Commissioners of the Board of Longitude, to make observations at Barbadoes for the determination of the best means of ascertaining longitude. Upon the appointment of Dr. Maskelyne as Astronomer Royal in 1765, Green appears to have severed his connection with Greenwich. From this time until 1768 he appears to have taken merely a private part in astronomical affairs. In that year he was selected by the Royal Society to observe the transit of Venus, at the island discovered by Captain Wallis, and named by him King George the Third's Island (now Tahiti). The British Government provided the ship —the Endeavour—and appointed Lieutenant James Cook commander. The remainder of Green's history will be found in the pages of Hawkesworth's Voyages, vols. ii and iii. He died shortly after leaving Batavia, on the 29th January, 1771, and was buried at sea.—Biographia Britannica, vol. iv, p. 150, note.
in conjunction with yourself, to be their observers of the passage of Venus over the disk of the sun in he southern latitudes. And whereas they have at the same time acquainted us that Joseph Banks,
Mr. (afterwards Sir Joseph) Banks. Space will not permit more than a reference to the principal works from which information as to Sir Joseph Banks's career and labours can be obtained, viz.:—Hawkesworth's Voyages, Lond., 1773. Parkinson's Journal, Lond., 1773. Van Troil's Letters on Iceland, 1781. The Remembrancer, April, 1784, pp. 298–309. London Review, April, 1784, pp. 265, et seq. The Critical Review, April, 1784, pp. 299, et seq. An Appeal to the Fellows of the Royal Society, Lond., 1784. Narrative of the Dissension in the Royal Society, 1784. History of the Instances of Exclusion from the Royal Society, Lond., 1784. Kippis's Observations on the late Contests in the Royal Society, Lond., 1784. Naturalists' Library, vol. xxix, pp. 17–48. Annual Register, 1820, part ii, pp. 113, et seq. Gentleman's Magazine, 1820, part i, pp. 574 and 637, and part ii, pp. 86 and 99. Annual Biography and Obituary, 1821, p. 97. Nouvelle Biographie Générale, tom. iv, p. 362. Home's Hunterian Oration, 1822. Sir Joseph Banks and the Royal Society, Lond., 1846. Suttor's Memoirs of Sir Joseph Banks, Parramatta, 1855. Duncan's Short Account of the Life of Sir Joseph Banks, Edin., 1821. Cuvier's Eloge Historique lu le 2 Avril, 1821. The New Monthly Magazine, Aug., 1820, p. 185. Barron's Sketches, 1849, p. 12. Weld's History of the Royal Society, 1884, p. 103. Lord Brougham's Lives of Men of Letters and Science, vol. i.
Esq., Fellow of that Society, a gentleman of large fortune, well versed
in natural history, is desirous of undertaking the same voyage; and have therefore earnestly requested that in regard to Mr. Banks's great personal merit, and for the advancement of useful knowledge, he, together with his suite and their baggage, may be received on board the bark you command. You are hereby required and directed to receive on board the said Mr. Charles Green and his servant and baggage, as also the said Joseph Banks, Esq., and his suite, consisting of eight persons with their baggage, bearing them as supernumeraries for victuals only, and victualling them as the bark's company during their continuance on board.
Lieutenant Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Admiralty Office, 25 July, 1768.Sir,—
Doctor Knight hath got an azimuth compass of an improved construction, which may prove to be of more general use than the old ones. Please to move my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to order the Endeavour, bark, under my command, to be supply'd with it.
I am, &c.,James Cook.
Lieutenant Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Admiralty Office, 27 July, 1768.Sir,—
The Navy Board have been pleased to supply his Majesty's bark the Endeavour, under my command, with the reflecting telescope that was on board the Grenville, schooner, for making astronomical observations at Newfoundland. In order to make it of more general use, I have got made a micrometer for measuring the apparent magnitudes of the heavenly bodies, which will be of great service in the observation of the transit of Venus, the bill for which I here enclose, and beg you will lay it before my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, and move them to order the Navy Board to pay it.
I am, &c.,James Cook.
Lieutenant Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Admiralty Office, 27 July, 1768.Sir,—
Having pass'd all my accounts for his Majesty's schooner the Grenville, please to move my Lords Com'iss'rs of the Admi-
raltyAdmiralty to order me to be the pay [sic] due to me as master of the said schooner.
I am, &c.,James Cook.
Secretary Stephens to Lieutenant Cook.
28 July, 1768.Sir,—
I have communicated to my Lords Commissioners of the Adm'ty your letter of the 25th instant, desiring to be supplied with one of Doctor Knight's azimuth compasses of an improved construction; and, in return, I am to acquaint you that the Navy Board are ordered to supply you with one accordingly, and that it is their Lordships' direction you report to them, upon your return from your present intended voyage, how you shall have found the same to answer.
I have also communicated to their Lordships your letter of the 27th instant, desiring that the Navy Board may have orders to pay for the micrometer, which you have judged necessary to be made, in order to render the telescope with which they have supplied you more generally useful, and particularly so in the observations you are to make of the transit of Venus; and, in return, I am to acquaint you that directions are given to the Navy Board for that purpose.
I am, &c.,
P.S.
The Lords of the Admiralty to Lieutenant Cook.
Whereas there is great reason to believe, from what Dr. McBride
David McBride, author of several medical works, the best known of which is his Introduction to the Theory and Practice of Physics.
has recommended in his book entitled “Experimental Essays on the Scurvy and other Subjects,” and his pamphlet entitled “An Historical Account of the New Method of Treating the Scurvy at Sea” (of which you will herewith receive copies), and from the opinion of other persons acquainted with scorbutic disorders, that malt made into wort may be of great benefit to seamen in scorbutic and other putrid diseases; and whereas we think fit experiments should be made of the good effects of it in your present intended voyage, and have with that view directed the Commissioners of the Victualling to put a quantity on board the bark you command: You are hereby required and directed to cause the same to be stowed in the bread-room or some very dry part of the ship, and take care that the following rules with respect to the preparation of the said wort, the
administration of it to the sick, &c., be in general observed, viz.:—
The malt must be ground under the direction of the surgeon, and made into wort (fresh every day, especially in hot weather) in the following manner, viz.: Take one quart of ground malt and pour on it three quarts of boiling water, stir them well, and let the mixture stand close covered up for three or four hours, after which strain off the liquor.
The wort so prepared is then to be boiled into a panada with sea-biscuit, or dried fruits usually carried to sea.
The patient must take at least two meals a day on the said panada, and should drink a quart or more of the fresh infusion, as it may agree with him, every twentyfour hours.
The surgeon is to keep an exact journal of the effects of the wort in scorbutic and other putrid diseases not attended with pestilential symptoms, carefully and particularly noting down, previous to its administration, the cases in which it is given, describing the several symptoms, and relating the progress and effects from time to time, which journal is to be transmitted to us at the end of the voyage.
See Cook's letter to the President of the Royal Society, post, p. 127.
Given under our hands, the 30th July, 1768.Ed. Hawke.Percy Brett.C. Spencer.
Secretary Stephens to Lieutenant Cook.
3 August, 1768.Sir,—
My Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty having desired the Master-General of the Ordnance to cause the Endeavour, bark, under your command, to be supplied at Plymouth with four carriage-guns, four-pounders, in addition to those she already has, I am commanded by their Lordships to acquaint you therewith that you may apply for the same.
I am, &c.,
P.S.
The Lords of the Admiralty to Lieutenant Cook.
Having ordered the complement of his Maj't's bark under your command to be increased to eighty-five men, you are hereby required and directed to enter as many seamen as, with the
proportion of marines whom we have ordered to be put on board her at Plymouth, will increase her present complement to that number accordingly.
This and the following letter are not in the handwriting of Lieutenant Cook. They were signed by him, but were apparently written by a clerk. The letter from Batavia, vol. i, p. 1, is in the same hand; as is also the Admiralty Journal, and the Journal recently purchased in London by Mr. Corner. The Endeavour sailed from Plymouth on the 26th August, 1768.
Endeavour, bark, in Plymo. Sound,14 August, 1768.Sir,—
Please to acquaint their Lordships that I arrived here this day in his Majesty's bark Endeavour, under my command, and shall make all the dispatch in my power to proceed to sea.
I am, &c.,James Cook.
Lieutenant Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Funchael, Island of Madeira, 17 September, 1768.Sir,—
Please to acquaint my Lords Com'ss'rs of the Admiralty of the arrival of His Majesty's bark Endeavour, under my command, at this place on the 13th inst., and that having taken on board as much wine as the ship can conveniently stow, and compleated our water, shall put to sea again to-morrow.
I have, &c.,James Cook.
Lieutenant Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Endeavour, bark, in the harbour of Rio de Janeiro,
the 30th of November, 1768.Sir,—
Please to acquaint my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty of my arrival at this port on the 13th instant, judging it to be the best place on this coast where I could furnish myself with the necessary refreshments I stood in need of. The manner we have been received and treated here is such as was never before practised on any English ship, which makes me think it the more necessary that the whole minutely be laid before their
Lordships.
M. de Bougainville experienced exactly similar treatment from Count da Cunha, Viceroy in 1767. His remarks on the manner in which the law of nations was interpreted in Brazil are quite as pronounced as those of Captain Cook.—Voyage of M. de Bougainville, English edition, p. 72, et seq. Even Commodore Byron, who appears to have been treated with exceptional courtesy, remarks upon the Viceroy being “as absolute a sovereign as any upon earth.”—Hawkesworth's Voyages, vol. i, p. 6.
On my arrival off this port, I sent Lieutenant Hicks
Zachary Hicks, second lieutenant, and next in command to Cook.
before me (from before the mouth of the river were [where] we lay at that time becalm'd) to acquaint the Vice Roy
D. Antonio Rolim de Moura, Count of Azambuja, Viceroy, 1767–70. Cook, it will be noticed, invariably addressed him as Count Rolim.
with the reasons that induced me to touch here, which was to procure water and refreshments for the ship, and to request the assistance of a pilot to bring us up into proper anchoring-ground. The sea-breeze soon after this freshing, and being unwilling to loose time, I made sail up the river, and meeting with neither difficulty nor danger to retard me, came to an anchor before the town, wondering that I saw nothing of my boat, knowing that she must have been ashore several hours, but was surprized when she return'd, informing me that the officer was detain'd. On this I prepared myself to go on shore to demand him, but before I could do that a boat came on board with several officers, who asked me many and very particular questions, all of which was answered to their satisfaction. They told me that my lieutenant had not been confin'd, but allow'd that he had been detain'd on shore, and said it was the constant custom to detain any one who came on shore from a ship until a boat from the Vice Roy had visited her. About this time I observed a boat fill'd with soldiers constantly rowing about the ship, which I understood the next day had orders to permit nobody but self to go on shore, and to hinder any one of the inhabitants of the place from coming on board unless they had particular leave. Soon after this, Lieutenant Hicks was put on board in one of the Vice Roy's boats, attended by an officer. He inform'd me that after he had delivered his message to the Vice Roy he was asked if he would comply with the customs of the place, to which he answer'd that we would comply with any custom that had been before observed by English men-of-war; he was then told I must wait upon the Vice Roy the next day, when everything should be settled. When he was coming to the boat, in order to return on board, he was told he must stay on shore until I came. The first thing I did the next morning was to wait upon his Excellency, and acquainted him with the reasons that induced me to put in here (naming the things I wanted), and desired he would give the necessary order for me to be furnished with
them, as my stay here would be very short. He said I should be accommodated with what I wanted, and desir'd to know if I had got any correspondence at this place, and told me it was a custom in this port for strangers to employ one of the natives to buy everything they wanted. I told him I had letters of credit, to two merchants here who I did not doubt would furnish me with everything I wanted. I then enquir'd of him where I should water, and asked leave for my coopers to repair the casks ashore, to which he answer'd that I must water at the fountain before the palace, and that my coopers should have leave to work ashore, that he would order a soldier to be put into each of my boats when they brought the casks ashore, and likewise when they returned on board, to See that they were not interrupted in carrying on this duty, and that a centinel should be placed over the casks when on shore. I told him that the putting soldiers into the boats I thought unnecessary—that a centinel over the casks ashore would be quite sufficient. He said that it had always been a custom, and that it was by orders from his king, which he must comply with, and by that means I should be sure of having my casks taken care of. I told him that if this custom was necessary with merchant ships who might be suspected of contraband trade, it was not at all so with my ship, which he must not put upon the footing of a merchantman being a King's ship, who never entered upon trade. He said he did not put me upon any such footing, but that it was a custom when anything came on shore from a ship to put a centinel into the boat. I thought he might be suspicious that we came here to trade, and as I had nothing to fear on that head, and knew that by that means my men would be kept stricter to their duty, I consented, and this practice was strictly observed during our stay here; but I had not the least idea at the time of a guard being put into a boat where myself or any of my officers should be, as I had been ashore the evening before in my boat, and that morning, without any such thing being attempted. I then desired to know the reasons why my lieutenant was detain'd yesterday. He began the same answer that his officers had done the day before. I remonstrated against it as unprecedented treatment to an officer belonging to an English ship-ofwar in a friendly port. He said it was the custom and the King's orders, and I must not take it amiss. I was willing to waive this matter in the best manner I could, being very desirous of avoiding all manner of disputes of this nature, which I knew could not fail of creating a delay, which would retard the voyage, the success of which I had of all things most at heart. I then acquainted him that there were several gentlemen on board who had never before been at sea, and being much indis-
posedindisposed with the fatigues of a long passage, would be glad to reside on shore during our short stay here, and being well skill'd in natural history, desired leave of his Excellency to make such collections as this place did afford and our stay would permit. He said it was contrary to the King's orders, and that he could not grant either one or the other. I was surprized at this refusal, and press'd him several times, but to no purpose.
As soon as I came from his Excellency I found myself accompanied by an officer. Upon my expressing my suspicions of his being a guard, was told he was only to show me such places in the town as I wanted; but on my coming outward I found he likewise was to accompany me to my ship. On this I apply'd to the Vice Roy's aid-de-camp (as I could not See himself), and told him that I had done my business and was going on board my ship, therefore the gentleman then with me could be of no further use, to which he answer'd it was the Vice Roy's orders for an officer to attend upon me wherever I went to order me all the assistance I wanted. I desired that his Excellency might be acquainted that I was much obliged to him, but as I had met with an English gentleman (one of their officers) who would assist me in everything in his power, and therefore one of his officers attending upon me would be of no service, as we could not understand each other, and at the same time express'd my suspicions of his being placed over me as a guard, and on that account could not admit him on board; to which the Vice Roy sent for answer that it was the King's orders to him that an officer should always attend upon all strangers of any rank, that if I did not choose to admit him on board I might put him into the guard-boat, and at the same time assured me that nothing more was meant than a complement. Finding nothing more could be done at the time, I went on board, attended with the same officer, in company with Mr. Forster, an English officer in their service, who had obtained leave to go on board to dine with me. In the evening, Mr. Banks and the other gentlemen prepared themselves to go on shore with me to wait on the Vice Roy, but no one was permitted to pass the guard-boat but myself. They, therefore, were obliged to return on board. I went immediately to the Vice Roy, and desired he might be acquainted (for I could not see him) that I was much obliged to his Excellency for the complement he was pleased to pay me; but as it was an honour that would not be paid to any commander of his Most Faithful Majesty's ship in any British port, and as no complement was paid to the commanders of the Dolphin and Tamer
The Dolphin and the Tamar, under Commodore Byron, were at Rio in September, 1764.
when they were here, who were of higher
rank than me, I hoped that his Excellency would not insist on my accepting of it. I then remonstrated against Mr. Banks not being permitted to come on shore. His Excellency's answer was that the commanders of their ships would not expect the same complement to be paid them in our ports; that he did not know what was acted in this place when the Dolphin and Tamer was here, it being before his time; that he could not give leave to any of the gentlemen or officers, except myself, to come on shore; that he acted according to orders from his Court, and that they were such as he could not dispense with. I desired that his Excellency might be acquainted that, as he had given his word that nothing more was meant by the officer attending me than a complement, I should be content to accept it when on shore, but the suffering either officer or soldier to come into my boat had so much the appearance of a guard, the admitting of which I could not answer to their Lordships, as they must See it in a different light to what his Excellency meant it, to which I received for answer that if I would not admit an officer or soldier into my boat I must not expect to come any more on shore.
I was much chagrined at this answer, seeing plainly what treatment I had to expect, and had some thoughts of puting to sea again next day, but when reflected on the time that would be lost by puting in here, and that by this time a great part of my water-casks were on shore, I resolved to stay until I had procured the necessaries I wanted, and accordingly the next morning carried to the Vice Roy an account thereof in writing, both for daily subsistence and sea store, who gave orders for me to be furnished with the whole, except the use of a stage for cleaning the ship's bottom, which he said I could not be allowed unless one of their carpenters inspected the ship and reported her in want of such repairs. This I would not permit.
Notwithstanding the orders said to be given for me to be supplied with everything I wanted, I met with numerous obstacles under various and most frivolous pretences. It was with the utmost difficulty I obtained leave for one of my people (tho' attended by a soldier) to go into the market to buy fish, fruit, &c., for my table. All the answer I could obtain to the repeated remonstrances, I made against a guard put into my boat was that it was the King's orders, and could not be dispensed with. I, therefore, on Thursday, the 17th, drew up a memorial to his Excellency, and sent it by an officer, together with a letter from Mr. Banks,
By no one on board the Endeavour was the treatment received from the Viceroy more keenly felt than by Banks. When he found it was impossible to move the Viceroy, he determined to outwit him. On the 22nd November his servants were sent on shore before daylight, returning on board after dark, with plants and insects. On the 26th, Banks himself stole on shore in the same way, and spent the whole of the day in the fields. The country people treated him kindly, and he returned in the evening with, amongst other things, a muscovy duck, for which he “paid something less than two shillings.”—Hawkesworth, vol. ii, p. 25.
to both of which we received answer the next day;
and the day following I sent a second memorial to his Excellency, by Lieutenant Hicks, with orders not to suffer a soldier to be put into the boat; that if the guard-boat would not permit him to go on shore without, to deliver the letter to that officer, and return on board. Upon his coming to the guard and refusing to admit a soldier into the boat, the officer attended him in his own boat to the landing-place. As soon as Mr. Hicks had left the boat a guard was put into her; the Vice Roy refused receiving the letters, and sent word that unless I would suffer a guard to be put into the boat all communication was shut up between me and him. Mr. Hicks then insisted on returning on board in his own boat, and in the same manner as he came on shore; but upon his persisting in not going into the boat unless the guard was order'd out, all the boat's crew were, by arm'd force, beat out of the boat (though they gave no provocation, nor made the least resistance), and hurried to prison, where they remained until the next day. Mr. Hicks was then by force put into one of their boats, and brought on board under the custody of a guard. Immediately upon my hearing of this, I wrote a letter demanding my men and boat, and his Excellency's reasons for detaining them, and enclosed the memorial he had refused to receive and sent it by a petty officer, as I had never objected to a guard being put into a boat wherein was no commission'd officer. He was admitted ashore and deliver'd the letter, and was told an answer would be sent the next day. This evening betwixt eight and nine o'clock came on an excessive hard storm of wind and rain. The longboat at this time coming on board with four pipes of wine in her went adrift, and having no boat to send after her but the yawl, which was not able to tow her one way or another, they were obliged to bring her to a grapnel, where they left her full of water, and got on board with the yawl about 2 in the morning. The next morning sent to the Vice Roy to acquaint him with what had happened, to desire leave and the assistance of a shore boat to look after our longboat, and at the same time to demand my pinnace and the crew. After some time the whole was granted, and we was so fortunate as to find the longboat the same day. The pendant which the pinnace always wore when an officer was in her was taken away. This the Vice Roy laid to the storm, but I was inform'd the centinel struck the mast and took it away.
On Monday evening, the 21st, I received his Excellency's answer to my last memorial and letter sent by one of his officers, by whom I sent an answer to that part of his Excellency's memorial wherein he doubts the ship belongs to the King; and in answer to the letter concerning the detention of my boat and her crew, I thought it only necessary to acquaint his Excellency with the taking away the pendant. At the expiration of two days I received answers to both. In this his memorial he accuseth my people of smuggling, a thing I am very certain they were not guilty of, and for which his Excellency could produce no proof. This memorial I answer'd, but dropp'd the affair of the boat. On the 28th I unexpectedly received another memorial from his Excellency in answer to my last, drawn up in such a manner as I thought called upon me to answer.
I have here enclosed copys
The originals of these memorials and letters cannot now be found. The attested copies of his own letters and translations of the Viceroy's were sent home by Cook; these are still in existence in the Admiralty Office, and are printed at the end of this letter as enclosures.
of all the memorials and letters that have pass'd between the Vice Roy and me, which will be forwarded to you by the captain of a Spanish packet,
The “Spanish packet” was carrying despatches from Buenos Ayres to Spain. There is no record of her name, but she was commanded by Don Antonio de Velasco.
now in this port, who will sail in a few days for Old Spain, and I shall leave in the hands of the Vice Roy duplicates thereof, to be forwarded by him to Lisbon. In this my letter I have stated the whole transactions as they hap'ned from time to time without reasoning upon any one point, soothing or aggravating circumstances. I must not omit more fully to acquaint you that no one of my boats was ever permitted to pass between the ship and the shore without a soldier being put in her. This practice I was obliged to submit to, otherwise I could not have obtained the supply I wanted; but, rather than suffer myself to be made a prisoner in my own boat, I kept on board, and notwithstanding my many embarrassments I met with I have got a recruit of provisions and water, with many other refreshments, and shall now put to sea without loss of time in as good a condition for prosecuting the voyage as the day we left England. It may not be improper to observe that the Vice Roy always pretended that the orders and customs respecting foreign ships were general, yet the Spanish packet, which put in here from the River of Plate, met with a very different reception. No guard was put over her, and the officers were at liberty to go wherever they pleased; and whereas the Vice Roy has, in some of his memorials, made mention of my people smugling, I must, in justice to myself, to the other officers, and to the crew in general, declare that
it is my firm belief that so far from anything being smugled ashore here, that not sixpenny worth of any kind of goods was on board the ship for that purpose.
I have, &c.,James Cook.
P.S.—Least any of his Maj's ships should touch here before the dispatches I forward from hence comes to hand, or that they should miscarry, I have left for the command'g officer copys of these memorials with Capt'n Forster, an English officer in the Portuguese service, and a man of honour (who hath interested himself a good deal in our behalf), with directions that if no ship arrives here in a certain time he is to forward them to you.
Since writing the foregoing P.S. I am informed that Captain Forster is taken into custody by order of the Vice Roy for having interested himself in our behalf, so that I have now no opp'y left of leaving a duplicate of the memorials, &c., as I intended doing.
Two Portuguese officers were treated similarly by Count da Cunha for having shown undue civility to M. de Bougainville. One was imprisoned in the Citadel; the other exiled. What was Captain Forster's fate it is now impossible to say.
[Enclosure.]Lieutenant Cook to The Viceroy of Brazil.
The Memorial of Lieutenant James Cook, commander of his Britannick Majesty's ship Endeavour, to his Excellency Count Rolim, Viceroy and Captain-General of the States of Brazil.
Least mistake or misrepresentation should hereafter be alledged as excuses for the unexampled treatment which I have met with in this port, I think it necessary to state to your Excellency every particular relating thereto in writing, that from your answer I may be able (without being liable to mistake) to represent to my Court the particulars of that treatment, which I am confident is such as before was never offer'd to any commander of a British ship-of-war.
On Sunday morning last, on my arrival off this port, I sent my first lieutenant before me (from the very mouth of the river where I was at that time becalm'd) to acquaint your Excellency with the reasons which induced me to touch here, and request of you the assistance of a pilot to bring me up to proper anchoringgrounds. The breeze, after this, fresh'ning, I made sail up the river, and, meeting with neither difficulty nor danger to retard me, came to an anchor where I now lay, wondering much that no such assistance had been sent to me; but how much more was I surprized when my boat return'd informing me that my officer was detain'd on shore. On this I prepar'd myself to go
on shore and in form demand him; but before I could do that a boat came on board my ship bringing several of your Excellency's officers, who asked many and very particular questions, all which were answer'd with the utmost candour and precesion. They told me that my lieutenant had not been confin'd, but allow'd he had been detain'd, and said it was the constant custom to detain any one who came ashore from a ship till a boat from your Excellency had visited it.
About this time I observed a boat filled with soldiers constantly rowing about my ship, and on asking them their business was informed that they had absolute orders from your Excellence to permit nobody but myself to go on shore, and to hinder every one of his faithful Majesty's subjects from coming on board of my ship unless they had particular leave so to do.
The next day or Monday morning, after having been ashore and waited upon your Excellency, I found myself put into the custody of a guard, who insisted on going into my boat with me, an insult which I am well convinced was never before born by any commander of a ship of war belonging to his Britannick Majesty.
Yet all this I suffer'd patiently, for thinking it impossible that such treatment could be agreeable to your Excellency's orders I was willing to imagine it proceeded from some mistake, which might, on proper application, be clear'd up, looking upon it as my duty to avoid as much as in me lay anything which in its consequences tend towards a breach of that cordiality and friendship which has so long subsisted between their Britannick and Faithful Majestys.
Three days have I remain'd in this situation, the same indignities and affronts being daily repeated, notwithstanding I have every day waited on your Excellency and remonstrated against them in person. I, therefore, can no longer delay to acquaint your Excellency that it is my determin'd resolution that after twenty-four hours have elapsed from the delivery of this no officer or soldier shall upon any pretence whatsoever attempt to set his foot in my boat where myself or any one of his Britannick Majesty's officers now under my command shall be, as the suffering of such an indignity (knowing it to be design'd) would be sufficient to render me unworthy of the rank in his Britannick Majesty's service which I now have the honour to bear.
I expect the fav'r of your Excellency's answer without delay, as my future conduct whilst I remain in this harbour, as well as the reports I shall forward from hence to the King, my master, must intirely be regulated accordingly.
(Signed) James Cook.
Dated on board his Britannick Majesty's ship Endeavour, in the harbour of Rio de Janeiro, the 17th of November, 1768.
A true copy. (Signed) J.C.
[Enclosure.]The Viceroy to Lieutenant Cook.
The Memorial of the Count de Azambuja, Viceroy of the Estate of Brazil, in answer to another from Lieutenant James Cook, commander of his Britannick Majesty's ship the Endeavour.
I am not a little surprized at the novelty that Lieutenant James Cook finds in the treatment that his ship has had in this port, being in all its points which he takes notice of in conformity not only with the orders of his Most Faithful Majesty my master, but to the antient custom of the same port; not only so, but that in the year sixty-six I myself practised it in Bahia
Bahia—now generally known as San Salvador—was, until 1763, the capital of Brazil. Cook surmised that the English vessel referred to must have been a private trading vessel. See his memorial of 19th November, 1768, post, p. 67. In a subsequent memorial, post, pp. 68, 69, the Viceroy admitted that it was one of the East India Company's vessels. Captain Wallis was off the eastern coast of South America with the Dolphin and Swallow in 1766, but did not land on the Brazilian coast.
with a ship of the same English nation, and with another of the Dutch; and this is the reason why before anything else the solemn cerimony was made which I practised with your officers in asking them if you would subject yourself to the customs and orders that are in this port, because only under this subjection, and the information that is taken in the visit which is made,
This passage has reference to the visit of inspection described in Hawkesworth (vol. ii, p. 19) as follows:—“We came immediately to an anchor, and almost at the same time a ten-oared boat, full of soldiers, came up, and kept rowing round the ship without exchanging a word. In less than a quarter of an hour another boat came on board with several of the Viceroy's officers, who asked—whence we came; what was our cargo; the number of men and guns on board; the object of our voyage; and several other questions, which we directly and truly answered.” These are the “many and very particular questions” referred to by Cook in his letter to Stephens. Ante, p. 57.
that you put into this port with real necessity, it is that you are admitted. Wherefore, if you think it hard subjecting to what in your memorial you express, it is in your power to (go when you please) leave the port, because I did not admit you in it on other conditions, neither can I dispence with the orders I have. It is well known the great amity which has reigned for many years between the Portuguese and English nation; and the last war shows how much we are faithful to this alliance; and also it is well known how the English are received in all our ports of Europe, Africa, and Asia; but those of America are, and always were, prohibited to all foreign nations, because on the contrary follows the ruin of our commerce; and upon so justifiable a reason all foreign ships have always subjected themselves in these ports to all
cautions that are taken to this end, which is never more necessary to be put in practice than when the same ships oppose them, because then they become more suspicious.
Rio Janeiro, 18 November, 1768.(Signed)Conde de Azambuja.Attested copy. (Signed)James Cook.
[Enclosure.]Lieutenant Cook to The Viceroy.
Most Excellent Sir,—
Inclosed I send the memorial that my first lieut't this forenoon was order'd to present to your Excellency; the refusal of his delivering it, as not attended by a guard, which he, according to my determin'd resolution and the antient custom of this race, could not suffer, makes it necessary now to forward it by one of my midshipmen, by whom I, likewise in form, demand my boat, with its crew, which, I am informed, your Excellency has thought proper to detain, as well as your Excellency's reasons for so doing.
I am, &c.,
(Signed) Jam's Cook.
Dated on board his Britannick Majesty's ship Endeavour, in the harbour of Rio de Janeiro, the 19th of November, 1768.
A true copy. (Signed) J.C.
[Enclosure.]
The Memorial of Lieutenant James Cook, commander of his Britannick Majesty's ship Endeavour, in answer to one from his Excellency Count Rolim, Viceroy and Captain-General of the States of Brazil.
I cannot help being surprized that your Excellence should plead the antient custom of the ports of Brazil as an excuse for the treatment that I have met with here, and the more so as I shall prove to your Excellency that whatever may have been the usage with regard to merchantmen no such treatment was ever before offer'd to any ship wearing his Britannick Majesty's pendant; this confirms my suspicion of your Excellency being still under a mistake, which I shall endeavour as far as it is in my power to clear up.
On the 14th of September, 1764, his Britannick Majesty's ships Dolphin and Tamer, under the command of Commodore Byron, came to an anchor in this harbour, where, so far from meeting with either indignity or insult, they were received (by
your Excellency's predecessor
Conde da Cunha.
with all the respect that was their due; that I am convinced of by a journal of those ships now in my possession, which on my departure from England was deliver'd to me by their Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners for executing the office of Lord High Admiral of Great Britain, &c., as well as by two officers now with me, who were both at that time on board the commodore's ship.
Commodore Byron's account of his experiences at Rio Janeiro will be found in Hawkesworth, vol. i, p. 6.
As for your Excellency's behaviour to an English ship at Bahia, I am very certain that such ship must have belong'd either to some merchant or trading company, as no commander of a ship belonging to his Britannick Majesty could have answer'd to his Court the having submitted to any such treatment.
Whether or not I would comply with the customs usual in this port was a question put to my first officer as soon as he landed; his answer was that I would conform to any regulations which his Britannick Majesty's ships had before complied with, an answer worthy is [sic] prudence, and by the true meaning of which alone I shall regulate my future compliances.
Your Excellency tells me that I am at liberty when I please to leave the port; this I must answer by saying that I am very desirous of so doing, did not the same reasons that induced me to come in (which your Excellency has long ago been acquainted with) make my stay here necessary. As soon, however, as I shall have received the supplys which I have applied for, your Excellency may depend on my leaving it with all expedition, as I can have no one inducement to remain in a place where I have met with such unexpected ill-treatment.
It appears very extraordinary to me, and doubtless will do so to my Court, that notwithstanding the same treaty of peace and amity still subsists between their Britannick and Most Faithful Majestys, orders of so different a nature from those formerly practis'd should now have been issued out in this port.
Your Excellency has omitted giving an answer to that part of my memorial which most required it. I mean my complaint of your insisting upon putting officers or soldiers into my boats, a circumstance which, minutely and in all its particulars, must be properly reported to my Court.
(Signed) J. Cook.
Dated on board his Britannick Majesty's ship the Endeavour, in the harbour of Rio de Janeiro, the 19th of November, 1768.
A true copy. (Signed) J.C.
[Enclosure.]The Viceroy to Lieutenant Cook.
Rio de Janeiro, 20 Nov., 1768.
Your second lieutenant
Lieutenant Hicks.
came here yesterday after dinner with your letter, and as at the same time came to me a report that he would not admit a centinel in your boat, requiring several times the officer of the round, I sent him word to return to his ship, because upon that violence I could not admit the letter he brought me, nor give him audience. He answer'd, pertinaciously, that if he went he would return in the same manner without a centinel, and that if here one was put in he would throw him overboard, which obliged me to let remain your boat, her people in security, and remit the said officer to your ship in the same boat that went to relieve the round that was there; and if in this diligencia [sic] there was some small indecency, the said officer of yours gave cause for it with his petulancy and imprudence; and that greater disturbances may not happen, I hope you will not send him ashore.
Your, &c.,
(Signed) Conde de Azambuja.
Attested copy. (Signed) J.C.
[Enclosure.]The Viceroy to Lieutenant Cook.
The Memorial of the Count Viceroy of the Estate of Brazil, in answer to that of Lieutenant James Cook, commander of his Britannick Majesty's ship the Endeavour.
No solid foundation has your adimiracao [sic] because I follow the orders which generally is order'd to be practised, and is practis'd, in the ports of America, and if some of my antecessours have relaxed in some particular case I am not obliged to answer for it, but they may have had for this efecto [sic] particular orders which to me are wanting, and the example
The reference here is to the case of Commodore Byron, cited by Cook in his memorial of the previous day. The allusion to “the war” is not so clear, peace having been proclaimed more than eighteen months before the date on which Commodore Byron put into Rio de Janeiro in the Dolphin and Tamar.
on which you discourse, as it was so immediate to the war, the reliques whereof might make necessary this proceeding or the great necessity of the same ships.
This does not interfere in the present case, because for the things that your ship wants it is not necessary coming ashore continually, especially appearing afected [sic] the same necessity, because from whence comes fruit and greens so fresh as I am
assured cannot want so much water; and, lastly, it makes me dubious from the make of the ship and for other circumstances that she is the King's. That which I alledge of Bahia is not of any small company, but of the East India Company, whose great reputation is well known, and what considerable part it makes of the British monarchy.
When your officer came to ask leave to enter this port, it was asked him if you would be subject to the orders and customs of these ports, and to all those cautions necessary to prevent contraband, one of which is not to come any vessel on shore without a centinel to See what she carrys, and that she does not come ashore in any other part but over against this pallace, for there to be guarded, also her people.
This is the condition with which I permitted not only the entry of your ship, but also the furnishing of things that are necessary for you. If you find that you are not obliged it, and if you will not be subject to it, founded on the answer of your officer, you should not upon this argue much; and I only answer that in this case also I have no obligation to furnish you with anything, nor to let your vessels come ashore; and as to this last part, to prevent disputes and embarrasments, it will be more convenient that you deliver your letters to the officer of the round, in the guard-boat, for him to bring me them when he is relieved; and as to the treatys whereof you discourse, it is a thing that can only be examin'd and interpretated by our Courts, because to me only belongs the execution of the orders I have. Rio de Janiero, the 20th November, 1768.
(Signed) Conde de Azambuja.
Attested copy. (Signed) James Cook.
[Enclosure.]Lieutenant Cook to The Viceroy.
The Memorial of Lieutenant James Cook, commander of his Britannick Majesty's ship the Endeavour, in answer to one from his Excellency Count Rolim, Viceroy and CaptainGeneral of the States of Brazil.
Your Excellency doubting whether or not my ship realy belongs to his Britannick Majesty, is easily answer'd by my commission which has been shew'd to the officer who brought your Excellency's memorial, and is ready to be produced to your Excellence whenever you will let me bring it ashore in a proper manner.
(Signed) James Cook.
Dated on board his Britannick Majesty's ship the Endeavour, in the harbour of Rio de Janeiro, this 21st of November, 1768.
A true copy. (Signed) J.C.
[Enclosure.]Lieutenant Cook to The Viceroy.
Most Excellent Sir,—
Among the many indecencies and affronts offer'd to my boat and boat's crew on Saturday night last it gave me great concern to hear that my pendant, the ensign of his Britannick Majesty's commission, which is never struck but by force of declar'd enemies, has been taken down and is still detain'd on shore.
I am, &c.,
(Signed) James Cook.
Dated on board his Britannick Majesty's ship the Endeavour, in the harbour of Rio de Janeiro, the 21st of November, 1768.
A true copy. (Signed) J.C.
[Enclosure.]The Viceroy to Lieutenant Cook.
Your boat having a centinel within for to guard her, one thing and another rowled overboard with the storm that did it; the boat of the Round saved it, but at this time he did not See neither the mast nor the pendant, which I believe the storm put out of its place, and notwithstanding the diligence used they have not yet appeared.
Rio, 22 November, 1768.(Signed)Conde de Azambuja.Attested copy. (Signed)James Cook.
[Enclosure.]The Viceroy to Lieutenant Cook.
The Memorial of the Count Viceroy of the Estates of Brazil, in in answer to that of Lieutenant James Cook, commander of his Britannick Majesty's ship the Endeavour.
His Britannick Majesty's ships-of-war have come to this port of themselves manifested what they were. Yours of its self alone does not discover that she is his Britannick Majesty's, so that this truth merely depends on your assertion and on your commission. I believe you are a gentleman of honour, and incapable of deceiving me, but as this is the first time I have the fortune of seeing you, and though the documents be ever so sacred, as this is, they are not exempt from contradiction— this consideration is enough for my doubt, and by consequence for my cautions, which experience in part shews me they are not without reason, because, notwithstanding all care, I am
informed that always [already] your people have smugled some goods.
Rio, 22 of November, 1768.(Signed)Conde de Azambuja.Attested copy. (Signed)James Cook.
[Enclosure.]Lieutenant Cook to The Viceroy.
The Memorial of Lieutenant James Cook, commander of his Britannick Majesty's ship Endeavour, in answer to one from his Excellency Count Rolim, Viceroy and CaptainGeneral of the States of Brazil, dated the 22 Novem'r, 1768.
It is admitted that this ship hath not that warlike appearance that others of his Britannick Majesty's who has put in here might have manifested, she being fitted out for the receiving on board such persons as should be appointed to observe the transit of Venus over the sun's disk as the most convenient for that purpose of any in the Royal Navy. It seems strange, and is a new thing to me, that the build, make, or shape of a ship should prove whether she belongs to the King or subject, that, in foreign parts, when questioned can be only proved by the commission, which ever before now was thought sufficient.
Your Excellency's doubts and information of my people smugling are certainly ill-founded, and can amount to no more than perhaps one of the sailors selling his jacket or shirt from off his back for a bottle of rum. If even this or anything of greater moment can be proved upon any of my people, your Excellency would do well to take the person so offending into custody and acquaint me therewith, that I may punish him for acting contrary to my express orders and my word of honour, which I gave to the officers who first visited the ship, that no such thing should be done.
(Signed) Jam's Cook.
Dated on board his Britannick Majesty's ship the Endeavour, in the harbour of Rio de Janeiro, the 24th of November, 1768.
A true copy. (Signed) J.C.
[Enclosure.]The Viceroy to Lieutenant Cook.
The Memorial of the Count Viceroy of the Estate of the Brazil, in answer to one from Lieutenant James Cook, commander of his Britannick Majesty's ship the Endeavour.
Admitted that the ship of itself does not manifest being his Britannick Majesty's, and it being also true that a Patent may
be counterfeit, necessarily to me this matter remains unproved. I grant that commonly the Patent is what is attended to in such like cases, but this is well when this point is of little importance, and not when it brings great consequences.
The same reasons that you alledge of your voyage being directed meerly on some astronomical observations
The Viceroy appears to have had a very imperfect idea of the object of the expedition. Hawkesworth (vol. ii, p. 20) says:—” I told him that we were bound to the southward by the order of his Britannic Majesty to observe a transit of the planet Venus over the sun, an astronomical phenomenon of great importance to navigation. Of the transit of Venus, however, he could form no other conception than that it was the passing of the North Star through the South Pole.”
gives one the greatest distrust, because in this case it appears that according to reason and custom his Most Faithful Majesty should be beforehand advised of this voyage, to prevent your meeting the embarrassments you are experiencing.
As to your people, without your being acquainted, they may bring about them hidden things of value that are not bulky; but I am much obliged to you for your willingness to prevent motive of scandal.
Rio a 27 November, 1768.(Signed)Conde de Azambuja.Attested copy. (Signed)James Cook.
[Enclosure.]Lieutenant Cook to The Viceroy.
The Memorial of Lieutenant James Cook, commander of his Britannick Majesty's ship Endeavour, in answer to one from his Excellency Count Rolim, Viceroy and Captain General of the States of Brazil, dated the 27th of November, 1768.
If my commission should be counterfeited, it follows, of course, that every other officer's commissions and warrants are counterfeits, that all other papers in the ship tending to the same end are counterfeits, that the officers' and marines' uniforms are counterfeited, and, lastly, the letters of credit I brought with me from Madeira are counterfeited. Was this true, your Excellency must agree with me in declaring it to be the most strange, the most daring, and the most publick piece of forgery that was ever committed in the whole world.
The astronomical observations of the transit of the planet Venus, for which alone this voyage is undertaken, is not, nor ever was, intended to be made in any part of his Most Faithful Majesty's dominions, or that of any other European State. It
seems, therefore, contrary both to custom and reason that his Most Faithful Majesty should be beforehand advised thereof, when even the putting into this port was mearly accidental, and for no other reason than the necessity I was under of somewere recruiting my stock of provisions and water, not doubting but I should here meet with a friendly reception from the subjects of a King between whom and the King, my master, the longestablished amity and alliance were never before known to be violated.
(Signed) James Cook.
Dated on board his Britannick Majesty's ship the Endeavour, in the harbour of Rio de Janeiro, the 28th of November, 1768.
Lieutenant Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Endeavour, bark [at sea], 9 May, 1771.Sir,—
Please to acquaint my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty that the inclosed
The enclosure, which is not amongst the Records, was evidently a copy of the letter of the 23rd October, 1770, sent by Cook to Stephens, from Onrust, near Batavia.
is a copy of a letter I transmitted to you in October last (by the Kronenburg, Captain Fredrick Kelgar, a Dutch Indiaman), together with a journal of the proceedings of the whole voyage to that time, and the necessary charts and plans. That letter, but more particularly the journals, will inform you with the reasons that induced me to have the ship hove down at Batavia, which was certainly a very fortunate circumstance, as her bottom was considerably worse than we had any reason to expect. The damage we had sustain'd was of such a nature as to be soon repair'd very much to my satisfaction, and I had every other assistance from the Dutch I wanted that the place afforded. That uninterrupted state of health we had all along enjoyed was soon after our arrival at Batavia succeeded by a general sickness, which delayed us there so much that it was the 26th of December before we were able to leave that place. We were fortunate enough to loose but few men at Batavia, but on our passage from thence to the Cape of Good Hope we had twenty-four men died,
Hawkesworth gives the number who died on the passage to Cape of Good Hope as twenty-three, namely: “Mr. Sporing (a gentleman who was in Mr. Banks's retinue), Mr. Parkinson (his natural history painter), Mr. Green (the astronomer), the boatswain, the carpenter and his mate, Mr. Monkhouse (the midshipman who had fothered the ship after she had been stranded on the coast of New Holland), our old jolly sailmaker and his assistant, the ship's cook, the corporal of marines, two of the carpenter's crew, a midshipman, and nine seamen.”—Vol. iii, p. 780.
all or most
of them of the bloody flux. This fatal disorder reign'd in the ship with such obstinacy that medicines, however skillfully administered, had not the least effect. I arrived at the Cape on the 14th of March, and quitted it again on the 14th of April, and on the 1st of May arrived at St. Helena, where I joined his Maj's ship Portland, which I found ready to sail with the convoy. We put to sea on the 4th instant, soon after which I found, what from the heaviness of our sailing and the bad condition of our sails and rigging, so unable to keep up with the fleet that a seperation seem'd most probable. For this reason, and to guard against any accident that may happen to us, I have herewith put on board the Portland such of the officers' journals and charts I think will give most insight into the voyage, having not a copy of my own ready.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Lieutenant Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Endeavour, bark, Downs, 12 July, 1771.Sir,—
It is with pleasure I have to request that you will be pleased to acquaint my Lords Commiss'rs of the Admiralty with the arrival of his Majesty's bark under my command at this place, where I shall leave her to wait until further orders; and in obedience to their Lordships' orders immediately, and with this letter, repair to their office, in order to lay before them a full acco't of the proceedings of the whole voyage.
I make no doubt but what you have received my letters and journals forwarded from Batavia in Dutch ships in October last, and likewise my letter of the 10th of May, together with some of the officers' journ'ls which I put on board his Majesty's ship Portland, since which time nothing material hath hap'ned excepting the death of Lieutenant Hicks. The vacancy made on this occasion I filled up by appointing Mr. Charles Clerke, a young man well worthy of it, and as such must beg leave to recommend him to their Lordships. This, as well as all other appointments made in the bark vacant by the death of former officers agreeable to the enclosed list, will, I hope, meet their approbation.
You will herewith receive my journals containing an account of the proceedings of the whole voyage, together with all the charts, plans, and drawings I have made of the respective places we have touched at, which you will be pleased to lay before their Lordships. I flatter myself that the latter will be found sufficient to convey a tolerable knowledge of the places they are
intended to illustrate, and that the discoveries we have made, tho' not great, will apologize for the length of the voyage.
I have, &c.,Jam's Cook.
[Enclosure.]
List of Officers appointed to his Majesty's bark the Endeavour by Lieutenant James Cook, commander, in the room of others, deceas'd.
1770, Nov. 6th—William Perry, surgeon, in the room of Will'm B. Monkhouse, died 5 Nov., 1770, at Batavia.
1771, Feb. 5—Sam'l Evans, boatsw'n, in the room of Jno. Gathrey, [Guthrey] died 4 Feb'y, 1771, at sea.
1771, Feb. 13—George Nowell, carpent'r, in the room of Jno. Satterly, died 12 Feb'y, 1771, at sea.
1771, Ap'l 16—Rich'd Pickersgill, master, in the room of Robt. Molineaux, died 15 April, 1771, at sea.
1771, May 26—Jno. Gore, second lieutenant, in the room of Zach'h Hicks, died 25 May, 1771, at sea.
1771, May 26—Charles Clerke, third lieut't, in the room of Jno. Gore, appointed second lt., 26 May, 1771.
Jam's Cook.
Lieutenant Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Endeavour, bark, 12 July, 1771.Sir,—
My Lords Commiss'rs of the Admiralty were pleased in the year 1768, before I sail'd from England, to order the Endeavour, bark, to be supplied with one of Dr. Knight's azimuth compasses of an improved construction, and directed me upon my return to report to you how I found the same to answer; they, at the same time, were pleased to order on board a quantity of malt for scorbutic and other puthrid diseases, and directed that the surgeon was to keep a journal of its effects in such cases, which journal was to be transmitted to you at the end of the voyage.
Agreeable to their Lordships' commands, I am to acquaint you that I never once was able to make use of the compass in a troubled sea, and the reason was this, I could not make the brass box keep a horizontal plain; the motion of the ship always made it incline one way or another, from which it would not of itself return; I will not say that this was owing to any fault in its construction, but rather think it owing to my ignorance in not knowing properly how to adjust it; however, I think it by far too complex an instrument ever to be of general use at sea.
You will receive inclosed a journal of scorbutic cases, and the effects malt, made into fresh wort, had in the scurvy, drawn up by Mr. Perry, who was then Mr. Monkhouse's mate, and at his death succeeded him as surgeon of the bark, for Mr. Monkhouse, who did not die till we got to Batavia, left no journal properly drawn up and attested by himself. To Mr. Perry's remarks I have only to add, that in February, 1770, we found the malt so indifferent (notwithstanding it was properly dry and sweet) that the surgeon could make little or no use of it in the common way. Having at this time a good deal remaining, and in order that we might reap some benefit from it, I order'd as strong a wort to be made of it as possible, and in it boil'd ground wheat for the people's breakfasts; it made a very pleasant mess, which the people were very fond of; it took to make 22 or 24 gallons of wort from 4 to 7 gallons of malt, according as the casks turn'd out good or bad. We continued this method as long as we had any left, and had great reason to think that the people received much benefit from it.
I have, &c.,Jam's Cook.
[Enclosure.]
State and Condition of His Majesty's bark Endeavour, Lieu tenant James Cook, commander, in the Downs, the 12th July, 1771.
Complement85Prov'ns on b'd for the complem't at whole allowance—Borne82Bread(days)21Muster'd80Beer(days)0Checqued—Arrack(days)28Widows' Men2Beef(weeks)4With leave0Pork(weeks)4Without leave0Pease or rice(weeks)4Lent0Oatmeal or rice(weeks)4Sick—Flour(weeks)0On board19Suet(weeks)0On shore0Thist(weeks)0the complement—Butter sugar(weeks)4Officers and servants17Cheese Sugar(weeks)4Petty and able57Oil(weeks)0Ordinary0Vinegar(weeks)0Landsmen0Tons of water(weeks)10Marines8Stores wanting—Short of complement3Boatswain's, carpenter's.gunner'sSupern'y—Officers—Belonging to the ships0Absent0Belonging to no ship8Occasion0Whole number victual'd88Condition of the barkFoul.When last cleaned12 Nov., 1770.
Jam's Cook.
Lieutenant Cook to Secretary Stephens.
August, 1771.
The under-mentioned persons, late belonging to his Majesty's bark the Endeavour, are humbly recommended to my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty as worthy of promotion, viz.:—
Mr. Rich'd Pickersgill, master, deserving of a lieutenant's commission.
Mr. Rich'd Orton Clerk [Clerke], formerly purser of the Barbadoessloop and ship Arundel.Wishes to have some place in the custom-house or any other publick officeMr. Fran's Wilkinson, master's mate, was with Capt. Wallis in the Dolphin.A gunner's warrant would be acceptable.
Mr. Jno. Edgcombe,
John Edgcumbe. This recommendation was acted upon. Edgcumbe was advanced to the rank of lieutenant of marines, and in that capacity accompanied Cook on his second voyage. Cook named Edgcumbe Bay, on the Queensland coast, after him.
serg't of marines, a good soldier, very much of a gentleman, and well deserving of promotion in the marine service.
Rich'd Hutchins, boatswain's mate, well deserving of a boat swain's warrant; would be glad to go in the Endeavour, in case Mr. Evans, present boatswain, is removed.
Mr. Isaac Smith and Mr. Isaac Manly [Manley], both too young for the preferment, yet their behavour merits the best recommendation. The former was of great use to me in assisting to make surveys, plans, drawings, &c., in which he is very expert.
J. Cook.
Captain
At the conclusion of his first voyage round the world, Cook was promoted to be a Commander in the Royal Navy, by commission bearing date the 29th August, 1771.—Kippis's Life of Captain Cook, p. 182.
Cook to Secretary Stephens.
9 September, 1771.Sir,—
I found it necessary in the course of my late voyage to order the company of his Majesty's bark the Endeavour, under my command, to have wheat or oatmeal boil'd with vegetables for breakfast on beef days, as well as on banyan days, at all times whenever any of the latter were to be got, which is certified by the signing officers on board. Please to move my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to order the wheat or oatmeal so expended to be allow'd me on my account which is now passing in the offices.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to———
Evidently to Secretary Stephens.
9 September, 1771.Sir,—
Mr. Forward [Forwood], gunner of the Endeavour, has informed me that he hath applied to you for a removeal out of the said bark. Permit me to acquaint you that I believe his present ill state of hilth renders him very unfit for such a voyage. I also have to acquaint you that Mr. Wilkinson, who my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty were pleased to keep a gunner's warrant vacant for, is dead; if their Lordships would be pleased to appoint Mr. Forward to this vacancy it would give him sufficient time to recover his hilth.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
James Cook to John Walker.
John Walker was the senior member of a coal-shipping firm at Whitby. Cook was apprenticed to him when a lad, and kept up a lifelong friendship.—The Editor.
Mile End Road, 13th September, 1771.Sir,—
In my last I gave you some account of my voyage so far as the South Sea Islands; the remainder shall be the subject of this letter. What I mean by the South Sea Islands are those that lie within and about the tropics. They are in general small, and George's Island, which is only about 33 leagues in circuit, is one of the largest. The inhabitants of this island gave us an account and the names of 130 islands lying in these seas. They are of two kinds, very low or very mountainous. The low islands are such as are called Keys in the West Indies; that is, mostly shoals, ledges of rock, etc. The chief produce of the firm land is cocoanuts. These and fish, with which all these islands abound, are the chief support of the inhabitants. The mountainous parts of the high islands are in general dry and barren, and, as it were, burned up with the sun; but all these islands are skirted round with a border of low land which is fertile and pleasant to a very high degree, being well clothed with fruit trees, which nature hath planted here for the use of the happy natives. These people may be said to be exempted from the curse of our forefathers. Scarce can it be said that they earn their bread by the sweat of their brows. Benevolent nature hath not only provided them with necessaries, but many of the luxuries of life. Loaves of bread, or at least what serves as a most excellent substitute, grow here in a manner spontaneously upon trees, besides a great many other fruits and
roots, and the sea coasts are well stored with a vast variety of excellent fish. They have only three species of tame animals, hogs, dogs, and fowls, all of which they eat. Dogs we learnt from them also to eat, and there were but few amongst us who did not think that a South Sea dog ate as well as an English lamb. Was I to give a full description of these islands, the manner and customs of the inhabitants, etc., it would far exceed the bounds of a letter. I must therefore quit these Terrestrial Paradises, in order to follow the course of our voyage.
In the beginning of August, 1769, we quitted the tropical region, and steered to the southward, in the midst of the South Sea, to the height of 40°, without meeting with any land, or the least visible signs of any; we then steered to the westward, between the latitude of 30° and 40°, until we fell in with the coast of New Zealand, a very small part of the west coast of which was first discovered by Tasman in 1642, but he never once set foot upon it. This country was thought to be a part of the Southern Continent, but I have found it to be two large islands, both of which I circumnavigated in the space of six months. They extend from the latitude of 34° South to 47½° South, and are together nearly as big as Great Britain. It is a hilly, mountainous country, but rich and fertile; especially the northern part, which is well inhabited. The inhabitants of this country are a strong, well-made, active people, rather above the common size. They are of very dark brown colour, with long black hair. They are also a brave, warlike people, with sentiments void of treachery. Their arms are spears, clubs, halberts, battleaxes, darts, and stones. They live in strongholds of fortified towns, built in well chosen situations, and according to art. We had frequent skirmishes with them, always where we were not known, but firearms gave us the superiority. At first some of them were killed, but we at last learned how to manage them without taking away their lives; and when once peace was settled, they ever after were our very good friends. These people speak the same language as the people in the South Sea Islands we had before visited, though distant from them many hundred leagues, and of whom they have not the least knowledge or of any other people whatever. Their chief food is fish and fern roots; they have, too, in places, large plantations of potatoes, such as we have in the West Indies, and likewise yams, etc. Land animals they have none, either wild or tame, except dogs, which they breed for food. This country produceth a grass plant like flags, of the nature of hemp or flax, but superior in quality to either. Of this the natives make clothing, lines, nets, etc. The men very often go naked, with only a narrow belt about their waists; the women, on the contrary,
never appear naked. Their government, religion, notions of the creation of the world, mankind, &c., are much the same as those of the natives of the South Sea Islands.
We left this country on the 1st of April, 1770, and steered for New Holland, all the east part of which remained undiscovered, my design being to fall in with the southern part called Van Diemen's Land; but the winds forced me to the northward of it about 40 leagues, so that we fell in with the land in latitude 38° South. I explored the coast of this country, which I called New South Wales, to the northern extremity; in the doing of which we were many times in great danger of losing the ship. Once we lay 23 hours against a ledge of rocks, were obliged to throw our guns and many of our stores overboard, received very much damage to her bottom, but by a fortunate circumstance got her into port and repaired her. Great part of this coast is covered with islands and shoals, which made the exploring it exceeding dangerous, even to a very great degree. We sailed upon this coast near 400 leagues by the lead, with sometimes one, sometimes two and three boats ahead to direct us, and yet with all this precaution we were very often obliged to anchor with all sails standing to prevent running ashore. We at last surmounted all difficulties, and got into the Indian Sea by a passage entirely new.
The East Coast of New Holland, or what I call New South Wales, extends from 38° to 10½°. If New Holland can be called an Island it is by far the greatest in the known world. The interior part of this immense track of land is not at all known; what borders on the sea coast is a mixture of fertile and barren land: the soil, in general, is of a loose sandy nature. The natives of this country are not numerous; they are of a very dark brown or chocolate colour, with lank black hair; they are under the common size, and seem to be of a timorous, inoffensive race of men. They spoke a very different language from any we had met with. Men, women, and children go wholly naked. It is said of our first parents that, after they had eaten the forbidden fruit, they saw themselves naked and were ashamed; these people are naked and are not ashamed. They live chiefly on fish, and wild fowl, and such other articles as the land naturally produceth; for they do not cultivate one foot of it. These people may truly be said to be in the pure state of nature, and may appear to some to be the most wretched upon earth; but in reality they are far more happy than we Europeans, being wholly unacquainted, not only with the superfluities, but with many of the necessary conveniences so much sought after in Europe; they are happy in not knowing the use of them. They live in a tranquility which is not disturbed by the inequality of
condition; the earth, and sea, of their own accord, furnish them with all things necessary for life; they covet not magnificent houses, household stuff, &c.; they sleep as sound in a small hovel, or even in the open air, as the King in his palace on a bed of down.
After quitting New Holland we steered for the Coast of New Guinea, where we landed but once; then made the best of our way to Batavia and in our way touched at an island, partly under the Dutch East India Company. Here we got plenty of refreshments, which came very acceptable.
We arrived at Batavia in October, all in good health and high spirits. On our arrival at a European settlement we thought all our hardships at an end, but Providence thought proper to order it otherwise. The repairs the ship wanted caused a delay of near 10 weeks, in which time we contracted sickness, that here, and on our passage to the Cape of Good Hope, carried off about 30 of my people. The remainder of the voyage was attended with no material circumstances.
If any interesting circumstance should occur to me that I have omitted I will hereafter acquaint you with it. I, however, expect that my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty will very soon publish the whole voyage, charts, etc.
Another voyage is thought of with two ships, which if it takes place I believe the command will be conferred upon me. If there is anything that I can inform you of in respect to my late voyage I shall take a pleasure in it, and believe me to be,
Your obliged servt.,James Cook.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
20 September, 1771.Sir,—
When I was at Rio de Janeiro, in November, 1768, I was under a necessity of employing a person there to purchase the necessary provisions and refreshments we were in want of, as I was not permitted to do it myself, or any other person in the ship for me. (The person I employed charged for his trouble 5 p. cent. comm'ns, and likewise 5 p. cent. discount on bills of exchange for money taken up to pay for said provisions, &c.) As the former cannot be allowed without an Admiralty order, and the latter not being properly ascertained in the vouchers, please to move my Lords Commiss'rs of the Admiralty to order the same to be allowed me on passing my accounts.
Also at Madeira I purchased a quantity of oinions, which was distributed to the ship's company, and which I understood had
been practised by ships on the like voyages; and likewise at Batavia, the sickly state of the ship's company made it necessary to have an extraordinary quantity of vegetables every day, which articles I have charged in my accounts, and pray their Lordships' order that it may be allowed me.
In obedience to your letter of the 17th inst., I have to acquaint you that I have no objection to their Lordships granting Lieut. Pickersgill leave to go into the country for the recovery of his health.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Deptford, 2 December, 1771.
Inclosed is a list
The enclosure is missing. In the Commission and Warrant Book at the War Office are the following entries:—“Commissions, dated 28th Nov'r, 1771, for—Mr. James Cook, commander, Drake, sloop; Lieut. Robt. Pallisser Cooper, (1), Lieut. Charles Clerke, (2), Drake, sloop; Mr. Tobias Furneaux, commander, Raleigh, sloop; Lieut. Joseph Shank, 1st, Raleigh, sloop. Warrant, dated 12th December, 1771, for James Gray, boatswain of the Creuizer, to be in the Drake, sloop; Robert Anderson, of good testimony, who has passed an examination, to be gunner of the Drake, sloop; Thomas Hardman, of good testimony, to be boatswain of the Creuizer, sloop, former removed to the Drake. Warrant, dated 13th Decem'r, 1771, for—Andrew Gloag, of good testimony, who has passed an examination, to be gunner of the Raleigh, sloop. Commission, dated 25th Decem'r, 1771, for—Mr. James Cook, commander, Resolution, sloop; Lieut. Robert Pallisser Cooper (1), Lieut. Charles Clerke (2), Lieut. Richard Pickersgill (3), Resolution, sloop; Mr. Tobias Furneaux, commander, Adventure, sloop; Lieut. Joseph Shank, 1st, Adventure, sloop. Warrant, dated 25th Decem'r, 1771, for—James Gray, boatswain of the Drake, sloop, to be in the Resolution, sloop; Robert Anderson, gunner of the Drake, sloop, to be in the Resolution, sloop; James Wallis, carpenter of the Drake, sloop, to be in the Resolution, sloop; Edward Johns, boatswain of the Raleigh, sloop, to be in the Adventure, sloop; Andrew Gloag, gunner of the Raleigh, sloop, to be in the Adventure, sloop; James Adcock, carpenter of the Raleigh, sloop, to be in the Adventure, sloop.” It is necessary to add that “Drake” and “Raleigh” were the original names of the Resolution and Adventure respectively.
of the petty officers and foremastmen belonging to his Majesty's sloop Scorpion, late under my command, who enter'd with an intent to go the voyage with me. Please to move my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to order them to be discharged into his Majesty's sloop Drake.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
3 December, 1771.Sir,—
During the whole time I have com'and'd his Majesty's sloop Scorpion she hath been in extra petty warrant victualling, no sea provisions or sea stores of any kind have been expended, and but little received on board, so that none of the officers had sign'd their indents, from whence it appears that no charge of stores, sea provisions, &c., comes upon me.
It appears from this that Cook did not See any active service after his return in the Endeavour until he started on his second voyage—a period of twelve months.
I therefore humbly pray you will move my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to order me to be paid for said sloop without passing an accompt, which I understand is usual on the like occasions.
Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Admiralty Office, 14 Dec., 1771.Sir,—
Having some business to transact down in Yorkshire, as well as to See my aged father,
The only description of Cook's father which has any claim to authenticity is that given by George Colman, the younger, in an account of a tour in the year 1775 into the northern parts of England. The party consisted of the two Colmans—father and son—Captain Phipps (afterwards Lord Mulgrave), Mr. (afterwards Sir Joseph) Banks, and Omai, a native of Ulietea. These were the “visitors at the Hall,” named in the subjoined extract. They were the guests of Sir Charles Turner, of Kirkleatham Hall, near Gisborough. Colman writes:—“In the adjacent village of Kirkleatham there was, at this time, an individual residing in a neat, comfortable cottage, who excited much interest in the visitors at the Hall. His looks were venerable from his great age, and his deportment was above that usually found among the lowly inhabitants of a hamlet. How he had acquired this air of superiority over his neighbours it is difficult to say, for his origin must have been humble. His eightieth summer had nearly passed away, and only two or three years previously he had learned to read, so that he might gratify a parent's love and pride by perusing his son's first voyage round the world! He was the father of Captain Cook.” Memoirs of the Colman Family, R. B. Peake, vol. i, p 277. For an account of Cook's ancestors see The Topographer and Genealogist, vol. ii, pp. 551–552.
please to move my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to grant me three weeks' leave of absence for that purpose.
I am &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
No date, but evidently about the end of December, 1771.
Sir,—
Mr. James Grey,
James Grey [or Gray] was an A.B. in the Endeavour until the 5th February, 1771, when he succeeded Samuel Evans as quartermaster. He accompanied Cook as boatswain of the Resolution in 1772–5.
who was with me in the Endeavour, bark, and at present boatswain of the Cruizer, sloop, has signified his desire to go out again with me. I pray you will be pleased to move my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to appoint him boatswain of his Majesty's sloop Drake. Permit me, sir, to recommend to their Lordships Thos. Hardman, who has sail'd with me sence the beginning of the year 1767, in the stations of boatswain mate and sailmaker. He is well quallified to be boatswain of any of his Majesty's sloops in ordinary or Home service. His constitution at present is not sufficient to stand such a voyage as I am going, otherwise I should have applied for him to have been appointed my boatswain.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
P.S.—I shall recommend Robt. Anderson,
Robert Anderson was an A.B. on the Endeavour until the 25th September, 1768, and from that date quartermaster. He accompanied Cook as gunner of the Resolution in 1772–5, and again in the same capacity and on the same vessel in 1776–80.
who was also with me in the Endeavour, to be appointed gunner of the Drake, provide he quallifies himself for that station.
Captain Cook to The Earl of Sandwich
John, fourth Earl of Sandwich, popularly known by his contemporaries as “Jemmy Twitcher”; referred to in the House of Commons by Thomas Townshend as the “most profligate sad dog in the kingdom.” First Lord of Admiralty, December, 1748; re-appointed to that office in April, 1763, and again in January, 1771; Secretary of State, September, 1763, and again in December, 1770. He incurred much odium by his treatment of Wilkes.—(See Lord Chesterfield's Letters, vol. ii, p. 479; Walpole's Reign of George III, vol. i, p. 311, et seq.; and vol. iv, p. 317, A Voyage round the Mediterranean, London, 1779.) Kippis, in his Life of Cook, p. xii, refers to the Earl of Sandwich as “the great patron of our navigator, and the principal mover in his mighty undertakings.”
14 January, 1772.My Lord,—
The bearer, Richd. Hutchins, was boatswain mate of the Endeavour, bark, during the whole of her late voyage,
This is an error. Hutchins was an A.B. until September, 1769, when he was appointed boatswain's mate. On the death of the boatswain, John Guthrey, 4th February, 1771, he (Hutchins) was promoted to the vacancy. He does not appear to have accompanied Cook on either of his subsequent voyages.
and upon
her return home your Lordship was pleased to appoint him boatswain of the said bark on the removal of the then boatswain. He soon after was taken sick and put ashore at Portsmouth; the bark sailing before he was able to go on board again, another was appointed in his room, which has reduced him to the same situation as he was before he experienced your Lordship's favour. As your Lordship has been pleased to shew so much attention to such of my people as have been recommended to you, I am imboldened to solicit your Lordship's further favour in behalf of this man, which will be most gratefully acknowledged by
Yours, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Deptford, 16 January, 1772.Sir,—
I beg leave to acknowledge the receipt of their Lordships' order of the 13th inst., directing me not to bear any servants to the officers on the books of the sloop under my command, but to enter able seamen in their room.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
27 January, 1772.Sir,—
The complement of men to his Majesty's sloop Resolution being compleat, and more are coming daily to enter, some of whom may be better than those already born, and as it will be necessary to have choise pick'd men, which I am of opinion may easy be got was I empower'd to discharge such men as upon trial are found any ways defective, and to enter others in their room. If this method is approved of, please to move my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to give orders accordingly; but if their Lordships are pleased to detain in the service all the men I may or can enter, an order to bear them on the supernumerary list for wages and victuals untill they are turn'd over to some other of his Majesty's ships will answer every purpose.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to The Astronomer Royal.
See also a letter on the same subject, to Sir John Pringle, post, p. 129.
(Royal Society Papers.)
An account of the flowing of the tides in the South Sea, as
observed on board his Majesty's bark Endeavour, by Lieu-
tenant J. Cook, commander, in a letter to Nevil Maskelyne,
Astronomer Royal and F.R.S.Mile End, 5 February, 1772.Reverend Sir,—
I have sent you the few observations I made on the tides in the South Sea, to which I had only to add that from many circumstances and observations I am fully convinced that the flood comes from the southward, or rather from the S.E.
I am, &c.,J. Cook.
[Enclosure.]
Observations off the Australian coast:—
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
15 February, 1772.Sir,—
Edward Terrel,
Terrel served on the Endeavour as carpenter's servant.
seaman, who sail'd with me in the Endeavour, bark, and now belongs to his Majesty's ship Barfleur, hath apply'd by letter to sail with me again, and his friends have likewise made application in his behalf, and as he is a young man on whose conduct I can rely, I pray you will be pleased to move my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to order him to be discharged from the ship he now belongs into his Majesty's sloop Resolution.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
25 February, 1772.Sir,—
Long musquettoons, swive'd will be of infinite use on many occasions to his Majesty's sloops the Resolution and Ad-
ventureAdventure in the course of their present intended voyage. I beg you will be pleased to move my Lords Comissr's of the Admiralty to order the former to be supply'd with twelve and the latter with eight, and the Resolution to be supply'd the armourer's tools mentioned in the inclosed list, in addition to those already order'd.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
27 February, 1772.Sir,—
Men that are masters of the two professions of shipwright and caulker will be very much wanting to his Majesty's sloops the Resolution and Adventure, and as I find these men are not to be got without more than common incouragement, I beg you will be pleased to move my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to order two additional carpenters' mates to the Resolution and one to the Adventure. The pay of this station will induce these men to enter.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
16 March, 1772.Sir,—
When the Endeavour was fited out to go on her late voyage she was supply'd from the Sick and Hurt Office with a quantity of rob of oranges and lemons, which we found of great use in preventing the scurvy for [from] laying hold of her crew. I therefore pray you will be pleased to move my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to order his Majesty's sloops the Resolution and Adventure to be supply'd with a quantity in proportion to what the Endeavour had.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
3 April, 1772.Sir,—
In answer to your letter of the 31st of last month, I pray you will be pleased to acquaint my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty that I am willing to receive Mr. James Maxwell as midshipman on board his Majesty's sloop Resolution.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Furneaux
Furneaux, Tobias (1735–1781). Employed during the Seven Years' War (1757–1763) on the French and African coasts and the West Indian stations, principally in the Melampe, Edinburgh, and Ferret. He accompanied Captain Wallis as second lieutenant of the Dolphin during her voyage round the world in 1766–68; and was appointed a commander in 1771. When Cook was preparing for his second voyage, Furneaux was selected to command the Adventure, the companion ship to Cook's vessel the Resolution. See Cook's Voyage towards the South Pole in the years 1772–75, particularly vol. i, chap. vii, and vol. ii, chap. viii. Furneaux commanded H.M.S. Syren under Sir P. Parker in the attack on New Orleans, 28 June, 1777. Furneaux Islands discovered by him, were named in his honour by Captain Cook. According to the Dictionary of National Biography, portraits of him, by Northcote, are still preserved in the family.
to Secretary Stephens.
Adventure, Galleons, 3 April, 1772.Sir,—
Please to acquaint their Lordships that having compleated his Majesty's sloop under my command at this port this day fell down to Galleons to take in her guns and gunners' stores, agreeable to their order of the 30th November last.
I am, &c.,Tob's Furneaux.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
13 April, 1772.Sir,—
The Commissioners of the Victualing were pleased to inform me some time ago that his Majesty's sloops Resolution and Adventure were to call at Spithead to compleat their proportion of spirits and wine. I beg leave to acquaint you that they are already so full of provisions, stores, &c., that it will be next to impossible for them to take in any more spirit, and that they have sufficient of this article to last untill opportunity offers to take in more, when they will have room to stow it away; and as they can be supply'd with port wine at Plymouth, I am numbly of opinion that the touching at Spithead will be attended with loss of time, and that it will be more adviseable, and attended with less delay, for them to call at Plymouth to take in their wine, party of marines, and to be paid two months' pay advance.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Admiralty Office, 16 April, 1772.Sir,—
Agreeable to their Lordships' order, I have purchased all the articles intended to be sent out in the Resolution and Adventure (and which are now on board), amounting to three hundred
and nine pounds one shilling and fourpence, as will appear by the inclosed papers, which I pray you will be pleased to lay before their Lordships, and move them to order me to be repaid.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
[Enclosure.]
Accompt of sundrys purchased by order of the Right Hon'ble the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, and put on board the Resolution and Adventure:—
To Shott of Dan'l Gow, as per bill£1050Caps and hatts of Hen. Dekar, as pr. bill600Ribbons of Jef. Vaux, as per bill4179Sundrys of Jno. Baker, as per bill155196Beads of Jno. Howard, as per bill2650Kettles and wire of Geo. Pougru, as per bill22157Sundrys of Wm. Wilson31100Sundrys of Eliz. Bath, as per bill4360Steel of Jno. Bendoe, as per bill360Grindstones, &c. of Coulson & Co., as per bill350Waterman for puting the above on board1116£30914
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
22 April, 1772.Sir,—
Please to acquaint my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty with the arrival of his Majesty's sloop Resolution, under my command, at Long Reach, in order to take in her guns and other ordnance stores, which could not be done in Gallions Reach, there not being there a sufficient depth of water for the sloop to lay with safety.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
27 April, 1772.Sir,—
The party of marines which, I understand, are ordered immediately on board his Majesty's sloop Resolution,
The party of marines on board the Resolution consisted of one lieutenant (John Edgcumbe, who had accompanied Cook in the Endeavour as Sergeant of Marines—ante, p. 77), one sergeant, two corporals, one drummer, and fifteen privates. On the Adventure were eight privates, one drummer, one corporal, and one sergeant, under Lieutenant James Scott.
under my command, will increase the number of her crew above the established complement, which is already nearly compleate; to
discharge seamen in the river may be the means, not only of the sloop leaving England short of complement, but not being man'd with such able seamen as might be wished; I therefore pray you will be pleased to move my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to order the overplus men to be born on the supernumerary list untill there is an opportunity to discharge them into some of his Majesty's ships at one of the outports, after first compleating the two sloops' complements therefrom.
I Am, &C.,Jam'S Cook.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
30 April, 1772.Sir,—
Before I sail'd from England, in the year 1768, on my late voyage, my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty were pleased to allow me a set of mathematical instruments, in order to make surveys, observations, &c.; the same instruments being much in use in the course of that voyage received considerable damage, which I have caused to be repaired and put on board the Resolution; I have likewise provided myself with a proper quantity of stationary, which, with the instruments, amounts to thirty-nine pounds seven shillings and fourpence, as will appear by the inclosed vouchers, which, I pray, you will be pleased to lay before their Lordships, and move them to order me to be repaid.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Furneaux to Secretary Stephens.
Adventure, Longreach, 1 May, 1772.Sir,—
I have received your letter of the 24th ult'o, with their Lordships' order of the 23′d, concerning the distillation of seawater, with a copy of Doctor Priestly's
Dr. Joseph Priestly, the celebrated physicist, a most voluminous writer. See his Memoirs by his son, Lond., 1806; and Gentleman's Magazine, lxxiv.
proposals for the improvement of the same; a copy of a letter from the College of Physicians; and an order directing me to cause the master and lieutenants of his Majesty's sloop under my command to provide themselves with the Nautical Almanac, which orders and directions I shall punctually comply with.
I am, &c.,Tob's Furneaux.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Resolution, Long Reach, 6 April [should be May], 72.
Sir,—
I beg leave to acknowlidge the receipt of their Lordships' order of the 4th inst., directing me to order the lieutenant (in my absence) to proceed with his Majesty's sloop Resolution, under my command, to the Downs, which I have accordingly done.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Lieutenant Clerke to Mr. Banks
The original of this letter, and also those of the letters from Clerke to Banks given on pp. 95, 98, 135, 136, and 137, post, were amongst the collection of papers purchased by the Government of New South Wales from Lord Brabourne.
(Banks Papers).
Resolution, in Sea Reach, 13 May, 1772.Sir,—
The interest you must necessarily have in matters I now trouble you with flatter myself will render any kind of apology unnecessary, so will proceed without further preface. We weigh'd anchor at Gravesend this morning, about 10 o'clock, with a fine breeze from the eastward; the wind from that quarter laid us under the necessity of working down the reaches, which work, I'm sorry to tell you, we found the Resolution very unequal to; for whilst several light colliers were working down with their whole topsails, staysails, &c.—one small brig, in particular, with her topgallant sails—these light vessels, so upright that a marble would hardly rowl from windward to leeward, the Resolution, I give you my honour, under her rieft topsails, jibb, and maintopmast staysail, heel'd within three streaks of her gunports. She is so very bad that the pilot declares he will not run the risk of his character so far as to take charge of her farther than the Nore without a fair wind; that he cannot, with safety to himself, attempt working her to the Downs. Hope you know me too well to impute my giving this intelligence to any ridiculous apprehensions. for myself. By God, I'll go to sea in a grog-tub, if required, or in the Resolution, as soon as you please; but must say I think her by far the most unsafe ship I ever saw or heard of. However, if you think proper to embark to the South Pole in a ship which a pilot (who I think by no means a timorous man) will not undertake to carry down the river, all I can say is that you shall be most chearfully attended, so long as we can keep her above water.
Yours, &c.,Chas. Clerke.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
19 May, 1772.Sir,—
In consequence of Lieut. Cooper
Lieutenant Robert Palliser Cooper was the first lieutenant of the Resolution.
representing to me that the Resolution, sloop, under my command, was found upon tryal to be so crank that she would not bear proper sail to be set upon her, I gave it as my opinion that it was owing to the additional works that have been built upon her in order to make large accommodation for the several gentlemen passengers intended to embark in her, and proposed that she might be cut down to her original state, which proposal I laid before you in my letter of the 14th inst.,
This very important letter is, unfortunately, missing.
and likewise attended the Navy Board, who were pleased to inform me of the alteration which they proposed to make, which alteration, I am of opinion, will render her as fit to perform the voyage as any ship whatever. I understand that it has been suggested that I never thought her or these kind of vessels proper for the service she is going upon. I beg you will acquaint their Lordships that I do now and ever did think her the most proper ship for this service I ever saw, and that from the knowledge and experience I have had of these sort of vessels I shall always be of opinion that only such are proper to be sent on discoveries to very distant parts.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Resolution, Sheerness,21 May, 1772.Sir,—
Please to acquaint their Lordships with my repairing to his Majesty's sloop Resolution, under my command, yesterday, that the intended alteration go on with great alertness, and that I shall not only forward them but take every other step to put the ship in a condition to put to sea with all possible expedition. I beg leave also to acquaint you that since the ship came alongside the jetty a stranger came into the yard who knew her in the merchant service; he, with great confidence and some warmth, asserted that at that time she not only was a stiff ship, but had as many other good quallities as any ship ever built in Whitby. This tends to refute some false suggestions that have been thrown out against her. I can only assure you that there does not remain the least doubt but what she will gain every wished for purpose.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Furneaux to Secretary Stephens.
Adventure, sloop, at Plymouth, 22 May, 1772.Sir,—
I have received your letter of the 16th past, and in conformity to their Lordships' directions inclose herein the observations of the qualities on his Majesty's sloop under my command on her passage from the river.
The weather being in general calm, we had few opportunitys of making observations on her sailing, but this the opinion of my officers and self that she is a vessel fit for the intended voyage, and will answer every purpose therein.
I am, &c.,Tob's Furneaux.
[Enclosure.]bservations of the Qualities of his Majesty's sloop the
Adventure.
Her best sailing draught of water when victualled and stored for foreign service, being given this 22nd day of May, 1772Afore, 15 feet.
Abaft, 14 feet 8 inches.
Her lowest gun-deck port will then be above the surface of the water.
Quere the 1st.— How she behaves close hauld, and how many knots she runs?In a top-gallant gale.
In a topsail gale.
Under her
And query.—
Whether she will stay under her course.Reeft
top-sail.
Courses.How she steers and how she wears and staysNo ship can steer and wear better.
Had no trial.
Had no trial.
Had no trial.
2nd.—In each circumstance above mentioned (in sailing with other ships), in what proportion she gathers to windward, and in what proportion she forereaches, and in general her proportion of leeway?Have been in a tides way all the way from the river.3rd.—How she behaves in sailing through all the variations of the wind, from its being a point or two abaft the beam to its veering forward upon the bow-line, in every strength of gale, especially in a stiff gale and a head sea; and how many knots she runs in each circumstance, and how she carries her helm?What little trial we have had she seems to fall and rise very easy; she carries a weather helm.4th.—The most knots she runs before the wind, and how she rolls in the trough of the sea?Have had light breezes and with a strong tide, seven knots.5th.—How she behaves in lying too or a-try, under a mainsail and also under a mizen?No trial.6th.—What for a roader she is, and how she careens?A very good roader.7th.—If upon tryal the best sailing draught of water given as above should not prove to be so, what is the best sailing abaft draught of water?Afore
Abaft, 6 inches.From intelligence I had from the master of her in the merchant service.8th.—What is her draught of water when victualled to twenty-two months and stored for foreign service?Afore, 16 ft.
Abaft, 14 feet 8 inches.9th.—What height is her gunwale then above the surface of the water?Abaft, 7 feet 10 inches.10th.—The trim of the ship?(At present, four inches by the head.
Tob's Furneaux.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Resolution, at Sheerness, 24 May, 1772.Sir,—
Since I have been down here I have been inform'd that a report prevails in town that the crew of his Majesty's sloop Resolution, under my command, are so terrified with her former cranckness that they are afraid to stay in her. I pray you will be pleased to acquaint their Lordships that I do not find this report has any foundation in truth, and that altho' the sloop has been alongside the jetty head since she put in here, where the people can go on shore at pleasure, not one man has left her.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Furneaux to Secretary Stephens.
Adventure, sloop, at Plymouth, 25 May, 1772.Sir,—
I have received your letter of the 13th past, with the inclosures therein mentioned.
I beg you will be pleased to acquaint their Lordships that when the marines came on board I had one man more than the complement, and was obliged to put him upon the supernumerary list. And as I have no orders for bearing supernumeraries, begs their Lordships will be pleased to grant me one to bear that man till he is disposed of by the commander of his Majesty's ships at this port.
I am, &c.,Tob's Furneaux.
Lieutenant Clerke to Mr. Banks
This letter is the first intimation the Records contain of Banks's intention to abandon the expedition. The true facts of the case will probably never be known. The earliest published reference to the matter was contained in the preface of a small octavo volume of 328 pp., published, from information supplied by Marra, gunner's mate (See letter from Cook to Stephens, post, p. 119), by Newbury, of St. Paul's Churchyard, in 1775, i.e., two years before the official 4to. publication. From the preface the following extract is taken:—“How it came to pass that the four above-named gentlemen (Banks, Solander, Lind, and Zoffani), recommended by His Majesty as associates, were excluded, can only be conjectured from what is known. It put, indeed, a check to the rising expectations of the literati when the news was circulated that at the very moment when these learned and ingenious gentlemen were ready to embark, nay, when they had even taken leave of his Majesty for that purpose, and after the ship, provisioned for their reception, had sailed from the dock in which she was fitted up, a protest arrived at the Admiralty office, signed by the pilot, lieutenant, and master, by which she was declared utterly unfit for the voyage, equally incapable of bearing a high sea and answering her helm, and that the pilot could not even engage for her reaching Plymouth without over-setting. The mysterious tendency of this protest was rendered still more obscure by the assurance which his Majesty had received but a few days before that the ship was compleatly equipped, and perfectly adapted to the voyage for which she had been purchased. His Majesty, after this declaration, on reading the protest before mentioned, could not help expressing his astonishment, when to avert his indignation he was told that Mr. Banks was too unreasonable in his requisitions; and that to accommodate that gentleman and his attendants it had been found necessary to raise the upper works of the ship to such a height as to render her useless for any other purpose. Mr. Banks, on being made acquainted with this unfavourable report made to his Majesty, ordered his stores to be brought on shore, as did Dr. Solander, Dr. Lind, Mr. Zoffani, and five draftsmen that had been engaged by Mr. Banks for the purpose of delineating the curiosities of every kind that might be discovered in the course of the voyage—a voyage patronised by Parliament as well as by Royal Bounty, the Commons having voted £4,000 to Dr. Lind for his assistance in it; and to make it still more memorable, medals were ordered to be struck for it in brass, and Mr. Banks was at the expense of a few in gold and silver.” The able writer of the notice under the heading of Sir Joseph Banks in the Nouvelle Biographie Universelle, referring to the allegation that Banks did not go on the second voyage, because room could not be found by Captain Cook for his party, says:—“Was it jealousy or regret at having seen his glory outshone by men who had so effectively partaken of his labours? Was it the remembrance of some embarrassment which they had occasioned him during his first voyage?” Lord Brougham, in his Lives of Men of Letters and Science (vol. ii, p. 361), lays the whole blame at the door of Sir Hugh Palliser.
(Banks Papers).
Resolution, at Sheerness, 31 May, 1772.Sir,—
I yesterday received your favour, and indeed am sorry I'm not to have the honour of attending you the other bout. Am exceedingly obliged to you, my good sir, for your kind concern of my account, but have stood too far on this tack to think of putting about with any kind of credit, so must have recourse to my old maxim—“If I can't do as well as I would,
I'll do as well as I can,” and fear not but I shall weather all. Thank you very heartily for the trouble you have taken in calling on Lord Rocheford
The Earl of Rochford, Secretary of State in the Ministry of the day— that of Lord North.
your civilities to me have been such that go where I will, do me the justice to believe, sir, I shall ever carry a most grateful sense of them, and joyfully embrace any opportunity to convince you how ready I should be to express it. Captain Cook never explained his scheme of stowage to any of us; we were all very desirous of knowing, for it must have been upon a new plan intirely; know he kept whatever scheme he had quite a secret, for Cooper asked my opinion, and repeatedly declared he could form no idea how it was possible to bring it about.
Mr. Pelliser
Captain (afterwards Sir Hugh) Palliser.
was here yesterday; spent some time in looking about and examining her. They're going to stow this [the] major part of the cables in the hold to make room for the people even now. I asked Gilbert
Joseph Gilbert, master of the Resolution.
if such was the present case, what the devil should we have done if we had all gone. “Oh, by God, that was impossible,” was his answer. Won't say farewell now, for if you'll give me leave will tell you from Plymouth how we're likely to start, and how matters are dispos'd of. Wish you'd send a venture by me of one of your small cags of large nails, for by what I shall hear they are much better than any of my freight. Give me leave to trouble you with my best respects to Doctor Solander.
Yours, &c.,Chas. Clerke.
Captain Cook to Mr. Banks
The original, a holograph, is in the possession of the Government.
(Banks Papers).
Sheerness, 2 June, 1772.Sir,—
I received your letter
The letter referred to, has not been preserved.
by one of your people acquainting me that you had order'd everything belonging to you to be removed out of the ship, and desireing my assistance therein. I hope, sir, you will find this done to your satisfaction, and with that care the present hurry and confused state of the ship required. Some few articles which were for the mess I have kept, for which, together with the money I have remaining in my hands, I shall account with you for when I come to town. Taught by experience not to trust to the knowlidge of servants the whole of every necessary article wanting in such a voyage, I had, indipendent of what I purchased for the mess, layd in a
stock of most articles, which will be now quite sufficient for me, and is the reason why I have not kept more of yours.
The cook and two French horn men are at liberty to go whenever they please. Several of the casks your things are in belong to the King, are charged to me, and for which I must be accountable. I shall be much obliged to you to send them to the Victualing Office when they are emptied, but desire that you will by no means put yourself to any ilconveniency on this head, as I shall not be call'd upon to account for them untill my return.
If it should not be convenient to send down for what may be still remaining in the ship, of yours, they shall be sent you by, sir,
Yours, &c.,Jam's Cook.
I pray my best respects to the Dr., and since I am not to have your company in the Resolution, I most sincerely wish you success in all your exploring undertakens.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Sheerness, 3 May [should be June], 1772.Sir,—
Several applycations hath been made to me by John Dodsworth, of his Majesty's ship Barfleur, to go out in the Resolution, sloop, under my command, previous to my receiving the inclosed. As he is known to some of my officers to be a good man, and the great desire he seems to have to go the voyage, induceth me to pray that you will move my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to grant his request.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
[Enclosure.]John Dodsworth to Captain Cook.
His Majestie's ship Barfleur, Spithead,30 May, 1772.Honoured S'r,—
I have made bold to trouble your honour once more, hoping your honour will be so good as to make interest for to get me along with I wrote to Edward Turrell [Terrel] before, but not having an answer, I had given all expectation over till hearing from him this preasent instant, and he desires me to apply to your honour again, which news gives me a great satisfaction, and hopes to gain my point, so far as to have the pleasure to sail with your honnour; but not hearing for so long time had given all hopes over, and I endeavour'd very hard
to gett out in the Prudent to the East Indies, but could not have that liberty, and had been since made a quartermaster; but if they was to make me ten times better it would not be so agreeable to me as to proceed with your honnour, which if your honnour will be so good as for to gett that grant from the Board, for without that I am very certain that I shall not have the liberty to leave this ship on any consideration. So, s'r, your honnour's complience in this will always oblidge me to think myself in duty bound to pray for your honnour's health and wellfair, and all belonging theirto. But pray, s'r, if this is not granted, be so good as not mention it farther, or other ways possible I may gain displeasure.
So, s'r, subscribe myself, s'r, your most humble servant to command.
John Dodsworth
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Sheerness, 7 June, 1772.Sir,—
All the alterations that have been made in his Majesty's sloop Resolution, under my command, are now in a fair way of being finished in a few days, painting excepted. I pray you will be pleased to move my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to grant me a week's leave of absence from the sloop, in order to come to town to settle some private affairs of my own before I take my final departure.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Lieutenant Clerke to Mr. Banks (Banks Papers).
Resolution, at Sheerness,June ye 7th, 1772.Sir,—
I received yours by your servant, and am very much obliged for the cagg of nails. Think I am now set out completely freighted for the South Sea marts; hope to make a good trading voyage of it, go matters how they will, and show away in a curious cabinet of miti [sic] curiosities at my return. Flatter myself with the hopes of making an addition to the Burlington-street collection; will certainly make some increase, and, I hope, a good one, for shall be happy my actions shall bespeak my sense of your civilities and friendship. Must again express my unhappiness that I cannot have the pleasure of attending you, but can't help it; two or three years will blow all over, and replace me again in old London and its purlieus, captain of at least my own carcass, to dispose of it as I please,
when, I assure you, you shall never want a sailor's attendance to run anywhere on this side of h—, so long as remains above water.
Yours, &c.,Chas. Clerke.
Believe our stay here will be 12 or 14 days longer. The gentlemen of the gun-room entreat your acceptance of their respects and compliments.
Mr. Banks having acquainted the draughtsman and secretary employed by him on board his Majesty's sloop under my command that he does not intend to go the voyage, have therefore desired them, in his letter, to come immediately to town. I beg you will be pleased to acquaint their Lordships that I have received no order for victualling these and the other two supernumeraries (the astronomer and his servant); should be obliged if they will be pleased to grant me one; and, likewise, whether I am to discharge the above-mentioned persons, employed by Mr. Banks.
I have received your letter of the 15th past, signifying their Lordships' directions for me to send them the names and time of embarkation of the gentlemen employed by Mr. Banks on board his Majesty's sloop under my command, and, in answer thereto, have to acquaint their Lordships that they embarked the first day of May. John Cleveley, draughtsman; Sigismund Bacstrum, secretary; William Bailey, astronomer; and Robert Macky, his servant.
I am, &c.,Tob's Furneaux.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
19 June, 1772.Sir,—
Inclosed is the list of Mr. Banks's people that have been victualed on board his Majesty's sloop Resolution, under my command, from the 8th of Ap'l last untill the 5th June. I pray you will be pleased to move my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to give the necessary order for that purpose.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
[Enclosure.]
A List of men belonging to Mr. Banks that were victualed on board the Resolution from the 8th of Ap'l, 1772, to the 5th June following:—
Nicholas Young belonged to Banks's suite on board the Endeavour The part of the New Zealand coast first sighted was called Young Nick's Head by Captain Cook, because it was first seen by Young. He was also the first one to sight the Lizard on the return of the expedition.—Hawkesworth, vol. ii, p. 297; vol. iii, p. 799.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
20 June, 1772.Sir,—
Having, agreeable to your directions, apply'd for an order to victual Mr. Banks's people on board the resolution, I beg you will be pleased to send a duplicate or copy of said order to Mr. Moon, Clerck of the Checque at Woolwich, which will very much oblige
Please to acquaint my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty with the arrival of his Majesty's sloop Resolution, under my command, at this place, and that the fault she formerly had in being crank is now intirely removed. A doubt of a contrary nature does not, I am persuaded, remain in the breast of any one person on board. In turning into the Downs with a fresh of wind at S.W., in company with several vessels, not one of which but what was obliged to take in their topgallant sails, and one ship reef'd her foretopsail, yet at this time we carried topgallant-sails with ease. In coming down channell we had an opportunity to find that she will hold her side up to as much sail as can be set without endangering the masts. With respect to her other qualities, we have not had sufficient tryal to report with certainty; but upon the whole I believe she will be found
to steer and work well, and to sail as fast as most deep-laden ships of her construction.
On arrival at Madeira, Cook reported the Resolution to “have as many good qualities as can be found in one ship.” Post, p. 106.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Captain Furneaux.
By Capt. James Cook, &c.
Whereas the Commissioners appointed by Act of Parliament for the discovery of longitude at sea, &c., have agreed with Mr. William Bayley to proceed the present intended voyage, in the sloop you command, in order to make nautical and astronomical observations, and to perform other services tending to the improvement of astronomy and navigation (as you will See by the inclosed copy of his instructions), you are to cause the said Mr. Bayley, together with his servant, instruments, and bagage, to be received on board the sloop you command, accordingly taking care to give him all convenient accomodation, and such assistance and support as he may stand in need of from time to time to carry his said instructions into execution, and to be particularly carefull whenever there is convenient opportunitys and he shall be desirous of landing in order to make observations on shore, that he be furnished with proper boats and with a sufficient number of men, as well as to assist in fixing his instruments as to protect him from danger during his stay, landing at the same time a sufficient quantity of provisions and necessarys for his use; and whereas the said Commissioners have thought fit (as well to prevent mismanagement or ill-treatment of the watch machines,
In the General Introduction to his Voyage towards the South Pole, p. xxxv, Cook makes special reference to these “watch machines” (chronometers). There were four in all, “three made by Mr. Arnold, and one made by Mr. Kendall on Mr. Harrison's principles”—evidently two for each ship.
which are going out under the care of the said Mr. Bayley, as to obviate any suspicions of such mismanagement or ill-treatment hereafter) to cause three locks of different wards to be affixed to each of the boxes which contains the said watch machines, and have desired that the key of one of the locks of each box be kept by the commander of the sloop wherein the same may be, that the key of another of the said locks may be kept by the first lieutenant of each sloop, or the officer next in command to him, and that the key of the other of the said locks may be kept by the observer; that the said commander, first lieutenant or other officer, and observer may be present each day when the said watch machines are wound up
and compared, and See the respective times therein at such comparisons properly inserted and attested under their hands in the general observation book, as directed by the above-mentioned instructions: You are hereby further required and directed to receive into your charge and custody such of the said keys as will be sent to you by the secretary to the aforesaid Commissioners, and to deliver to your first lieutenant, or officer next in command to him, such others as will be sent to you for him, and to be present yourself, and to See that he be present, every day at the winding up and comparing the two watch machines, which are under the care of Mr. Bayley, and to take care that the respective times shewn at such comparisons be inserted and attested accordingly; but if it shall happen that you yourself, first lieutenant or other officer, or Mr. Bayley, cannot at any time, through indisposition or absence upon other necessary duties, conveniently attend at such winding up and comparison, you are in such case to take care that the keys of the person who cannot attend be dilivered to such other officer of the sloop as you can best trust therewith, in order that such officer may supply the place of such invalid or absentee.
You are to cause the above-mentioned Mr. Bayley, with his servant, to be victualled during their continuance on board in the same manner as the sloop's companies are victualled.
Given under my hand, on board his Majesty's said sloop, in Plymouth Sound, the 3rd July, 1772.J. Cook.
Captain Cook to Captain Furneaux.
By Captain James Cook, command'r of his Majesty's sloop
Resolution.
Whereas my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty have signified to me by their instructions, dated the 25th of last month, that they have directed you to follow my orders for your further proceedings: These are, therefore, to require and direct you to put yourself under my command accordingly, and to follow all such orders as you shall from time to time receive from me for his Majesty's service.
Given under my hand, on board his Majesty's sloop Resolution, in Plymouth Sound, this 3rd of July, 1772.J. Cook.
I beg leave to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 25th of last month, together with the orders and instructions inclosed therewith, as also your other letter of the same date with the private signals established between the King's ships and those of the East Indian Company.
I am to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 30th of last month, signifying their Lordships' direction to me to receive Mr. William Hodges
Mr. William Hodges, a landscape painter, engaged by the Admiralty “to make drawings and paintings of such places in the countries we should touch at as might be proper to give a more perfect idea thereof than could be formed from written description only.”—(Cook's Voyage towards the South Pole, vol. i, p. 34.) When but in his teens, Hodges became the pupil and assistant of Richard Wilson, R.A. During the years 1766–1772 he exhibited several pictures at the Society of Artists. When Cook was preparing for his second voyage, Hodges, through the interest of Lord Palmerston, obtained the post of draughtsman. The years 1778–84 he spent in India under the patronage of Warren Hastings, being elected an Associate of the Royal Academy on his return, and an Academician in 1789. In 1793 he published an account of his travels in India. A portrait of him, by G. Dance, is preserved in the Royal Academy, and one, by Westall, will be found in the Literary Magazine, 1793. A number of his pictures are still preserved in the Admiralty, and the British and South Kensington Museums.—Dictionary of National Biography, vol. xxvii, p. 61.
on board the sloop I command.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Lieutenant Cooper.
By Captain James Cook, commander of his Majesty's sloop
Resolution.
Whereas the Commissioners appointed by Act of Parliament for the discovery of longitude at sea, &c., have agreed with Mr. William Wales to proceed the present intended voyage in his Majesty's said sloop Resolution, in order to make nautical and astronomical observations, &c., and have thought fit (as well to prevent any improper management or ill-treatment of the watch machines which are going out under the care of the said Mr. Wales, as to obviate any suspicion of such mismanagement or
ill-treatment hereafter), to cause three locks of different wards to be affixed to each of the boxes which contains the said watch machines, and have desired that the key of one of the locks of each box may be kept by the commander of the sloop, the key of another of the said locks may be kept by the first lieutenant or officer next in command to him, and that the key of the other of the said locks may be kept by the observer, Mr. Wales; that the said commander, first lieutenant or other officer, and observer may be present each day when the said watch machines are wound up and compared, and See the respective times shewn at such comparisons properly inserted and attested under their hands in the general observation book; and whereas my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty have directed me to cause the same to be carried into execution: You are hereby required and directed to receive into your charge and custody such of the said keys as will be dilivered to you hereafter, and to be present yourself every day at the winding up and comparing of the two watch machines, and to take care that the respective times shewn at such comparisons be inserted and attested accordingly; but if it shall happen that you yourself cannot at any time, through indisposition or absence upon other necessary duties, conveniently attend at such winding up and comparison, you are in such case to take care to diliver the keys to such officer next in command as shall happen to be on board the sloop at that time, who is hereby required and directed to supply your place.
Given under my hand, on board the said sloop, in Plymouth Sound, the 11th day of July, 1772.J. Cook.
Captain Cook to Captain Furneaux.
15 July, 1772.By Captain James Cook, commander of his Majesty's sloop
Resolution.
Whereas the King hath obtained from his Serene Highness the Prince of Orange two recommendatory letters (signed by himself) to the Governor and other Ministers of the Dutch East India Company, at the Cape of Good Hope and elsewhere, enjoining them to afford us every assistance and succour we may stand in need of, in case of entring into any of the said Company's ports during our present intended voyage. I send you herewith one of the said recommendatory letters, with an attested translation into French, one into English, and a copy of his Excellency Sir Joseph York's letter to the Earl of Suffolk,
relative thereto, in order that you may produce the said recommendatory letter
This letter is not available. It was not necessary for Furncaux to use it.
in case you are separated from me (but not otherwise) on your arrival at the Cape or any other of the Company's settlements, if you shall See occasion.
Given under my hand, on board his Majesty's sloop Resolution, at sea, this 15th of July, 1772.J. Cook.
Captain Cook to Captain Furneaux.
Resolution, at sea,15 July, 1772.Sir,—
My Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, judging it proper that the instructions I have received from them relating to our present intended voyage, a copy of which you will herewith receive sealed up, should be kept secret, sent me an order directed to the flag officers, captains, and commanders of his Majesty's ships and vessels not to demand a sight of those instructions. The enclosed is a copy of the said order, which you are to exhibite upon all proper occasions in case you are seperated from me.
Neither of the enclosures to this letter is available.
I am, &c.,J. Cook.
Captain Cook to Captain Furneaux.
No date, but evidently shortly after the vessels put to sea.
First rendezvous:—To proceed to the island of Maderia, and there waite ten days, in which time to take in as much wine for the sloop's company as she can conveniently stow. If I do not arrive at the expiration of ten days, you are then to open the enclosed sealed rendezvous, and proceed as therein directed.
Given under my hand, on board his Majesty's sloop Resolution.J. Cook.
Second rendezvous:—To go into or cruize off Porta Praya, in the Island of St. Jago, one of the Cape de Verd Islands, and there waite fourteen days, at the expiration of which time to open the enclosed rendezvous, and proceed as therein directed.
Given under my hand, on board his Majesty's sloop Resolution.J. Cook.
Third rendezvous:—To proceed to the Cape of Good Hope, where you are to refresh the sloop's company, and take on board such provisions, &c., as you may stand in need of and may be able to procure. If I do not arrive at or before the expiration of six weeks, reckoning from the time of your first arrival, you are then to open the enclosed secrete instructions, and proceed as therein directed.
Given under my hand, on board his Majesty's sloop Resolution.J. Cook.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Resolution, at Madeira, 1 August, 1772.Sir,—
Please to acquaint my Lords Commiss'rs of the Admiralty with the arrival of his Majesty's sloops Resolution and Adventure at this place late in the evening of the 28th of last month, and that having taken on board as much wine as they can conveniently stow, I intend to put to sea again this evening. Least it is thought that the tryal made of the Resolution between Sheerness and Plymouth was not sufficient to form a just judgement of her qualities, and the clamour raised against her not yet subsided, I beg leave once more to assert that so far from finding her crank, I find her remarkable stiff, and to have as many other good qualities as can be found in one ship, and Captain Furneaux is equally as well satisfied with the Adventure. In point of sailing they are well match'd; the little difference is in favour of the Resolution.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Captain Furneaux.
Adventure, sloop, at Madeira, 1 August, 1772.By Capt. Jas. Cook, commander of his Majesty's sloop
Resolution.
You are hereby required and directed to demand from the contractors for victualling his Majesty's Navey at this place, and to receive on board the sloop you command, as much wine as she can conveniently stow, for which this shall be your order.
Given under my hand, on board his Majesty's said sloop Resolution, in Funchal Road, this 29th of July, 1772.J. Cook.
Captain Cook to Daniel Clark.
By Captain James Cook, commander of his Majesty's sloop
Resolution.
Whereas no master-at-arms has yet been appointed to his Majesty's sloop Resolution, under my command, and I being satisfied with your abilities to act in that station, do hereby require and direct you forthwith to take upon you the duty of master-at-arms in her accordingly, and to hold the same employment until further orders, together with such allowance of wages as is usual for a master-at-arms, and for so doing this shall be your order.
Given under my hand, on board his Majesty's said sloop, in Funchal Road, Madeira, this 1st of August, 1772.J. Cook.
Captain Furneaux to Captain Cook.
———[
There is no date to this letter; but it is sufficiently indicated by the one which follows.
]Sir,—
There being no master-at-arms warranted for his Majesty's sloop under my command, should be much obliged if you will be pleased to give William Carr (belonging to the said sloop) an order to act as such, being a person every way qualified to act in that station.
I am, &c.,Tobs. Furneaux.
Captain Cook to W. Carr.
By Captain James Cook, commander of his Majesty's sloop
Resolution.
Whereas Capt. Furneaux, commander of his Majesty's sloop Adventure, has signified to me by letter of this date that there is no master-at-arms warranted for his Majesty's said sloop, and hath recommended you as a person every way qualified for that station, and desires that you may have an order to act as master-at-arms in the said sloop: These are therefore to require and direct you forthwith to take upon you the duty of masterat-arms in her accordingly, to hold the said employment until further orders, together with such allowance of wages as is usual for a master-at-arms; for so doing this shall be your order.
Given under my hand, on board his Majesty's sloop Resolution, in Funchal Road, Madeira, this 1st August, 1772.J. Cook.
Captain Furneaux to Captain Cook.
Adventure, sloop, at sea, 2 Aug., 1772.Sir,—
The man named in the margin (John Rayside), an English seaman belonging to a Portuguese vessel at Madeira, came unperceived on board his Majesty's sloop under my comm'd last evening, in a shore boat, and secreted himself till this morning. He acquaints me that he is desirous of entring in this sloop. As my complement of men is full, I beg to be informed how he is to be disposed of?
I am, &c.,Tobias Furneaux.
Captain Cook to Captain Furneaux.
By Capt. James Cook, &c.
Whereas you have represented to me by letter of this date that John Rayside, an English seaman, late belong'g to a Portuguse vessel at Madeira, came unperceived on board the sloop you command last evening in a shore boat, and secreted himself till this morning, and you desire to know how he is to be disposed of, as your complement of men is full. As it is now impossible to put him on shore, and highly probable that one or the other of the two sloops may want a man in a short time, you are hereby required and directed to bear the said John Rayside on a supernumerary list for wages and victuals untill further orders, or untill there is a vacancy on the sloop's books, when you are to discharge him from the said list and bear him as one of your complement.
Given under my hand, on board his Majesty's sloop Resolution, at sea, this 2nd of Aug'st, 1772.J. Cook.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Resolution, at Cape of Good Hope, 16 Nov., 1772.Sir,—
In obedience to their Lordships' directions signified to me by your letter of the 2nd of May last, I have caused several trials to be made of the inspissated juce of malt
In the General Introduction to his Voyage towards the South Pole (vol. i, p. 32), Cook says:—“For the inspissated juice of wort and beer we were indebted to Mr. Pelham, Secretary to the Commissioners of the Victualling Office. This gentleman, some years ago,” [Cook wrote in 1776] “considered that if the juice of malt, either as beer or wort, was inspissated by evaporation, it was probable this inspissated juice would keep good at sea; and if so a supply of beer might be had at any time by mixing it with water. Mr. Pelham made several experiments, which succeeded so well that the Commissioners caused thirty-one half-barrels of this juice to be prepared, and sent out with our ships for trial—nineteen on board the Resolution, and the remainder on board the Adventure.”
by making of it into beer, by mixing from eight parts of water to one of juce to twelve of water to one of juce. The beer made by this last
proportion had a strong taste of the juce, but became sour soon after it was made, owing, I think, to the very hot weather it was brew'd in, which caused to great fermentation. Indeed, all the experiments were made in hot weather, when the thermometer was at 79° or 80, and for that reason unfavourable to the juce. The beer made from it is of a very deep colour, and has rather a burnt taste, but no ways disagreeable, and was very well liked by the people in general. More hops, I apprehend, is necessary, for there remained not the least taste of them. Only one thing more is wanting to render it a valuable and useful article, that is, to hinder it from fermenting, for all the time we were in hot climates, that is, when the thermometer was at 65° and upwards, it was in a continual state of fermentation, in so much that the casks were not able to resist its efforts, and every method we took to stop it proved inefectual. With some care and a good deal of trouble we have preserv'd about half of it, with which I shall make experiments from time to time.
Mr. Pelham, Secretary to the Commissioners of the Victualing [Office], put on board a few jarrs of juce, containing about five pints each, of his own preparing, which promises fair to answer all that is expected from it.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Resolution, Cape of Good Hope, 18 November, 1772.Sir,—
Please to acquaint their Lordships that I left Madeira with his Majesty's sloops Resolution and Adventure the 1st of August, touched at St. Jago, took on board some refreshments, and departed again in two days, and on the 30th of last month arrived at this place without any material occurrences happening. I find the sloops to answer as well as ships can do, and the crews were and continue healthy. From this last circumstance I thought to have made my stay very short here; waiting for some articles of provisions hath kept me longer than I intended; being at length compleat, as you will See by the inclosed state of the sloops, shall put to sea without loss of time.
Lieutenant Shank, first of the Adventure, having requested leave to quit, in order to return home, and the surgeons having reported the same to be absolutely necessary for the establishment of his health, I granted it him accordingly, and appointed Mr. Kemp to be first Lieutenant of the Adventure, and Mr. James Burney, one of my midshipmen, to be second in his room, which I hope will meet with their Lordships' approbation; copies of the letters and orders on this affair you will herewith receive. I must beg leave to assure their Lordships that Mr. Shank has quited the sloop with the greatest reluctancy, and nothing but his bad state of health would have obliged him to give up a voyage on which he had set his heart. On my arrival at this place, I learnt that about eight months ago two French ships (La Fortune and Gross Ventre), from the Mauritius, discovered land in the meridian of that island, and in about latitude of 48°, along which they sail'd forty miles till they came to a bay, into which they were about to enter, when they were drove off the coast and seperated by a gale of wind.
The “Fortuna” and “Gros Ventre” were commanded by M. de Kerguelen. The land referred to is Kerguelen Island, discovered by Kerguelen in 1772 under circumstances identical with those mentioned by Cook.—(Kerguelen's Voyages, p. 21, and Ross's Voyages to the Southern Seas, vol. i, p. 63.) It was one of the objects of Cook's Third Voyage to locate and examine this land. The following passage from his Secret Instructions of date 6th July, 1776, indicates how little was known at that time of the movements of contemporary navigators:—“You are, if possible, to leave the Cape of Good Hope by the end of October, or the beginning of November next, and proceed to the southward in search of some islands said to have been lately seen by the French, in the latitude of 48° 0′ south, and about the meridian of Mauritius. In case you find those islands, you are to examine them thoroughly for a good harbour, and upon discovering one, make the necessary observations to facilitate, finding it again, as a good port in that situation may hereafter prove very useful, although it should afford little or nothing more than shelter, wood, and water.” (Vol. i, p. 24.) The island barely afforded even “shelter, wood, and water.” Cook's opinion of it can be gathered from the fact that he named it Desolation Island.
The La Fortune arrived at the Mauritius soon after, and the captain is since gone to France to give an account of the discovery, and touched here about three months ago in his way. The Gross Ventre is lately arrived at the Mauritius from Batavia with a cargo of arrack. This account we have by a ship who left the island two days after the other arrived, in which time nothing about the discovery transpired. Also, in March last, two French frigates
The Mascarin and the Marquis de Castries, under the command of M. Marion, who after leaving the Cape proceeded to New Zealand, where he was massacred on 8th June, 1772.—Nouveau voyage a la mer du sud, commencé sous les ordres de Marion, achevé après sa mort sous ceux da Chevalier du Clesmeur, Paris, 1783.
from the same island touched here in their way to the South
Sea; had on board the man Bougainville brought from the Otaheite, and who died before the ships left this place.
This native of Otaheite voluntarily embarked with M. de Bougainville when he left that island on 16th April, 1768. His name was Aotourou. Bougainville returned to France in March, 1769; in March of the following year Aotourou was sent to the Isle of France [Mauritius], and M. Marion instructed to convey him to Otaheite. He was, however, seized with small-pox soon after leaving the Isle of France, and was landed at Madagascar, where he died.—“Voyage autour du Monde, Lewis de Bougainville,” Nouvelle Biographie Générale, tom. xxxiii, p. 794.
They are to touch some were on the coast of America before they proceed round Cape Horn, the rout they intended to take.
The paintings which Mr. Hodges has made of Madeira, Port Praya, and this place I have packed up and left here to be forwarded to you by the first safe opportunity, viz't, one large painting of this place, one small one of part of Funchall, and one of Port Praya, all in oil colours, and some others in water-colours of little note.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
[Enclosure.]Lieutenant Shank to Captain Cook.
Cape of Good Hope, 16 November, 1772.Sir,—
As my ill state of health will not admit of my proceeding on our intended voyage to the South Seas, must beg your leave to quit, so as to enable me to return home, your concurrence with which request will greatly oblige
Yours, &c.,Joseph Shank.
[Enclosure.]
Captain Cook to Surgeons.
By Captain James Cook, commander of his Majesty's sloop Resolution, and senior commander of his Majesty's sloops riding in Table Bay, Cape of Good Hope.
Whereas Mr. Joseph Shank, first Lieutenant of his Majesty's sloop Adventure, hath (on account of his ill state of health) requested my leave to return home, you are hereby required and directed to examine into the nature of his complaint, and report to me your opinion thereon, and how far you think his request reasonable.
Given under my hand, on board his Majesty's sloop Resolution, in Table Bay, Cape of Good Hope, the 16th of November, 1772.Jam's Cook.
[Enclosure.]Surgeons' Report on Lieutenant Shank.
Pursuant to an order from Captain James Cook, commander of his Majesty's sloop Resolution, &c., we have examined Mr. Joseph Shank, first lieutenant of his Majesty's sloop Adventure, touching his ill state of health, and find he has for several months past been afflicted with a slow nervous fever and violent rhumatic pains, which have greatly reduced and emaciated him. We are therefore of an opinion that his request to quit is not only reasonable, but absolutely necessary for the restablishment of his health.
Given under our hands, on board his Majesty's sloop Adventure, in Table Bay, Cape of Good Hope, this 16th day of November, 1772.James Patten.Thos. Andrews.
[Enclosure.]Captain Cook to Lieutenant Shank.
Resolution, Cape of Good Hope,16 November, 1772.Sir,—
Whereas you have signified to me by your letter of this date that your ill state of health will not admit of your proceeding on our intended voyage, and desire my leave to quit, so as to enable you to return home, and the surgeons of his Majesty's sloops Resolution and Adventure are of opinion that your request is not only reasonable, but absolutely necessary for the restablishment of your health, you have my leave to quit accordingly, and am, &c.,
Jam's Cook.
[Enclosure.]Captain Cook to Lieutenant Kemp.
By Capt'n James Cook, commander of his Majesty's sloop Resolution, and senior commander of his Majesty's sloops riding in Table Bay, Cape of Good Hope.
Whereas Mr. Joseph Shank hath obtained my leave to return home for the restablishment of his health, I do hereby appoint you first lieutenant of his Majesty's sloop Adventure in his room, requiring and directing you forthwith to take upon you the charge and command of first lieutenant in her accordingly, officiating in all things agreeable to the tenor of your former warrant and the general printed instructions, and for so doing this shall be your order.
Given under my hand, on board his Majesty's sloop Resolution, in Table Bay, Cape of Good Hope, this 18th of November, 1772.Jam's Cook.
[Enclosure.]Captain Cook to Lieutenant Burney.
Burney, James; son of Charles Burney, musician and author; born 1750, died 1821. He entered the Navy in 1764, served in North American waters and in the Mediterranean; and joined Cook's vessel, the Resolution, as midshipman, in 1772. In 1775 he was in the Cerberus, on the North American station, but was recalled to join Captain Cook on his third and last voyage. Consequent on the death of Captains Cook and Clerke, he was appointed to the senior lieutenancy on the Resolution. He joined Sir Edward Hughes in the Bristol, and served in 1782–3, principally in the East Indies. In 1783 he retired from active service, and devoted himself to literature; his most celebrated works being A Chronological History of the Discoveries in the South Sea and Pacific Ocean, 5 vols, 4to., published in 1817; A Chronological History of North-eastern Voyages of Discovery and of the Early Eastern Navigation of the Russians, 8vo., published in 1819; and An Essay on the Game of Whist, 16mo., published in 1821. He died suddenly of apoplexy on 17 November, 1821.—Dictionary of National Biography, vol. vi, p. 419.
By Captain James Cook, comm'r of his Majesty's sloop Resolution, and senior commander of his Majesty's sloops riding in Table Bay, Cape of Good Hope.
Whereas I have appointed the second lieutenant of his Majesty's sloop Adventure to be first, in the room of Mr. Joseph Shank, who hath obtained my leave to return home for the restablishment of his health, I do hereby appoint you second lieutenant of his Majesty's said sloop Adventure, requiring and directing you forth with to take upon you the charge and command of second lieutenant in her accordingly, strictly charging all the other inferior officers and company belonging to the said sloop to behave themselves with due respect and obedience unto you as their said lieutenant, and you are likewise to be obedient to such commands as you shall from time to time receive from the commander of the said sloop, or any other your superior officer, to hold the same employment until further order, together with such allowance of wages and victuals for yourself and servant as is usual for the lieutenant of the said sloop, and for so doing this shall be your order.
Given under my hand, on board his Majesty's sloop Resolution, in Table Bay, Cape of Good Hope, this 18th day of November, 1772.Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Mr. Banks (Banks Papers).
Resolution, Cape of Good Hope,18 November, 1772.Dear Sir,—
Some cross circumstances which happened at the latter part of the equipment of the Resolution created, I have reason
to think, a coolness betwixt you and I, but I can by no means think it was sufficient to me to break of all corrispondance with a man I am under many obligations too.
I wish I had something intresting to communicate, but our passage here has rather been barren on that head. We touch' at St. Jago, where we remain'd two days, and Mr. Forster got some things there new in your way. Mr. Brand [Brandt] has got for you a fine collection, as I am told. I depart from hence in a day or two well stored with every necessary thing; but I am told the French from the Mauritius have got the start of me. bout eight months ago two ships from that island discovered land in the latitude of 48°, and about the meridian of the Mauritius, along which they sail'd 48 miles till they came to a bay, into which they were about to enter when they were seperated and drove off the coast by a gale of wind. The one got to the Mauritius soon after, and the other is since arrived from Batavia with a cargo of arrack, as the report goes here. Also, in March last, two frigates from the same island touched here in their way to the South Sea, having on board the man Bougainvill brought from Otahiete, and who died before the ships departed from hence, a circumstance I am realy sorry for. These ships were to touch some were on the coast of America, and afterwards to proceed round Cape Horn. I am in your debt for the pickled and dryed salmon which you left on board, which a little time ago was most excellant; but the eight casks of pickled salted fish I kept for myself proved so bad that even the hoggs would not eat it. These hints may be of use to you in providing for your intinded expeditation, in which I wish you all the success you can wish your self, and am, with great esteem and respect,
Yours, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Captain Furneaux.
In case of seperation after leav'g ye Cape of Good Hope, and before we arrive in ye lat. of 50° So., ye first rendezvous shall be in that lat. and in the long. of ye Cape, viz., 18° 23′ east of Greenwich, where you are to cruize seven days. Not meeting me in that time, you are to proceed as above directed.
Dated on board his Maj'y's sloop Resolution, in Table Bay, 23rd Nov., 1772
J. Cook.
Captain Cook to Captain Furneaux.
By Capt. James Cook, &c.
For the better encouragement of the company of his Majesty's sloop under your command, and in order to enable them the better to withstand the present intence cold weather, you are hereby required and directed to serve to each man an additional half-allowance of spirit or wine on such days as you shall think the same necessary, and also to cause an allowance of wheat or oatmeal to be boil'd for breakfast on Mondays, in addition to the usual allowance boil'd for dinner; you are to keep an exact account (attested by the proper officers) of the number of days you serve the additional half-allowance of spirit or wine and boil the additional allowance of wheat or oatmeal, and continue the same untill further order.
Given under my hand, on board his Majesty's sloop Resolution at sea, this 6th day of Decem'r, 1772.J. Cook.
Captain Cook to Captain Furneaux.
In case of seperation by bad weather or any other unavoidable accident you are first to look for me where you last saw me; not finding me in three days, you are to proceed agreeable to former orders.
Given under my hand, on board his Majesty's sloop Resolution, at sea, this 14th of December, 1772.J. Cook.
Captain Furneaux to Secretary Stephens.
Adventure, Spithead, 14 July, 1774.Sir,—
Please to acquaint their Lordships of my safe arrival in his Majesty's sloop Adventure, under my command, after a passage of thirteen weeks from the Cape of Good Hope, and shall set out for town directly, according to their Lordships' order, with my journals and draughts, to lay before their Lordships my proceedings during the course of the voyage.
I am, &c.,Tob's Furneaux.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Resolution, at sea, 19 March, 1775.Sir,—
Having this moment spoke with the True Britain, Indiaman, I take the opportunity to acquaint you that his Majesty's
sloop Resolution is within two days' sail of the Cape of Good Hope. I lear't from a Dutchman yesterday that Captain Furneaux sailed from the Cape for England twelve months ago; you must therefore know the former part of my proceedings, and a full account of the latter shall be sent you by the very first opportunity after my arrival at the Cape. I have the satisfaction to say that I have met with no one accident, and the crew thus far hath injoyed a good state of health.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Resolution, at sea, 24 May, 1775,
lat. 13° So., long. 10° Nt.Sir,—
This is the third letter I have had the honour to transmit to you since my arrival at ye Cape of Good Hope; the first, which was accompanied by a copy of my journal and various drawings, was forwarded by ye Ceres, East Indiaman; the second,
This second letter is not amongst the transcripts received from England.
together with ye journals of two of ye officers, by ye Royall Charlotte; and this comes by the Dutton, with whom I sailed from ye Cape the 27th of last month. The probability of this ship being at home before us, as we touch at Assencion, and she not, induced me to put on board her Lieutenant Cooper's journal, some remarks and a chart of Mr. Pickersgill's, and a journal kept by one of ye mates. This journal is accompanied by very accurate charts of all the discoverys we have made, executed by a young man who has been bred to the sea, under my care, and who has been a very great assistant to me in this way, both in this and my former voyage.
The “young man” bred to the sea was no doubt Isaac Smith. See Cook's letters to Stephens, ante, p. 77, and post, p. 118.
I have, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Lieutenant Clerke to Mr. Banks (Banks Papers).
Resolution, Sunday, 5 a.m.,30 July, 1775.Dear Sir,—
We're now past Portland, with a fine fresh N.W. gale and a young flood tide, so that in a very few hours we shall anchor at Spithead, from our continent-hunting expedition. I will not now set about relating any of the particulars of our voyage, as I hope
very soon to have the honour and happiness of paying my personal respects, when I can give you a much clearer idea of any matters you think worth inquiring after than it's possible to do at this distance.
I hope I need not assure you that it's utterly out of the power of length of time, or distance of space, to eradicate, or in the least alleviate, the gratitude your friendly offices to me have created. I assure you I've devoted some days to your service in very distant parts of the globe, the result of which, I hope, will give you some satisfaction; at least, it will convince you of my intentions and endeavours in that particular. I shall send this away by our civil gentry, who will fly to town with all the sail they can possibly make. God bless you. Send me one line, just to tell me you are alive and well, if that is the case, for I'm as great a stranger to all matters in England as though I had been these three years underground. So, if I receive no intelligence from you I shall draw bad conclusions, and clap on my suit of black; but you know I never despair, but always look for the best, therefore hope and flatter myself this will find you alive and happy, which that it may is the sincerest hope and wish of, dear sir,
Yours &c.,Chas. Clerke.
P.S.—Excuse the paper. We're terrible busy; you know a man-of-war. My respects and most social wishes to the good doctor. I'll write him as soon as possible.
Last night I received a letter from Mr. Cooper, acquainting me with the arrival of his Majesty's sloop Resolution at the lower end of Long-reach, and that he expected to be at Galleons to-day.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Admi'ty Office, 12 August, 1775.Sir,—
The death of Captain Clements, one of the captains in the Royal Hospital at Greenwich, making a vacancy there, I humbly offer myself to the Lords Commiss'rs of the Admiralty as a candidate for it, presuming, if I am fortunate enough to merit their Lordships' approbation, they will allow me to quit it when either the call of my country for more active service, or
that my endeavours in any shape can be essential to the publick, as I would on no account be understood to withdraw from that line of service which their Lordships' goodness has raised me to, knowing myself capable of engaging in any duty which they may be pleased to commit to my charge.
This was not an idle promise. Six months afterwards we find-Cook soliciting the Admiralty to allow him to leave his honourable retirement and take charge of the Resolution and Discovery.—(See his letter of 10th February, 1776, post, p. 122.) The appointment Cook asked for was made on the day (Saturday, 12 August, 1775) he applied for it. He had on the previous Thursday been promoted to the rank of post-captain.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to—
Resolution, at Deptford,
Thursday, 17th
No month or year given, but evidently August, 1775. There is nothing to show to whom the letter was addressed; doubtless to the Secretary to the Admiralty (Philip Stephens).
Sir,—
Mr. Isaac Smith, whom my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty have been pleased to promote to the rank of lieutenant, acquaints me that he has pass'd his examination touching his abilities to serve as such, but cannot get the necessary certificate from the examiners untill they have an order to dispence with his not providing any journals of the ships in which he has served, and this he cannot do, as they are lodged in the Admiralty, agreeable to their Lordships' instructions to me. As several more of my petty officers will want to qualify themselves for promotion, and none of them have journals of the Resolution to produce, I beg you will move their Lordships to give such orders as may be necessary on this head.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
18 September, 1775.Sir,—
I found it necessary, while we were in the high southern latitudes, to order an additional half-allowance of spirit to be served to each man per day, and an allowance of wheat to be boiled every Monday for breakfast, besides the usual allowance for dinner, in order the better to enable them to endure the cold and hardships they there underwent. I also caused wheat, with portable soup and vegetables, to be boiled every morning for breakfast whenever the latter was to be got, as will more
fully appear by the enclosed vouchers, which I beg you will be pleased to lay before their Lordships, and move them to order these over-issues to be allowed me on my victualling account.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Mile End, 18 September, 1775.Sir,—
Last Saturday morning I examined Mr. Anderson, the gunner, about the publication of my late voyage, said to be in the press,
This account was published, anonymously, in an octavo form at the end of 1775.
and told him that he was susspected of being the author; he afirmed that he had no knowlidge or hand in it, and would use his endeavours to find out the author, and yesterday made me the inclosed report. To-day Marra called upon me, and confirmed what is therein set forth, and further added that Bordel, my cowain, and Reardon, the boatswain's mate, each kept a journal, which they had offered to the booksellers, but they were so badly written that no one could read them. I have no reason to suspect this story, but will, however, call on the printer, and endeavour to get a sight of the manuscript, as I know most of their handwritings. This Marra was one of the gunner's mates, the same as wanted to remain at Otahiete. If this is the only account of the voyage that is printing, I do not think it worth regarding; I have taken some measures to find out if there are any more, and such information as I may get shall be communicated to you by,
Yours, &c.,Jam's Cook.
[Enclosure.]Robert Anderson to Captain Cook.
Sir,—
According to your derection, I overhaul'd every bookeller's shop in St. Paul's, till at last I came to Mr. Francis Newburry's. I fairly caught his shopman, who answer'd me (when I demand'd the Resolution's voyage), that they had not time to print it yet. I then ask'd him if it was the Captain's journal they had, on which he look'd at me and said they had no journal at all yet, but stood as fair a chance to publish the voyage as others. By this time he understood I was pumping of him, so went and brought me one of the shop bills and bid me good day, telling me that befor the voyage was publish'd it would be advertis'd. I then drove to Marra and Peckover's lodging, found the former at home; I told him I had a messuage from you, sir, to
deliver to Peckover, on w'ch Marra went and found him. I told him that there would be nothing ever don' for him or me unless we could find out who it was that was publishing the voyag; this made all present very sorry. Ther was present some of your late crew. Some told me Reading wrote a journal, which Enell produc'd. I deposited five guineas if he would let me show you the acc't; he consent'd. Others told me Rolles keept a journal interlin'd in his bible. I wrote down all these information for your satisfaction; at last Marra pull'd the paper from befor me, wrote at the Angel, Angel Court, in the bourgh Southwark: “Send that to Captain Cook; if he pleases to send a line for or to me I'll clear every man that is suspected,” adding, “I'm the man that is publishing this voyage. I want no preferm't, and God forbid I should hinder those whose bread depends on the Navy, and Mr. Anderson, as you have allways been my frend, com with me, I'll convince you further that the name of Anderson was never intend'd to be perfixt to the voyage.” He order'd the coach, to drive to Newburry's, carried me into a back parlor, inform'd Mr. Newburry his frends was keept out of bread, therefor he had discover'd all now. Says he, “What name is my journal of the voyage to come out in?” “In no nam at, all,” says the bookseller. “Then,” say the other, “let it come out in the name of Jno. Marra,” at, length adding, “If Captain Cook pleases to call here, Mr. Newburry, give him all the satisfaction in your power.” Mr. Newburry said he would, after which Mr. Newburry invit'd us both to dener.
I should, sir, have waited on you last night, but I'm so lame I could not come up. If you will be pleas'd to let me know when you will send for Marra, I'll wait on you at the same time to confront him, but there is two many wittness for him to retract.
Honour'd sir, you'l pleas to observe that this is twice I inocently fell under your displeasure, which God has been please to clear me off.
I am, &c.,Rt. Anderson.
John Frazer to the Earl of Sandwich.
The petition bears no date, but is evidently the one to which the letter which follows it has reference.
To the Right Honorable the Earl of Sandwich, &c., &c., &c.
The humble petition of John Frazer, corporal, lately belonging
to his Majesty's sloop the Resolution, Captain Cook, com-
mander.Sheweth,—
That your petitioner is the person that was honored with your Lordships commands to go the voyage with Captain Cook,
on board the Resolution, as the properest person to dive, having acted in that capacity with good success in taking up his Majesty's naval stores. That your petitioner has been informed by Dr. Solander that Captain Cook, upon his arrival, recommended your petitioner to the Board of Admiralty as a person that had been singularly useful in the voyage; and that your petitioner has, by a studious application and long experience, invented an instrument for taking up things out of the sea, which he should think himself [justified] in submitting to your Lordship's inspection. Your petitioner therefore begs leave, with great deference and submission, to solicit the honor of a boatswain's warrant, or what your Lordship, [sic] on board one of his Majesty's ships in ordinary, not being able to go frequent again to sea, on account of the pains in his body, caused by diving, from the pressure and coldness of the water. And that your petitioner would then be ready at hand to seek after anything very particular of his Majesty's that may be lost. And, as in duty bound, your petitioner shall ever pray, &c.,
Captain Cook to Secretary Jackson.
George Jackson, Secretary to the Admiralty.
26 December, 1775.Sir,—
In answer to your letter of the 20th inst. respecting the petition of Jno. Frazer, I am to acquaint you that I do not think him qualified for the preferment he prays for, or any other in which seamanship is necessary. He has lately applyed to me to solicit their Lordships to appoint him master-at-arms; as he is a steady, sober man, and served several years as a soldier in the East India Companie's service, I believe he may be well enough qualified for that station.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
The Admiralty to Captain Cook.
Admiralty Office, Monday, 3 February, 1776.
Capt'n Cook is ordered by Lord Sandwich to acquaint Mr. Jackson that the Discovery's compliment of marines is to be twelve men, including a serj't, who is to command the party.
Only eleven marines, including the serjeant, were on the Discovery. The Resolution's complement of marines consisted of twenty men, including a lieutenant (Mr. Phillips) in charge.
Captain Cook to Secretary Jackson.
Admiralty Office, 10 February, 1776.Sir,—
Having understood that their Lordships have ordered two ships to be fitted out for the purpose of making further discoveries in the Pacific Ocean, I take the liberty, as their Lordships when they were pleased to appoint me a captain in Greenwich Hospital were at the same time pleased also to say it should not be in prejudice to any future offer which I might make of my service, to submit myself to their directions, if they think fit to appoint me to the command of the said intended voyage; relying, if they condesend to except this offer, they will, on my return, either restore me to my appointment in the hospital, or procure for me such other mark of the Royal favour as their Lordships, upon the review of my past services, shall think me deserving of.
The appointment was made on the day on which this letter was written. The matter had previously been arranged by Sir Hugh Palliser, Lord Sandwich, and Mr. Philip Stephens, with whom Cook shortly before had consulted as to the necessary equipment of the expedition, and to whom he had expressed his willingness to take the command.—Kippis's Life of Cook, p. 324.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Captain John Walker.
John Walker, one of the two Quaker merchant brothers of Whitby, owners of the ship in which Cook seryed his apprenticeship. The tone of this letter clearly indicates that Cook, his successes notwithstanding, retained both respect and affection for his old master.
6, Mile End, London, 14 February, 1776.Dear Sir,—
I should have answered your last favour sooner, but waited to know whether I should go to Greenwich Hospital or the South Sea. The latter is now fixed upon. I expect to be ready to sail about the latter end of Ap'l with my old ship the Resolution, and the Discovery, the ship lately purchased of Mrs. Herbert. I know not what your opinion may be on this step I have taken. It is certain I have quitted an easy retirement for an active and perhaps dangerous voyage. My present disposition is more favourable to the latter than the former, and I imbark on as fair a prospect as I can wish. If I am fortunate enough to get safe home there's no doubt but it will be greatly to my advantage.
My best respects to all your family, and if any of them comes this way I shall be glad to See them at Mile End, where they will meet with a hearty welcome from
Yours, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Clerke to———.
Evidently to Secretary Stephens.
Admiralty Office, 15 February, 1776.Sir,—
I take the liberty to intreat the favour of their Lordships to appoint Eneas Atkins boatswain, and Peter Reynolds carpenter, of his Majestie's sloop Discovery, as there are no such officers yet appointed to her. These people were late of the Resolution; Atkins is now boatswain of the Favourite, and Reynolds carpenter of the Ariadne, but have both appli'd to me, and are very desirous of the other trip to the South Seas.
These appointments were both made.
I am, &c.,Chas. Clerke.
Captain Cook to Secretary Jackson.
Deptford, 20 February, 1776.Sir,—
I have received their Lordships order of the 14th, respecting the fitting of his Majesty's sloop the Resolution, under my command; also their order of the same date directing me not to bear any servants to the officers, but to enter seamen in their room.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Clerke to Secretary Jackson.
London, 22 February, 1776.Sir,—
I must beg the favour of you to acquaint their Lordships I receiv'd their orders bearing date the 14th inst., relative to the receiving on board no servants, and the forwarding the Discovery to the Galleons with all expedition, which orders shall be due complied with.
I am, &c.,Chas. Clerke.
Captain Cook to———.
Evidently to Secretary Stephens.
28 February, 1776.Sir,—
Please to move my Lords Commiss'rs of the Admiralty to order his Majesty's sloop Resolution, under my command, to be put into sea victualling at the time of her being commissioned.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Resolution, at Deptford,29 February, 1776.Sir,—
Please to move my Lords Commiss'rs of the Admiralty to order the Commissioners of the Sick and Hurt to supply his Majesty's sloops the Resolution and Discovery wit portable soup, rob of lemons and oranges, in the same manner as was done on former voyages of the same nature.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Resolution, at Deptford,29 February, 1776.Sir,—
It is well known that the crews of his Majesty's sloops the Resolution and Adventure, during their late voyage, received great benefit from the sour krout and malt they were supply'd with, and also by being supplyed with wheat in lieu of oatmeal, and sugar in lieu of oil. Please to move my Lords Commiss'rs of the Admiralty to order the Victualling Board to supply the Resolution and Discovery with these articles in the same proportion, and also with such a quantity of salt as may be thought necessary to preserve such fresh meat or fish they may chance to meet with. And whereas from the experiments which have been made of inspissated juice of wort, there is great reason to beleive it might be so prepared as to become a very usefull article at sea. Please also to move their Lordships to order some to be prepared and put on board the sloops for experiments.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
6 March, 1776.Sir,—
I take the liberty to send you the inclosed account, that, if it meets with their Lordships' approbation, the necessary orders may be given to provide the several articles therein mentioned, or such others as they may think more proper.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
[Enclosure.]
An account of sundry articles necessary to be provided and put on board the Resolution and Discovery, in the proportions therein mentioned, in order to exchange for refreshments with the natives of such unfrequented countries as they may touch at, or to be distributed to them in presents towards obtaining their friendship, &c.
Resolution.Discovery.Carpenters' adzes with helves in bundle12 in No.6Axes of sorts with helves in bundle200120Broad axes with helves in bundle4024Hatchets with helves in bundle300200Spike nails of sorts500 wt.300 wt.Nails 40d. and upwards500 wt.250 wt.Chizzels12 in No.6Saws128Files of sorts6 dozn.3 dozn.Knives, common24 dozn.14 dozn.Scissars2 do.1 do.Small glass and metal buttons6 do.3 do.Combs, small tooth4 do.3 do.Do. large do.20 do.12 do.Looking-glasses with frames12 do.8 do.Beads in sorts£16 worth£9 worthOld shirts, not patched3 dozn.2 dozn.Red baize220 yards120 yardsOld cloathes£5 worth£3 worthFine old sheets20 No.12 No.Kettles or potts2416Hammers with helves1 dozn.1 dozn.Carpenters' planes, with two trous to each126Fish hooks20 dozn.12 dozn.Knives, long4 do.2 do.Small shott8 cwt.5 cwt.Ribband to string some medals which remain20 dozn. yards
A pair of Fearnought trowsers and a jacket for each man, and four or five Warm clothing, good watch-coats to each ship.
Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to———.
Evidently to Secretary Stephens.
Mile End, Thursday morning,14 March [1776]Sir,—.
Their Lordships have given me an order to provide all the articles intended to be put on board the Resolution and Discovery as presents, &c., to the different nations we may meet with, but as those under mentioned were before provided by Mr. Boulton, I shall not purchas them till I receive further instructions from
you. I apprehend there is yet time enough to get these articles from Birmingham. I most sincerely wish you a better state of health, and am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Resolution.Discovery.Carpenters' adzes12 in No.6 in No.Axes of sorts200 No.120 No.Broad axes40 No.24 No.Hatchets300 No.200 No.Spike nails of sorts500 cwt.300 cwt.Nail, 40d. and upwards500 cwt.250 cwt.
N.B.—Some other articles were provided by Mr. Boulton before, but as they were not much wanting, the quantity is greatly reduced, and some articles wholy rejected.
Captain Cook to Secretary Jackson.
16 March, 1776.Sir,—
Please to move their Lordships to order His Majesty's sloops Resolution and Discovery to be supplyed with some red wine in lieu of the same proportion of spirit, it being necessary to have some on board in case of any disorder breaking out amongst the crew, in which it is usefull.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Secretary Jackson.
Deptford,18 March, 1776.Sir,—
Having already entered as many men for the Resolution as will, with the party of marines, make up her full complement, I beg you will be pleased to move their Lordships to allow me to do this exclusive of the marines, in order to have it in my power to make choise of such men only as are fit for the voyage.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to———.
Evidently to Secretary Stephens.
……… [
No date, but evidently about March, 1776.
]Sir,—
Mr. Robt. Mackie, midshipman on board the Nonsuch, who was the late voyage in the Adventure, hath applied to me
to go out in the Resolution. As I have great reason to believe that he will on many occasions be a very usefull man, I beg you will move their Lordships to order him to be discharged from the Nonsuch into the Resolution.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Sir John Pringle, Bart., F.R.S.
Sir John Pringle, President of the Royal Society from 1772 to 1778.
[No date.]
Quoted in Pringle's address to the Royal Society, November 30, 1776. —See Cook's Voyage towards the South Pole, vol. ii, pp. 369–396. The letter was published entire in Part 2, vol. lxvi, Philos. Transactions. It was evidently written in the early part of 1776. The Royal Society awarded to Cook, as author of the paper, the Copley gold medal.
Sir,—
As many gentlemen have express'd their surprize at the uncommon good health which the crew of the Resolution, under my command, experienced during her late long voyage, I take the liberty to communicate to you the methods that were taken to obtain that end.
A good deal was owing to the extraordinary attention paid by the admiralty, in causing such articles to be put on board as either experience or suggestion was judged would tend to preserve the health of seamen. I shall not trespass on your time in mentioning all these articles, but confine myself to such as were found the most usefull.
We had on board a quantity of malt, of which we made sweet wort, and given to such of the men as showed the least symptoms of scurvey, and also to such as were thought to be threat'ned with that disorder, from one to two or three pints a day each man, or in such proportions that the surgeon found necessary, which sometimes amounted to three pints. This is, without doubt, one of the best antiscorbutic sea medicines yet found out, and, if given in time, will, with proper attention to other things, I am persuaded, prevent the scurvey from making any great progress for a considerable time. But I am not altogether of opinion that it will cure it at sea.
Sour krout, of which we had a large quantity, is not only a wholesome vegetable food, but, in my opinion, highly antiscorbutic, and spoils not by keeping. A pound of this was served each man when at sea twice a week, and oftener as was thought necessary.
Portable broth was another great article of which we had a large supply. An ounce of this to each man, or such other proportion as was thought necessary, was boil'd in their pease three
days in the week, and when we were in places where vegetables were to be got it was boiled with them, and wheat or oatmeal every morning for breakfast, or else with pease and vegetables for dinner. It enabled us to make several nourishing and wholesome messes, and was the means of making the people eat a greater quantity of vegetables than they would have done without.
Rob of lemon and orange is an antiscorbutic we were not without. The surgeon made use of it in many cases with great success.
Amongst the articles of victualling we were supplied with sugar in the room of oil, wheat for a part of our oatmeal, and were certainly gainers by the exchange.
Sugar, I apprehend, is a very good anti-scorbutic, whereas oil (such as is usually supplied the Navy), I am of opinion, has the contrary effect. But the introduction of the most salutary articles, either as provisions or medicines, will generally prove unsuccessful unless supported by certain regulations. On this principle, many years' experience, together with some hints I had from S'r Hugh Palisser, Captains, Campbell, Wallis, and other intelligent officers, enabled me to lay a plan whereby all was to be governed.
The crew was at three watches, except on some extraordinary occasions. By this means they were not so much exposed to the weather as if they had been at watch and watch, and had generally dry cloaths to shift themselves when they happened to get wet. Care was also taken to expose them as little to wet weather as possible.
Proper methods were taken to keep their persons, hammocks, bedding, cloathes, &c., constantly clean and dry. Equal care was taken to keep the ship clean and dry betwixt decks, and once or twice a week she was aired with fires, and when this could not be done she was smoaked with gunpowder mixed with vinegar or water. I had also fires frequently made in an iron pot at the bottom of the well, which was of great use in purifying the air in the lower parts of the ship. To this and cleanliness in the ship as amongst the people too great attention cannot be paid; the least neglect occasions a putrid and disagreeable smell below, which nothing but fires will remove.
Proper attention was paid to the ship's coppers, so that they were kept constantly clean. The fat which boiled out of the salt beef and pork I never suffered to be given to the people, being of opinion that it promotes the scurvey. I took care to take in water whenever it was to be got, even tho' we did not want it, because I look upon fresh water from the shore to be more wholesome than that which has been kept some time on board a ship. Of this essential article we were never at an allowance, but had always plenty for every necessary purpose. I am of opinion that
with plenty of fresh water and proper attention to cleanliness, a ship's company will seldom be much afflicted with the scurvey, even though they are not provided with any of the anti-scorbutics above mentioned. We came to few places where either the act of man or nature had not provided some sort of refreshment or other, either in the animal or vegetable way. It was my first care to procure whatever of either kind could be met with, by every means in my power, and to oblige our people to make use thereof, both by my example and authority. But the benefits arising from those kind of refreshments soon became so obvious that I had little occasion to make use of either the one or the other.
These, sir, were the methods, under the care of Providence, by which the Resolution performed a voyage of three years and eighty days, through all the climates from 52° north to 71° south, with only the loss of four men out of one hundred and eighteen. Two were drownded, one was killed by a fall, and the other died after a long illness occasioned by a complication of disorders, without the least mixture of the scurvey.
J. Cook.
Captain Cook to Sir John Pringle, Bart., F.R.S.
Mile End,2 April, 1776.Sir,—
In compliance with your request I send you my observations on the tides in Endeavour River, on the east coast of New Holland, in lat. 15° 2&6acute; E.
About 11 o'clock in the evening of the 10th of June, 1770, as we were standing off shore, the ship suddenly struck and stuck fast on a reef of coral rocks about six leagues from the land. At this time I judged it was about high-water, and that the tides were taking off or decreasing, as it was three days past the full moon, two circumstances by no means in our favour. As our efforts to heave her off before the tide fell proved ineffectual, we began to lighten her by throwing overboard our guns, ballast, &c., in hopes of floating her the next high-water; but to our great surprise the tide did not rise high enough to accomplish this by near two feet. We had now no hopes but from the tide at midnight, and these only founded on a notion, very general indeed among seamen, but not confirmed by anything which has yet fallen under my observations, that the night tide rises higher than the day tide. We prepared, however, for the event, which exceeded our most sanguine expectations, for, about twenty minutes after 10 o'clock in the evening, which was a full hour before high-water, the ship floated. At this time the heads
of rock which on the preceding tide were at least a foot above water were wholly covered. I was fully satisfied of the truth of the remark after getting into the river, where we remained from the 17th of June till the 4th of August, repairing the damage the ship had received. As this was to be done with the assistance of the tides, it led me to make the following observations, which upon any other less important occasion might have escaped my notice.
The times of high-water on the full and change days I found to be about a quarter after 9; the evening tide at the height of the spring to rise nine feet perpendicular, the morning tide scarce seven; and the low-water preceding the highest, or evening tide, to fall or recede considerably lower than the one preceding the morning tide. This difference in the rise and fall of the tide was uniformly the same on each of the three springs which happened while we lay in the place, and was apparent for about six or seven days—that is, for about three days before and after the full or change of the moon. During the neep the tide was very inconsiderable, and if there, was any difference between the rise of the tide in the day and in the night it was not observed, but to the best of my recollection none was perceptible. Excepting two or three mornings when we had a land breeze for a few hours, we had the winds from no other direction than S.E., which is the same as this part of the coast, and from which, quarter I judged the flood tide came. The wind for the most part blew a brisk gale, and rather stronger during the day than the night. How far this last circumstance might affect the evening tide I shall not pretend to determine, nor can I assign any other cause for this difference in the rise and fall of the tide, and therefore must leave it to those who are better versed in this subject than
Yours, &c.,J. Cook.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
9 April, 1776.Sir,—
Please to move my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to order his Majesty's sloops the Resolution and Discovery to be supply'd each of them with an apparatus for recovering drowned persons, as the same may be of great use in their present intended voyage.
I also pray that they will be pleased to order the Resolution to be supplyed with two puncheons of double-distilled spirit, in order to preserve from putrefaction such curious birds, fish, and other anemals we may happen to meet with in the course of the voyage.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Admiralty Office,25 April, 1776.Sir,—
Please to move their Lordships to direct the Governors of Christ Hospital to let me have one of the boys which are now ready to leave the mathematical school.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
29 April, 1776.Sir,—
Judging from experience that fifty half-barrels of powder which his Majesty's sloop the Resolution, under my command, is to be supplyed with will not be sufficient for so long a voyage as her intended one may be, I applyed to the principal officers of the Ordnance for ten additional half-barrels of corn'd powder and two of glazed; the latter not cloging or fouling the muskets so much as the former, may be of great use to us on many occasions. Finding by the inclosed that they cannot comply with my request without an order from the Lords Commissr's of the Admiralty, please to move their Lordships to order her this additional supply.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
P.S.—It will be equally necessary for the Discovery to have some glazed powder.
[Enclosure.]J. Boddington
John Boddington, Under Secretary to his Majesty's Board of Ordnance; on 1st September of the following year he was appointed Secretary.—Annual Register, vol. xx, p. 225.
to Captain Cook.
Office of Ordnance,26 April, 1776.Sir,—
Having laid before the principal officers of the Ordnance your letter of the 19th instant, requesting that his Majesty's sloop the Resolution, under your command, may be supplied with ten additional half-barrels of corn'd powder, as you do not imagine her allowance of fifty half-barrels sufficient for so long a voyage as she is intended, and also desiring that she may be supplied with two half-barrels of glazed powder, I received their commands to acquaint you that they cannot comply with your request without orders from the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty which they desire you to apply for.
I am, &c.,John Boddington.
Captain Clerke to Secretary Stephens.
Admiralty Office,7 May, 1776.Sir,—
I beg leave to trouble you with the following request to their Lordships:
There are two men, David Markham and Will'm Morris,
These men probably formed part of the crew of either the Resolution or the Adventure—neither of them was on the Endeavour.
on board the Lion (commanded by Lieut. Pickersgill), with whom I have long since been acquainted, who are very desirous of going the voyage with me.
I propos'd to Mr. Pickersgill to give him two men in their lieu, which he very readily came into, so intreat the favour of their Lordships that we may be indulg'd in this exchange.
I am, &c.,Chas. Clerke.
Captain Clerke to Secretary Stephens.
Galleons Reach,13 May, 1776.Sir,—
I beg leave to trouble you to acquaint their Lordships that I have left Deptford with his Majestie's sloop Discovery under my command, and have anchor'd in this reach to take in my guns, &c., in obedience to their Lordships' orders of the 14th of February.
I am, &c.,Chas. Clerke.
Extract of Instructions
These instructions are included here because they have a direct bearing on Captain Cook's Third Voyage. It was intended, when Pickersgill returned “in the fall of the year,” to use the information which it was expected he would glean, with reference to Baffin's Bay, in equipping an expedition to explore the eastern shores, while Cook would be exploring the western shores of North America, in the search for a north-west passage; and thus, if possible, to co-operate with him. Pickersgill does not, however, appear to have been as successful as a commander as he was as an officer. He returned within the required time, but appears to hare done little or nothing. The command was taken from him and given to Lieutenant Young, with no better results.
to Lieutenant Pickersgill, of his Majesty's armed brig Lyon, dated the 14th May, 1776.
Whereas we intend that his Majesty's armed vessel the Lyon shall proceed to Davis's Streights for the protection of the British whalefishers who may be employed in those parts during the approaching fishing season, and that she shall afterwards proceed into Baffin's Bay for the purpose of making discoveries: You are
therefore hereby required and directed to put to sea with the very first opportunity of wind and weather, and make the best of your way to the south end of Disco Island, in the abovementioned streights, where the whalefishers usually resort at the beginning of the season, and there make enquiry amongst them if they have heard of any armed or other American ships in those parts belonging to the inhabitants of his Majesty's colonies now in rebellion; and if they have, you are to proceed in quest of them, and use your best endeavours to take or destroy them. You are afterwards to proceed to the north-west part of the said island, where the above-mentioned fishers usually resort during the latter part of the season, and make enquiry and proceed in like manner. And having so done, or not hearing of any American vessels in those parts, you are at liberty, and are hereby required and directed, to proceed up Baffin's Bay and explore the coasts thereof as far as in your judgment the same can be done without apparent risque, taking care to leave the abovementioned bay so timely as to secure your return to England in the fall of the year, and to return accordingly to the Nore, from whence you are to send us an account of your arrival and proceedings.
You are carefully to observe the true situation of such parts of the above-mentioned coasts as you may discover, both in latitude and longitude, the variation of the needle, bearings of the headlands, height and direction of the tides and currents, depths and soundings of the sea, shoals, rocks, &c.; and to employ Mr. Lane, master of the vessel you command (who has an allowance for that purpose), in surveying, making charts, and taking views of the several bays, harbours, and different parts of the coast which you may visit, and in making such notations thereon as may be useful to geography and navigation.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Admiralty Office,1 June, 1776.Sir,—
Please to acquaint their Lordships that, as I did not think it safe to stop at Galleons Reach with his Majesty's sloop the Resolution, under my command, to take in her guns and gunner's stores, I proceeded to Long Reach to take them in there. When this is done, I am directed by their Lordships' order of the 14th of Febr'y to proceed to the Nore for further orders; but if the only intention for the sloop's stoping at the Nore is to pay the crews their advance wages, I am humbly of opinion this had
better be done in Plymouth Sound, as it will give us an oppertunity to take on board some port wine, which the Victualling Board have ordered to be reserved for us.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Resolution, Long Reach,7 June, 1776.Sir,—
I have received their Lordships' order, dated the 5th inst., directing me to proceed to Plymouth with the Resolution and Discovery; also their order, of the same date, in regard to Mr. Wm. Bayly and the two watch machines that are intended to be put on board the sloops.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Clerke to Secretary Stephens.
Discovery, sloop, Long Reach,7 June, 1776.Sir,—
Please to give directions for my being supply'd with the general printed naval instructions, with the Acts of Parlim't and statutes, and am, &c.,
Chas. Clerke.
Captain Clerke to Secretary Stephens.
London,13 June, 1776.Sir,—
His Majestie's sloop Discovery, under my command, being in every particular equip'd for sea, I have receiv'd orders from Capt. Cook immediately to proceed for Plymouth, but some of my own private affairs of the utmost importance to me requiring my attention to them in town, I wou'd be highly oblig'd to their Lordships if I cou'd be indulg'd in attending them, and sending the ship round under the command of Lieut. Burney.
Late last night I received the inclosed, which I thought proper to transmit to you, as I apprehend, I have no authority to
order the Discovery to proceed in the absence of her commander. An order sent to Woolwich will reach her time enough for her to sail to-morrow.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
P.S.—Cap. Clerke has my order to proceed to Plymouth.
[Enclosure.]Lieutenant Burney to Captain Cook.
Long Reach, from on board the Discovery,Friday, 13 June.Sir,—
The orders are just arrived for the Resolution to proceed to Plymouth, but no mention made of the Discovery. Capt'n Clerke cannot be found. Clerke is not on board, nor, I believe, will on this side Plymouth, and I know not where to direct to him; I therefore take the liberty to trouble you, and should be glad to know if we are to go round with the Resolution.
I remain, &c.,Ja's Burney.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Plymouth Sound,30 June, 1776.Sir,—
Please to acquaint their Lordships with the arrival of his Majesty's sloop the Resolution, under my command, at this place yesterday, in the afternoon.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Resolution, sloop, in Plym. Sound,9 July, ′76.Sir,—
I am to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 6th instant, with the secret instructions therein mentioned, and the two orders regarding Mr. Webber and Omai, all of which shall be duly attended to.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Clerke to Mr. Banks (Banks Papers).
Friday morning [no date.]
This letter was evidently written a short time prior to the one which follows it.
Dear Sir,—
I am very sorry to inform you that now I am fairly cast away—the damnation Bench of Justices fell out among them-selves, upset and fairly frustrated the friendly intentions of Sir
Fletcher Norton,
Sir Fletcher Norton, one of the leading Common Law advocates of the day; engaged by the Crown in the famous prosecution of Wilkes; Speaker of the House of Commons, 1770 to 1781; created Baron Grantley, 1782.
&c.—wrote a rascally letter, hoping that I would not find any inconvenience from it, and put off the ad-journment to Monday sen night. Now, you know, this is quite beyond our reach—it seems the whole legends of the Bench do not furnish such another incident—indeed there's a fatality attends my every undertaking—those people whom I most honour and esteem, that favour me with the name of friend, to them I become a trouble and burthen; however, though we cannot help mis-fortunes, we can help deserving them, and I am determined that want of gratitude and attention shall never be an accusation against me; therefore I'm resolved to decamp without beat of drum, and if I can, outsail the Israelites, get to sea, and make every return in my power. I think I had better write to Lord Sandwich
The Earl of Sandwich was, at the date of this letter, First Lord of the Admiralty.
to thank him, as I cannot now wait upon him, for my visitations must be very private, and ask him if he has any orders for me; do tell me what I must do on that head, and if you would have me wait upon you ere I depart, &c., &c., and believe me, in prosperity or adversity,
Yours, &c.,Chas. Clerke.
I have sent the log-books, &c. In the marvel-coloured book you'll find the best accounts of lands, &c., &c., &c.,
Captain Clerke to Mr. Banks (Banks Papers).
Friday Eve.
No date. Cook, in the Resolution, sailed from Plymouth Sound on the 11th July, 1776; the Discovery at that time lying in the Sound waiting for Captain Clerke, who was “detained in London.”—(Cook's Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, vol. i, p.9.) From this it is evident that the above letter was written on the evening of Friday, the 5th July, 1776; the letter which precedes it having been, most likely, written on the morn-ing of the same day, or else on the previous Friday.
Dear Sir,—
I this day received a letter from Lord Sandwich acquaint-ing me he shall certainly order the Discovery to sea very soon, in short, giving me to understand that if I cannot leave town by the 10th or 11th instant I must give all up; now, that completes the wretchedness of my situation. I find the Jews are exasperated and determined to spare no pains to arrest me if they could once
catch me out of the rules of the Bench; this you know would be striking the finishing stroke. Let me, my good friend, intreat the influence of your friendship here. I shall certainly be clear'd the 16th or 18th instant, and shall then be happy. If the Resolution sailed to-morrow I should be soon enough at the Cape for our every purpose. She must water on her way upon account of the live cattle, &c., she has on board. I have no such impediment, but shall run there without interruption. At the Cape, your bread which you bespeak is bak'd, and various other matters prepar'd which never takes up less than a fortnight before you can get them. If Capt. Cook should get here before me he can bespeak my quantum, which you know he's very well acquainted with, and I certainly shall not be a great while after him; at any rate, I trust you will try what can be done for your castaway but everlastingly gratefull,
Oblig'd servant,Chas. Clerke.
Captain Clerke to——.
Evidently to Secretary Stephens.
Discovery, at Plymouth,1 August ′76.Sir,—
I must beg the favour of you to acquaint their Lordships that I got down here on Tuesday night. Was busied yesterday in getting two men in lieu of two I've sent to the hospital—one with the small-pox, which was rather an unfortunate precedent; but I've exchanged the only two marines that have not had this distemper for others who have, and among the seamen there are only two who have not had it. These are two very good men, very desirous of going the voyage, and, as the contagion can go no farther, I think I may venture to go on. I shall imme-diately get under way, and proceed according to their Lordships' instructions, and hope in the course of the voyage to act in such a manner as to render myself not wholly unworthy that dis-tinguish'd indulgence their Lordships have been so good as to favour me with.
I have, &c.,Chas. Clerke.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Resolution, Teneriff,3 August, 1776.Sir,—
After leaving Plymouth, I found I had not provisions on board for the stock I am carrying to the South Sea Islands to last to the Cape of Good Hope, and was under a necessity to put
in somewhere to get more, and made choice of this island, where I arrived two days ago, and having got what I wanted, am geting under sail to proceed on the voyage.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Resolution, Cape of Good Hope,23 October, 1776.Sir,—
I beg you will be pleased to acquaint the Right Hon. the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty that I sailed from the Island of Teneriffe on the 4th of August, and without stoping any where arrived at this place on the 18th instant, and am now persuing the necessary measures for puting the ship in a con-dition to proceed on the voyage. The Discovery is not yet arrived.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook.
Captain Clerke to Mr. Banks
Endorsed in Mr. Banks's handwriting, “Capt. Clerke, May, 1777.”
(Banks Papers).
Discovery, at the Cape of Good Hope,23 November, 1776.My Dear Sir,—
Here I am hard and fast moor'd alongside my old friend Capt'n Cook, so that our battles with the Israelites cannot now have any ill-effects upon our intended attack upon the North Pole. I think I acquainted you from Plymouth, on the 1st of August, that I was getting under way; I then got a good outset with a fresh easterly breeze, and made a very good passage to within a few leagues of this land without any kind of accident befalling us but the loss of the corporal of marines by unfortunately falling overboard soon after we had enter'd the Southern Hemisphere. We had a little of the small and abundance of the French pox amongst us at our sailing, but all hands were perfectly cleans'd and perfectly healthy at our arrival here. The sour crout and portable soup, with now and then a few albetrosses, we find a most salutary diet. I made this land on the 30th of October, and should have been in with all facility the next day, but a confounded gale from the S.E. sprung up and blew with violence enough, I thought, to upset the Table Hill; however, in spight of my blood it drove me off the coast again and detained me at sea till the 9th of this month, when I got in and
found the Resolution had then been here three weeks, and, of course, had got all my provisions, &c., in good forwardness for embarking. Capt. Cook set the bakers to work immediately upon his arrival, and the last of my bread was baked on the 21st instant. I shall be ready for sea by the 25th or 26th; the Resolution is not yet quite compleat, so that those curs'd procrastinations the gentlemen of the law plagued us with will exceedingly little, if at all, impede our leaving this place. Your man Nelson is one of the quietest fellows in nature; he seems very attentive, and, I hope, will answer your purpose very well. I flatter myself I need not assure you of every attention of mine towards his giving you all satisfaction. He has made a trip up the country here with Gore, who is very well, and desires his respects and compliments to you and the good doctors, to whom I mean presently to address myself. I have executed your commissions to Mr. Prihm and Mr. Brand
Mr. Brandt was a prominent merchant at Cape Town, at whose house it was customary for the officers of British vessels to reside during their stay in port.
[Brandt], who both seem much pleased with your compliments. We shall now sail in a very few days, and return to the old trade of exploring, so can only say adieu, adieu, my very good friend. Be assured that happen what will it is wholly out of the power of durance of time or length of space in the least to alleviate that sense of gratitude your goodness has inspir'd, but, indeed, I shall ever endeavour upon all and every occasion to acquit myself, dear sir,
Yours, &c.,Chas. Clerke.
Nov. 29th.
The vessels sailed on the following morning—the 30th November, 1776.
—We are now all ready for the sea, and shall certainly this evening or tomorrow morning proceed. I was oblig'd to go and get my letter again, and make this addition. At my first arrival here Mr. Brand [Brandt] offer'd to take upon himself the expences of Nelson. I told him there was no necessity for it; I should settle all his matters. I have now settled all my accounts, &c., but just now found that two of my boys had spent all their money, and were fairly in pawn, so I thought the easiest way was to give Brand the receipt of Nelson's for 31 rix dollars, which I have here advanced him, which you will repay, take the dollars from him and make him your creditor for that sum. We are now all hurry, so have only time to say adieu, adieu, for a long, and I hope a good, campaigne. Adieu
Captain Cook to Secretary Stephens.
Cape of Good Hope,28 November, 1776.Sir,—
I did myself the honour to write to you by a French ship on the 23rd of last month, and by the Hampshire, Indiaman, on the 5th instant.
This letter of the 5th November, 1776, is missing.
On the 10th, Captain Clerke arrived, by whom I received your letter of the 20th of July,
This letter is also missing.
and the several things therein mentioned, which I shall duly attend to. The work necessary to be done to the Discovery, and the bakers failing to bake the bread I had ordered for her, thinking if she did not arrive it would be left on their hand, has detained me here some days longer than I expected. I am now ready to put to sea with the first wind, having filled the sloops with provisions, and made some considerable addition to the live stock on board the Resolution, intended to be sent to Otaheite. As I have taken the liberty to do this with a view of serving posterity, by having some to spare to leave on the lands I may touch at before I arrive at that island, I hope it will meet their Lordships' approbation, and that they will order the bill to be honoured which I have taken the liberty to draw on you of this date, in favour of Mr. Christoffel Brand, or order, for the sum of two hundred and fourteen pounds ten shillings and sixpence sterling, in a set of bills of exchange of the same tenor and date, and payable at thirty days' sight, it being for the purchase and keeping the live stock, supporting Omai, and for defraying Mr. Webber's expences, all of which will appear by the enclosed vouchers. A painting which he made of St. Cruz, in the Island of Teneriffe, I have left with Mr. Brand, of this place, to be forwarded to their Lordships by the first safe opportunity.
I am, &c.,Jam's Cook
The Lords of the Admiralty to Lieutenant Young.
Extract of Instructions to Lieutenant Young, commanding the
Lyon, armed vessel, dated 13th March, 1777.
Whereas in pursuance of the King's pleasure, signified to us by the Earl of Sandwich, his Majesty's sloops named in the margin
Resolution and Discovery.
have been sent out under the command of Captain Cook, in order, during this and the ensuing year, to attempt the discovery of a northern passage by sea from the Pacific to the Atlantic Ocean, and for that purpose to run up as high as the latitude of 65° north, where it is hoped he will be able to arrive in the month of Cook's movements. June next, and there, and as much further to the northward as
in his prudence he shall think proper, very carefully to search for 1777 13 March and explore such rivers or islets as may appear to be of a considerable extent, and pointing to Hudson's of Baffin's Bay, on the North Sea; and upon finding any passage through, sufficient for the purposes of navigation, to attempt such passage with one or both of the sloops, or, if they are judged to be too large, with smaller vessels, the frames of which have been sent out with him for that purpose; and whereas, in pursuance of his Majesty's further pleasure, signified as aforesaid, the armed vessel under your command hath been fitted in order to proceed to Baffin's Bay, with a view to explore the western parts thereof, and to endeavour to find a passage on that side from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean, and we have thought fit to entrust you with the conduct of that voyage: You are therefore hereby required and directed to put to sea in the said armed vessel without a moment's loss of time and make the best of your way into Baffin's Bay, and to use your best endeavours to explore the western shores thereof as far as in your judgment the same can be done without apparent risque, and to examine such considerable rivers or inlets as you may discover, and in case you find any through which there may be a probability of passing into the Pacific Ocean you are to attempt such passage, and if you succeed in the attempt, and shall be able to repass it again so as to return to England this year, you are to make the best of your way to Spithead or the Nore, and to remain there until you receive further order, sending us an account of your arrival and proceedings. But if you shall succeed in the attempt, and shall find the season too far advanced for you to return the same way, you are then to look out for the most commodious place to winter in, and to endeavour to return by the said passage as early in the next year as the season will admit, and then to make the best of your way to England as above directed.
In case, however, you should not find, or should be satisfied there is not any probability of finding, any such passage, or finding it you should not be able to get through in the vessel you command, you are then to return to England as before mentioned, unless you shall find any branch of the sea leading to the westward which you shall judge likely to afford a communication between the Atlantic and the Pacific Ocean, and which you shall not be able to explore in the course of this year, it being in that case left to your discretion to stay the winter in the most commodious situation you can find, in order to pursue the discovery next year if you shall find it advisable to do so; and, having discovered such passage or not succeeded in the attempt, you are to make the best of your way back to England as above directed.
Lieutenant Young to ———
Evidently to Secretary Stephens.
.
Lyon, Peter Head,2 April, 1777.Sir,—
I beg you will be pleas'd to inform their Lordships that I was obliged by a heavy gale of wind at North to put into this bay for shelter and to repair the damages we have sustain'd.
I am, &c.,Wal. Young
Lieutenant Young to Secretary Stephens.
Lyon, at sea; Cape Farewell, N.b.W. 19 leags.,6 July, 1777.Sir,—
I beg you will be pleas'd to acquaint their Lordships that I arrived off the island of Disco on the 5th of June. On the 8th I got to the lattd. of 72° 45′ N., where we were stopped by the ice. We then coasted the ice to the north end of the island of Disco, and found it a close solid body. On the 14th I got to the above lattd. and found the ice in same state, fixed to the land and impenetrable. From its situation and all the information I have been able to collect, I am persuaded that it is impossible to penetrate farther to the northward; and as the foggs are sett in, whereby the navigation in so small a space of water has become (from the floating ice and islands) both intricate and dangerous, I could not continue here any longer without imminent danger to his Majestie's brig. I therefore thought it necessary to call at the Danish settlement at Disco for farther information, where I arrived on the 19th, and sailed from thence on the 22nd for England. Inclos'd
The enclosure is not available.
with this I send you the state and condition of his Majesty's brig under my command.
I am, &c.,Wal. Young
Lieutenant Young to Secretary Stephens.
Lyon, Deptford,20 September, 1777.Sir,—
I beg you will be pleas'd to acquaint their Lordships that a great part of the presents intended for the Indians are on board the Lyon, and shou'd be glad to know how their Lordships will have them disposed off. Inclosed I send you a list of them.
This list is not available.
I am, &c.,Wal. Young
An Endeavour Log.
[In the Library of A. H. Turnbull, Esq., Wellington.]
The manuscript from which the following fac-similes have been taken forms part of a log kept by some person on board the “Endeavour” during the course of Cook's first voyage round the world. This portion of the log begins on the 8th December, 1768, when the “Endeavour” was on her way from Rio Janeiro to the Straits of La Maire, and finishes with an entry for Friday, the 22nd June, 1770; and so contains transactions extending for a period of about eighteen months. It is written upon sixty-six leaves, and the handwriting of the last page is different from that of the preceding ones.
Five leaves are missing, namely: two, 14th to 24th January, inclusive, covering the description of the Expedition ashore at Terra del Fuego; one, 13th to 16th August, inclusive; and two, 6th to 15th October, inclusive, covering Banks' brush with the Maori.
It is hard to say positively who wrote this log. The handwriting is not Cook's, nor is it Richard Orton's, the ship's clerk. The log was shown to the late Professor E. E. Morris, of Melbourne, in 1899, and, though he was at first of the opinion that the manuscript was Gore's, he subsequently changed his views, and considered it possible the writing was that of Zachary Hicks, one of the “Endeavour's” lieutenants. The great difficulty, Professor Morris knew, in accepting Hicks as the writer, was the fact that a different log, ascribed to Hicks, had been partially printed in the “Historical Records of New South Wales.” Mr. Turnbull has had no opportunity of comparing the handwriting of the two manuscripts, and does not know the grounds upon which the one printed in the Records is credited to Hicks.
The authorship of the log, therefore, is uncertain, but there is no doubt that the descriptions in it are all made by an eye-witness, who wrote down what he saw at the time.
The dates given in the log are reckoned by the nautical method, i.e., the day commences at noon of the civil day and ends at noon of the following civil day. This should be noted when comparing the log with any narrative of the voyage, which will not only refer to the civil day but also make allowance for “westing.”
at Anchor in Tegado Bay
Mo. & Week days"WindsOctober 1769Friday 20th...S S W Variable Calm S S WS W SVariable Winds, Calms and uncertain Weather at 8 PM in 1st Reefs. disce off Shore 3 or 4 Miles at 8 AM the Extremes of the land @ Nto. S ½ W disce of Shore 3 Miles at 9 bore away for a Bay when abreast of the Island ½ a Mile from ye Nn:ermost End had irregular Soundings 13 & q F hard ground but in the regular from 12 to 7 F dark Sand at Noon came too with the Best Bowr in the 8 F Water on Tegadoo Bay, the Extremes of the Land from |the Island| N13°E to S12° disce of shore ½ a Mile Several Canoes came of and two Indians ventur'd on board —
Tegadoo Bay
38··11 S° Latitude ……Variation 13°··15°E. .101··31 W° @ Greenwich or London;Saturday 21st..VariableWSWSW&SThe first part Squally, Rainey, Wear the Middle light Airs and Cloudy the latter Moderate and fair, PM our Boats attempted to Land the Surf running so high prevented them the 2 Indians that went in the Boats beckoned a Canoe and went on Shore in Her at 4 the Surf being down, the Capn MrBanks &c Landed found the Natives verry Peaceable, and Civil; in the Bottom of ye Bay found a tolerable Run of Water. — AM the 2 Lieut: & Waterers Escorted by a party of Marines Went on Shore to Water the Carpenter & Crew to Cut Wood Employ'd in the Boats fetching Water off.Sunday 22dS°toE and NENNWN&WPM Little Wind & fair remer fresh Breeze Employ'd as Yesterday in the Evening Officers & Men returned, hoisted in the Boats at 5 AM Weighed and Stood Out of the Bay leaving this Place on Acct of the Surf on the Shore which renderd our Watering difficult and tedious, Stood to the NE at Noon Tegadoo Bay W b S ½ S a remarkable High doubl Peak N7 ° W disce of Shore & Lgce Latid Obserd 30°13′ South
Monday 23N&ENNWNorthN&EModerate Gales and Cloudy Wear at 2 PM in w Reefs at 6° Tegadoo Bay bore SW b S Gable End head S b W ½ W double Peak Hill NW b W disce: of Shore 3 or 4 Leags 56 to 36 F Water fine Sand at 1 AM Wore at 5 Wore & out Reefs at 7AM severall Canoes came off and some off the Indians came on board. Bore away for a Bay bearg: SW b W Tegadoo Bay then bearg: NW b N disce .. 3 Miles lowerd down the Long Boat ye Yawl sent the 2d Lieut: to examin a Watering Place the Indian told us of, The Extremes of the Bay ar N7°W to S 42 E disce off Shore 1 Milehere I began to count the Longitude East @ London being more than 180 degrees to ye Wt:ward of it; Longt: Obserd: ye ☉ ye ☽ 179° .. 11′ EtTuesday 24WesterlyFresh Breezes and Pleasant Wear. PM our boats retd approving of the Watering Place ½ past Came too with Best Bowr in Tolaga Bay in 10 F Sand and small Stones, carried out the stream Anchor to the So:ward when Moor'd the Extremes of the Bay from North to S 62° E the Watering Place S 27° E one Mile the Capn. &ct went on Shore at 5 AM the Boats Mann'd and Arm'd & a Party to stay on Shore went a Watering reced on board two Boats of Water and one of Wood — Longt: Obserd Pt ☉ & ☽ 179° 12′ E Latid obserd 38° 21′ Sth.
Moor'd in Tolaga Bay
Mo. & Week days"WindsOctober Wednesday 25th.No:erlyWestWSWModerate breezes and Pleasant Wear. Employ'd Wooding and Watering, got Plenty of Wild Sellery for the Soup and Pease AM several Canoes of Indians came on board and gave us Fish in truck for White Rags. —, Got up the Forge —
Tolaga Bay
Latid. 38° 23′ S. Variation 13° 15′ EtLongid ... 178° 28 E @ London - - -Thursday 26th.SouthSSESWThe first part Moderate Breezes and fair, the Middle and latter Cloudy & Rain, Employ'd as Yesterday. The Indians came off and Traded with a few fish and Sweet Potatoes.Friday27SSWSWModerate Breezes, the firt part Rainey the latter fair Weather dredge'd but meet with no Success AM Compleated our Water to 70 Tons, Trade'd with the Natives for Cray Fish & Sweet Potatoes draught of Water is 14 feet 6 Inches forward & 14 feet abaftSaturday28SouthtoEastModerate Breezes and Pleasant Wear. Employ'd Wooding and Brooming, reced some Sellery and Scurvey Grass; Trade as YesterdaySunday29SSEVariableSSbWNNEThe first and latter Moderate and fair the Middle light Airs and a very thick Fog PM Compleated our Wood at 4 AM Unmoor'd at 6 came to Sail and hoisted up the Longboat The Canoes followed us with Fish ... At Noon Gable End Head SW disce .. 13 Miles The Rock off Tolaga Bay N 77° W disce: 11 or 12 Miles - - -Latid Obserd. 38° · 25′ St. ...... Gable End Head Latid ..... 38° · 36′ StLongd Londn 178° 25 EtMonday30NNEVariableSWSouthThe first and Middle light Airs & Cloudy the latter Moderate Breeze and fair Wear. at 6 PM. Tolaga Bay from Wt.. to N50° W dist. 3 or 4 Miles, at 5 AM haul'd in for the Land at 6 Cape Gable S 9° W a Rugged Point to the Northward of Tegadoo Bay N 76° W disce 4 or 5 Miles the No: ermost Land in Sight N b W 23 F Grey Land — at Noon a finall round high Island Call'd East Island ....... N 2° E Extremes of the Land a Cape Call'd Cape East bore N 8° W South East one ½ W disce. off Shore 4 Ms -
Latid. Obserd 37° · 49′ Sth. , Cape East
Latid ...... 37° · 42′ SthLongd .. @ Londn. 178° · Et:Tuesday30SESSEVariableWestThe first and Middle a Strong Breeze the latter Moderate and Pleasant Wea:r at one PM haul'd round a Small round Island which we call East island bearg: ENE 1½ Miles from the NE Cape call'd Cape East, Run along Shore to the Wt:ward soundg from 19 to 24 F at 5 past a low Point round wch there seemd to be a Harbour at 8 PM in 60 F water bro:t too fore Topsail to the Mast Hd: in Shore at 3 AM made Sail at 8 Two Canoes came off wth about 50 Men each, threatned us with their launces and dared us to Fight: fired two fore Pounders over their Heads wch frightned them to the Shore at Noon the Extremes @ N 79° to S 32 ° Wt. a Point abreast of us N 87° E dis:ce 3 Ms. Saw more Land making like Islands bearg W b N Grod 68 F latid Obserd. 37° 32 So.
Coasting and at Anchor in Oporege Bay
Mo & Week daysWinds ....November Wednesday 1.st..W b NVariableESEVariableLittle Winds and Cloudy Wea.r Saw Breakers Bearg SW dis:t from the Shore 4 or 5 Miles after Shoaling our Water from 27 F Th;d Ship at 8 PM brot.. too foretopsail to the mast in the night saw severall fires along Shore at 6 AM the Island mentioned Yesterday noon N 70° Saw about 40 Canoes along Shore some came off and trade'd with Cray Fish, Musscels, and a large Conger Eel at length they began to Cheat, and would take our things, put off their Canoe, and laugh: several Shirts &ct that was towing overboard they cut away, we fired some Musquits, but they would not restore the things, fired a 4 Pounder over them, they then pull'd to the Shore as fast as Possible . . . at Noon the Island / w:ch is call'd by the Natives Koakhali bore N 43° W dis..ce 3 or 4 Miles, Long:d Obser.d177° E @ London Latid Obserd. 37° · 51′ S.oThursy 2NWNNEE b SModerate Breezes the first part Cloudy the latter fair at 7 PM past between some Islands and the Main, @ 8 PM, to 5 AM standing off and on, at 4 AM made Sail past between severall Rocks and the Shore, Soundings from 19 to 7 to 16 F Water two Canoes follow'd us hove stones and dare'd us to Combat; At Noon the Island bore N 50 E dis:t 5 or 6 Miles Latid Obser:d 37° · 39′ SoFriday3dNEtoENEThe first and Middle fresh Gales Hazey Cloudy Wear. the latter moderate and fair at 6 PM an Island NE b E dis:t 6 or 7 Miles Stood off and on under an easy Sail in the Night at 5 made Sail. At Noon a Cluster of Rocks name'd the Court of Aldermen S 74° E, a Tower Rock N 54° W dis.t 4 Ms the N:oermost extreme of the Land making in Islands N 10 W dis:t 5 or 6 LeaguesLatid Obser:d 36° · 56′ So.. Court of Aldermen
Latid ..... 36° 51′ So.Longd @ Londn 176° 6 Et.Saturday4thENEVariableNNWLight Breezes, the first and middle fair and pleasant Wear the latter Hazey & Rain at ½ past 2 saw an Inlet bore up for it at 7 PM the Piller Rock w:ch lays off the S:oermost Point of ye entrance being in one with the Court of Aldermen S 75° E dis:t from the Rock 1 ½ Mile, at ½ came too with the Best Bowr in Oporege Bay in 7 F water severall Canoes about the Ship, in the dusk they attempted to take away the Buoy fired a Musquit wch sent them on Shore about 12 they came off again, on finding us on our Watch, they returned AM 15 or 16 Canoes came off Arm'd wth stones Spears &ct every method was use'd to make 'em Friends and trade, but to no purpose, their Insolence obliged us to fire some Musquets & a four Pounder over them, on wch they dispersed; the Capn in the Pinnace and Master in the Longboat Examining the Bay Oporege or Mercury Bay Latid by Obserd 36° · 48′ So: Longitude 176° Et @ London
Moord in Oporege Bay ... call'd by us Mercury Bay
M:o & week daysWindsNovemberSunday5.thNNWAt 4 PM Weighed and run farther to the So Anchor'd 5 F Water with Best Bowr, Moor'd Ship with Coasting Anchor to the SE laying in 3 ½ F to the Extremes of the enterance of the Bay from S 62° W to N 62 W dis:t from the Shore ¾ of a Mile AM some Indians came off behaved Friendly and Traded, went Shore haul'd the Scene and Shot some BirdsMonday6th..NNWModerate breezes and fair Wea:r PM the Indians brought Clams, Cockels, & Mullets enough for all Hands AM the Cap:n surveying the Bay. Employ'd Wooding, Scrubb'd between Wind & Water, haul'd the Scene got a few Mullet and other FishTuesday7th.NNWNW b NThe first part Moderate and fair the middle and latter a fresh breeze, with Cloudy, Hazey Wea:r and rain. PM reced on board a Boat load of Water Employ'd Carpenters a Wooding The Indians are very Peaceable and bring fish to trade with us. — high Water ¼ Past 1 PM E b S ran 6 hours and a ¼ —Wednesday8thVariableModerate breezes and fair Weather PM Employ'd Wooding and Watering AM Keeld Ship and Scrubb'd the Bottom —Thursday9th.from NorthtoEastLight breezes and Pleasant Clear Wea.r Employ'd Wooding and Watering, A large Body of Indians came off in their Canoes and brought great quantities of horse Macarell, enough for all Hands and 4 luncheons we salted, AM had a good Observation of the Transit of Murcury in Company wth Mr Green & Cap:n CookLongd Setled b:y Transit 175° · 48 E:t of Lond:nLatitude by Observation 36 · 49 So......Friday 10:thNEENEFor the most part strong Breezes, Cloudy and Showers of Rain Employ'd in the Hold and Cutting Wood:Saturday11.thENE ...Fresh Gales and Cloudy, AM Rain: The Longboat and Pinnace with the Cap:n, Officers, Mr Banks &c went up a large River.Sunday12.thEasterlyNWFirst and Middle Fresh Gales Hazey and heavy Rain the latter Moderate and fair got two Longboat loads of Oysters from a small River at the Head of the Bay, the Indians brought us some large fish, call'd Yellow TailsMonday13.thNEENEDo Weather to bad for the Indians to Visit; AM fill'd our Empty Water Casks —Tuesday14.thNNEVariablePM Do Weather AM more Moderate got on board a Longboat load of Oysters, Employ'd the Pinnace and Yawl gitting sellery
Coasting the East Side of Newzeealand and at Anchor of ye River Thames
M:o and Week daysWinds —NovemberWednesday15thWNWVariableWestModerate Breezes and fair Wear PM employ'd gitting ready for Sea Ships drauft of Water forward 14 feet 2 Inches, Aft 14 feet 1 Inch at 5 AM Unmoor'd at 7 Weighed and Stood for Sea. The Indians in their Canoes, with their Women & Children follow'd and seem'd loth to part with us; at 9 was Clear of the Bay, hoisted the Longboat in, and stood to the NE for a groupe of Islands, Soundings from 7 to 29 F, — — At Noon the Extremes of the Land from N 31° E to SSE, the Court of Aldermen SE, Mercury Bay NE 9 or 10 Miles dis:t from the nearest Islands 2 MilesLatid. Obserd 36° · 43′ S.oThursday16thNWWestSW b WModerate Breezes and far Wear at 1 PM haul'd round a Number of Small Islands, are Working to the NW at 10 a Bluff Island SSW dis..ce 3 or 4 Miles no Ground at 65 F, AM Unbent the Coasting Cable ... At Noon the Westermost land on the Main N 87° W disce 5 Lgs AM Island S 39° W 1 ½ Mile —Latid. fr Acct 36° · 25′ So Longd in 175° · 38′ Et.Friday17thWSWtoSW b SFresh Gales and Squally, Working to Windward at 6 PM Split Main & fore Topgall:t sails, and Maintopmast staysail, In 2d reefs AM Sailmaker repairing sails At Noon Close reeft Topsails very hard Squalls — —, The Extremes of the main @ ESE to N 73° E a small Island N 28° E, an Island N 34° W disce of Shores 5 or 6 Leagues —Saturday18.thSW b SSWSSWSouthCalmThe first part fresh Gales, the Middle decreasing the latter Calm and fair Wea..r PM open'd more Land to the W:tward, stood off and on in the Night at 6 AM the Land open'd to the S:oward two Canoes came from the Shore one of w:ch had upwards of 50 Men, after severall War Songs & Menaces they attacked us with stones. but on fireing a Musquit the Ball went thro the Canoe, they returned to the shore again — .. At Noon Cape Colvill bore N:o 3 Miles dis:tS:oermost extreme SSE 5 Lgs dist off the nearest Shore 2 ½ Miles Sounded 24 f:m Water soft Mud Latid Obser.d 36° ·· 30′ So., Cape Colvill
Latid ...... 36 · 27 SoLongd @ Lond:n 175 ·· EtSunday19.thVariableEastNENNENWModerate Breezes and Cloudy Wear. Standing to the SSE soundg 25 to 20 & 23 f:m Water at 8 PM Anchord with best bowr in 23 F Water blue Clay Extremes of the S:oern land from SE ½ S to South to the Noward @ NW to W: dis:ce off Shore 2 Miles ... at 5 Am weighd and Run to the S:oward between 2 Shores dis:t @ the N:o Side 3 or 4 Miles from the S.o 7 or 8, Soundings regular @ 21 to 6 ½ F at 10 brot too In 6 ½ F with Bowr nearly midchannel soft Mudd with Shells hoisted out the Boats sent the Master to sound the North, ye Mate the South Shore Latid Obserd 37° ·· 00′ SMonday20.thN b W&NNWModerate Breezes and PM Moor'd with Stream to ye Northward three Canoes of Indians along side Trading for Trifels AM the Cap 2d Lieu:t & Botanists went to the head of the Bay to Sound and examine the Country Latid Obser:d 37° ·· 00′ S:Longd Obserd Pt ☉ & ☽ 175 · 54 Et of Londn.
His Majesties Bark Endeavor
Moo and Week daysWindsNovemberTuesday 21stNorthtoNWA fresh Gale Cloudy Wea:r and Rain at 7 AM the Cap:n and com: returned having been up a River w:ch they named the Thames at 10 AM Strong Gales bro:t the Bst bowr and stream ahead Veer'd to 1 ½ Cable on the best Bowr and brought both Cables to bearWednesday22dNNWNorthVariableNWAt 4 PM more moderate took up the Streme ½ past Weighed and made Sail, Working to the N.ward, soundings from 7 to 15 F blue Clay, at 8 the Tide being done came too with best Bowr in 15 F; in the Night light Airs at 4 AM Weighed and made sail Working to Windward soundings from 10 to 18 F at 9 came too w:th best Bowr do. the Cap:t went Surveying in the PinnaceLatid Obserd. 36° 59′ So. Latid Obserd Pt ☉ & ☽ 175° ·· 57 E of Lond..nThursday23dNNWVariableCalmN.o onlyLittle Wind and fair Weather at 3 PM the Cap:n returned at 4 Do Weighed and made Sail, Working to Windward at 9 Came too with Best Bowr inn 19 F Water at 3 AM Weighed and made Sail at Noon the Extremes of the Mouth of ye Sound from North to NNW to W disce.. of Shore 1 ½ Mile, 14 F Water,Latid Obserd 36° 51′ So. Longd In 175° ·· 59 Et—Friday24thNNWNW b NNWSWFresh Gales, dark Cloudy Weather and frequent Rain Thunder and Lightning; Working to Windward to git out of the Sound Soundings @ 10; 20 F at 9 PM came too with best Bowr in 21 F at 5 AM Weighed and came to Sail at 11 got down Topgallt Yards at Noon the Extremes of the Land from S b E to NW b W dis.ce off y:e the Nearest Shore 3 Miles a remarkable high Island NE distant 5 Leags depth of Water 27 F.Latid Obserd. 36° ·· 17′Saturday25thSW b SSSWS b WThe first part fresh Gales and hazey Weather, the Middle and latter Moderate Breezes and fair Wea.r from 1 to 7 PM sailing to ye WNW between some high Islands and the Main Soundings from 26 to 12 ½ and 14 F at ½ past 7 came too with Best Bowr and black sand the Extremes of the Bay from N 4° E to S 32° E a high Island with a double Peak N 75° E dis:t from the Shore 4 or 5 Miles ... at ½ past 5 AM Weighed made sail Stood to the N b W — At Noon the North extreme of some Rockey Islands N 20° E, the North extreme of the Main N 37° Wt. disce.. of Shore 2 Miles, When at Anchor Caught severall larg BreamLatid Obserd. 35° ·· 35′ S:o Variatn of Ampd 12° ·· 37′ ESunday26.thENENorthN b WVariableLight Brezzes and Pleasant Wear. severall large Canoes about the Ship one having 60 People in Her, some of the Indians came on board We gave them Presents, at length they began to be Insolent throwing Stones, brandishing their Launces, and Cheating us in Trade One fellow who had taking a peice of Cloth We fire'd at wth small Shot and some Balls over their Heads they retreated abt a hundred Yards and then began to threating and flourish singing the War Song We fired a four Pounder, the report, and ye Wistling of the Shot over their Heads sent them to the Shore as fast as they Could Paddel the Number of Indians in the Canoes was about three Hundred ———
Coasting Northwards on the East side Newzeeland
M:o & Week daysWindsNovemberSouthtoSEAt 6 AM the North Point of the Main WNW and an Island seen Yesterday at Noon ESE, Several Canoes came off some of the same as was with us Yesterday some came on board beside w:ch 170 along side at Noon the extremes of the main making high from N 74 W to SE b S dis..ce of Shore two Leags Grod. at 50 FLatid Obserd. 35° ·· 13′ S.Monday27.thEasttoN b EVariableNNWVariableSouthNW b WLittle Wind and pleasant Wear. PM some Canoes about the Ship, are standing to the W.tward at 7 In 1st Reefs at 8 AM Sounded Gro.d at 50 F severall Canoes came off and with us for fish afterward growing Cold, they began to throw stones, we fired two Musquits w:th small Shot among them, on w:ch they desist'd and contented themselves with Viewing the Ship At Noon the extremes of the main from SE b E to SW b S dis.ce of the nearest Shore 7 Ms. depth of Water 80 F Latid Obserd 34° ·· 55 SoTuesday26..thNW b WWestSW b WNW b WModerate Breezes and fair Wea..r Turning to Windward at 7 PM the Land @ S 60° E to S 86° Wt. dis..ce of Shore 3 Lgs no ground at 70 F AM saw a great number of Porpoises, Sailmaker mending the Maintopsail At Noon the Extremes of the land from N 71° W to S 73° E dis:t 5 or 6 MilesLatid Obserd 35° ·· 00′ S; Varin Azi:th 11 ·· 45 EtWednesday29.thWNWtoNWFresh breezes, Cloudy Weather, and some Squalls; Turning to Windw.d at 7 AM bore away for a Harbour to Leward steer'd abt SW sound:g from 17 to 5 F at 11 came too with best Bowr in 4 ½ F Water sand w:th peices of Coral, between an Island and the Main, the Island bearing NW dis:ce ½ a Mile the Master and Mate Sounding Round the ShipThursday30..thWesterlyEasterlySouthCalmVariableThe first two hours very heavy Rain the Remainder Moderate breezes and fair ½ past Noon the Boats returned the Pinnace having been attack'd and near boarded by the Indians at 2 the Ship was surrounded wth. 33 Canoes having 300 Indians on board w:th some We traded wth for Mackerel / such as the English but in general larger / others who look'd like Cheifs we gave presents too. On a Signal given by one of their Cheifs they went ahead and attempted to carry off the Buoy fired some Small Shot & Musket Balls w.ch caused them to desist, they came to ye Ship again and appear'd to be good Friends, at 3 the Cap:n M:r Banks & Botanists went on Shore the Indians follow'd, I perceiving them Land wth their Arms and give the War Cry, got a Spring on the Cable & brought the broad side to bear; the Indians had got about our People and began to snatch at their Arms and attack'd them our Party fired and Wounded some of 'em with small Shot at the same time fired 4 four Pounders over their Heads they Imediately dispersed At 2 PM Weighed and droped over the 4 F Banks bought up in 10 ½ F Water sandy bottom, at 7 the Boats returned and brought on board plenty of Wild Sellery at 4 AM Weighted but falling Calm let go the Anchor again, Punished Mat:r Cox, Hen: Stephens and Eman: Perrarah w:th 12 Lashes each for digging up the sweet Potatoes belonging to the Indians, the Master and Mate SoundingLatid Obserd 35° ·· 11′ S.o Variation 12° ·· 40′ E. severall Canoes along side the Indians very good Friends;
in the Bay of Islands and Coasting Northward
Month & Week daysWindsDecemberFriday1.stCalmVariableNNE toNNWLight Airs and Showery Wear.. our Boats went on Shore the W:t side of the Bay where they found fresh Water and plenty of Sellery AM Clean'd Ship, and Scrubb'd the Bends, the Indians in friendly intercourse with us, brought fish and traded very fairSaturday2dNWFresh Gales and Cloudy with heavy rain AM the four Boats Employ'd Watering and hauling the Sean caught a few FishSunday3..dNWW b NModerate Breezes, the first part Constant Rain the rem:dr showery PM reced on board two Longboat loads of Water AM several Canoes came off and brougth us Fish, hauled the Sean in one Canoe We counted Ninety two Indians ......Monday4..thWestWSWSWModerate Breezes and fair Weather the Captain purchased Fish for all Hands - - Employ'd in th Boats reconiteringLongd Observed ☉ & ☽ 174 · 34 E @ Lond:n Latid Obser:d 35° · 12′ So.Tuesday5..thSW b SCalmVariableNNEThe first part fresh Breezes, the rem:dr Moderate Pleasant Wea:r PM compleated our Water at 4 AM Weighed and came too Sail ½ past was on the Bar least Water 2 ¾ F Working to Windward to git out off the Bay at Noon the Place Sailed from S:o 5 M:sLatid Obserd 35° ·· 9′ So Long:d Obser:d Pt ☉ & ☽ 174° ·· 20′ E:t at 4 PM @ Londn.Wednesday6..thNNWCalmVariableWNWThe first and latter moderate & fair the Middle light Airs and Calm Turning to git out of the Bay at 10 it fell Calm and the Tide set us near a ledge of Rocks, hoisted out the Pinnace and tow'd off at 11 She struck on a Sunken Rock and went Clear without any perceptible damage a light Air springing up streched Clear of the Land, unbent the Topmaststemsails to repair, at Noon the extremes of the Land from SE ½ S to W ½ S the last Anchoring Place S b E 5 leagsLatid Obserd. 34° ·· 59′Thursy 7..thWNWNW b WVariableCalmThe first and Middle fresh Breezes the latter light Airs and Calm, Clear Weather at ½ past 7 dis..ce of Shore 3 Miles are turning to Windward; At Noon the W:t extreme of the Bay sail'd from SSE the outter Island to the W:tward WNW dis:ce of Shore 8 or 9 Miles 40 F Water soft SandFriday8thNNWSSWWestLight Breezes and Pleasant Wear. Standing to the W:tward; at sun set the W.termost Land in sight, dis.t 5 or 6 Leags. 68 F water at 7 AM sounded 118 F a Bluff H.d SSW at 10 Tack'd at Noon the Etermost Point Call'd Knickel Pt S 79° E Islands of D.o S 48° E; The Westermost Land of the main making like Islands S 68° W.t distant from y:e nearest Shore 4 LeagsLatid Obserd. 34° ·· 42′ So, Varin. Pt Ampd 13° 00′ E,at 4 PM Long:d Observed Pr ☉ & ☽ 173° 36′ Et @ LondonSaturday9..thSWSoS b WW b SLittle Wind, Pleasant Wea.r at 7 PM the W.rmost Land in sight W b N 5 Lg at 6 AM Abreast of a deep bay severall Canoes came off and bro:t fish enough for all hands. Noon The Extremes of the Land from S 68 E to N 65 W dis.ce of the nearest Shore 2 Leags Latid Obserd 34° ·· 44′ So at 5 PM Longd Obserd Pt ☉ & ☽ 173° --′ Et of London
off the North End of Newzeeland
M:o & week daysWindsDecemberSunday10..thWSWW b NNWModerate Breezes and fair Weather, Turning to Windward, at Sun set a Bluff Head W ½ N, AM standing in to the Bay saw a Large Indian Town or Hippah, and severall Canoes; at Noon the W:termost Extreme and what We take to be the North Cape making like an Island N 55° W dis..ce of the nearest Shore 3 Lgs. Variation by Az:th of Amp.d 12° ·· 40′ E, North Cape
Latitude 34° ·· 24′ SoLong.d from London 172 ·· 34 EtMonday11..thNWWNWNW b WModerate Breezes and Pleasant Wea.r a haze over the Land Turning to Windward, the Wind being right an End Stand within 1 ½ Mile of the Shore least Water 16 F at NoonLatid Obser.d 357deg; ·· 32′ So Varin Pt Amp.d 12° ·· 20′ EtTuesday12..thNWWNWNorthDo Weather, Turning the Wind an End nearest to the Shore 1 Mile least Water 18 F at Noon the extremes of the Land @ SE to NW b W a Bluff Head South, distant from ye nearest Shore 3 LgsWednesday13..thNNWNW b NNWThe first part, Moderate and fair, the middle increasing, the latter Fresh Gales, hard squalls and heavy Rain, Tack'd Occasionly PM at 10 In 2d reefs at 7 AM in a hard squall split the main Topsail handed Topsails and down Topgallt Yards, at 9 shifted Maintopsail at 10 set close reeft TopsailsThursday14thWestWSWSW b WThe first part strong Gales, Squally and a Tumbling Sea from the Westwardremainder more moderate at 2 PM saw the Land WSW dis.ce 5 or 6 leags at 2 set out ye reefs at 5 PM in a very hard squall the foresail foretopsail and Mizn Topsail were Split, Shifted Mizentopsail, and stoped the others for the present, at 12 in main T. sail at 5 AM sett the T:sails saw the Land S b E 4 Lgs at 8 out 3d reef M:topsail, unbent the Spritsail to repair Employ'd drying split Sails sailmaker at Work on those that are dry At Noon saw the Land SW b S 5 or 6 Leags find We have lost ground these two days past.Latid Obserd 34° ·· 6′ SoFriday15.thSWSW b SSSWThe first and Middle fresh Gales and fair Weather the latter Moderate a heavy SW swell, AM repaired the foretopsail out 3 & 2d reefs –– 1.st stood to the WNW at 8PM Tack'd and Stood to the SE b S at 8 AM Tack'd and Stood to the Wtward; Sailmaker as YesterdayLatid Obserd 34° · 10′ S.oSaturday16..thSW b SSouthSWModerate Breezes and fair Weather and a SW Swell, standing to the Wtward at 6 saw the Land from the Masthead bearg S b W at Noon the Land So Tack'd; ---Latid Obserd 33° ·· 437#8242; S.oSunday17thSWWSWWNWLight Breezes and fair Wea..r PM shifted the maintopsail w:th y:e Old one it being repaired at 7 PM the Cape Call'd the N.o Cape mentioned Sunday 10.th bore S b E 6 or 7 Lgs at 7 AM Do South 4 or 5 Miles 108 F Water at Noon the W.termost land in sight S 62° W. disce of Shore 3 MilesLatid Obserd 34° · 20′ So
His Majesties Bark Endeavor
M:o & Week daysWinds –DecemberMonday18thWNWWestW b SW b NModerate Breezes and fine Pleasant Weather PM a great Number of Bottle Nose Porpoises about the Ship, standg to ye Noward at 4 PM Tack'd to the SW, at Noon the N:o Cape S b W disce 5 LeagsLatid Obserd 34° ·· 8′ So Longd Obserd Pt ☉ & ☽ at 8 AM 173° · 21′ Et @ LondonTuesday19NW b WWestW b SD..o Wea..r the 1..st part the remdr squally wth Showers of Rain, shifted the Foresail with Old one it being repair'd, shifted fore T:sail to mend it at 6 PM 40 F Tack'd to the N.oward at 1 AM in 2d reefs at 8 Wore to the Soward, out 2d Reefs and set small Sails — Sailmaker repairing the fore T:sail the Land South 7 or 8 LeagsLatid Obserd 34° ·· 2′ SWednesday20thW b SWestVariableSW b WFresh Breezes and Hazey, the latter very hard Squalls at 6 PM Tack'd, the North Cape bearg South 3 or 4 Miles at 10 hard Squalls w:th Thunder LightgClen'd up Close reeft the T:sails and down top Gallt Yards at 11 set double reft T:sails at Noon the Cape S ½ W disce 4 LgsLatid Obserd 34° ·· 14′ So
HKFCoursesWinds .. WearThursday December 21st 1769.12345678910111212345678910
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55NW b WW b N
Lieutenant Pickersgill's Log.A Logg of the Proceedings of His Maj'sty's Sloop Resolution on Discoveries in 1772, 1773, and 1774. ByLieut. Richd. Pickersgill.[Copied from the original, Admiralty Captains' Log No. 4553, in the Record Office, London.]
At noon running among Islands at the Head of Dusky Bay looking for an Anchoring Place.
Remarks, &c., in Dusky Bay.
Moderate Breezes and fine Wr. running up Dusky Bay in search of a Harbour. PM at 1 saw several appearances of good Bays but could get no soundings off them. At 2 Hove to. Hoisted out the Boats and sent away an officer in the Pinnace to look for an Harbour. At ½ past 2 the signal was made from the Pinnace of having found soundings and bore up and anchor'd under an Island in 50 fms water and moor'd with a Hawser to the Shore. At 4 an Officer went away in the Pinnace to look for a more convenient Harbour for the Ship. At 7 return'd having found a very good one. Sent away a Boat fishing with Hooks and Lines, she soon return'd with great plenty of Fish which we issued out to the Ships Company. In the night hard rain. AM sent away the fishing Boat again. At 9 weigh'd and made sail for the other Harbour. At 10 work'd betwixt 2 Islands. At 11 run thro' a narrow passage between an Island and the So Shore and at Noon Anchor'd in Pickersgill Harbour in 17 fathom water. Hazey wear with small rain, the fishing Boat return'd with plenty of Fish for all Hands. Therr 55.
Hard rain. PM at 1 weigh'd the Anchor and warp'd opposite a small Cove, there let go the anchor oar'd away Cable and warp'd Her into the Cove and secured her with Hawsers to the Shore. At day light a Boat went away fishing, and another with some of the officers upon a shooting party. At 10 the officers return'd having met with some of the Natives in a fine Bay a mile and a half or 2 miles to the No ward of the Ship. There were 2 of the Native Canoes follow'd them but they return'd after taking a short view at the Ship. The fishing Boat brought on board plenty of Fish. Served ½ allowance of Beef & Pork.
Moderate Breezes with rain. PM at 1 the Indian Canoe came and took a much nearer reconnoitre than before but
wou'd not come on board for all the friendly signals we cou'd make to them. At 4 the Capt and some of the officers went to the Bay where they had been in the morning but they could not get a sight of the Indians who they supposed had fled to the woods. AM. Hoisted out the Launch. Carpenters employed clearing away the woods to fix a Brow from the Ship to the Shore. Therr 60°.
Remarks, &c., in Pickersgill Harbour, Dusky Bay.
Fine Wear PM dry'd sails. Employ'd fixing Tents and getting the Astronomers Instruments to hand. Sent ashore some Empty Casks and fix'd a Tent for the Cooper. We abound in excellent Fish procur'd with one Boat in 2 or 3 hours of a morning. Therr 56.
The first part fair Wr, the middle and latter strong Gales with rain. Got down Top Gallt Yards. Carpenters cutting wood. Got the Forge on shore and set it up. Ther 59.
The first part calm, the middle and latter little winds. Got the cables from the Starboard side of the Hold upon the Fore Castle to come at some Provision which was under them. Carpenters, Armourers Sailmakers &c. &c. at their different employments. Therr 61.
Fine wear. Brew'd Beer for the Ships Company of a Tree we find here a good deal resembling the American Spruce Tree. Dry'd sails. Unbent those that wanted repairing and sent them to the sailmakers Tent on shore. The various parties as yesterday. Therr 55.
Fresh Gales and Hazey. The people in every respect as yesterday. Therr 57.
Fresh Gales and Hazey with rain. Clean'd Ship Fore & Aft. The People at their own disposal being Sunday. Therr 58.
Hard rain and Hail all this day. Got Beer on board for the People and stop'd their Spirits. This Beer I think a pleasant drink. The People seem fond of it. AM at Work on board getting provisions to hand in the Hold. The different Parties at their different occupations. Therr 54.
Winds and weather very variable with frequent hard showers of rain. The people all employ'd at their different callings. The Captain went away in the Pinnace surveying the Sound. Therr 60 ½.
Weather much the same as yesterday. PM the Captain return'd and acquainted us with his having met with 3 of the Natives—a man and 2 women on an Island a mile and ½ distant from the Ship with whom he had had some converse. People all at their various employments.
Continual Wet Nasty Wear. All Hands at their respective Businesses. Therr 52.
Cloudy with frequent hard showers of rain. The Captain away surveying the Bay. People at their various Employments. We abound every day in as good Fish as can be eat. Therr 50 ½.
Cloudy with frequent showers of rain. The Carpenters cutting wood. Armourers at work at the Forge. Sailmakers repairing sails and the People on board employ'd in Hold. Watering and stowing the necessary provision to hand. Ther 51 ½.
The first part cloudy with showers the latter fair wear. Dry'd sails. The Indian with his family came into the Cove with their Carroe and landed a few yards from the Ship. Ther 54.
PM Fair Wear. The People at their own disposal being Sunday. The Indian and His Family continued by the Shore side till the Evening then retir'd a few yards into the Wood, made a fire, dress'd their supper which consisted of very good fish, then lay'd themselves down by the Fireside for the Night. In the morning they came again to the shore but we cou'd not prevail on them to come on board. AM the Parties at their work as above mentioned. Ther 50°.
Little winds with frequent showers of rain. PM. The Indians left our Neighbourhood. All hands at their various vocations. Therr 58.
Cloudy with frequent showers these 24 hours. The People at their different Employments, the Captain surveying the Bay. Ther 53.
PM. Cloudy with frequent showers of rain. A.M. Fair wear. Dry'd sails. The Captain and 3rd Lieut. went away with the Pinnace and small cutter. People at their work. Ther 53.
PM. Fair Wear A.M. Cloudy with rain. All hands at their respective Businesses. Ther 58.
For the most part wet nasty wear. with some short intervals of fair wear. All the Parties at their work. The Carpenter and 3rd Lieut return'd with the Pinnace and Cutter. Ther 56.
Light airs and fair weather throughout these 24 hours. PM. The Parties are at their work. AM. All hands at their own Leisure it being Sunday. Our old friend the Indian came with his Family and landed as before a little distance from the Ship. We have daily as much very excellent Fish as we can demolish.
Little winds and fair wear. AM the Carpenter cutting wood, Sailmakers repairing sails, Armourers at the Forge. Employ'd on board about the Rigging and in the Hold. The Captain and some of the Officers went away up the Bay in the Pinnace and small cutter. The Indians came on board this morning and view'd the Vessel with which they seem'd ex-
ceedinglyexceedingly well pleas'd. They seem'd very desirous of Hatchets, Nails, Fish Hooks &c. &c. with which I believe they got themselves very well paid for the honour they did us in trusting themselves aboard. Ther 57 ½.
Little winds and fair wear. The Parties all disposed of as yesterday. Ther 58.
Do. Wr. All Hands at their various occupations. The Captain and Officers return'd having been upwards of 7 Leagues up the Sound where they found it to end in a sandy Beach, here they saw 4 or 5 more of the Natives—Men and Women. Ther 55.
Very fair pleasant wear. All Hands at their work. Bent the Main and Fore Topsails. Ther 53.
Fair Pleasant Wear. The Parties at their different Business. Tr 52.
Fair Wear. The Artificers & People Employ'd as above-mentioned. Therr 53 ½.
Variable Showery Wear. PM People at their work. AM at their own disposal being Sunday. Therr 54.
Cloudy wet Weather. Hove the Ship out of the Cove to her Anchor and Moor'd with a Hawser to the Shore. Tr 52.
For the most part cloudy wet weather with some short intervals of fair weather. Scrap'd the Masts and pay'd them with Varnish of Pine. The Artificers at their Various Employments. Tr 50.
Cloudy weather with frequent showers of rain. Compleated the ship with wood and water. Her draught of water forward 15 f 11. Aft 15 f 10. Ther 50.
Calm and hazey weather. Got off the Tents and everything from the Shore. Therr 47.
Variable Hazey Wear with frequent rain. PM at 2 weigh'd with a light Breeze from the westward. At 2 past 5 it falling calm, anchor'd again in 50 fathoms water. AM at 10 weigh'd again with a light breeze westerly, which soon shifted to No and Et. At Noon working to windward, Boats towing ahead. We have still great plenty of excellent fish.
Light airs and calms with small rain. PM at 6 anchor'd within a cables length of the shore and steady'd Her with a Hawser to the Shore. AM weigh'd at 6 and work'd to wind-ward with a light breeze from the NE. Ther 49.
Light variable Winds & calm with small rain. PM at 2 finding we could not make head against the Tide, bore away to a small cove upon the Eastern Shore and anchor'd in 30 fm water and steady'd with a Hawser to the Shore. Therr 50 ½.
Calm & cloudy wear, these 24 hours waiting a Breeze to carry us to sea. Ther 51.
Light air and calms with cloudy wear. and frequent hard showers of rain. PM. At 1 got under way but it soon after falling calm we got to our old anchoring Cove again and secured as before. Ther 48.
Variable winds and weather with showers of rain. PM. At 1 got under way with a light Breeze from the S.W., which run us to the mouth of the Northern Passage leading from this Bay to sea. At 4 it falling calm we Anchor'd in a Cove just at the Entrance of the Northern Passage in 30 fm. water and steady'd with a Hawser to the Shore. The latter part of these 24 hours squally Wear. with Hail, Rain, Snow, Thunder and Lightning. Ther 51 ½.
Cloudy with frequent showers of rain. PM. At 2 weigh'd with a fine Breeze from the S.W. At 8 anchor'd under a Point about mile from the Sea at the Outermost End of this Northern Passage, steadyed with a Hawser to the Shore. AM. Got all the cables from betwixt Decks, Clean'd Ship Fore and Aft, and made fires in many parts of Her. The 3rd Lieut. went Away in the Pinnace to survey the remaining part of the Bay. Ther 46.
PM. Hazey with showers of rain. AM. Strong Gales & squally with hard rain, got down the Fore Gallant Yards. Ther 51.
PM. Strong Gales with hard squalls and rain, lowered down the Lower Yards. AM. the weather more modte the 3rd Lieut. returned with the Pinnace, sway'd the Lower Yards up, the Captain away in the Pinnace surveying. Ther 50.
Mod & Cloudy with frequent hard showers of rain, the Master away in the Cutter sounding the passage to Sea. Tr 49.
The first part fair wear. Hoisted in the Launch, the Middle and Latter strong Gales with rain. Tr 49.
PM mod with showers of Hail, the Pinnace and Cutter out Hunting of seals, the small rocky Islands just at the mouth of this passage abounds with them. AM. Fine wear. with Little Winds from the SE, at 9 got under way and up Top Gallt Yards, at 11 hoisted in the Boats, at Noon Mod: Breezes and fair wear with a heavy swell from the N.W. Obsd Latde 45° 35′ S. An Island a little without the mouth of the Passage E.S.E. distant 1 & ½ miles. We were 2 or 3 miles without the passage, the No'thern Extreme of the Land N 12 E, 4 or 5 Leagues. Tr. 53.
Latitude of Pickersgill's Harbour where we refitted 45° 47′ 50″ S. Longitude well settled by Lunar Observation 166. 18 Et. Variation of the Compass there 13.20 E'erly.
1. Mod. & fair wear. 5. The Entrance of Doubtfull Harbour E B S 3 or 4 Leagues; the No Entrance of Dusky Bay S S E ½ E 5 Leagues and the No'ermost Land in sight N E b N. 2. Variable Little Winds with frequent showers of rain. 7. Do wds. 9. This Fore Noon we've pass'd many openings which have the appearance of Harbours. The No'ermost Land in sight N E b E. Therr 44 ½.
No Entrance of Dusky Bay,
S 19° W. 21 Lgs.
1. Mod Breezes with cloudy, squally wr and showers of rain. 4. Lost a Logg and 3 lines. 6. The No'ermost Land in sight E N E. 8. Do wr. 12. Hard rain. 4. Fresh Breezes and fair wr. Set the Fore Topmast Steering sail. 8. Cloudy Wear. 11. Fresh breezes & Cloudy. 12. No land in sight. Therr 49.
No Entrance of Duskey Bay.
S 30° W. 62 Leagues.
1. Fresh Breezes & Cloudy Wear. 6. Do wr. 12. Mod with Showers of rain. 7. Saw the land. 8. Mod and Cloudy. The No'ermost Land in sight N E b E. 12. Light airs with flying Clouds. Therr 55.
No Entrance of Duskey Bay.
S 39° W. 93 Leagues.
1. Little Winds & fair wear. 6. Do wr. 12. Do wr. 4. Vare by Azth. 15° 26 Eterley. 6. Calm and Clear Wear. 7. Light airs. The So'ermost Land in sight S b E. 11, 12. At Noon Little Winds and fine Clear wr. The No'ermost Land in sight N E ½ E. Therr 58.
No Entrance of Dusky Bay.
S 39° W. 107 Lgs.
2. Little Winds and Cloudy Wear. At ½ past 1 tack'd ship. 5. Rocky Point N N E ½ E. 6. At 6 tack'd ship. 8. Mod. Gales & Cloudy with passing squalls. 12. Do wr. Tack'd ship. 4. Do wr. Tack'd ship. 8. Rainy squally Wear. Tack'd ship. 11. At Noon fresh Gales & squally with rain. 12. Sounded 25 fm. Distant from the Shore a League. Rocky Point N B E. Tack'd Ship. Therr 56.
No Entrance of Dusky Bay.
S 20° W. 112 Lgs.
1. Fresh Gales with passing squalls of wind and rain. 5. Tack'd ship. 9. Fresh Gales and squally with rain. 11. Haul'd up the Foresail and landed the Mizen Topsail. 1. At 12 brought too. Main Topsail to the Mast. 4. AM at 4 bore away and made all sail. 8. Fresh Gales and fair wear. Cape Farewell W S W ½ W 6 Leagues. 11. Mod Breezes and fair Wear. Running along-shore. Point Stephens E ½ S 4 or 5 Leagues. Therr 59.
1. Mod Gales and fair wear. From 4 to 5 Ships Head and Wind all round the Compass. Several water spouts forming around us, one of which came so near as to give us very disagreeable apprehensions for the Wind wou'd not enable us to make any way from it, not staying ½ a minute in either quarter of the Compass. So made the best preparations we cou'd for its reception by laying Tarpaulins over the Hatchways. Shortening all sail &c. &c. The whole Atmossphere seem'd in the strangest purterbation and the Water in the most violent agitation that can be conceiv'd. However the Spout very fortunately alter'd its direction just as it came upon our Quarter. Run alongside and clear ahead of us. At 6 PM Stephens's Island E ½ S 5 miles. 48 fm wr at 5 AM Mod Gales and fair Wear. Made all sail. At 7 abreast of Cape Jackson. Between 7 and 8 fir'd some Guns as Sigls to the Advre whom we hope to find here—which Guns to our very great satisfaction we saw answer'd from a little Island we call Hepper Island. Obsd Lt 41° 0 ½ So. 9. Working into Charlottes Sound.
Remarks &c. &c. in Charlotte's Sound.
Little Winds inclinable to calms with fine Clear weather. PM at 2 the Adventures Boat with an Officer came on board us. At ½ past 6 anchor'd in 15 fathom water. Captain Furneaux came on board. AM shifted our birth nearer in shore and anchor'd in 11 fathom. Steadyed with a Hawser to the Shore. The Adventure saluted us with 11 Guns. We return'd the same Number. Therr 49.
Little Winds and fair Wear. 2 Boats sent away fishing and a party of People to haul the Sean. People put to half allowance of Beef Pork and Flower. Boil'd this morning for the Peoples Breakfasts and shall continue it during our stay here a quantity of Portable Soup, with Wheat and some Greens with which these shores abound. The fishing parties return'd without meeting with any success. Brew'd Beer on board. Therr 55.
Little Winds and fair Wear. Sent the Empty Casks on shore and a Party to cut wood. The Boats away again fishing but return'd with very little success. The People put to ⅔ allowance of all species of Provision. Punish'd Patk Wheland Qr Master with 6 lashes for insolence to the Boatswain. Therr 54.
Mod Breezes and fair Wr. Employ'd watering and cutting wood. Therr 57.
Mod; & Cloudy Wear. Employ'd as yesterday. Some of the Natives came on board in their Canoes. Tr 57.
Little Winds and fine Weather. The Master in the Large Cutter sounding. The 3rd Lieut up the Sound in ye Launch.
A party in the small Boat cutting Greens for ye People. Therr 56.
Fresh Gales with rain. Employ'd Wooding and Watering. Many of the Natives on board. Tr 53.
The 1st part fresh Gales with rain. The middle and latter strong Gales with hard squalls and rain. AM at 2 the strain we rid by the Hawser tore the Tree up 'twas made fast to on shore which swung the ship off to Her Bower. Got down Top Gallt Yards. Therr 56.
Mod. Winds with unsettled Wear. The 3rd Lieut returned with the Launch—having been detain'd up the Sound these 2 days by the Weather. AM dry'd sails. A Boat fishing. People Wooding and Watering. We get very few fish here. Therr 57 ½.
Little Winds with flying showers of rain. Sent the Launch to assist the Adventure in compleating her Wood and Water. Sailmakers repairing Sails which we find much damag'd by the Rats. Therr 58.
Little winds and fair Wear. A party on shore cutting Wood. Many of the Natives on board today. Sailmakers about the Sails. Tr 58.
Little winds with some flying showers. Empd in every respect as yesterday. Tr 57.
Little winds with passing showers. Employ'd getting on board Wood and Water. Sailmakers repairing sails. Ther 58.
Mod. Breezes and fine Clear Wear. Got on board some Wood and Water. Read the Articles of War and Abstract to the Ships Company. Many of the Natives on board today. Tr. 51.
Fine Pleasant Wear. The Launch sent up the Sound for Scurvy Grass, Greens &c. &c. Our Wood and Water compleat. Tr 50.
Little winds and fair weather. Clearing & Cleaning the Decks and making all ready for Sea. Therr 49.
Fine Pleasant Wear. AM Hoisted in the Launch. 2 large Canoes with many of the Natives from the No-ward came on board us. At Noon fir'd 21 Guns, this being the Birth Day of our Royal Master. Tr 51 ½.
Fresh Gales & Cloudy. Making all ready for Sea—and waiting a Gale to carry us there. Tr 49.
Strong Gales with rain. Waiting an Auspicious Gale for the Seaward. Ther 49 ½.
The 1st Part Strong Gales. The latter fresh Gales and fair Wear. AM at 4 Unmoor'd. At 7 weigh'd and stood out of the Bay. At 11 tack'd in shore to take the Advantage of ye Tide. At Noon the 2 Brothers W B N 1 mile and in a Line with Cape Koamaroo. Obsd Latde: 41° 07′ So. Ships draught of Water forward 15 F 10 E; aft 15 F 11 E. Adventure in Company. Therr 51 ½.
Remarks &c. &c. from New Zealand to George's Island.Remarks &c. &c. at Otahite or George's Island.Remarks &c. &c. at Huaheinie.Remarks &c. &c. at Uliateah.Remarks &c. &c. from Uliateah to Amsterdam.Remarks &c. &c. at Amsterdam.Remarks &c. &c. from Amsterdam to New Zealand.
1. A brisk Gale and fair Wear. 3. PM at 3 handed the Mizen T Sail. 4. AM at 4 made all convenient sail. 5. At 5 saw the Land—extending from N W to W S W. 6. Mod. & Cloudy Wr. 12. Do Wr. Adventure in Company. Ther 60 ½.
1. A brisk Gale and fair Weather. 4. P M at 4 the Shambles S b W ½ W. 5. At 5 shorten'd sail for the Adventure. 7. At 7 Portland N N E—2 Leagues in 1st reefs Topsails. 12. Mod & Cloudy Wear. 4. AM at 4 made all sail. 10. Do Wr with rain. At ½ past 10 brought too and 3 Canoes of the Natives came on board us—to whom the Capt gave 3 Sows—1 Boar and ½ a dozen Cocks and Hens—with various Seeds adapted to this climate. 11. At 11 made sail again. Mod. and fair Wr. Adventure in Company. Therr 62.
1. Fresh Gales and squally Wear. 4. At 4 carried away the Fore Top Gallt mast. 6. At 6 Cape Turnagain N W B W 4 or 5 Leagues. 7. Do Wr and ½ past 7 lost sight of the Adventure astern. Tack'd Ship split the Mizen Topsail. Bent another. At 10 Tack'd. At 12 Tack'd. AM at ½ past 2 Tack'd and split the Main Top Mast Staysail. Strong Gales and squally Wr. At ½ past 5 Wore. Close reeft and hand'd the Topsails. Down Top Gallt Yards. 7. At 7 Cape Turn-again N W B W ½ W 3 or 4 Leagues. 10. At 10 set the Main and Fore Topsails. At Noon Cape Turnagain W ¾ S 6 or 7 miles. Therr 59 ½.
Remarks &c. &c. upon the Coast of New Zealand.
1. Light Breezes and fair Wear. 3. PM Got another Fore Top Gallt Mast up. Out reefs and set the Fore Gallt sails. Fresh Gales and Cloudy squally Wr. 5. At 5 in 1st reefs. Punished Willm Monk and Phillip Brotherson with 6 lashes each for neglect of duty. 7. At 7 Close reeft the Topsails. Handed the mizen Topsl—and down Top Gallt yards. AM Mod. & Cloudy Wear. 5. At 5 up Top Gallt Yards and made all sail. Fresh Gales. At 9 Close reeft the T Sls. At
noon join'd Company with the Adventure. Cape Pallisser W S W ½ W 8 or 9 Lgs. Therr 54.
1. Fresh Gales and Cloudy squally Wr. 5. P M at 5 Cape Pallisser N W B W 3 Leagues. 7. Mod Gales and Cloudy. 1. Light airs. AM at 1 up Top Gallt yards and Out 3rd and 2nd reefs Topsls. 4. Calm and fair Wear. 5. At 5 Little Winds. Made all sail. 7. At 7 Fresh Gales and squally. Double reef'd the Topsails. 8. At 8 handed ye Topsails—and down Top Gallt Yards. 10. At 10 Very Hard Squalls of wind. Handed the Courses and laid her too under the bare Poles. Adventure in Company. Therr 60. Cape Pallisser at Noon N 9° W; 17 Lgs.
1. Strong Gales and squally Wear. 7. PM at 7 bore down to look for the Adventure but cou'd not see Her. 10. Do wr. 3. AM at 3 set the Mizen Staysail. 4. At 4 set the Courses. 5. At 5 Mod Gales. Set the Topsails. 6. Saw the Adventure —brought too for her to come up. 8. At 8 Out reefs and made all sail. Up Top Gallt Yards. 11. A fresh Gale with Open Cloudy Wr. Adventure in Company. Cape Pallisser at Noon N 10° W; 19 Lgs. Therr 60.
1. A fresh Gale with open Cloudy Wr. 4. P M at 4 saw the Land—N W B W. 6. At 6 Little Winds. Extremes of the Land from N ½ E to N b W ½ W. 8. Calm and fair Wear. 12. Mod breezes and fair Wr. 1. AM at 1 in 1st reefs Topsails. 2. At 2 in 2nd reefs. 3. At 3 saw the Land ahead. Tack'd. 6. At 6 fresh Gales. Close reef'd the Topsls and handed mizen Topsail. 7. At 7 Cape Pallisser—N W B N 3 Lgs. 10. At 10 Out 3rd reefs and set ye mizn Tpsl. 12. Little winds and strong Puffs off Shore. Cape Pallisser W B S 5 Leagues. The Adventure just discernable from ye Mast Head. Therr 54. Latde Obsd 41.36.
1. Fresh Gales and fair Wear. 4. At 4 Close reef'd and handed the Topsails. 6. Strong Gales. At 6 Cape Palisser W B N 5 Leagues. 12. At 12 Wore Ship. 6. AM at 6 the Adventure join'd Company. 8. Wear more moderate at 8; set the Topsails & wore ship. 12. At Noon Strong Gales with hard squalls. Handed the Topsails and laid Her too under the Fore sail and mizn staysail. Adventure 4 or 5 miles astern. Therr 58. Cape Palliser at Noon N. b W—16 Lgs.
1. Strong Gales and fair Wear. 4. At 4 set the main Top-sail 5. At 5 saw the Land bearing N W B N. 7. Fresh Gales. 11. Lightning to the N W. 4. AM at 4 set the Fore Topsail. 6. At 6 Out 3rd reefs. 7. Moderate Gales with Open Cloudy Wr. 10. At 10 Out reefs and up Top Gallt yards. 12. At Noon Cape Pallisser W ¼ N 6 Leagues. Adventure in Company. Therr 58.
1. Mod. breezes and fair Wear. 6. At 6 Cape Pallisser W ½ S 2 or 3 Lgs. 7. Little Winds. 8. Calm. 10. Little Winds and fair Wr. 12. At 12 Fresh Breezes—Cape Pallisser W ½ N 3 Leagues. 3. A M at 3 in 1st reefs Topsails. 5. At 5 Fresh Gales. In 2nd reefs and down Top Gallt Yards. 6. At 6 clos'd reef'd & handed the Topsails. 8. At 8 Strong Gales. Cape Campbell N W. The Snowy Mountains W B S 8 or 9 Lgs. 11. Bent another mainsail. At noon the Snowy Mountains W B S 4 or 5 Lgs. We've seen nothing of the Adventure
This was the last time the Adventure was sighted by those on board the Resolution.—The Editor.
since 12 last night she was then about a Point to leeward of our Wake distant I believe 3 or 4 miles. Therr 52 ½.
1. Strong Gales and Cloudy Wear. 3. At 3 set the Fore & main Topsails. 4. At 4 Wore—sounded 25 fm—soft Ground— about ½ a mile from shore. 6. At 6 Cape Campbell N b W 8 Leagues. 8. At 8 Handed the Topsails. 1. Do wr. 3. A M at 3 split the Fore Topmast staysl—bent another. 7. At 7 Wore and lay too whilst we fix'd a new strop to the Larboard main Topsail sheet Block. We then set the Topsails close reef'd. 12. At Noon Strong Gales; handed the Topsails. The Snowy Mountains bearing W ½ N 14 or 15 Leagues. Therr 58 ½.
1. Strong Gales and fair Wear. 7. At 7 the Snowy Mountains West 3 or 4 Leagues. At ½ past handed the Courses and laid her too under ye mizen Staysail. 12. Wr more mod; set the Courses. 1. A M at 1 set the Main Topsail. 2. At 2 Calm and Cloudy Wear. 4. At 4 Mod breezes. Out reefs and made all sail. Carried away the Main Top-Gallt Yard. Got up another. 12. At noon Fresh Gales and Cloudy. Cape Campbell N B W 4 Leagues. Therr 57.
1. Fresh Gales and Cloudy with rain. 3. At 3 Cape Campbell SW about a League. 8. At 8 Cape Koamaroo N b W and the No Point of Terra Witte N E b N. At ½ past 8 Tack'd ship. At ½ past 10 Tack'd. 11. Fresh Gales and Cloudy Wr. 1. AM at ½ past 12 tack'd. 3. At ½ past 2 Tack'd. 6. At 6 in 1st reefs and down Top Gallt yards. 8. At 8 Terra Witte N W 2 or 3 Leagues. 12. At Noon fresh Gales & Cloudy. Terra Witte West—1 League. Therr 51.
Remarks &c. &c. in Charlotte Sound.
P M Mod. and fair Wear. At 1 came too in a Bay at the Entrance of a Harbour on the East side of Cape Terra Witte with the small Bower in 12 fm Water. A rock on the Larboard side of the Entrance No 1 mile. At 3 weigh'd again and run round Cape Terra Witte—the Breeze freshening from the So'ward
to fresh Gales with hard squalls. At 7 the 2 Brothers west 3 miles. At 8 working into the Entrance of Charlotte Sound. Carried away the Strop of the Fore Topsail Sheet Block. Lash'd another in its stead. At 9 anchor'd in 18 fm water at the Entrance of Charlotte's Sound and veer'd to a whole Cable. AM at 5 weigh'd and run for Ship Cove. But the Wind failing us, came too again. At 9 weigh'd again with a little Breeze from the No'ward and run into Ship Cove; where we anchor'd and moord with a cable each way with the Bowers. Hoisted out all the Boats and unbent the sails. Ships draught of water forward 14 F 4 E; aft 15 F 5 E. Therr 51 ½.
Little Winds and fine Wear. Sent on shore our empty Casks. Bought great plenty of fish from the Natives, for small pieces of Otahite Cloath. AM Got Tents on shore for the Astronomer and Sailmakers. Set the Armourers Forge up on board. Heel'd and scrub'd the Starboard side. Carpenters caulking the Decks. Open'd some of the Casks of Bread, found a good deal of it damp and much damag'd. Ther 59.
Variable unsettled Wear the latter part showery. Employ'd on board in getting provision to hand. Coopers on shore repairing Casks. Sailmakers at their Tents repairing sails. Ther. 62 ½.
PM Moderate Winds with open cloudy Wear. AM heavy clouds with hard rain. Employ'd watering and stowing the Hold. Sent the Copper Oven on shore to bake the Bread that was damag'd. We have a very plentifull Fresh Market with our good friends here and as cheap as we cou'd wish. Serv'd Pork to the People instead of Beef and Flower. Ther. 59.
Mod. Winds and fine Clear Wear. Employ'd principally about the Bread—sifting and picking it—getting the damag'd on shore and baking it. AM the Natives all left us in great haste having stole 3 or 4 of the small Casks from the watering place. Ther 56.
PM fine Pleasant Wear. AM fresh Gales with rain. Employ'd getting Provision to Hand in the Holds and sifting the Bread. Sent a Party on shore to cut Wood. Ther 67.
Mod. and fair Wear throughout. All Parties Employ'd as yesterday. Some of the Natives ventur'd to come to us again and sold us Fish. We gave them a friendly receiption for we felt the inconvenience of the Fish Market being at a stand. Ther 60.
PM Fine Wear. AM showery. Employ'd about the Bread and picking Oakum. The Carpenters caulking. Some hands on shore brewing. Ther 59.
Mod. Gales with open Cloudy Wear. Employ'd on board about the Bread and Hold. On shore the Brewers, Bakers, Sailmakers, &c., &c., at their various businesses. Ther. 52 ½.
The first part strong Gales and Cloudy with rain—the latter part Mod. and fair Wear. The People principally employ'd as yesterday. Hog'd and scrub'd the Larboard side. Ther 51 ½.
Little Winds & fair Wear. Finish'd the Bread. Employ'd about the Hold. Got on board 9 Ton of shingle Ballast. Ther 67 ¼.
Do Wear. Employ'd about the Hold. Got on board a Cask of Beer, which till now had not begun to ferment. Its now very pleasant drink. Ther. 69.
Moderate and fair Wear. People variously employ'd. Got on board the damag'd Bread which had been bak'd on shore and started it into the Bread room. Converted the Butts to Water Casks. We're all surpriz'd and somewhat a'arm'd at the Non-appearance of our Consort and can form no probable idea what can detain Her. Ther 70.
PM Little Winds and fair Wear. AM fresh Gales and cloudy. Employ'd in the Hold and overhauling the Rigging. Ther. 67.
Moderate and fair Wear. Compleated our wood and water. Employ'd overhauling the rigging. Tr 70.
Strong Gales with hard rain. The Weather too bad for any kind of Work. Ther. 74.
Fresh Gales with heavy squalls of Wind and rain. Employ'd about the rigging. Ther 74.
Mod. and fair Wear. Compleated the rigging. Got on board some Wood and Water for present use. Ther 64.
The first part fine Wear—the middle and latter fresh Gales with rain. PM bent the Old Fore and Fore Topsails. AM got the rest of the old Sute of Sails from the Shore and bent them. Tr 62.
Little Winds with open Cloudy Wear. PM the People at their own disposal—it being Sunday. AM got all our sails, Astronomers Instruments &c. &c., from the shore. Struck and brought on bd the Tents. Struck the Armourers Forge on board and pay'd the Lower Masts with Varnish of Pine. Therr 60.
Do Wr. Sent a Party with the Boatswain to cut brooms. Got all the Beer from the Shore. Punish'd Rich'd Lee—Seaman with a dozen for stealing from the Natives. Ships draught of water forward 15 F 5 ½ E; Aft 15 F 4 ½ E. Therr 61.
PM Little winds and fair Wr—AM fresh Gales. Black'd and Tarr'd the Bends and pay'd the Ships sides with Varnish of Pine. This Afternoon I went on shore in a Bay a little distance from the Ship where a party of Indians had taken up their residence for some few days past—of whom among other curiosities I purchas'd a Mans Head the Body of which they had just eaten. When I brought it to the Ship some Indians
of a different Party were on board and were very desirous of a piece of it, which for curiosity's sake I gave them and which they greedily devour'd, before the Ships Compy. AM unmoor'd Ship. Therr. 61.
The first and Middle parts Little Wind and fair Wr. AM at ½ past 3 weigh'd and run out of the Cove. At 7 it failling Light variable Winds let go the Anchor again off Long Island. At 2 past a Breeze springing up weigh'd and made sail again. At Noon the 2 Brothers SE 2 miles. Set the Steering sails. Haul'd over to the No shore to look for our long lost Consort. Therr. 66.
The first part fresh Gales, the latter little Winds and fair Wr. PM at 4 were abreast of Cape Terra Witte about a mile from the shore—Cape Palliser bearing E S E ½ E. We frequently fir'd Guns as we run along in hopes of having them heard by our Brother Adventurers, but we cou'd'n't hear nor see the least signs of them. At 8 Cape Palliser E S E ½ E 3 Leagues. Brought too for the Night. In the morning made sail and run along shore to the No ward of Cape Pallisser, but cou'd see nothing of our old friends. At Noon Cape Pallisser N W B W ½ W —3 Leagues. Therr 61 ½.
From New Zealand to the So ward.
1. Mod. breezes and Cloudy Wr. 3. Running out of the Mouth of the Streights. 5. Unbent the Best Bower Cable. 6. At 6 Cape Pallisser W ½ S 3 or 4 Leagues, from which I take my departure. 1. A Brisk Gale with Open Cloudy Wr. 4. AM at 4 set the steering sails. 6. at 6 carried away the Main Top Mast steering yard and split the sail. 9. At 9 carried away the Main Top Gallt yard. 10. A Brisk Gale and fair Wr.
[N.B.—After this the ship loses sight of land.]
From New Zealand to the Eastward.Remarks at Easter Island.From Easter Island to the Northward.Remarks at the Marquesas.From the Marquesas to Otahite.Remarks at Otahite.Remarks at the Society Islands.
[Note.—The log ends before the next visit to New Zealand.—The
Editor.]
Burney's Log.Journal of a Voyage in the Discovery (Charles Clerke,Esq., Commander), in Company with the Resolution(Capt. Jas. Cook), kept on board the Discovery byJames Burney.
At daylight ran into Charlotte Sound, and by Noon got into a good birth in Ship Cove, having narrowly escaped being ashore, the Ship missing stays under her Topsails.
This forenoon the Tents of both Ships were erected at the Watering place, and the Coopers, Wooders, Waterers, Sail-makers, &c., with a party of Marines from each Ship, sent to remain on shore under the direction of Lieut. King, of the Resolution. The Astronomer's Tents were likewise pitched at the Watering place, and the whole made a formidable appearance. The next day the horses were landed. Since our arrival a great number of Indians have come from different parts of the Sound and taken up their abode in Ship Cove. Fish in great plenty. Employed wooding, Completing our water, brewing Spruce Beer, boiling down the blubber got at Kerguelen's Land, cutting Hay, repairing our Sails, Rigging, &c., &c. The Gardens made here last Voyage were so overrun with weeds and underwood that we could scarcely distinguish the remains. A few Cabbages were found, and some Onion seed that had run wild. The potatoe garden on the Motuara Island was not looked after.
At Daylight, the two Captains, with a large party, went up the Sound to cut grass, and at night returned, having got 2 Launch loads. In this excursion they visited Grass Cove, he place where the Adventure's cutter was attacked. Of this accident, the best account I have been able to gather is that our people were dining on the beach—during their mea a Zealander stole something out of the Boat, and was making off with ti, on which Mr. Rowe fired and killed the Thief on the spot. The Zealanders immediately sallied out of the Woods and got between our people and the boat. They say Rowe fired twice and killed another man, but the people's muskets had been left in the boat, nobody but himself having any fire
arms, so that they were easily overpowerd and fell from imagining themselves too secure. The Adventure's cutter was soon after taken from the Indians of Charlotte Sound by those of Terrawitte (the North side of Cooks Straits), a strong party of whom had come over on a visit to Charlotte Sound. The people who are with us in Ship Cove are in parties or tribes, seemingly unconnected with each other, and live in different parts of the Cove. One of these parties are accused by the rest of being the people who cut off the Adventure's Boat. Their Chief, whose name is Kow-ura, they say killed Rowe with his own hand. On the beach where this party lived were 2 Canoes that had been cut to pieces and rebuilt, and it was remarked that neither of these Canoes came alongside the ships. A little before our arrival the inhabitants of Charlotte Sound had been surprised, and 50 of them destroyed, by the people of Admiralty Bay.
Had a gale of wind from the Westward, with hard squalls, in one of which our small Bower Anchor having got foul, came home, and we drove alongside the Resolution, but luckily got clear without hurt and moored the Ship afresh. In Ship Cove and in other parts of the West Side of the Sound the height and unevenness of the Land when the wind is westerly, occasions violent flurries from every quarter of the Compass. A young Zealander whose name is Tibarua has lived on board the Resolution lately, and says he will go with us to Otaheiti.
Being ready for Sea, struck the Tents, and got everything on Board.
Got under sail and ran into the outer part of the Sound where we anchored in 9 fathoms muddy bottom. Point Jackson bearing North, Cape Koamaroo E ¼ S and the Hippa Island S B W ½ W.
The new Zealanders at Charlotte Sound were never so much amongst us as this time: the reason probably because they found more was to be got and on easier terms than ever before, for our folks were all so eager after curiosities, and withall so much better provided than in any former voyage, that the traffic was greatly altered in favour of the Indians; a nail last voyage purchasing more than an Axe or a Hatchet now. Before our departure they carried Hatchets under their Cloaths instead of the Patow.
They often appeared to have a great deal of friendship for us, speaking sometimes in the most tender, compassionate
tone of voice imaginable; but it not a little disgusted one to find all this show of fondness interested and that it constantly ended in begging. If gratified with their first demand, they would immediately fancy something else, their expectations and importunities increasing in proportion as they had been indulged. We had instances of their quarelling after having begged 3 things, because a fourth was denied them. It seemed evident that many of them held us in great contempt and I believe chiefly on account of our not revenging the affair of Grass Cove, so contrary to the principals by which they would have been actuated in the like case. Another cause might be their getting from us so many valuable things, for which they regarded us as dupes to their superior cunning.
As an instance how little they stood in fear of us, one man did not scruple to acknowledge his being present and assisting at the killing and eating the Adventure's people.
The New Zealanders are evidently ravenous & greedy— nothing comes amiss; but no victuals are so highly relished by them as the rank seal blubber we brought from Kerguelens Land, and which we boiled down here. So fond were they of this delicious food that some of our people who attended the boiling have for the skimming of the kettle procured very substantial favours.
Wind at N N W at 9 this forenoon; hove up our Anchors and left Charlotte Sound. In the evening got through Cooks Straits.
At noon took our departure from Cape Palliser; Capt Cook has brought away another New Zealander, a young Boy who was put on board by the father of Tibarua to accompany him. His name is Coqoa. As to the Hogs and Fowls left at Charlotte Sound last Voyage, we have neither seen nor heard anything of them.
Bayley's Journal.
William Bayly, extracts from whose journal and log are printed below, was born in Wiltshire in 1737, and spent his boyhood at the plough. With the assistance of friends, he managed to educate himself, and became a schoolmaster. Dr. Maskelyne, the Astronomer Royal, happened to hear of his talents, and engaged him as assistant at the Royal Observatory. He was sent by the Royal Society to observe the Transit of Venus at the North Cape in 1769, and, later, received the appointment of astronomer, together with William Wales, in Cook's second voyage in 1773, joining Captain Furneaux's vessel the “Adventure.” He acted in the same capacity on the “Discovery,” Captain Clerke, one of the two ships taking part in Cook's Third Voyage. In 1785 Bayly was made headmaster of the Royal Academy at Woolwich, and retired on a pension from that position in 1807. He died at Portsea towards the end of 1810. (“Dictionary of National Biography.”)
Bayly's astronomical observations, made during Cook's Second and Third Voyages, were published in—
“Original Astronomical Observations made in the course of a Voyage towards the South Pole.” By W. Wales and W. Bayly. London, 1770, 4to.; and
“Original Observations made in the course of a Voyage to the Northern Pacific Ocean, 1776–1780,” by Captain J. Cook, Lieutenant J. King, and W. Bayly. London, 1782, 4to.
This M.S. journal and log, the former being signed, are in Bayly's handwriting, and comprise two folio volumes. The journal gives a complete account of the voyage from the 23rd June, 1773, to the 16th July, 1774. The log begins on the 11th June, 1776, and ends on the 30th April, 1779, at Kamchatka. Both documents are very neatly written, and contain entries of the most private character. Neither has been printed before.
One of the most interesting opinions written down by Bayly is that referring to the Strait between Australia and Tasmania. Captain Furneaux, during the time he was first parted from Captain Cook, examined the south and eastern shores of Tasmania, and in his report to Cook stated his belief that what is now known as Bass Strait was a deep bay. Bayly's entry, on the other hand, under date 17th March, 1773, is: “It seems very evident that this is the mouth of a straight which separates New Holland from Van Diemen's Land.” As a result of Fur-
neaux'sFurneaux's report, Van Diemen's Land was shown as if connected with Australia, until Bass sailed between them and gave his name to this Strait in 1799.
The journal and the log are in the possession of Mr. A. H. Turnbull of Wellington, who has kindly granted permission for their reproduction here.
Extract from the Journal kept by William Bayly,
Astronomer, on H.M.S. Adventure, Captain Furneaux,
during Capt. Cook's Second Voyage.
This morning we had heavy squalls with rain in large drops which continued most part of the day at times. This day saw some bird as black as ravens which we have not seen the like before during our passage from the Cape. Latd. at noon 41½° S. Long. 168° 35′ East of Green'ch, the Cape Farewell south side of the entrance of Cook's Straits at New Zeeland bore N. 76° 10′ East dist. 85 leagues.
Was very squally most part of the Day with wind at N.N.W. but about ½ past 2 P.M. the wind shifted to the NE we tack'd & stood NNW p. compass with continual rain. Latd. 41° 17′ S. Long. 170¾ East of Green'ch.
At day brake the weather cleared up & we discovered land bearing N. b E. It proved to be the land between Rockey point & Cape farewell, or the S.W. point opening Cooks Straits, or the N. W. point of the Southern Island or half of New Zeeland. Our Latd. at noon 40° 40′ S. this part of New Zeeland laying NE by SW nearly. We stood along shore at about 3½ leagues distance; this land is in general very mountanious from rockey point almost to the Straits mouth when it runs low & rockey which forms cape farewell. The Hills seemed to be covered with shrubs or trees. In the evening about 6 o'clock we were abreast of Cape farewell, it being a very fine clear night & the moon shining we stood into the Straits mouth until 10 o'clock when we brought too to wait for the morning.
Was very fine pleasant wr. In the morning we discovered Mount Egmont on NW opening of the Straits but being becalmed most part of the day we made but little way into the Straits. The tide flows very strong from the SE and ebbs to the SW thro' the Straits. We laid too all night but by the sea breeze & tide together we were carried a good way into the Straits.
This morning there came a gentle land breeze which carried us to the SE side of Admiralty Bay when it came round to SE ½ E & soon sunk away & the tide coming against us we droped an anchor & waited the turn of tide. From a number
of obsns. of the Sun & ☽ & *s the Longd. of Admiralty Bay = 1.
Having little winds we came to anchor in the mouth of Charlotte Sound to wait the turn of the tide, but about one P.M. there spring up a breeze at North which carried us round to the anchoring place p. Cooks (chart) where we came to anchor about 5 o'clock in —–fathom water.
This morning we found the ship had drove a great way, the boats was employed most part of the day in warping her back & mooring her. In the evening I observed an eclipse of the Moon, noting the time per No. 1. The moon was ⅔ of her Diam'r submerged in the shadow.
This morning went out in a boat to the opening of the Bay & observed several Alts. of the sun for ascertaining the time of obsn. of the ☽'s eclipse. In the evening went with Capt. Furneaux to a small island where there is an Indian town for-saken by the inhabitants, neither have we seen one Indian since we have been in the country.
This morning I went on shore with two men & my servant to make a good road up to an Indian town (as mentioned before) but presently we saw two canoes coming across the sound; the Capt. seeing them likewise sent a boat for us and we went immediately on board & about noon they came alongside, at some distance (about 20 or 30 yards) where they halted, calling Tobia Tobia (meaning the man that came from Otahiti with Mr. Banks) until one of our boats went alongside the canoes & made them several presents of old shirts & waistcoats, breeches, beads; but large spike nails was what they seemed to value most & gimblets they put a high value on & several of them came on board. In the course of the trafficking we saw something rapped up in some matting (they make of silk grass) & on opening it we discovered the head & neck of a man cut off close down to the shoulders but they instantly rapped it up again & very dextrously conveyed it away from place to place in the canoos & notwithstanding the endeavours of some of our people they could not get it & the man that had it seemed in great terror, & they all presently withdrew to the other side of the Bay, where they continued fishing until evening when they came along side with great quantities of fish which they were desirous of giving us & often would receive nothing for them however we purchased a few trifles of them, & they retired to a bay about a mile & half from the ship.
In the morning about 8 o'clock we discovered 3 more canoos coming round a point of land & soon after were joined by the two which was alongside the day before. They came alongside without fear, offering everything they had for sale a spike
nail being the price of anything we chose. There was 46 men & women, & two children, many of the men came on board & began to pool the ropes with the seamen as they were raising casks out of the Hold & it was with some difficulty we made them take to their canoes, for all the signs was of little effect till we got some muskets with Bayonets fixed at the sight of which they took to their Boats & put off to some distance & soon after left us, paddling back from whence they first came —this about noon. In the afternoon I went on shore on the Island—completed a place to receive the tents and instruments, & returned again in the evening.
Was rather hazy with a strong wind at South blowing most part of the day, the water was rather rough so that we saw no Indians all day.
Being very fair with wind at NNW & NW. We were visited by 8 or 9 canoos, some double & some single in which were 109 Indians of whom we bought or bartered many things, giving them nails & beads & looking glasses for what they had, going into the canoes among them without fear & they came on board with the same freedom & some would willingly have stayed on board if we would have let them, & the carpenter being using some vermillion, many of them desired by signs to be painted which was executed on half the number or more that came alongside the ship, which operation pleased them extremely well. This day there was one canoo much larger than the rest & well carved, in the stern of which was a venerable old man with his hair white as snow, attended by one one sitting behind him. I suppose him some chief among them tho' there seemed very little distinction or respect among them, except the woman which appeared to be at the mens disposal as they seldom moved or did anything but by the direction of the men, they frequently offered them us by signs for a spike nail, to take them on board & cohabit with them & the women readily standing up to go with us if we choose it.
After we had purchased most of what they had we made signs for them to retire but they seemed fond of staying along-side the ship, but by placing a centinel at the ships side with his bayonet fixed they retired to a considerable distance & there stayed some hours & then retired to a part of the Bay where they made fires & stayed all night.
They seem to be in great fear of us, dealing very honestly with us, not offering to deviate the agreement you made with them & very often laugh very heartily when they thought they had a good bargain. But would dextrously pick our Pockets of our handkerchefs or steal anything they could. They are
extremely fond of anything that is red or of spike nails, & on other things they put little or no value at present.
The people in general are strong made healthy looking people but their strength and activity seems to be impaired greatly by their constant squatting themselves on their hams so that the knee joint is much larger than common, and they seem to have a stiffness in it, otherwise they are lusty strong men. Their Whinies (or women) are not regular featured in general as the men, tho' some of them were fine jolly girls. I observed that there was a great diffirince in their complexions for tho' they were all of a yellow colour, some were much fairer than others and even some had sandy hair, tho' in general their hair was black. Some tie it on the crown of the head combing it up smooth all round and stick a large comb in it. Some of these combs were 7 or 8 inches deep in this form [Here follows a sketch of a comb] of a white bone, nearly as white as ivory.
I observed there was nearly three men to one woman in number, among all that we saw, which was about 230 or 240 in all.
They have the venerial disease among them, for one of our young gentlemen catched it, as did likewise several of the sailors; but whether the Endeavours people gave it them, or whether the disease was among them before, is a point not easily determined, but 'tis highly probable the Endeavours people left it there as there was more than 40 on the venerial list quickly after they left Otahiti and the run to New Zealand is but short.
The New Zeelanders are represented as cannibals by the Endeavours people but during our stay among them we could not discover anything that confirmed it, or that even amounted to raise a conjecture of the kind had we not been prepossessed with it before, for we visited their huts both by night & by day and never saw them eat anything but fish and their bread which is made of Fern-roots bruised & made into cakes & dried either in the sun or before the fire.
Their clothing consist of a mantle made square but longer than wide & of a sufficient depth to come half way down the thighs from the shoulder which it hangs loosely round with a string to tie it before on the breast, at the corners of which there is generally some pieces of Dogs skin sewed on, which has long white hair on it in general. This mantle they call an Ahoo. This Ahoo is wrapped round them (viz) one part lap over the other, & to keep it close to the loins they have a girdle made of a sort of small flag which is tied fast with string. Over this they have a rough garment which they call a Buggy, &
these are all the clothing they ware, the other parts being constantly exposed.
The Flax of which they have two sorts, grows here in great plenty; the finer sort resembles the European flax but it is vastly superior both for Beauty and strength; of this they make the Ahoo and fishing lines which are twisted the very same as ours and they knit their nets using the same knot as we do. The coarser sort grow like a Flag, either on the ground or runs up the side of a tree & spreading into great tufts at different heights. (The fine sort grow on the ground & is a flag of a finer texture & of quite a different nature from the coarse sort). Of this they make the Buggys and large ropes. Both sorts are prepared by soaking it in water and rubbing off the huskey part. Some of the Ahoos have feathers worked in with the Flax. They have a method of dying the Flax black, & of an Ochar Couler & by that means make borders of black & yellow, & some chequered all over, & some all black & as close as European canvas, but it was few that had these & they seemed to be chiefs. Some of the women had little mats very curiously worked with fine feathers of the Parrot. These are ardorned with pieces of Mother of Pearl near the size of a half crown piece. This mat the women wear in the same manner as the ladies wear the apron, to cover the Private parts, therefore we called it a fig leaf (from old Eve).
The weapons of defence are of 3 sorts (viz.) when they first ingage they use a long spear of 15 or 20 foot which is cut out of a large piece of heavy tough wood, this they cut & scrape away until they have reduced it to about 2 inches girth, scraped very sharp at each end so that they punch each other with these till they come too near each other, & then they use another weapon of wood & about 6 or 7 feet long, this of exceedingly heavy wood, & at one end resembles the end of an oar that goes in the water, & the other end is like a Spantoon that the officers (in marching regiments) have, & is always curiously carved. This Patow (as they call it) they hold in both hands near its middle so that they can push or chop with it, & their other weapon is for close quarters & is called a Petepetow. It is made like a chopping knife [here 2 sketches of Patus]. This weapon is sometimes made of wood, and sometimes of bone & sometimes of stone & is always carried under the girdle. There is a hole made thro' its small end or handle & a string tied to it that goes over the hand in time of action to prevent its being lost on their being disarmed as it might prove fatal to them for they depend greatly on these when fighting at close quarters. They have adzes made of a greenstone of the —–kind lashed to a piece of a branch of a Tree where there is a small branch
projecting out at almost right angles to serve by way of handle.
All the parts of New Zealand that we saw was very mountaneous, covered with Trees, some of which are very tall & large. The largest are the spruce tree (from the tops of the branches of which we made Spruce Beer which was very good) which are 12 or 14 feet round and 50 or 60 feet high and exceeding strait. The next biggest is a tree whose wood resembles beach tree in England. These bear a flower somewhat resembling the Horse Chesnut flower and bears a nut shaped like a fig but much smaller, with large long leaves. There are other large trees very much resembling our Elms in every respect. There are great numbers of different sorts of trees that do not grow so tall as the above & great variety of beautiful flowering shrubs, &, in many places there is great quantities of a sort of vines somewhat like supplejacks in the West Indies. There is a sort of long pepper grows here in plenty & great quantities of a shrub which is called the Tea tree from our peoples using it instead of Tea, & tho' it was not so good as common Tea from the East, it made very good holesome drink for breckfast. We found a shrub bearing a berry that resembled a large Yellow Gooseberry when ripe which was very platable and greatfull to the stomach. These were the only fruit we saw at Charlotte Sound.
All the trees keep a continual verdure all the year. I saw nettle (?) trees here of 9 or 10 inches round.
The soil is exceedingly rich and fertile in many places & seems capable of producing almost everything with a little cultivation, the climate being so moderate & healthy.
During my whole stay on shore (which was 7 weeks) I never saw any Beast great or small, except a few rats, or snake of any kind, or toad, frog, snail or anything but a few small harmless lizards, notwithstanding I was much in the woods. There are great numbers of large grey Parrots that have very beautiful plumage and small Parroquets flying in great plenty so that I frequently killed two or three at one shot. I saw two kinds of small Hawkes, both being small, & a small grey owl. There are plenty of large Wood Pigeons much the same as Wood Pigeons in England. There are great plenty of a kind of birds much resembling our black birds, except they have a few white feathers in the wings and tail and some fine loose downy feathers round the neck which grow out among the black ones & has the appearance of fine whit hairs intermixed with the feathers & under the throat are 4 fine curling white feathers growing in a tuff. These are called Poey-Birds. They are thought to be the finest eating for delicacy & richness & far to exceed the
Otterlin so much esteemed by the Epicurans. There are like-wise great variety of Beautiful singing Birds which made the Woods ecco with their different Notes which made the greatest harmony. When we came first into Charlotte Sound we found great plenty of Shel-drakes, Curlues, Ducks, & Divers all which we found to be very good eating.
We catched great plenty of good fish & found plenty of a kind of scurvy-grass & wild sallery & a kind of wild pepper-grass which we found very good.
The Zeelanders never eat greens of any kind, nor do they seem to be the least affected with scurvey.
When we first came here we made gardens & sowed Cabbage seed & other sorts of garden seeds, which thrived exceedingly well, so that we had plenty of salad & Cabbage-plants large enough to transplant for Cabbages before we left Charlot Sound.
I went on shore on a small Island called the Hippa by the natives which I named Observatory Island. It is a rock whose sides are perpendicular in many places & indeed the whole was well fortified by nature, there being only one landing place & the passage up from it exceeding difficult, but by hard labour I made steps in the rocks so that its ascent was much easier than before. On the top of this small island was a Town con sisting of 33 houses. The most elevated part was tolerably level for about 100 yards long & 8 or 10 yards wide. This was fortified with strong posts or sticks drove into the ground & those interwoven with long sticks in a horizontal direction & then filled with small brush wood with one place two feet square where was a wooden dore, so that only one man could get in at a time & that on his hands & knees & of course easy destroy'd if at war.
This seems to have been the grand residence of the natives of Charlotte Sound but it was deserted when we came owing I suppose to their communication with another Island, where they fetched water, being cut off by land, the sea having washed a passage thro' between them. The top of this Island was the only place I could find proper to make my observations on; there I built a house for my transit instrument & put up my tent observatory. This I was obliged to do myself together with a young lad who was my servant, for the Capt. & other officers negative assistance in their power in every respect. But however by the assistance of a good natured Welsman, who would always work if I gave him Brandy (he being the only healthy man sent on shore) I soon got everything in pretty good order. My whole force was two marines, one sick & the other well; a Highland piper very bad in the scurvey, three
young lads who were midshipman, two of whom had never been at sea before, & the other seemed very little acquainted [with] any duty, but the first Lieut, thought it a good oppor tunity of sending them out of the way.
The 24th (April) in the afternoon we saw some canoos pass by at a distance & in the [night] about 10 o'clock we saw something on the water at about a mile distant which disappeared soon under the side of an Island but we soon perceived it to be some canoes coming to us. We fired a musket over their heads but they seemed not to mind it; we then fired another near them which made them retreat back to the Island from whence they came, & they never attempted to come again by night during our stay in that place. In consequence of this & my representing the weak condition of the guard I had the Sergeant of Marines and another marine, with two wall-pieces or guns. With this addition we considered ourselves a match for any force the Zeelanders could bring; for by this time, by the good air, & plenty of greens the piper was amazingly recover who when well was a lusty active man, & a stranger to fear & the Sergeant being an active sober good man I thought myself very secure considering our situation.
I continued here making observations without anything material happening until the 18th of May when at daybreak I discovered the Resolution off the mouth of the Sound & in the evening she came to in Ship Cove along side our ship; having been parted ever since the 8th of February last. She steered S. Easterly passing great numbers of Ice Islands & fields of Ice continually. When they came near the Longd. of Zealand they hawled up northerly & went into Dusky Bay where they supplied themselves with wood & water & repaired their ship & rigging & then came to us in Charlotte Sound.
In the afternoon received an order from Capt. Furneaux to get ready to go on board as soon as possible.
Carried my Instruments, observatories &c. on board.
In the morning we discovered a large double canoe coming towards us across the Sound in which was 28 Indians, all lusty well made men who went along side the Resolution. In the starn of the Canoo, was on old venerable well looking man whose hair & beard was as white as snow. He had a fine furred Ahoo or mantle covered with furr, before him sat a lusty middle aged man with a black Ahoo with a few bits of white fur varigated here & there a bit. As soon as they came within about 20 yards distance from the ship the old man or chief stood up & waved a green leaf as did the man that sat before him & likewise flurrished his Papepatoo over his hed & began a speech that lasted near 15′. All the rest was silent even the old Chief
spoke not a word. During the whole the Indian delivered himself relative to voice & gesture, not to be exceeded perhaps by few European orators. As to what he said we were quite at a loss to know as no one understood a single silable. There were several Indians on board of both sex that came dayly with fish for some time. At the sight of this large canoo they seemed to be much terrified, making signs they should be mattied (or killed) & endeavoured by signes to get Capt. Cook to shoot them, but after the oration was finished, the old king came on board the Resolution & joined noses a considerable time with the other old Indian that frequented the ships daily. This old man received him on the gang way squat on his hams & as soon as the old king was got up the Ship's side he squat before him & in this position they joined noses as above muttering some words all the time & then he joined noses with every one of us & presently we began trade with them & were all Friends.
These were by far the finest set of Indians I saw during our stay at Charlotte Sound. The whole community amounted to about 90, viz., men, women & children. They had 5 canoos, the remainder being left [at] an Island about 1 ¾ miles from the Ship. They had many fine Dogs with them of the Fox breed.
The Indians are fond of green stone they have among them which they call Poanamo. It is a kind of Jasper. With this they make their Togie, or ads of & chissles to carve with, & bobs for their years [ears] & gorgets to hang at the breast.
This day being His Majesty's birthday all the superior officers of both ships dined with Capt. Cook & we spent the afternoon very cheerfully.
This morning at 4 o'clock we began to unmoor p. signal from the Resolution, & by 8 was under way with wind at W. (viz. a gentle breeze) in Company with the Resolution, but when we came to open the South Seas, viz. the SE entrance of Cook's Straits, the wind came round to SSW so that we were obliged to work out.
As we were coming out of the Sound in the morning the Indians made off in their Canoos to take a farewell of us as well as they could by signs.
Proved fair with gentle gales at NW. We stood away SSE & SE. Latd. at noon 41° 53′ ½ S. Long. 174° 48′ East of Green'ch.
This morning I had a fine view of the North part of the Southern Alps of New Zeeland. They appear very high & covered with snow which is always the case even in the midst of summer, as Capt. Cook informed me, he being at
New Zeeland in the midst of the Southern Summer in the year 1769.
(Note.—The Adventure parted company with the Resolution in the voyage from the Cape of Good Hope. The vessels met again at Ship Cove on the 18th May. They left Queen Charlotte Sound on 7th June in company to continue the voyage, & finally parted from each other on the 22nd October, 1773, in a gale, whilst off the coast of New Zealand. Captain Furneaux reached England on the 16th July, 1774, but Captain Cook did not finish his voyage till nearly a year later.)
At 6 A.M. saw the land bearing WNW.
It proved to be Table Head on the NE coast of New Zealand. Latd. at noon 39° 67½' S. Longd. 178° 26′ E. p. good obs'ns of the Sun & Moon. Var. 13° 20′ E. We stood inshore, & then along the Coast at 7′ or 8″ [leagues are probably meant] Dist. off shore. The coast is heigh and bluff with the country mountaneous but the Hills are covered with trees even to the tops in general. We saw many large fires on the Hills; but no canoe. At 6 PM was abreast of the North side of Hawkes Bay. We stood on SW & SW b. S during the night & at 4 in the morn. the 22nd was abreast of Cape Kidnappers which is the south side of Hawkes Bay it being 21 Leag's across nearly.
At 7 AM saw several canoes put off but they could not come up with us. Latd. at Noon 40° 15′ Longd. 176° 30′ p. good obs'ns of ⊙ & ☽. In the afternoon the wind came to the West. We could not keep along shore. At 2 PM some canoes came along side the Resolution but did not stay as she had a fresh breeze off shore.
Had strong gales of wind at West & WNW with very hard rain. This morning at day break had lost the Resolution, we supposed she was got to windward. The Gale continuing at West & WSW with a great head sea we were drove N Easterly, the wind blowing with great violence from 6 in the morning till 4 or 5 in the after noon & then dying away to a calme each day so that we frequently saw the land in the morning & lost sight of it in the afternoon.
At 11 AM saw the Resolution a great way to leeward. The wind a little abated she made sail & joined us about 3 PM. In the afternoon observed two good sets of distances of the sun & moon which gave the Longd of the ship 175° 26′ East of Green'ch when Cape Palliser bore West true 10 or 12 Leagues.
Encountered a very heavy gale at WNW with a great sea so that we lay too under the mizen stay sail. This lasted all day & all night with a heavy sea. Our Vaheine Man
This was Omai, taken on board the “Adventure” at Huaheine, one of the Society Islands.
was
much horrified having never seen the like before, but our ship being an excellent sea boat soon convinced him that he had little to fear. As she rowled very easy with the sea he cryd out with rapture “Pie Miti Middidehay amna Matti,” that is it was a good ship & the sea could not sink her. During this 24 hours we drove to the S by E greatly, having quite lost sight of the land.
This morning at 3 AM the wind abated to almost a calm & at 5 AM it came to the S by E blowing a brisk gale. We made sail in comp'y with the Resolution, standing WNW & at Noon was in Latd. 42° 33′ Longd. 174° 42′ (?) E of Green'ch.
The wind continued to blow very strong from WNW to N b. W with a great sea which frequently drove us out of sight of Land & when it was a little moderate we stood in & made the land, and then drove off again & this way we continued beating about until the 6 of Nov'r when we bore away NNE to Tallico Bay, SE entrance of Cooks Straits.
The 29th at night we lost sight of the Resolution.
Had fine W'r wind at NE when we were about 9 or 10 leag's North of Cape Palliser but there being little wind we did not get round it till the evening. Being about 2 leagues off shore several Canoes came to us, two of whome were very nicely carved & the Indians appeared to be principal people among them, being well clothed in their fashion & had all their implements of War with them which the Capt. purchased for a looking glass.
The principal man in each Canoe was very finelooking old men with their beards very gray, these sat in the starn of the Canoes & just before each was a robust middle aged man, these stood up & made long speeches frequently pointing to the shore, but whether they proposed friendship or war we could not tell, even our Huanei Man knew very little of the matter. The other Canoes were fishermen's who came alongside and sold their fish for pieces of Otaheite Cloth, paying little regard to the size of the piece but taking what was given them. In the evening at 7 o'clock we were in a line joining Cape Camble [Campbell] & Cape Palliser, which line was N 50 E & S 50 W. p. compass. I found the vari'n here 13° 21′ E from a mean of 6 good Azimuths. Latd. of Cape Pall'r 41° 35′ S. Longd. 174° 54′ E of Green'ch. About 10 in the evening the wind came round to NW & blew very strong which increased to a gale about 4 in the morning of the 5th, which drew us back abrest of Cape Pall'sr about 5 or 6 miles off shore, when at 7 it came round to South & blew with great violence accompanied with small thick rain that you could not see twice the ships length. In this situation she drove very fast right on the Cape. We
tried to wear her & stand out but she flew too up in the wind again so that we had nothing but destruction before our eyes for some time, but letting loose the fore-Topsail & Main-sail she wore just time enough that with setting all the sail we could she just weathered the Cape and stood on out to sea, but had she been a little longer before she wore we must inevitably have been on the Rocks of a lee-shore with the wind and sea running mountains heigh right on it.
About 9 the wind abated a little. We stood off shore ENE p. compass till PM & then wore and stood in hoping to have weathered the Cape far enough to run us up the Straits, but it began to blow very hard with thick rain. At 7 it cleared up a little. We found the Cape close under our lee bow about 6 or 7 miles ahead so that we were obliged to wear her & stand out to sea again but in the morning of the 6th the gale increased with a very heavy mountanious sea from the South, the Capt. determined to stand to the North for some of the Bays there & did so according by going NNE.
Having been near a fortnight endeavouring to get in, encountering tempestious winds & seas, which damaged our ship & regging more than all the former part of the voyage.
The 7th and 8th the Gale continued during which we run away before it to the North.
Came to Anchor in Tolaga Bay, from good observations I make its Longd. 178° 33′ 46″ E. Latd. 38° 21′ S. Vari'n E. Dip of the Magt. Needle.
The Natives here behaved very friendly bringing everything they had to sell except the green stone Ads's or the green Images hanging to their necks. Those they did not care to part with on any acc. notwithstanding they are covetous of Iron to excess. We bought great quantities of fine Flax of them, & great numbers of Ahooes or mantles made of the flax exceeding neat. There is plenty of Cray & other fish in this Bay and great quantities of herbs for salading, boiling in broth or soups, &c. & sweet Potatoes but those run small for want of culture I suppose. We stayed in this Bay all day the 10th to get water for the ship.
Am. hoisted in the Boats and weighed & stood out to Sea but had little winds until the evening when it came to blow at SSE so that the Night was spent in endeavouring to work off of the coast right to windward being on a lee shore but the gale increased & became Mountaneous.
We were obliged to put back again in the morning & ½ past 9 AM of the 12th came to & moored ship about half a mile lower in the Bay than before.
In the morning the Boats endeavoured to go on shore to get wood & water but the Sea tumbled into the Bay greatly; which caused so great a surf that they could not land. I went with them in order to made obs'ns of the Dip of the Magnetic Needle. At 9 AM returned on board again. The wind blew fresh at SE b. E which caused a very great sea in the Bay.
We attempted to get on shore for water. I took the dipping needle with me but the surf ran so high that the Boats were near being swamped & all must have been inevitably lost but we happily escaped & returned on board again at 8 AM & stayed on board all day. The Ship rowling Gunnel too, frequently as she rode at Anchor. In the evening the wind shifted to the SSE & the swell abated very fast so that at 9 in the even'g the water came somewhat smooth. No Indians have been able to come off to us since we come in on acct. of great surf.
The wind came round to the South with serene fine w'r. I went on shore early in the morning with my dipping needle & found from a mean of 40 observations the South was depressed 62°. I went on board to Dinner & went on shore again with the Surgeon & walked a few miles into the Country where we found here & there a few huts. The Indians behaved very friendly. They have small plantations of sweet potatoes near their houses but they run long & small in general. I saw plantations of something that resembles Pompion Plants. They were planted in the same order the Gardeners plant Coucumbers in holes (in England). The plants were about two Inches above ground & out in rough leaf. They first set fire to the Wood & then cut it off about knee high & then turn the earth and cleanse it with sticks which serve instead of spades. During our ramble I saw Wood Pigeons, Parroquets, Grey Parrots, Poey Birds, & Quails & vast variety of singing Birds but no animal great or small or any fruit Trees of any kind whatever.
The wind at west at day break. We weighed & stood out of the Bay, at 8 AM the wind came round to NNE with fine wr. We stood along shore to the South. At Noon was abreast of Gablehead-foreland; this is a remarkable headland resembling the Gable end of a house, consisting of white Clifts of Rocks. I make its Latd. 38° 31½' S. Longd. 178° 27′ East of Green'ch.
We continue our course South Westerly for Charlotte Sound with wind at WNW & fine Wr.
Had little wind at WNW. We continue our course S Westerly along the Coast. Latd. at Noon 40° 0′ S & by a
good set of obsns. of the Sun and Moon in Longd. 177° 44½′ East of Green'ch.
Had strong gales at South & S b W accompanied with a great Sea. We continued standing off & on the Land, sometimes in sight of it & sometimes not. This gale continued until the 22nd. about noon when by obsn. we were near the same place we were the 19th at Noon. 22nd. in the afternoon the wind died away & it came quite calm where we lay like a log all night & most part of the next day in sight of Cape Turnagain, dist. 7 or 8 Leagues.
Latd. at Noon 40° 54′ S. Longd. 175° 51′ 16½” p. a mean of 6 good obsns. of the Sun & Moon taken in the afternoon. From this day untill the 29th had the wind at NNW blowing very strong great part of the time, during which we endeavoured to work into the Straights, to little purpose, for if we got a little way in one day when the wind was moderate, we were drove out again the next.
At 4 P.M. the wind came round to S & S b. E with moderate breezes. We made sail into the Straits.
At 8 A.M. was nearly abreast of Cape Terrawitty & at ½ past 1 P.M. came to Anchor in Ship Cove (Charlotte Sound New Zeeland) & moored ship. In the afternoon Capt. Furneaux went on shore at the Watering place & found a letter (in a bottle) from Capt. Cook, by which we learned that the Resolution made Charlotte Sound the 3rd of Novr. & sailed from thence the 26th. do. He said he intended to cruise 3 or 4 days in East mouth of the Straits & then pursue his Voyage to the South, but how he passed out without our seeing him, I am at a loss to acct. for. as [we] were generally in sight of both shores.
I went on shore with Capt. Furnx. to look for a proper place for my Obsy. & returned on board at Noon.
This day had 3 or 4 Canoes along side with fish &c.
Staid on board all day.
Went on shore with my Tent & Instruments & set all up. From this to the 6th P.M. had blowing weather with much rain so that I could not make any observations untill the 7th when we had very fine Wr. I remained on shore till the 16th. when I carried everything on board again.
The 9th there was many Canoes in the Bay some of which came where we was & we suffered them to come on shore & sit down on the beach for some time, but obliged them to retire to some other part of the Sound before night.
About Midnight the Sentry had occasion to go into the Tent & at his return he saw an Indian sitting by the fire which
was burning at little dist. from the Tent. As soon as the Indian saw him he retired into the Wood. The Centry acquainted the Lieut. (who was commanding officer) of it & all hands got up but could see nothing of him & they called me, my Tent observy. in which I slept being at a little dist. from the Ships Tent; I got up & called up my servt. who lay in a little tent by my obsy. I looked about but could not see any Indian or Canoe stirring, so that I went & lay down on my bed in my clothes after I had ordered the Sentry to call me the momt. he discovered any Canoe or Indian. The Moon shone bright so it [was] impossible for them to come unseen. Soon after, the Sentry informed me he saw a Canoe cross the Bay. I got up & we saw another double canoe cross the Bay & then a single one for the same point of the Bays mouth; we went along the beach & discovered all three canoes moving down by the side of the Rocks under the shade of the trees. I sent the Centry to acquaint the officer & people of it & as soon as they came within hail I told them to go away or we would kill them (in their language) upon which they held a consultation for some minutes & then one canoe moved towards me slowly, upon which I fired a shot just above their heads which made them retire with precipitation. By this time the officer and people arrived, but we had no further trouble with them that night.
From the 9th to the 14th many Canoes came trading with the Ship & frequently visited us on shore but this 14th. there came several canoes to us to trade & seemed to re-connoitre our situation, but we behaved in a friendly manner [to] them & at night the Centry had orders to keep a good look out.
I was up late observing & having taken some altitudes of Stars to the East & having set my Alarem to call me, to take them to the west, I went to bed, having nailed my old great coat at the entrance of my tent, at the inside of which I always placed the outside case of my Astronomical Quadrant to keep the wind out at bottom & at the same time keep my great coat from blowing to one side. In this box I kept my Lumber, such as tools, nails, &c., the lid of which was screwed down when the Quadt. was in it, but it was in two, & only laid on it. After I had been in bed & had slept some time, I was awaked by the rattling or noise of the lid of the box. I jumped up in the bed & took my gun which stood always at the head of my cot, calling at the same time, who is there, but could neither hear nor see anything. I sat up in the bed for sometime during which my Allarem went off to call me to get up which induced me to dress myself. Soon after I searched for my hat but could not find
it, but this I attributed to its being carelessly laid down & having a cap on I proceeded with my lanthorn to get a light but in going out of the Tent Obsy. I found it open & half the lid of the box at some dist. from the tent, & by feeling I found my hatchet & saw & hammer were gone out of the box. This I concluded the Centry had taken or was privy to its being taken. I then went into my tent & took my gun & went to the Centry & found him busi washing his linnen by the fire; & accused him of taking my things but he protested his innocence. I then lighted my candle & went along the beach but could not discover either Indians or Canoes, the centry being with me but without arms having left them by the fire side. When we returned to the Watering place by the Ships Tent I looked round & saw a man coming out from the Ships tent towards as & challenged him by “Who are you?” (not being certain whether it was not one of our own people), but the Indian threw awray part of his load & run for it & I after him & coming within stroke of him I clubbed my gun to knock him down when my foot struck against a stone, I was near on falling but just recovered myself. I shot at him, having only shot in my gun & then pursued him & was near taking him when he entered the wood, at the edge of which I halted. By this time the officer & people were up & some under arms but in great confusion. I took one man with me & placed ourselves among the Rocks at some distance from the beach, up the side of the Bay, immagining the Indians would endeavour to make their escape over the Rocks, it being low water, & thereby cut them off which would certainly have been the case had not one of our people ran towards where we were with a Lanthorn just as two Indians had joined in the wood & was getting out on the rocks; but they seeing the candle coming toward them retired back into the wood to get farther on before they left it. When we found that I moved forward softly on the rocks to intercept them, but I had not passed far when I heard an Indian cry hist, hist, which I answered, moving forward at the same time & soon discovered an Indian at a considerable distance. I still went forward untill I had the misfortune slip of a stone which made some noise tho' attend with no damage. Then I immagined the Indian was flying for the woods on which I levelled my piece & let fly at him but missed him with a ball & the Indian fled to the woods & when I came to the place there was great quantities of things which they had stole from us, part in their canoes & part on the rocks so that we recovered everything & a Canoe. The Indians made their escape thro' the Woods & got clear off.
This evening saw a very large meteor—NNE, it appd. at about 40° altd. & fell toward the horizon.
In the evening I packed up my instruments & 16th A.M. carried all on board the ship, as the Capt. purposed sailing the 18th.
In the morning our great cutter was sent to get greens for the people to a place called Grass Cove (it being the place where Capt. Cook usually cut grass for his Sheep). There was 6 rowers, the Cockswain, a Mate, a Midshipman & the Capt's Black servant in her. They had 5 muskets, two fowling pieces & three cutlashes with them. They left the ship at 5 o'clock in the morning
After breakfast the Surgeon & myself with three Midshipmen & the Ships Cooper went in a small cutter to some Bays near the ship to get flags for the Coopers use & what greens we could. We returned about Noon with our boat well loaded with greens, but the large cutter not returning in the evening as expected, (Saturday) 18th in the morning the Longboat was sent well manned & armed in search of her. The first cove they went into there was 3 canoes laying on the beach. The Indians behaved friendly at first but rather saucy at our boats departure, but the officer took no notice of it. The next bay they entered were 7 or 8 canoes on the beach & many Indians who behaved very sivil. Going out of this cove our people obs'd a large canoe coming toward them but when the Indians saw them they ran the canoe into a little creek & fled to the Woods and disappeared, which made our people suspect something was the occasion. On inspecting into the contents of the Canoe they found baskets full of roasted human flesh & in one of them was a mans hand cut off a little above the rist on the Back of which was T.H. in Roman letters, which was directly known to be one of the boats crew's hand viz. Thomas Hill's. (This mark was made by the natives of Otaheite, being what they call Tattowing, it being used by all the natives of the Islands near the Line, in the South Seas by way of ornament.) This discovery convinced our people that the boats crew was destroyed. They broke the canoe to pieces & proceeded to Grass Cove (from whence the canoe seemed to come), where was a great number of Indians to the amount of an hundred or more, making merry, dancing & skipping about on a little hill near the beach. As soon as our boat came near the shore they invited them on shore but our people fired a broadside at them & a second which they seemed not to mind notwithstanding several fell down. They then fired two wall pieces loaded with a number of pistol balls & the Marines kept
up a brisk fire which put them to flight, they making a great cry. They saw several crawling on their hands and knees into the Bushes & the dead was dragged off. Our people went on shore & found the Intrails of 4 or 5 men together with the Hearts & Lungs & 3 heads roasted, one of which appeared to be the Capt's Black serv'ts by its make. They found the left hand of a man which was known to be Mr. Howe's by a cut on the middle of the fore finger which was just healed up. They likewise found some feet & other parts but all much defaced by roasting except one foot. They demolished the canoes there & night coming on they returned on board with the melancholy news. They saw great numbers of Indians dancing round a large fire on a hill, 1 or 2 furlongs off but could not see the Boat.
We suppose they went on shore to gather greens, the Indians appearing friendly as usual untill they saw an opportunity & seized them & killed them at once before they had time to defend themselves.
People lost.Mr. John Rowe, Mate, & Acting Lieutenant.People lost.Thos. Woodhouse, Midshipman.People lost.Frans. Murphy, Quartermaster & Cockswain of the Boat.MPeople lost.Thos. Hill.Seamen, & James Sevilly the Capt's Black serv't or steward.People lost.John CavenorSeamen, & James Sevilly the Capt's Black serv't or steward.People lost.Mich'l BellSeamen, & James Sevilly the Capt's Black serv't or steward.People lost.Will'm MiltonSeamen, & James Sevilly the Capt's Black serv't or steward.People lost.John JonesSeamen, & James Sevilly the Capt's Black serv't or steward.People lost.Wm. FacySeamen, & James Sevilly the Capt's Black serv't or steward.
Mr. Rowe had been accustomed to Indians in America for many years having been in America the greatest part of his time & put too great confidence in them, for had he been more doubtful of them he might have saved his life and that of his Crew.
In the morning we unmoored & stood out into the open part of the Sound but it falling little wind we came too in 8 fathom where we remained until the 22nd, having strong gales at NW at Times & at other times Calme. During which time no Indian appeared either in Canoe or otherwise.
In the afternoon we weighed & stood out of the Sound with Gentle gales at WNW.
Extract from the Log of William Bayly, Astronomer, on
H.M.S. Discovery, Capt. Cook, during that Navigator's
Third Voyage.
6 am. Running into Charlot Sound. About 8 as we were working into Ship Cove, our Ship missed Stays (owing to the mainsail
being hall'd to soon), & was very near being a shore on the Rocks. We let go our best bower & trimmed the sails a back which happily drove her a starn & by paying out the Cable she went just clear of the Rocks: as she swung she just grounded forward, gavedd Rowl & drove clear of every thing & by letting go our small bower steadied her till we carried out a Stream Anchor & warped her off & got her safe moored in 9 fathom w'h a cable each way—muddy bottom. At 11 the Indians came on board in 3 large canoes two of which was double ones. They seemed to hesitate some time & halted at a distance waving a white cloth as a signal of Peace which was answered by us; this induced them to come on board the ships & began to exchange their clothing & other things with us & consequently a free intercourse took place between us without any fear or jealousy.
The 13th the Ships tents were cary'd on Shore and set up by the side of the brook of water that runs down from the Mountains. In the afternoon I carryed my Observatory and Instruments on shore & set the Obs'y close by the Ships tents that the whole might [be] under the Centinals eye. Capt. Cook put up his observatory close by the side of mine. Wind at NNW with fine weather but exceeding hot.
The 14 the weather was fine all day with wind at NE. The people of both Ships began to cut wood &c. The Indians visit us every day in great numbers both on board & on shore bringing plenty of Fish to sell, which we purchase for nails & pieces of old cloth &c.
Had fine weather with moderate breezes at SE. I began to observe equal alts. of the Sun for the going of the Clock. This afternoon came some Indians that had not been with us before, and amongst them was a chief whose name was Kawoora.
In the M.S. this name was originally spelt Kiwoora, but the “i” has been changed to an “a.” Elsewhere in the journal it is spelt Kiwoora, without any alteration, and Kiwooroo.
By means of Omi we endeavoured to learn the circumstances relatin to our People being Kill'd last Voyage. They give us two accts. viz one was given Capt. Cook as follows by Kaiwooroo. He said that our People were at dinner on shore with only the Black (which belong'd to Capt. Furnx.) man left to keep the Boat & that Kiwooroo & his people were set down with them. Kawoora says that one of his people stole a jacket out of the Boat but before he could get off with it the Black struck him across the head with a stick or sword in its scabbard, I could not clearly learn which, on which the man
cry'd out he was Mattied, viz. kill'd; which made him & his other men rise up & attack our People. He says the Aree, that is the officer Mr. Rowe, jumped up & shot two of his men before they could secure him, but that the others were all secured without doing him any damage. He said that he then killed them all but kept the Aree, or officer, till the last of all. The other acct. we get from Tabbarooa (a young lad about 15 who is going with Omi to Otaheite). He says they were all sat down on shore at dinner, except the Black who was in the Boat, & that one of his countrymen stole one of our peoples jackets on which the seaman knock'd him down, from whence a fray ensued in which Mr. Rowe shot two men dead, & cut Kiwooroo across the arm with a sword & then endeavoured to get to the boat, but was taken & kill'd before he could get to her & that a great number of his countrymen rushed in on our People & knocked them all on the head & killed them at once & then knocked the boat in pieces & burnt her.
From whence it is pretty clear the quarrel happened as our people were at dinner & consequently disarmed & off their guard, but whether it was a premeditated scheme of —–or not we could not learn clearly.
A young Lad named Tabbarooa about 15 years old has determined to go to Otaheite with Omi. He is son of an Aree of some consequence among them who was kill'd in the engagement with Trinkaboo—being one of his warriors.
When it was known among his relations that he intended to go, one woman cryed much & beat her head, & otherwise used every persuasive argument against his going, but to no purpose; he being determined to go. Omi dealed very fair with them & told him what he had to expect when he came to Otaheite, that he could not expect to be more than a Towtow or Servant, but he still persists in going at all events. There is likewise some talk of a lad about 10 years of age going with Omi. About Noon some little quarrel arose between the Sargant of Marines of the Resolution & an old Indian, on which the Indian went off in his Canoe in a terrible rage to a little cove where was a number of Indians at dinner, & they all launched their Canoes & went across the Sound toward a Cove where Capt. Cook had some men cutting grass. Capt. Cook saw the inraged Indian & endeavoured to enquire the cause & Passify him; but he could neither do one or the other. He therefore sent his Pinnes man'd & armed to his grass cutters to protect them in case they wanted it; but the Indians altered their rout when they saw the Pinnis coming after them.
Most of the Indians came back again & behaved the same as usual in a friendly manner. This morning our Capts. went up the Sound with the Ships boats man'd & armed to examine the sound & get vegetables. They set out at daylight & returned on board again in the evening without meeting with anything remarkable. They saw very few Indians & none of any note, the Sound being very thin of people, occasioned by a terrible battle between the inhabitants of Admiralty Bay & those of Charlotte Sound. In this Battle the Chief of Charlotte Sound (whose name was Trinkaboo) was kill'd together with 50 of his best men & a number of women taken Prisoners & carryed off to Admiralty Bay. The Indians told us they intended giving them battle as soon as they had a little recruited their number & strength.
We had very blowing weather at WNW & flying clouds & rain at times & during the night much rain all the next day till the evening when it cleared up & we had a fine night.
The 18 & 19 had fine weather, wind at NW.
In the morning it came to blow at NNW with rain & from 7 to 11 exceeding heavy squalls came down from the hills so strong that laid the ships down on their beam ends & our ship dragged her anchor & was very near fowl of the Resolution before they could get the Sheet Anchor over the side & let it go, most of the people being on shore, but they swong clear without any damage & the wind soon abated & they got her moored again.
Had fine weather, wind at NW. This day came to us the Raining chief of the Sound, & with him 20 of the finest young men I ever saw. The oldest appeared not to exceed 20 years of age. The Chief appeared to be about 30 or rather under, being an exceeding lusty well grown man, about 6 ft.
During our stay we boiled the blubber we got at Kerguelans land & refined the Oil. The Indians were exceedingly fond of the oil eating great quantities of it & even picking up the blubber (that was thrown away after the oil was out of it) & eating it in great quantities & carrying away basket fulls in their Canoes.
When we left Charlotte Sound our Ship drew Afore 14 ft. 00 inches, Aft. 14 feet 6 inches, of water.
At 9 this morning, weighed Anchor & came to sail out of Charlotte Sound in company with the Resolution. At noon we were due East of the Brothers when our Latd. obsd. was 41° 07′ South.
Edgar's Log.
Thomas Edgar was master of H.M.S. “Discovery” during Cook's third and last voyage, and his Journal is now in the British Museum, London.
Extracts from the Journal of Thomas Edgar.
Got off Admiralty Bay in the Night and at 1 in the Morning shorten'd Sail and lay by till Morning.
At daylight made Sail & soon after haul'd round Point Jackson into Charlotte Sound, at 9 in the Forenoon had got in Ship Cove where being close in Shore the Ship missed Stays under 3 Topsails. Let go our Best Bower Anchor but seeing we had not Room to bring up, pay'd out the Cable, clew'd up the Head Sails and hoisted the After Sails & back'd them which run us off Shore Stern foremost & just cleard a Point of Land that we had been in danger of falling upon. As soon as the Ship had lost her Stern way we let go another Bower Anchor—which kept us off the Shore till we got Stream Anchor & Cable out we then warp'd the Ship into a good birth & moor'd her.
Descriptions for sailing in & out of Ship Cove in Charlotte Sound New Zealand with the Soundings Marks, Rocks, Shoals, &c., with the Lattitude Longitude Tides, Currents & Variations of the Compass.
New Zealand consists of two large Islands separated from each other by a Streights of 5 or 6 Leagues broad calld Cook Streights—being first discovered by him in the Endeavor Bark in the Year 1770—the Southermost appears to be a group of Islands in the middle of which is an Inlet call'd Charlottes Sound running many Leags. to the Southward— Point Jackson & Cape Cramaroo form the entrance of Charlotte Sound—from Point Jackson W.S.W. p. Compass 6 or 7 Miles lays a Cove on the Starboard Shore call'd Ship Cove, where we and the Resolution Anchor'd, this is a double Cove surrounded with very high Hills which are cloth'd with Wood and every Valley with a Rivulet this is an excellent
place for Shipping to refit at it being entirely shelter'd from any sea by the Island Matuara which lays off the Mouth of it, distant 1½ Miles. You may sail in on either side in safety, but if you should sail or turn in or out of this Cove leaving the Matuara to the Eastward of you be sure to give the North Point of the Matuara a good birth there running a ledge of Rocks from that Point about N.b.W. ¾ W. distance of almost ¾ of a Mile—You may Anchor in any part of the Cove you please—very good holding Ground, or in any part of the Sound.
Marks for Anchoring.
You may Anchor in any part of this Cove you please we Moord here in 9 fathom Water muddy bottom—with the best Bower to the southward and small Bower to the Northward —the North Point of the Cove N. 42° 32′ East the watering place South 62° 00 W. distance ½ Mile—Indian Cove S. b W. the S.E. Point of Ship Cove S. 35 East and the extreams of Matuara N. 87 E. and N. 61 East.
Wooding and Watering.
Wood here in great Plenty close down to the Water side and very good Water which you fill at a Rivulet with a Bucket and funnel.
Provisions and Refreshments.
Great quantity's of Fish were brought on Board during the time we lay here by the Natives and very excellent of their kind, Scurvy Grass was likewise procured—& Spruce being found we also brewed Spruce Beer for the Ships Company.
Descriptions of the landing place and other Remarks.
You may Land in any part of this Cove you please, there are 2 Coves a little ways to the Northward of this but not so well shelter'd—the 1st is Cannibal Cove the other Shin Bone Cove, the Country about Charlottes Sound is Mountainous and some part barren, the Valley's and low Hills are abundantly stock'd with Trees. Latitude in Longitude in Variation 13° 35′ East. Tides rises at full & Change between 6 & 7 feet perpendicular. High Water at full & Change at 9 Hours.
Remarks at New Zealand.
New Zealand consists of two large Islands seperated from each other by streights 5 or 6 Leagues broad, call'd Cooks Streights being first discovered by him in the Endeavor in the Year 1770, the Southermost appears to be a group of Islands in the Middle of which is an inlet call'd Charlottes Sound running many leagues to the Southward, Leagues up this sound is a Cove, call'd Ship Cove, where we and the Resolution Anchor'd, in turning into this Cove the Ship miss'd Stays where we were oblig'd to let go an Anchor, not withstanding she tail'd on a Sand Bank lying close to the Rocks but did herself no injury, we were oblig'd to let go another Anchor soon after to keep her off some sunken Rocks which was close under our Larboard Counter and by the Evening we were moor'd in the Cove
Soon after we Anchor'd several Canoes came to the Ships but at first seem'd rather fearful imagining probably we were come to revenge the Murder of the Adventures Boats Crew, but however when they were convinced of the contrary they came on board and traded with us in a friendly manner —This place is surrounded with very high Hills which are cloath'd with wood, & every Valley hath a Rivulet; the Day after our Arrival the Tents for both Ships were set up on Shore as likewise the Astronomers & a Party of Men to Wood and Water—great Quantity's of Fish were brought on board during the time we lay here, by the Natives & very excellent in their kind which were brought and serv'd to the Ships Companys, Scurvy Grass was likewise procured for them— we were quite delighted in the Mornings with the sweet Harmony of the Birds which surpass'd anything of the kind I had ever met with for a pleasing Variety of Notes; the Men are stout and well Limb'd of a dark brown colour & have a fierce savage appearance, the Women though not delicate have a remarkable soft Voice, they seem to live in a very wretched state, both Sexes dress alike—the Men generally have their Hair tied on the top of their Head in a Bunch adornd with feathers, & the Women have theirs either cut short or flowing down their Shoulders, the Men and Women stain their Lips with a Blue dye—their Dress consists of the Leaves of Flax which are split into 3 or 4 Slips, these slips when dry are interwoven with each other into a kind of Stuff between Netting and cloth with all the ends hanging down on the outside 8 or 9 Inches long—this is tied over their Shoulders & reaches down to their knees, besides this course
Shag or thatch–they have two kinds of Cloth that have an even Surface and are made with great ingenuity the one is like course canvass, the other is form'd by many threads one way laying very close, and a few crossing the other so as to bind them together—to both these kinds of Cloth Borders of various kinds are work'd—some have borders made of Dogs Skins—these they call Hahoo—both Sexes bore their Ears & the holes are large enough to admit of a finger or thumb in those holes they wear Ornaments of different kinds —such as feathers, Cloth, sometimes the Bones of large Birds, and sometimes sticks of Wood but they are mostly fond of Red Cloth—Their Weapons consists of Spears darts and battle Axes & Patoo Patoos—the Patoo Patoo's is an instrument made of the Bone of large Fish or Stone—it is in shape of a battldore & about 16 or 18 Inches long, the Patoo, Patoo is their principal instrument which they commonly were sticking in their Girdles as we do our Swords or hangers, the War dance or Heva consists of a variety of violent Motions & hideous Contortions of the Limbs, there is something in them so uncommonly Savage & terrible, their Eyes appear to be starting from their Head, their Tongue hanging down to their Chin & the motion of their Body entirely corresponding with these in a manner not to be described—the Country about Charlotte Sound abounds in Hills with scarce any flat land & these Hills exceedingly difficult of access except by the Indian Paths of which there are very few, here are no Animals but a few Dogs, & these the Natives breed for eating—it is observ'd that they dry their Fish when thave an opportunity, they have no thing by way of Bread but the Fern Root, which is intolerably bad & which they are oblig'd to beat a long time before they can eat it—we had not been many Days here when a Young fellow, about 17 Years of Age call'd Tay-we-he-rooa the son of a Chief— being very intimate on board the Resolution, made a proposal of going with us to Otaheite as a Companion or dependant on Omai—who was much pleas'd with the offer, & encourag'd him to persist in his Resolution & obtaind Capt. Cooks consent for him to embark on board his Ship—and soon after a Young Boy a friend of his offer'd to accompany him, & it was agreed upon that he should—his Name was Tea-tea a slender sprightly Boy about 12 Years of Age, he seemed much attach'd to us and liv'd constantly on board the Resolution with his friend Tay-we-he-rooa.
Tay-we-he-rooa took his last farewell of his Father and Mother and Friends in Charlotte Sound, his Mother tho' at
first she had been prevail'd upon to consent to his going, yet when the time of sailing was come—she was very loath to part with her son—she wept aloud and at the same time cut her head with a Sharks tooth till the Blood streamd down her Face but tho Tay-we-he-rooa was much affected yet neither Tears nor entreaties could prevail upon him to relinquish his design, but when he came to enquire for Tea-tea he had absented himself having repented of the resolution he had taken to accompany him—even this did not damp Tayweherooas Spirits and his Father procured another Companion for him whose Name was Co-Coah a boy about 8 or 9 Years old.
Saild out of Charlotte Sound &c. Taywe-herooa and his Young friend Cocoah was at first in pretty good Spirits—but when he had got a little distance from the Shore their Resolution fail'd them—and they gave way to their Grief by weeping aloud and singing a Song in a very melancholy cadence the Words of Which we did not understand; we endeavoured to comfort him by fair Words and Omai did all in his power to pacify them but all in vain they cast most wistful Looks towards the Shore which was every Moment retiring from their view and they wept incessantly. That Night they lay in the Steerage on the bare Deck cover'd with their Cloaks or Buggee buggees—In the Morning they wept as before and repeated the same Mournful Song—As Red Cloth was much valued by the new Zealanders, Capt. Cooke ordered a Jacket of it to be made for each of them—tho a few days before, this would have been look'd upon as an invaluable Piece of Finery by them, yet in their present Situation they took but little notice of it. Taywe-herooa by the persuasion of Omai would soon have become reconciled to his situation but for the Young Boy Cocoah who was not to be pacified either by Red Cloth or fair promises he used daily to sit in the Chains for hours crying and repeating his melancholy Song and as soon as Tay-we-he-rooa heard him he would go and sit along side of him & partake of his Grief—they thus continued for about a Week to lament their misfortune in having left their native Country when at length the kind treatment they met with from every one dispatch'd their sorrows & by degrees made them pleas'd with their new Situation, they soon fell into our method of living, tho' at first they preferr'd Fish to every thing else—which had been their principal food in their own country—We found the Boy Cocoah to be of a very humorous & lively disposition and he afforded us much mirth with his
drolleries—Tay-we-he-rooa was a Sedate sensible Young fellow —they were both universally liked.
The Coopers, Wooders, Waterers, Sail Makers, &c—with a party of Marines from each Ship were sent to remain on Shore under the direction of Lieut. King of the Resolution. Since our arrival a great number of the new Zealanders have come from different parts of the Sound and taken up their abode in Ship Cove—we were now busily employ'd in cutting Wood compleating our Water—brewing Spruce Beer— boiling down the Blubber we got at the Island of Desolation, making Hay, repairing our rigging Sails &c. We likewise alter'd our Cable Tiers and got three Ton of Casks more down the Hold—this besides giving more Room between Decks for the People—must make the Ship more Comfortable and healthy —when we arrived in the warm Latitudes between the Tropics.
At daylight Captains Cook and Clarke with a large Party of Men went away in the two Ships Launches and Cutters, and the Resolutions Pinnance in order to get Grass for the Horses and other Cattle on Board the Resolution at Midnight the Boats return'd having procured 2 Launch Loads of Grass— in this Excursion they visited Grass Cove—the Place where the Adventure's Cutters Crew were cut off—I have endeavor'd to learn the true history of this accident and the best Account I have been able to gather is that our People were dining on the Beach at a little distance from the Boat, a number of Zealanders then living in Grass Cove. During their Meal one of the Zealanders stole something out of the Boat & was making off with it—on which Mr. Rowe the Officer who commanded the Boat fired & kill'd the Thief on the Spot—the Zealanders then sallied out of the Woods and got between our People and the Water's Side to cut off their retreat, they say Mr. Rowe fired twice and kill'd another Man—but the Muskets had been left in the Boat, no body but himself having fire Arms—so that they were easily overpowered, and fell from not imagining themselves in any danger—the People who are now with us in Ship Cove, are in Parties and Tribes seemingly unconnected with each other and live in different parts of the Cove—one of the Party's are accused by one of the rest—of being the People that cut off the Adventures Boats Crew—their Chief whose Name is Kowura —they say kill'd Mr. Rowe with his own hands—the charge is not without some appearance of Truth—for I saw on the Beach where this party liv'd 2 Canoes that had been cut in Pieces and rebuilt and it was remarked that neither of these Canoes ever came along side our Ships—another Story I have heard is that a large party came round from Admiralty Bay
and surprised the inhabitants of Charlotte Sound, 50 of whom were destroy'd and amongst the rest the Man who kill'd Rowe —Omai was our best Linguist here—is far from being perfect—in his interpretations on his asking what damage theAdventure's Launch did in Grass Cove when she went in search of Mr. Rowe—was told that 40 Canoes were destroy'd but no body killed—by this Answer it is evident they did not understand one another.
Had a hard Gale of Wind from the Westward with very hard Squalls at times, in one of which our small Bower Anchor having got foul came home—and we drove on board the Resolution but luckily got clear without hurt and Moor'd Ship again as before.
Having compleated all our Work, and the Ships being ready for Sea we struck the Tents this Afternoon and got every thing from the Shore.
Hove up our Anchors and run out of Ship Cove into the outer part of the Sound where we Anchord again in 9 fathoms muddy Bottom. The Wind blowing too fresh from the S. E. to turn thro Cooks Streights.
The new Zealanders of Charlotte Sound were never so much amongst us as at this time, the reason probably because they found more was to be got and that we parted with our goods on easier terms, than ever we had done before, for our folks were all so eager after Curiosities and withall so much better provided than in any other Voyage—that our traffic with the Indians was quite spoilt—A Nail last Voyage purchasing more than an Ax or a Hatchet now—before our departure they carried Hatchets under their Cloaths instead of Patows. The Zealander often appear'd to have a great deal of Friendship For us—speaking sometimes in the most tender compassionate tone of Voice imaginable—but it not a little disgusted one to find all this Show of fondness interested, and that it constantly ended in begging—if gratified with their first demand—they would immediately fancy something ealse—their expectations and importunities increasing in proportion as they had been indulg'd. I have seen instances of their Quarrelling after having beg'd three things—because a fourth was denied them. It seemd evident to me that some of the Zealanders held us in great Contempt—one Reason I believe was our not revenging the affair of Grass Cove—so contrary to the principles by which they would have been actuated in the like case—another cause might be their getting away from us so many valuable things for which they regarded us as Dupes to their Superior Cunning—we had
frequent instances how little they stood in fear of us—One Man acknowledged without the least hesitation, his being present and assisting at the killing and eating of the Adventures People—As another instance One Morning at the Resolutions Tent, the Serjeant of Marines hinder'd a Chief from entering fearing he might steal something if not watch'd—the Zealander immediately got with all his People into his Canoes and remained a considerable time near the Beach challenging the Serjeant to single Combat, shaking his Patow and threatening to be severely reveng'd, the same evening the enrag'd Chief with all his followers left Ship Cove and went up the Sound—none of the other parties took any notice of his Quarrel—Tigers and Wolves are not more ravenous than the new Zealanders—nothing comes amiss but no Victuals was so highly relish'd by them as the rank Seal Blubber we brought from Kerguelens Land and which we boil'd down here, so fond were they of this delicious food, that some of our People who attended the Boiling, and whose appetites must have been as delicate as those of the New Zealanders themselves—have procured for some of the Skimming of the Kettle very substantial favors from the Ladies.
The Wind came round to the N.W. at 9 this Morning hove up our Anchors and left Charlotte Sound—in the Evening got through Cooks Streights—and on the 27th at Noon took our departure from Cape Palliser, (the South Point of new Zealand) it bearing West by the Compass 15 or 16 Leagues distant—From the Coast of new Zealand we steer'd to the East & E.N.E. having variable Winds till we got into 39 degrees of So Latitude and 195°. Et Longtitude—here we had the Wind from the E.S.E. but soon after it veerd more to the East and remained so fix'd that in running our Latitude down to the Southern Tropic we could get no farther to the Eastward, the foul Wind was so much the worse by our having very little of it, for though it is proverbial, we cannot have too much of a good thing—yet here it was our misfortune to have too little of a bad thing—The Weather was exceeding hot and Sultry for want of more Wind and our run to the Northward retarded. On board the Resolution the Hay fell short on which occasion they were oblig'd to kill a great many Sheep to lessen the consumption and enable them to keep the larger Cattle alive till we should reach some place where a fresh supply might be procured.
It has been remark'd that scarcely any Birds are met with in some parts of the South Seas—which was the case with us from new Zealand to the Tropic of Capricorn.
Records Relating To De Surville's Voyage.
No translation of De Surville's journals has ever been published, nor, so far as the Editor can ascertain, have the journals them-selves ever been given to De Surville's countrymen. Even the smallest references to De Surville are rare.
In 1783 the Abbé Alexis Rochon drew up an account of the voyage of Marion du Fresne, and inserted therein one of the very few references to De Surville's voyage which the Editor is aware of. This work has since been translated into English by H. Ling Roth, and published in 1891, under the title of “Crozet's Voyage to Tasmania, New Zealand, &c.” The matter relative to De Surville will be found on pages 118 and 119. Mention will also be found of De Surville's visit to New Zealand in “The New Zealanders” (London, 1830), pages 35 to 40. Here much more detailed information is given, but it is all attributed to the Abbé Rochon's work above referred to and the later editions of 1791 and 1802. In the last-mentioned Rochon refers to the journals of M. Monneron, supercargo, and “M. Potier de l'Orne,” another of the officers. From French sources another reference is found in M. Hombron's “Aventures des Voyageurs” (Paris, n.d.), pages 380 and 381. This reference is interesting from the fact that Hombron considers De Surville to be “Stivers,” who, according to the Natives, had visited New Zealand before Cook.
As a source of information relating to De Surville, and never before published to the world, the value of these journals cannot be over estimated.
While the Editor was in Paris in 1910, engaged in searching the French records, he found these two journals in the office of the Minister of Marine, and a duplicate of Monneron's in the Bibliothéque Nationale. P. Monneron was, as has been stated, supercargo on board the “Saint Jean Baptiste,” and his journal was copied in Paris, on the 4th October, 1771, from that kept on board the vessel during the voyage. By whom the original was kept is not stated, but the Editor inclines to the belief that it was M. Labé, the chief officer. M. Pottier de l'Horne, whose journal while on the New Zealand coast is also reproduced, was the first lieutenant.
Only the English translation is given of matter dealing with events prior to the Expedition reaching New Zealand, otherwise
the usual plan is followed of giving the original and its translation on opposite pages. Unfortunately, the chart referred to in the narrative is not available.
The translation from the French was made by Mr. J. B. Pascal, of Palmerston North.
[Translation.]Extracts from the Journal of a Voyage made on the
Sailing-vessel “Saint Jean Baptiste” (Captain Me. de
Surville, Knight of the Royal and Military Order
of Saint Louis, Captain of the Vessel) of the Compagnie
des Indes.
MM. Law de Lauriston, Chevalier, and de Surville, having met at Bengal in 1765, formed the project of getting into partnership together. The two first gentlemen, thanks to their large credit, could undertake the largest enterprises, the interests of which could not be intrusted for execution to a better man than the last-named, whose talents for navigation were generally acknowledged.
The commerce from India to India, as it was known in 1765, offered great advantages in certain branches, but who could estimate the profits which would be derived from the opening of new routes. The field is vast in India. The object of new discoveries has something noble in itself, and it is no wonder that anybody who is able to undertake may possess the courage of doing.
M. de Surville, back in France, asked permission to equip a vessel to trade from India to India. The Compagnie des Indes, who had just shown him the greatest confidence, consented to grant his wish, subject to the same conditions imposed on other men who had obtained the same grant. M. de Surville had been selected as the King's Commissary for the recovering of the posessions in India, and Governor, in case of absence or death of M. Law de Lauriston.
The abbreviated account of the voyage of M. de Surville's vessel, called “Saint Jean Baptiste,” being only interesting from the time of her equipment to go discovering, we will omit what preceded that departure.
MM. Law, Chevalier, and de Surville, who were the shipowners of the vessel, had intended her for the commerce of India to India, but they changed their intentions on hearing of the discovery of a new island in the South Seas by an English
vessel.
Probably refers to the discovery of Tahiti by Captain Wallis, in the “Dolphin,” in 1767, and reported by that officer on his return in May, 1768. The name given to the Island by Captain Wallis was King George's Island. It was selected as the site for Cook's observation of the transit of Venus, and that officer sailed thither in July, 1768. Cook and De Surville would thus be making for the same island.
What they heard about this island was so extraordinary that it deserved the whole of their attention, and, considering this business from a political point of view, they did not hesitate to arrange their equipment in order to prevent the English, if they intended making a second voyage, from taking possession of the island.
The invention and love of the marvellous, common enough to travellers, might have helped to exaggerate the advantages concerning the island, which the new ship-owners heard. But, even allowing a good deal for exaggeration, it was quite natural to presume that the island must be much richer than any of the other countries, as it is situated about 700 leagues west of the Coast of Peru and in a southern latitude of 27 to 28 degrees, which is the latitude of Capiazo, where the Spaniards get gold from in immense quantities.
Such an enterprise, however, would be subjected to many inconveniences, and one could not take too wise precautions in order to succeed. The expenses for the expedition could not but be very large. To make up for these expenses the shipowners put on board their vessel a rich cargo, which by being sold even at ordinary prices could not but remunerate them for all the advanced moneys which such equipment had necessitated.
The route M. de Surville was to follow to reach the island, although defined by his instructions, was not safe enough to allow him to promise that he would arrive there at a fixed period. It would have been exposing men and vessel to send the latter with an equipment similar to the one made for an ordinary voyage, and only to take the usual precautions to avoid, as much as possible, the disagreeable effects of events met with at sea.
The vessel “Saint Jean Baptiste” had hardly been launched a year when the project of refitting her was conceived. She had been entirely careened and provisioned for three years. In short, in the space of five months the repairs were finished, nothing was neglected to put her in such a state, as well as the crew, to endure the greatest fatigues. We will see further on how wise this foresight proved to be. As it was absolutely necessary to keep the object of this expedition secret, it was given out in India that the object of the voyage was only trading between Manilla, China, and Batavia, but such large preparations as the ones made pointed to an extraordinary voyage. The
Captain alone knew the object of the equipment, and those who though they knew all about it found later on more than one opportunity to see the falsity of their conjectures. The details of the operations made by M. de Surville during the voyage have always conformed to the instructions given to him before his departure. In this journal we will rapidly pass over all that would not offer any utility to the progress of either geography or the marine, and all that would be uninteresting.
The vessel “Saint Jean Baptiste” set sail from the Bay of Ingely, in the Ganges, on the 3rd of March, 1769, to go to Yanaon, where she was to take some goods, part of her cargo; and she left Yanaon on the 29th of March, 1769, to go to Masulipotam to load some bales of handkerchiefs, also part of the cargo.
On the 17th of April the vessel set sail for Pondichery, which she only reached on the 5th of May. They there got the last of the cargo.
M. Law de Lauriston sent on board M. de St. Paul, captain of grenadiers, with a troop of twenty-four soldiers belonging to the Indian troops. It was a reinforcement for the crew, and absolutely necessary if, eventually, it was necessary to use force. Events justified the wisdom of this precaution.
On the 2nd of June M. de Surville set sail from Pondichery to fulfill his mission.
That is, to sail for Tahiti.
All that might be of advantage to France was included in the mission. On that account M. de Surville wished to pass between the Nicobar Islands and put in port there to obtain information about a colony that the Danes intended to form there, according to rumour. This project, however, could not be given effect to, because we sighted these Islands suddenly on the 10th of June at midnight, and M. de Surville, in order to keep clear of the dangers of the coast at night, had to go southwards, and consequently fell under the wind from the islands.
On the 12th we sighted the islands, which are situated on the point of Achem; and on the 19th the vessel dropped anchor near the little island of Varela in the Malacca Strait, by 28 fathoms, muddy sand bottom, near a sandy little cove situated at the N.E. ¼ E. 2° N.
After having dropped anchor, M. de Surville sent the first officer, M. Labé, on land to look for a suitable place to get water from, he also sent a few soldiers with him, but soon recalled him on account of a report of one of the soldiers remaining on board. He told us that a Portuguese vessel had been attacked by the inhabitants of that island. The inhabitants are only some fisherman, who at certain periods of the year come to the island (they had seen some people on the island who must have been
Malays, against whom too many precautions cannot be taken), and the said Portuguese vessel had a great deal of trouble to shake them off. We learned afterwards, from an English vessel that spent two days at the island, after us, that a Portuguese vessel having sent a boat to the land, had been surprised by the Malays who had killed one of them. This occurrence had been, according to the report of the English, engraved on a cocotree. One can on this island get water and firewood, gather some coconuts, and capture a few turtles, but it is not easy to land with an ordinary boat. There are several sand-banks reaching rather far out to sea, near by the spot where the “Saint Jean Baptiste” had cast anchor.
We set sail again the following day at twelve at night, and nothing happened until the 29th of June, on which day we arrived at Malacca. The vessel saluted the fortress with nine guns and it only gave us seven. Many vessels have found themselves in a dilemma here, in either wanting to insist on a return of gun for gun or making no salute at all. In the last alternative the Dutchmen refuse you absolutely any help, but some wood and water. The best way is to bow with a grace to the necessity. During our stay at Malacca we very fortunately noticed that the head of the rudder was broken, and that the tiller did not act; we were detained for several days in that place in order to repair this damage.
On our arrival at Malacca M. de Surville was very well received by the Governor, and we had every facility to get the provisions of which we were in need. It is, however, to be thought that towards the end of our stay we would have had much more difficulty, as the Governor's dispositions towards us changed completely. Apparently he had some suspicion of our destination; he believed that its object was one of the Dutch possessions in the Malacca Archipelago. He said something about it to M. de Surville, who did his best to entirely disabuse him. After taking all the fresh provisions necessary, the vessel again put to sea, on the 14th of July. The same day we ran an evident danger through the carelessness of the steward, who let fall a lighted candle in a cask of rice brandy. The explosion was very violent, but fortunately the cask did not break, and we were able to put out the fire. I think I may here remark, that on board only lanterns, shut with a padlock, of which the key should be kept by one of the officers, should be used. Only a candle should be used too, and the extra expense should not prevent its use. Only one vessel saved from fire in a century would amply repay all that extra expense would have come to. We will not give any details of our journey through the Malacca Strait. M. Daprès, in his “Neptune
Oriental,” gives every instruction necessary to those who sail through it.
On the 19th of July we turned the white stone which is at the entrance of the strait. The Captain ordered the helm to be put on Pulotimon, where the vessel dropped anchor on the 22nd in the south-east part in a sandy cove, distance, about 1½ leagues by 21 fathoms; muddy, sandy bottom. This anchorage is the one mentioned by M. Daprès in his “Neptune Oriental.”
This island is seldom frequented by Europeans. Its products are wax, a great quantity of cabbage palm, coconuts in plenty and some swallows' nests, all mercantile goods. There are also found there some mangoes, figs, bananas, nuts, watermelons, and other Indian fruits, also some sugar, some betel, &c. The island is inhabited by Malays, who live there almost independent, chiefly in the centre of the island.
On the island we managed to get some hens and some fruit, which the inhabitants exchanged for some inferior Dutch knives.
The water is very easily got at in a little river, situated South of the cove, especially when the tide is high. The island is covered with bush. On the coast are seen some enormous trees. There are no wild beasts, but monkeys, rats, ichneumons, ser-pents, flying lizards, are very abundant. A kind of monkey is also found there, known under the name of “man of the woods,” and which the inhabitants of Timon call “ourang outan.”
The captain of a little vessel which we came across loading some cabbage palm, gave us some information about the island, where we were. We have no hesitation in believing his account to be correct as we found to be true everything he told us about a little anchorage on the east coast of Malay.
The Malays call the island “Timon Chioumasse.” It is under the dependence, as are all the neighbouring islands, of the King of Tronganon, of whom we shall speak later on.
There is in the south-west part of this island a village called “Ouang-Tenga,” which is the most important village of the island, and situated further north than the small island on the west coast of Timon. The firewood and water are got at very easily, and one can also procure there some kids and far more provisions than in the south-eastern part.
These two anchorages are very handy, on account of the monsoons. In the one situated north-east, one goes to the north-east part; in the one situated south-west the spot where we were anchored is the best. The provisions we were able to get in this island were not abundant enough to help the crew of the vessel, and that decided M. de Surville to go to the anchor-
-ageanchorage indicated to us by the Malay captain. There we were to find every kind of provision.
We set sail from Timon on the 24th of July, after losing our anchor, as it was quite impossible for us to raise it. The captain was greatly affected by this loss, which did not appear of much consequence to those who did not know the object of the voyage.
We set our route to Tringan, situated 4° 58′ of latitude N, thinking it was the same place as Tronganon of which the Malay captain had told us.
On the 26th we sighted an English vessel, and we came to anchor near her. She sent a boat at once to the vessel of M. de Surville, with an officer, who told us that the place we were looking for was further north of the 27 M.
The English vessel had been equipped in Calcutta, and was coming back from Tronganon; they had disposed of their cargo rather advantageously at that place. On the 27th we again set sail, and the day after we dropped our anchor near Tronganon, in 12 fathoms, big yellow bottom, at about 1½ leagues from the mouth of the river.
The advantages offered to sailors by this anchorage induce us to give a special description of the country. The English are the only people to know it, and they every year place there the cargoes of five or six little vessels.
Tronganon is situated on the right bank of a river whose mouth is rather narrow, but after going up it some sixty fathoms it gets very large. There are several islands covered with coconut-trees and other trees, which give the country rather a pleasing appearance. The river is crowded with fishing-boats. Most of them set out every morning, and return in the evening loaded with fish.
The boats, which do not draw more than 12 ft. or 13 ft., can enter the river; near the point of the first island there is a place where one can anchor in 5 fathoms.
The arm of the river which passes to the south of the island forms a kind of straight channel, which would look well with a quay on each side. On entering the river one must keep near the southern point, on account of a reef which stretches and breaks towards the open sea on the right. The houses in Tronganon are of a very bad architecture. They are wooden, and roofed with leaves of palm-trees. There is no symmetry in the length or the arrangement of the streets. The street occupied by the Chinese is the only passable one. The houses in it are clean and the shops well stocked.
The bazaars or markets only open between 3 or 4 o'clock in the afternoon, on account of the excessive heat, which lasts
until that time. One can find some vegetables and an abundance of all the Indian fruits and a large quantity of fish. There is in the south of the river a small fortress or at least some walls made of planks 15 ft. high, and 1½ in. thick. This fortress is not surrounded by any outside work, except a little hedge rather thick, and 3 ft. or 4 ft. feet distant from the wall.
On the left bank is seen another square wooden construction having three openings at each end. There is another similar further up, and on the same side of the river. These are all the fortifications of Tronganon, and they could hardly offer any serious resistance to the weakest artillery.
The King's palace is situated in the fortress, and no one is allowed to enter it during the absence of the King.
The Temple is between the fortress and the town. It is built regularly. The Temple and the King's palace are the only buildings of any pretence.
The King, who is called “Sultan Mank Souron,” is the only merchant in his own kingdom. All business is transacted on his account; he himself deals with foreigners, and it seems that, from all we could hear, he is very careful in protecting the strangers who land in his dominions to do trade.
He had been absent for five months, and when we anchored, was in the north of Tronganon, where he had just finished a small war to his own advantage, which allowed him to add some territory to his kingdom.
The inhabitants of Tronganon who are owners of boats are obliged to freight them to the King, who sends them to Cambodia, Siam, China, and other places north of his estate. Some of them journey to Java, where they go to get some rice to provide his people, who do not harvest enough for their own consumption, in spite of the resources offered to them by their own country, which appears most fertile.
In the island one finds some cayenne-pepper, wax, bamboo, and a little gold. One can bring in exchange some goods of which the sale is certain, such as opium, iron, red, green, or purple cloths, a little canvas, some fine handkerchiefs from Paliacta, some black woven stuffs fine and light, and which we call “voile” (the inhabitants use this last for mourning), some swivel guns from ½ lb. to 4 lb. in weight, some bullets, good guns, saltpetre, sulphur, and gunpowder. All these goods are of an advantageous sale. It is necessary to be careful in choosing these goods as the Malays do not at all appreciate goods of an inferior quality. They consider them of no value.
The estate was governed, in the absence of the King, by one of his uncles already well advanced in years. He administered
justice, and only did that. We witnessed an execution during our stay there; it will not take long to tell about it, and it will give an idea of how these people rendered justice. A young Malay had disappeared for about a fortnight. Some of his possessions were found with a man who was at once arrested and brought before the chief of the village to explain how he was found in possession of the absent one's belongings. He said he had found them in a wood where the young Malay had been murdered; he denied having committed the crime; but by the answers he gave to different questions put to him he was found guilty of murdering the young Malay. The cause of the murder was one which sometimes pushes men to the most violent acts, especially the Malays, who are furiously jealous people. A woman having had some subject of quarrel with the young Malay, had not much trouble in creating a deep hatred in the heart of the man she wished to become a murderer. This man, for different reasons, attracted his rival into the wood and stabbed him in the chest with a dagger which he was carrying. This dagger is a kind of knife which the Malays carry on the side, and which is nearly always poisoned. The murderer was immediately after the examination condemned to death. Next day, the 30th of July, 1769, they put him in a boat, hands tied behind his back, with half a dozen lancers. In the for-epart of the boat was a little fork to which was attached a little yellow flag. Now and then one of the lancers announced, with the accompaniment of tamtam, that any one who would commit a similar crime, either Malays or foreigners, would be submitted to the same fate. They then took him to an island reserved for these kind of executions, and put him to death by plunging into his belly the fork, which they call “King's iron.”
The finances and commerce were in the hands of the Sougdagar, a title given to the King's merchant. We cannot too highly praise his kind attentions to us; he took the greatest trouble to get us fresh provisions. We acknowledge in him a single way of trading and one parole only, which is not very common amongst the Asiatic merchants. This Sougdagar was rather well up in the political relations between France and England, he was quite open with us on a certain subject which he thought worthy of our attention. He told us that the Council of Calcutta had asked through Captain Jackson the concession of one of the Ridang Islands, or else permission to settle at Dongon, which is a day's journey from Tronganon. The King entirely refused them this last establishment, but had not yet decided about the Ridang Island, as he was anxious to ask the English to help him in a war against the Dutch. This
King pretends that his ancestors had granted Malacca to the Portuguese to occupy it for a hundred years only. This term had expired long ago, and the King of Tronganon is very anxious to be in a position of retaking that place from the Dutch, to avenge his subjects for all the cruelties they have been subjected to.
The English, who know the importance of an establishment on this coast, either on account of the possible trade or on account of the proximity of the Philippines and of China, will make every possible effort, without doubt, to obtain Ridang. There is in that island an excellent port where they could shelter during the winter; the Malays send there all their boats to pass the bad season. With the help of this island the English could remain all the year round in the seas of China, and in case of a rupture with Spain, they would be handy to carry on any enterprise against the Philippines.
The coins in use at Tronganon are the piaster and the rupee. The actual value of the latter is inferior to its intrinstic value. The piaster is subdivided in eight parts called “Coupons,” of which three make a rupee. So that 100 piasters are worth as much as 266¾ rupees, which makes a loss of more tha 20 per cent. There is a little piece made of shells, and called “smale.” Four hundred shells are worth a coupon, or 3,200 for a piaster.
The weights are the same as at Malacca. They weigh by feet and caltis. The coyang which weighs about 4,800 of Holland, is measured here with a half-sphere of which the diameter is not more than 6 in. Eight hundred of these measures make a coyang, and in order to protect oneself against fraud one must be careful to only use the measures acknowledged to be exact by the King's people.
The natives call “Pulo Braba” the island called “Pulo Capar” in the charts of M. Daprès, situated in 4° 58′ north latitude, and they give to the village and river situated at the west of this island the name of “Palang” instead of “Tringan.” They assured us that there was gold in this river. The island which is near land by 5° 15′ north latitude is called by the natives “Pulo Capar.” There are 6 fathoms of water in the channel, but it is always safer to keep out to sea when one wants to anchor in front of Tronganon. The eastern part of this island is very abrupt. There are nothing but rocks, on which neither trees nor green plants grow.
We have entered into many details relative to the anchorage of Tronganon, because the vessels who might touch there can find all kinds of fresh provisions. The buffaloes and the fowls are very abundant there. There are fewer bullocks and sheep; but one can get as many as one wants, when one can wait, for
they bring them from inland. Besides, everything is cheap. To get fresh water one has to go up the river for two or three leagues, where it is quite fresh.
The Customs duty is 10 per cent., payable in nature.
During our stay we observed that the tides were south-east and north-west. The wind rises from 8 o'clock to 10 o'clock a.m. from the S.E., and turns at 8 p.m. or 10 p.m. to the S.S.W., with squalls from this point.
We set sail from Tronganon on the 2nd of August, with rather fine weather. On the 6th we sighted Pulo Condor, and on the 7th Pulo Sapate. We found that the currents carried rather violently to the N.E., for we had every day differences to the north by observing the latitude, and when we sighted Pulo Sapate we had about a difference of 38 leagues to the east, which difference must be attributed to the currents which follow the monsoons. We were also able to find the bottom all the way. It was never deeper than 40 fathoms, and, when getting nearer the islands, never less than 20 fathoms.
We went on our way to get a sight of the Philippine Islands, which we sighted on the 17th of August, by the latitude about 18° 24′. We went along the coast as soon as the wind allowed us, and it was not long before we were sighting the Babuyannes Islands, which lie north of the Island of Luzon. There we got some very good observations of latitude. These islands are marked too much south by 18′ to 20′ on the chart of M. Daprès.
Our observations and our taking of bearings concorded rather well with the Spanish chart of Father Murillo de Velarde, corrected by M. Bellin in 1752.
The northern part of the Island of Luzon is full of very high mountains, and covered with bush; the Babuyannes Islands are low and densely wooded. The bearing of these islands amongst themselves appeared fairly correct to us, but taking bearing from the Cape Boyador
Cape Bogeador is the north-wet point of Luzon, the largest of the Philippine Islands.
we believe them to be too much west by 3 or 4 leagues in M. Daprès's chart.
The little island that M. Bellin marks on the chart by 19° 45′, and by longitude of 138° 18′ to the east of the Iron Island meridian, cannot exist in that point, as we passed that parallel without seeing it. The chart of M. Daprès does not give it, and therefore we are inclined to believe that it is an error of Father Murillo de Velarde.
Continuing our way to the north we came across the Bachy Islands. We dropped anchor between the Island Bachy and Monmouth.
We only know, up to now, the explorer Dampier who ever spoke of these islands.
Dampier called them the Bashee Islands. They had also been described by Anson in his “Voyage round the World,” published in 1747, pages 372, 383, and 384. The same voyagers also mentions Grafton and Monmouth Islands, the former having named them.
They had no name in 1587, when he stopped there, and he called them collectively by the name of “Bachy,” on account of a liquor that the natives call by that name.
Vide Harris's “Voyages,” London, 1744, vol. 1, p. 109: “The Natives call this liquor bashee; whence our crew gave this name to one of the isles.”
The bachy is a drink made with the juice of the sugarcane, to which is added a kind of black seed, and left fermenting for two or three days. This beverage sometimes produces in-toxication; but we have never noticed that it had the same effects as wine, on the contrary, it puts the natives in a sweet humour.
M. de Surville was anxious to know himself this nation whose kindness Dampier praised so much.
Hardly had we dropped anchor than the natives came round us in their canoes, singing out, “Mapia, mapia,” which expression they use when wanting to express their approbation. We showed these natives the greatest signs of friendship to get them on board. They at first hesitated, but one of them, less nervous than the others, got on board, and all the others followed his example. We were not long in making out that these people were peaceful, and had good intentions. We gave them some little presents, and by that made them entirely friendly.
The Captain at once ordered a boat to be launched, and I got in it to go with him to the Island of Bachy, whose east coast is surrounded by breakers. The natives at once sent us a man to show us the channel. We landed, and they took us to a small spot five or six fathoms from the shore, and where there were five or six huts made of straw; they offered us some sweet potatoes and some yams which had been cooked by the women, and some bachy. The heat we had experienced coming up made us find this beverage good enough; we returned on board well satisfied with the reception we got from the natives.
The next day, the 21st, we went back to the island. I busied myself, with M. Charenton, one of the officers, in making the survey of the channel between Bachy and Monmouth Islands.
The difficulty in getting water on the Bachy Island made M. de Surville decide to send his first officer to try and find a watering-place on the Monmouth Island. He only could find a narrow passage at the point marked M on the chart, and that only with great difficulty; he nearly got drowned swimming to and from the land. We did not remain long enough to
ascertain if in the western part of the Island of Monmouth there was no better watering-place.
The good will of the natives did not change during the whole time we spent in the islands; they, always did all they could to procure for us all that we wanted.
The observations made by Dampier
Harris's “Voyages,” London, 1744, vol. 1, pp. 109 and 110.
agree in general with ours. We only notice a few slight differences, which could be explained by the more frequent relations of these natives with Europeans. The products of the islands we noticed were— sugar-canes, sweet potatoes, yams, bananas, guavas, coconuts, and a kind of millet, the use of which we ignore. They also have a kind of bean, which they boil before eating. There are many pigs and goats, whose flesh seemed to us superior in taste to the ones of other countries. We saw very few fowls, and almost no birds.
The soil of these islands seems very fertile, and the natives make much of it. The Island of Bachy can be compared to a garden of which the larger part is very well cultivated. There are comparatively few trees, and they never attain a great size. The Natives no longer go about bareheaded, as mentioned by Dampier; most of them wear a round hat made of a kind of rush. They still wear a cape down to their middle. The women also wear this cape above their head, and with it shelter their child, which they carry under their arm.
We have not seen any of the Natives with circlets of gold, as mentioned by Dampier,
Harris's “Voyages,” vol. 1, p. 109.
although they know gold well, and their country produces a certain quantity.
We showed them some gold several times and they always gave us to understand that gold was in an island about ten leagues further north. It is probable that these peaceful people have preferred to give up gold as an ornament, which might have been fatal to them, rather than lose their liberty. They distinguish gold from other metals by the smell. It is quite likely that these people undertake sea journeys of a certain duration, as they possess boats capable of carrying twenty or twenty-five people. The construction of these boats seemed very good either for speed or strength, although not a single iron nail is used. The planks are so well tied together that it is quite probable that their boats last as long as ours. We bought one of these boats, and it was of great service to us during our journey, and required but little repairs.
What made us think that Europeans trade with these people was that we saw in their possession some scales, which they did not know at the time of Dampier's visit. We have seen, besides,
one of these Natives wearing a blue shirt, and who could make the sign of the cross; he constantly repeated the name of “Gaspard.” As these islands are situated near Luzon, it is probable that the Spaniards visit them now and then.
The inhabitants of these islands are, in general, of ordinary size. Their hair is very black and thick. The men cut it evenly round the head and the women wear it longer. Their colour is very dark, almost like red copper. Their features are soft, their face a little round, their lips and their eyes slanting but not as much as the eyes of the Chinese or Malays. Their legs are badly shaped, and seem swollen, which is most likely due to the little care they take to shelter themselves from dampness while sleeping.
The women, besides the cape mentioned above and which they use to protect themselves against rain and cold, only wear a little apron which reaches down to their knees. They sometimes make of this apron, ornamented with glass beads of different colourings, a covering for nearly the whole leg. These women are very familiar, and mingled with us us easily as the men did. In general, they are ugly, their features are coarse, and they readily would pass for men if it was not for their breasts, which are uncovered.
I presume that Dampier gave to the word “cleanness” the same meaning it carries now. He praises the “cleanness” of these natives, and says it is wonderful. We found it quite the reverse, both in their clothes and in their way of eating. These people take refuge in the steepest hills, the foot of which rises from the sea. If they find natural rocks fit to use as walls they use them in preference, adding some stones if they are too low to form the enclosure of their houses and villages.
The town which I visited in the Island of Bachy is situated in the western part, facing the Island Cheires. It is quite surrounded by a wall 15 feet high. To get in the town they use a ladder, or steps, made in the wall.
From the foot to the top of the hill are houses divided in two or three by small enclosures, which probably have as their object the keeping up of the ground, which the rain would cause to slide to the lower ground.
Their houses are about 57½ feet high by 10 feet long and 6 feet wide. All the furniture consists of a few gourds, three or four little boards, and some earthen pots, in which they keep their provisions.
Anybody wanting to attack the town without firearms could not succeed in capturing it on the sea side, where the hill is very abrupt, and surrounded by a high wall; but coming from the eastern part of the island one would easily get on the top of he
mountain. But the assailing party would require to be much superior in number to overpower the inhabitants of Bachy in their stronghold.
It is not very clear why people who possess nothing worth exciting the covetousness of men seek shelter in such inaccessible places, but it is rather easily explained when you come to think they are neighbours of some Chinamen who reside at Founore, and who are too fond of acts of piracy to allow them full use of their liberty. One easily understands then that they do everything in their power to preserve their freedom.
We have never noticed amongst these people any distinction of rank. Nobody seems to hold more authority than the other; one would think they all belonged to one family which enjoys complete union and eternal peace.
It is wonderful that such a people, placed as they are between the Chinese and the Malays, possess none of these peoples' faults. We know the Chinese to be cunning, sharp, and greedy, and the others haughty, treacherous, and cruel. None of these vices exist amongst the Bachians.
They have always shown us the greatest goodwill in helping us to get our provisions, and they would never take any pay for their services: they lent us their boats to bring the provisions, and would not allow the sailors to work when they could do their task, always without any idea of gain.
The provisions there are very cheap. For 1 piastre and an inferior Dutch knife you could get a pig. For two or three of these knives you got a kid. We could have repurchased the piastres, or at least we thought so, at a value of 15 francs in knives.
The inhabitants possess a large quantity of fishing-boats. Fishing is the occupation of the men. We have seen only the women tilling the earth.
They know perfectly well the use of iron, but do not give it the same value as when Dampier visited them. They generally make it into small bill-hooks.
M. de Surville had every cause to be satisfied with the good faith of the natives of Bachy. The day before our departure he gave them several piastres and some knives in exchange for some pigs: Next day they were quite exact in fulfilling their part of the bargain. In short, we did not experience anything from these natives but very humane treatment.
Three of our sailors deserted in this island on the eve of our departure, probably attracted by the good reception the natives had given us, and what they could tell us about some sailors belonging to Dampier's vessel and who had remained for some time on the island. The inhabitants had furnished
each of them with a wife, a plot of cultivated land, an axe, and some implements for working the soil.
We only noticed the absence of our sailors the next day, when going back on board. M. de Surville went back, and made the natives understand that three of his men had spent the night on shore. The poor natives did not understand him, and he came back on board, and ordered six of the ones who were on the vessel to be seized, with one of their boats, believing they had helped our sailors to desert. As soon as they saw the first of their men seized, they gave the alarm to the others, who were in different parts of the vessel trading in the greatest security for something or another. Then they all got on deck and threw themselves into the sea to swim ashore. Several of them were hurt while jumping into the sea. Although there were a great number of them, we did not see a single attempt to put themselves on the defensive, or try to make a resistance. We made about twenty prisoners, which we took, hands tied behind their back, to the council room. One of the prisoners was clever enough to pass into the gallery without being seen, and he had the pluck to throw himself, tied as he was, in the sea, and he managed to reach one of their boats, which had put a long distance between themselves and our vessel, in order not to be interfered with.
One of our soldiers, who had, with the Spaniards, been in a war in the Philippines against the natives of that country, had learnt a few words of their language, which the Bachians understand fairly well. We called this soldier to explain to the prisoners that what we had done was only in order to get news of our sailors, and that we would let them free as soon as the deserters were brought back to the boat. They appeared to understand the soldier, and asked for some rope, with which to tie up whatever they brought back. We gave them some, and, except six of them, we let them go free. They throw themselves into their boat, which was too small to hold them all. We signalled for one of their other boats to come alongside, and they all looked immensely pleased to leave our vessel.
We thought their minds would be quite at rest concerning their six comrades, but, judge our surprise when we saw them coming back with three pigs, well tied up. We were talking to them about men and they only answered babouris, which in their language means “pig.” The one who had brought the pigs kept showing them to the captain while putting his head on the captain's shoulder, as if to ask if he was satisfied, and repeating the word mapia. M. de Surville made a sign that he was not satisfied, and put on such an angry look that the native went back to his boat in a great hurry. Several other boats
came back loaded with provisions, which we took and paid for liberally. One of the natives had a pig, which he intended, without doubt for the ransom of one of his comrades, and he preferred to take it back rather than sell it at any price, having brought it for such a commendable object.
The above example, showing in a decided manner the good nature of the inhabitants of Bachy, must be our excuse for speaking so long about it.
M. de Surville, having waited twenty-four hours for the deserters, decided to set sail, as the tide was favourable, but before sailing he set free three of the Bachians, and sent them back after giving each of them 2 yards of calico. The other three, who were in the council chamber, gave signs of the greatest distress when they saw the high mountains of Monmouth Island disappear. Their grief, however, was short, and they lay down as if they wished to go to sleep. Shortly afterwards we gave them some shirts and drawers, which they accepted, laughing and making us understand that they were perfectly satisfied by using their expression mapia. Their hands, however, were kept tied, but they begged so hard from M. de Surville that he consented to let them go untied, and next day they looked as if they were the most contented on board. It is quite certain that at first M. de Surville thought that the natives of Bachy had helped the three sailors to desert, and although in the end he felt quite sure they had had nothing to do with the deserters, he kept three of them with him in order to get from them the information about their country and their ways of living. Moreover, he had intended to put them back on their island on his way back, and they were to be treated on board with the greatest kindness. Two of these poor fellows died of scurvy and the third is still in Lima, with the balance of the crew.
De Surville appears to have had a weakness for taking away captive natives. Compare his action later, when at New Zealand. French writers attribute the massacre of Marion, in 1772, to this failing of his.
During the voyage their conduct did in no way diminish the good opinion we had formed from the first of these people.
In the channel where we had anchored there are a few precautions to take to be in better security. We were a little too near the breakers, which are full of corals. By anchoring a little further north we would have found better bottom and more shelter. It is, in any case, necessary to have very strong cables, or, better still, to reinforce them with an iron chain a few fathoms in length. The whole of the east coast of the Island of Bachy is surrounded with breakers. The easiest pass is marked L on the chart.
The west part of Monmouth Island is very high, and landing there appears very dangerous. That island, in common with Bachy Island, is very thinly wooded, bush only being found in the valleys. Coming from the west, and when in sight of Cape Bojador, it is necessary to keep to the north to get to the Bachy Islands, in order to avoid the sea on the east of Cape Bojador (which is always rough), and not expose one-self to be thrown by the currents on the Babuyannes Islands, which are dangerous. We feared the latter on account of the calms.
We left the Bachy Islands on the 23rd of August. We got south of them, with west winds, and when we were about 4 leagues from them we took our course east ¼ south-east. At 6 o'clock p.m. we were well in the channel between the islands Monmouth and Grafton. It seems to be a good league wide and very safe all through. The sea breaks very strongly on the northern point of Monmouth Island, and we could see a rock well forward in the sea. This part of Monmouth is quite different from the opposite side, which is low and treeless.
In his journal
“A Voyage Round the World,” by the Rt. Hon. George, Lord Anson, London, 1748, page 383.
M. Anson says they were prevented by the winds from passing north of the Bachy Islands, and were obliged to pass through the channel between Monmouth and Grafton, where they found the sea very fierce. They thought at first there were breakers, but soon found that this fierceness of the sea was caused by the tides. We experienced the same thing at Bachy Island, and even people used to the sea could hardly believe that tides could produce such a sight.
By what we could see of Grafton Island it is about a third larger than Monmouth Island. It is very hilly, and one peak especially seems to be of a considerable altitude.
As soon as we were a certain distance from the islands we found a very rough sea, although the winds were ordinary.
On the 24th the course was given to south-east.
On the 26th we, for the first time, saw a comet, which must have been visible for several days. It rose in the S. ¼ S.E. at about 11 p.m.
Until the end of the month we had very changeable weather. Winds blew constantly from S.W. to W. rather fresh.
On the 1st of September the winds changed to the S.S.E. They afterwards constantly varied from S.S.E. to N. until the 2nd of the month. We experienced now and then some fine weather, some rain, and some thunder. We were then by 9° 44′ north latitude and 128° 38′ eastern longitude of the Paris meridian.
Several charts give in that locality the Saavedra Islands
The Saavedra Islands were called after Alvaro de Saavedra, who is supposed to have visited them in 1528.—“Encyclopedia Britannica,” 9th ed., vol. 5, p. 126.
as well as the Martyrst
The Matelotas Group.
Matalotes, and Cafrisan Islands, but we never sighted any of them in the Caroline Islands or New Philippines, which by some other charts are shown in the same locality.
The changeable weather and the squalls we experienced, and the sight of some birds which never wander far from land, gave us to believe that we were in the vicinity of the islands. The currents carried us constantly to the south from 13° to the 9° latitude north. On the 7th of September we estimated we were by 130° 46′ of longitude and 8° 20′ latitude. We observed for the first time a variation of 1° 40′ N.E. We that day saw some birds which the sailors call “wing-beaters.” The wind was very changeable.
The next day the winds were very changeable too, and varied from W. to S.E. rather weak; and we had a lot of rain. The comet, mentioned above, rose on the night of the 8th in the east 3° 12′ at a quarter past 1 in the morning. From the 9th to the 12th of September we had constant signs of land. We saw many birds which never wander far away from land, some tide waves, and a large quantity of mangrove fruits. Our course lay much to the south. However, we did not get sight of land although we carefully kept sailors on the look-out.
During the night we only proceeded with short sails, and we were quite right in doing so, considering we were to attempt to reach the South Sea by that route. On the 13th of September we estimated our variation to be of 3° 30′ N.E. I judged our position then to be 3° 19′ northern latitude by 135° 19′ eastern longitude. The route was given on that day to the east so as to avoid being driven on the coast of New Guinea. We kept that route until the 21st of September, with rather fine weather and winds from S.W. to W. We had reason more than ever to think we were close to the land. Every day we passed many trees with enormous trunks, much sea wreck, some bullrushes, and some birds of different kinds. We caught a little curlew.
On the 22nd the route was given to the S.E. ¼. The winds varied on that day from W.N.W. to N.N.E., and every time it blew from the latter quarter we could smell an odour of hay, which sometimes happens when near land situated in warm climates. On that day we even saw a larger quantity of timber, fruit, and small branches than we had seen previously. We caught a piece of wood, rather large, which appeared to us to
be a kind of spruce. It was quite wormeaten. I estimated the position on that same day to be by 43° latitude N. and by 144° 54′ eastern longitude. We observed a variation of 6° N.E.
On the 23rd we passed the line of the equator by an estimated longitude of 145° 32′.
This would indicate that the writer was first officer.
M. de Surville's observation was more to the west than mine by 1°.
Until then the monsoon of the S.W. had constantly been with us except for the variations mentioned. As soon as we reached the line we were much bothered by the winds, the calms, and the rain. We remained, so to speak, under the line until the end of September. We saw several serpents and one small turtle.
I must here mention that the currents constantly carried us to the south since we had had signs of land, and not a day passed without us having considerable differences in the estimation of the latitude. We had reason to believe the currents to carry to the south-east, because we noticed several tide-ways of which the direction was S.E.-N.W.
From the 1st of October to the 6th we continued to get indications of close land; the winds were very changeable, and we had much rain. The currents changed, and we began to have slight differences north although our route was nearly always south-east.
We could not have any doubt of the proximity of land; everything pointed to it. Every one on board was wishing for land, in order to rest on it for some time, and recover from the hardships of the voyage, which had been very hard until then for the crew, for since our departure from Pondichery we had only put in port in places where the sailors had more hard work than on sea. That land for which we were all wishing so much was the cause of all our misfortunes.
On the 6th of October several on board thought they saw the land on the S.S.W. Next morning at daybreak there could be no doubt; we saw land between S.E. and W.S.W. on the compass. We sounded without finding bottom. The wind, which was from the east, obliged us to tack about shortly after.
At noon of the same day, 7th of October, we observed 6° 55′ of southern latitude and 151° 29′ eastern longitude of Paris. At this time we saw in the S. ½ S.E. of the compass an island which we named “First Sight Island.” A little further up we saw a rather high mountain on the S. 5° W. which we called “Big Hill.” From there started a chain of mountains extending to the W. ¼ S.W. as far as one could see.
According to the distance we estimated we were from this island, we put down its latitude at 7° 15′, and therefore could consider ourselves the first to sight this land. Dampier fixes the most southern point of “New Britain” Island at 6° 30′. He kept sight of this island all the while he remained in the channel, which is named in our charts “Dampier's Strait.”
We do not know of any explorer who has spoken of any land between New Britain Island and the Holy Ghost land, discovered by Quiros. We can therefore consider ourselves the first to sight the land we have spoken of above. We, however, find in the journal of M. de Bougainville that he sighted part of the same land.
We observed a variation of 12° N.E., but thought it too much. The subsequent observations in sight of all these lands did not give more than 9°.
We tacked about until the next day, trying to get under the wind from First Sight Island. In the morning we passed over a bank where we found 27 fathoms, bottom of red coral, mixed with shells and sand. We sounded again shortly afterwards, and found 31 fathoms, then we lost bottom. In the distance we could see the sea of a different shade, which made us think there was another bank.
We did not make any headway towards the east in spite of all our. tacking about. On the contrary, we found by our observations that the currents had carried us towards the west.
At noon we could see land, very far away, from E.S.E. 3° to W. ¼ N.W. 3° W. of the compass.
In the afternoon M. de Surville sent M. Labé, his first officer, with a few soldiers to visit the First Sight Island. M. Labé coasted right round it without finding a place fit to land. At 5 p.m. this island was lying to the S.E. ¼ E. 2° of the compass.
Two leagues from the island we found 45 fathoms, bottom of shells, resembling shellfish, and other shells of a red colour. A little further south than the First Sight Island we could see four small islands and the big hill we spoke of above. This hill seems to be the western point of an immense bay.
The winds were very changeable, and we had much calm on that day. We noticed on that day at 9 p.m. that the sky was much brighter behind the big hill, which made us believe that it was a volcano.
On the 9th we advanced a little towards the east; we discovered some other very high lands, and in the south of the First Sight Island we saw very high mountains, about 15 leagues from the island.
It would be tiresome to give all the details concerning the different routes we followed along that coast. The reduced
chart affixed to this journal will explain better than any writing. This chart was made, like the landscapes, by M. Charanton, one of our officers, who adds to his good qualities as a sailor a great geographical knowledge.
I shall only say that after advancing towards the east about 40m. of the First Sight Island (which took us up to the 13th of October) M. de Surville made up his mind to look for an anchor-age on that coast, as the winds would not allow us to double it. He ordered a boat to be launched. M. Labé got on board with four soldiers and a sufficient number of sailors to man the boat. Shortly after we saw him enter a kind of port where he found a good anchorage. As soon as we saw the signal agreed upon M. de Surville put about, in order to reach that anchorage.
On the way, we saw coming out of a channel a boat in which was one man. He came as near as the voice would carry, and made us signs to come to him: On our side we tried to induce him to come on board. We kept showing him a little white flag, the sign of peace amongst most nations, but we could not persuade him.
M. Labé came back on board, and M. de Surville gave him the command of the vessel. We sounded several times without finding bottom. As soon as we got to the entrance of the port, which is formed by several islands, we first found bottom of coral at 55 fathoms. The western point of the island, which is on the left coming in, was then at our E. ¼ N.E. We at last arrived in that port where we dropped anchor by 24 fathoms white sand bottom, too near the entrance, because all at once we were surprised by a dead calm. We had to drop another anchor on account of a reef which was very near us, and on which we were drifting.
This port appeared to us to be magnificent, and full of resources in the circumstances we were in. Sheltered from every wind, we purposed to spend several days there quietly. Since we had sighted land the scurvy had made great advances amongst the crew. There were then more than thirty suffering from it, and every day the evil was increasing. It was then with the greatest joy we saw that the land was inhabited. We were flattering ourselves that we would derive great advantages for our sick ones, but we will soon see that they suffered greatly by the landing, and that the ones then in good health had later on to blame it for all the inconveniences they suffered afterwards.
The entrance of the port is by 7° 25′ of south latitude and by 151° 55′ eastern longitude of the Paris meridian. M. de Surville named the port “Praslin Port.”
On the day we anchored there we loaded all our guns, and put in order all the firearms, in order to defend ourslves in case the natives attacked us. The attitude of these natives and the arms they carried made us think they were war-like.
As soon as our anchor was down, two or three canoes came to look us over. M. de Surville made some trifling presents to the natives, and showed them every sign of friendship. They only answered him by pointing to the far end of the port, making signs that we would find there food and drink.
One of them, however, more venturesome than the rest, put an arrow to his bow, and made a sign as if wanting to throw it against our vessel. He looked as if he wanted his comrades to do the same, if one could judge by his manners and the threatening tone of his voice. We showed him the white flag, and sent tohim as well as to his companions some bottles and pieces of calico, which appeared to make him friendly towards us.
The canoes went back to pass the night on the island situated on the right coming into the port. We were so near the island that we could quite distinctly see and hear them. They spent all the night there, keeping up a large fire and, what appeared rather strange, repeating word for word all that they could hear from our vessel.
Next day, the 14th, we sent on a cable 40 fathoms from the vessel to get further inside the port. Several canoes came that day. Nothing we did escaped the notice of these natives; we tried everything to induce them to come on board. At last several of them came on board, carrying big clubs, made of a very heavy wood. We were careful, however, only to allow a few of them on board, as their number by far exceeded the number of our men in good health.
These natives presented us with some shells and a kind of almond very similar to the badame. One of them appeared more anxious than the others to be of use to us, which made M. de Surville more anxious to conciliate him by some small presents. He gave us to understand that he would show us to a place at the end of the port where we would find food and water.
Shortly before noon M. de Surville ordered two boats to be lowered, and put in command M. Labé, his first officer, in whom he had great confidence, both for his prudence and his courage. The sailors were provided with cutlasses, and the soldiers carried their guns and ammunition. M. de Surville, nephew of our captain, commanded one of the boats under the orders of M. Labé. Hardly had they left the vessel than all the canoes followed them, and kept with them to the end of the port. During the journey the natives kept going to and fro, and talking hard all the time. At first it did not seem unnatural
to us, as our arrival was bound to cause great excitement amongst these people.
While M. Labé was at the top end of the port, M. de Surville, in company of some of his officers, was hunting on one of the islands. What was our surprise when we heard ourselves being loudly called. M. Labé had just landed on the island where we were, towing some native boats, and with several of his men severely wounded. He told us that when they got to a rather narrow place, thickly surrounded by scrub, the natives made signs to them that there was water there. The locality seemed to M. Labé rather suspicious, and he did not have his boats beached, as the natives seemed to want him to do; he only sent four men with some natives to have a look at the watering-place. He was getting rather anxious when the four men came back saying that they had been taken to a place where they only found water left there by the rain which had fallen about an hour ago. This event made M. Labé more wary. However, he was conducted to another place, where he met with the same difficulty. The sergeant in command of the four men he had sent was indeed taken to a place where there was a little water flowing from a rock. The natives deserted them there, and it was only with much difficulty that they found their way back to the boats by narrow passes through the scrub. During this time the natives did all in their power to induce M. Labé to beach his boats. They attempted to pull them ashore themselves, and wanted to tie them to trees. But M. Labé would not allow that. Besides this, the natives tried to separate our sailors by inducing them to go and gather some coconuts, which are there in great quantities. Our men were quite willing, but the officers prudently would not allow them. M. Labé was more than two and a half leagues from the vessel, and as it was getting rather late, and he did not think he could do more that day, he gave orders to everybody to re-embark.
As soon as the savages, who numbered at least 150, saw these preparations, they put themselves in an attitude of fight. Several of our men assured us that they began by a religious act. An old native raised his eyes to heaven, also his hands, muttering some words, and seeming to exhort them to do their best.
The first act of hostility was accomplished on one of the soldiers, who got his hat torn by a blow from a club while he was getting on board. M. Labé then gave orders to fire, but that did not prevent the natives from wounding several men, among whom was the sergeant, who received a blow from a lance above the hip. He died of that wound three days after. During his illness the surgeon was very perplexed by the cause of it. He
could only see a slight wound, to which could not be attributed the great pain in which the soldier was. He suspected that some foreign matter had got into the wound, but could not find it with the probe. He opened the wound after the death of the man, and found a piece of lance six inches long embedded in the vertebra with such a force that in order to extract it he had to use pinchers and break the bone with a hammer.
The first discharge of firearms on the natives astonished them so much that they remained immovable. It was all the more murderous as they stood all together only a dozen yards away.
The astonishment produced by the discharge of firearms gave time to fire another volley, which the natives could not stand. They fled to the woods in a great hurry, leaving thirty or forty killed or wounded on the battlefield.
As soon as the natives had disappeared M. Labé took a few of the canoes, and had the others broken and set fire to. He ordered some arms and other things, which the natives had with them, to be gathered. We had three or four of our men wounded, M. Labé himself receiving a blow from a stone on the leg and two arrows in the thigh. Although his wounds were slight, ten months after this adventure they were still bleeding, which made us believe that the arrows were poisoned.
Coming back to the vessel we noticed on the little island in the north-west, situated at the entrance of the port, five or six natives. We thought we could make them prisoners on land, but, although we were quite near, they were clever enough to launch their canoe and embark. We manœuvred so as to cut off their escape and were able to fire on them. One of them was wounded, and fell in the water, and after he got on shore we saw him crawling on all fours to the wood; the others also swam ashore, and we never found them again.
The intention of M. de Surville was to get hold of one of these natives and to get him to show us a place where to get water. Besides, he had recourse to that last act of hostility only to give these people an idea of our strength, and thus prevent them from attacking us again. They could very well have given us a great deal of trouble if they had known our real situation.
After that skirmish we saw two men in a canoe, who came to examine us attentively. We employed to attract them an expedient which was rather successful. We got two of our Kaffir sailors in one of the canoes previously captured; we arranged them somewhat like the natives; they kept making the same signs they had noticed the savages making, and were so successful that the natives in the canoe came much nearer the vessel. We at once sent two boats to give chase, but turning quickly they fled, gaining in speed on our boats. We tried to
stop them by firing on the canoe. One savage was killed, and as he fell overboard the canoe was capsized. The second native tried to reach the nearer island, swimming; but before he got there we caught up to him. He fought with much courage, and having no weapon, he used his teeth, and bit any one coming near him. I will have occasion later on to speak about this native. Towards the middle of the night two canoes came to examine us; we fired on them and wounded several natives, judging by the cries of pain we could hear.
On the 15th we took our prisoner on the island situated in the east, so as he could show us a place to get some water. He took a rather long route, and, on the way, without anybody noticing it, he got hold of a piece of shell with which he managed to cut part of the ropes he was bound with. However, we noticed it in time, and afterwards kept a better watch on him. As he made us signs that we were near the water M. de Surville allowed him to guide us on, although still afraid to see him escape somehow. He was, however, really leading us to a watering-place, but one of our soldiers having found another proper place, we stopped there. The young prisoner was then taken back to the vessel, but, before, he kept rolling himself on the shore, making horrible cries to attract his companions, and biting the ground in a great rage.
We got all the water we wanted at that place, and were not troubled any more, on account of our firing on the canoes every time they put in an appearance.
It was impossible for us to get from that country anything but water, firewood, and some palm cabbages, which are very abundant there. The land near our anchorage was very swampy. The heavy rains which fell during our stay in that port, together with other difficulties we met with, made nearly all of us ill; several died of scurvy.
M. de Surville seeing he could not get anything but what has been mentioned from this anchorage, made up his mind to leave such an unwholesome place. Besides, the entrance of that port had a bad bottom. We drifted continually, which might have proved fatal.
We remained until the 21st of October in Port Praslin. We drew up all the anchors except the small one, to which we fixed a side cable to bring the vessel to larboard. It was necessary to take these precautions as the entrance to the port is so narrow that two vessels can hardly enter it together. We left the long boat behind to raise the anchor, and she rejoined us at sea.
One can affirm that Port Praslin is one of the most beautiful in the world. It is formed by hundreds of small islands, which almost join the main land, and near which the bottom is deep
enough to allow the vessels to be tied up to the trees. It stretches from 3 leagues from north to south, and nearly every part of it is sheltered from every wind. This country appears one of the most beautiful existing; it is very woody, and without doubt must abound with fresh provisions, but unfortunately we could not ascertain the latter. We only visited the land near the shore. Although the land is very swampy, there are many trees of many varieties. There are many palm-trees, wild-coffee trees, and we think we saw some ebony-trees. We also found there some tacamacas, and several other trees which produce resin and balm. But what surprised us most was that the wood we cut down for use on board, when thrown in the water, gave it a red tint, very striking. I heard later on that one of the sailors cut some bark and boiled it, and from it extracted some red dye, with which he dyed some pieces of calico.
The natives in general are of a well-proportioned height, and their complexion is good. Amongst them are some very black ones, and others are much lighter. Their hair is woolly and very soft to feel. Their forehead is narrow, their countenance rather sinister, and different from the Kaffirs, in that the nose is not so flat nor the lips so thick. They cut the hair only round the head; they powder it with lime, which gives the appearance of being yellow. They also powder their eyebrows.
The lobe of the ear is pierced, and of an exaggerated length. They fix in the lobe of the ear sometimes a ring, sometimes leaves of different trees, or some flowers. The nose is also pierced. They place a rather big peg in the hole when they are old enough.
They wear a bracelet above the elbow, and round the neck an ornamant which resembles a comb, made of a white stone, which they hold in great esteem, according to the young savage we captured. They possess several kinds of bracelets.
Several amongst us thought that these people were cannibals, because they wear round the neck, collars made with the teeth of several kinds of animals: some even have human teeth, but we have no proof that this conjecture is true. The young native we have on board showed a great horror when asked about these things, and he has always denied having ever seen his people commit this crime.
The weapons of these natives are the bow and arrow, the lance, and some clubs about 2 ½ ft. long made of a very heavy wood. Their arrows are very dangerous, as they make them of several pieces joined together by a kind of very hard cement, and some fragments are bound to remain in the wound they make. The point is made of a bone which they sharpen to a
fine point. They generally use the bone found in the tail of a fish called “sea devil.” To guard themselves against arrows, they carry a shield made of Tantan cane.
At the end of their lances they put a bone about 6 in. long. It is impossible to withdraw this bone from the flesh without tearing it badly, on account of the notches they make in it.
Their boats are very well constructed, and of a wonderful speed. Both ends are very high, evidently to guard against the arrows. Some of their boats are very large. The day after our arrival one boat came to us which was 56 ft. in length by 3 ½ ft. wide. The boards of the smaller boats are very thin and joined with a kind of cement, blackish, and very hard. On the boats one can sometimes see some incrusted mother-of-pearl.
The way we were received in this country induced us to find a name characteristic of this nation. Therefore we called the part we discovered Arsacides Coast. Arsacides, according to some authors, means “murderers.”
The young black we took prisoner in Port Praslin gave us some information relative to his people. I believe what he told us (except what was dictated by prejudice), as I have always, during the two years he was with us, found him to be perfectly fair in everything. He is entirely guided by nature, if one can use such an expression about him, and his expressions were always dictated by his sensations.
The young man (his name is “Lova Saregua”—Lova in his own language means a small fish) could only have been thirteen or fourteen years of age when we captured him. Hardly had he been two months with us when we perceived the facility with which he could learn our language. But the progress he would otherwise have made in learning our language was made much slower on account of his two or three months sojourn with the Spaniards. After that space of time however, he managed quite well to make himself understood in both languages.
What astonished him most in Lima was the size of the houses. He could not imagine it, and, thinking that their solidity was but small, he tried to shake the walls. His surprise increased daily on seeing the occupations and works of Europeans, and he soon acknowledged these last to be superior to his own people.
During the whole journey from Port Praslin to the Peruvian coast M. de Surville had this young man always at his own table. The black acknowledged this as a favour, because the other blacks were treated quite differently. At the death of M. de Surville he withdrew on his own account, and offered to wait on us.
We paid him every kind of attention, and without doubt he deserved them by his good qualities, and, far from abusing our kindness, he all the time acknowledged it as a real favour. The only fault we found in him was a slight movement of despair, caused by his too great susceptibility, but that gesture was always directed against himself and did not last. He has a sharp mind, and learns willingly whatever he is taught. He would certainly be able to read now if he had been taught.
I have to acknowledge his perfect honesty. He is rather fond of decorating himself, but by what I could see he could easily give that up. He knows the value of money, but does not seem to value it as much as that knowledge would warrant. After all, he is only anxious to satisfy his appetite. To end this description, which has lasted long enough, we can safely say this Native is of a most happy disposition, and will certainly avoid the faults common to most men.
We know from this young black that war is constantly raging in his country. The prisoners of war are made slaves, and wait on their conquerers. Plurality of wives is allowed.
The King's authority is absolute. Every one of his subjects must bring to him the products of his fishing, and other productions of the country, before taking any to his own dwelling-place; if they fail to do so, they are severely punished. If by chance it happened that some one walked on the King's shadow, he would instantly be put to death; however, added the young black, if it happened to be one of the chiefs, possessor of much wealth, he could obtain his pardon.
We could not get any satisfactory explanation about the religion of his country. He says, however, that men at their death are supposed to go to Heaven from where they come back every now and then to speak with their people. When we tried to make young Lova understand that it was absurd to believe in ghosts he replied that he was certain of their existence, and that he had heard some of them. They come, he said, always during the night, and mention the places where fishing will be most successful, and bring good and bad news. He maintains his opinion strongly when he is told that it is impossible, by declaring that nobody on board can know better than he what takes place in his own country.
The people most highly looked upon by the Arsacides are medicine-men. The calling of medicine-men belongs only to the old people. Lova has a much higher opinion of the medical men of his own country than of ours; he thinks the latter make the illness last too long.
The young girls are destined from infancy for marriage; and they go to live in the house of the father of their husband until they become marriageable.
One custom usual after the death of rich people is rather peculiar. They build a scaffold, on which they place the corpse. Underneath they dig a hole. The rain or time causes all the greasy parts of the body to fall in the hole, which is then covered with earth, and they build on the grave a kind of a small house, or, rather, a mausoleum. If it is a child only flowers are deposited on the grave. They then take the skull and the bones and carry them to a place reserved for common burial.
The trading of the Arsacides cannot be very extensive, if we judge by the length of ten or twelve days of their voyages. They guide themselves at sea by the motion of the stars, of which they can distinguish several.
The young black told us that his father often made such voyages to a nation much less black than his own. He brought back from there some fine calico, with big patterns on it, and which was used for belts.
The productions of that country which young Lova mentioned are bananas, sugar-canes, yams, coconuts, aniseed, and a kind of almond, of which they are very fond. There is also a kind of fruit which he never could see in America, and of which we never could get a satisfactory description. The Arsacides for food principally use turtle flesh and eggs, which are in great quantity; they also have fish, and make great use of a certain plant which they call “binao,” and which they eat instead of bread.
We showed Lova all the spices we made use of; he only knew in his country of one tree, very tall, and of which the bark tasted like cinnamon, but he prefers the bark which grows in his country. The natives make use of it mixed with betel, cabbage-palm, and lime.
They use for lighting purposes, during the night, resin extracted from the tree which produces the almond previously spoken of. The resin is greasy and oily, and while burning emits rather an agreeable odour.
The Arsacides do not know any metal. They use for cutting wood a stone axe, very hard, and of a slate colour, and for cutting their hair they use a stone similar to the gun-flint.
We only saw fishermen's huts, but Lova assured us that in the interior the Arsacides have some large villages. We did not see any four-footed animals, although, according to what Lova says, there are many wild pigs. The cockatoos, orioles, and wild pigeons are very numerous. The pigeons appeared to us to be much bigger than those elsewhere.
On comparing what we saw of those people with ones of whom Dampier and other travellers who have travelled through those countries speak, we have no doubt about their belonging to the same race of men: they have the same arms, the same boats, the same bravery, everything seems to confirm that opinion.
We left several written notices of taking possession of that country in the name of His Most Christian Majesty in the place where we got our water, situated on the east of our anchorage. We also left several written notices to apprise anybody who might land in that country of the ways of the natives.
During our stay in Port Praslin the wind blew nearly constantly from N.E. to E. We had a lot of rain, to which we may attribute the fever which attacked most of the crew.
I have previously said that we left Port Praslin on the 21st of October, 1769. The south winds which we met with next day allowed us to go up a little in the east.
On the 23rd we picked up a little deserted boat made of banana roots, and on which was erected a little wooden hut.
On the 24th we had rather fine weather, but with easterly winds, which compelled us to tack about all day, and to keep in sight a coast which we much desired to lose sight of.
On the 26th we thought we were at the eastern point of the coast, as we had lost sight of land. In the morning, towards noon, we sighted a little island which we named “Unexpected.” It is situated by 7° 54′ of south latitude at about 4 leagues to the south-west of the compass. It resembled an arrow whose head would be the eastern point of the island. We noticed some small hills on it in the west. It was very low everywhere else, and covered with trees. Its distance from the coast might be about 9 leagues.
We had rather changeable winds on the 27th, 28th, and 29th; however, we could rise a little towards the east.
On the 30th we sighted another island, which we could not double as soon as we wished to on account of the currents and the calms. It was named “Contrariety Island.” Its position is by 9° 46′ of southern latitude and at 4° 52′ east of First Sight Island. The aspect of it is charming, and it presents to the eye a beautiful scene. The island seems well cultivated in several places, and we believe it is thickly populated, judging by the number of boats which we saw coming from it, and of fires we discovered during the night in different parts of the
island. One can see a view of this island on chart No. 8. It is hardly ten leagues distant from the coast.
During the three days we remained in sight of this island several canoes, manned by the same race of men we had seen at Port Praslin, came round us. We tried with signs to persuade them to come on board, but it was only after a lot of useless demonstrations that one of them, at last plucking up his courage, dared to come on board. He first got hold of some clothing belonging to a sailor, and we had great trouble to make him give it up. Then he jumped on the flag which was flying at the poop, brought it to, probably with the intention of appropriating it, but we made him give it up; he then climbed the mizzenmast with as much ease as the best sailor, and, after having at leisure overlooked the ship, he came down by himself on deck, and addressing all his companions, he exhorted them to come on board to him. Nothing could be more singular than the rapid gestures of this islander. One could have believed that all his gestures and high-toned voice were to make believe, but I think that there was more fear than courage in it. He made us understand that he was chief of all the people with him.
The vessel was surrounded by about thirty canoes, in most of which was a good supply of arrows, lances, and spears, whose points were notched. About a dozen men at last ventured to come on board at the invitation of the first islander, and by their signs they would have made us believe that we would be well treated on their island and would want for nothing, if the Natives at Port Praslin had not acted in the same way to us.
They remained on board about an hour. While they were going away one of these savages passed his hand through the porthole of the pantry, caught hold of a bottle, and threw himself into the sea before the keeper could prevent him. The beauty of this island induced M. de Surville to pay it a visit, and for that object he had a boat lowered and M. Labé with four soldiers got into it.
Hardly had he got away to half-gun range from the vessel than he was surrounded by four canoes. The savages were already fixing arrows to their bows, but M. Labé, well up in their tricks, did not give them time to proceed further, but ordered a volley to be fired on them. We saw it all from the vessel, and the discharge of a few big guns soon put the canoes to flight. M. Labé was recalled. This event took place at about 3 in the afternoon. At 6 p.m. a large quantity of canoes got
together, and came in battle order, at about a long-gun carry of the vessel. We did not wait to further inquire their purpose; four discharges from the big guns loaded with grape shot dispersed that army. Seemingly a few of the islanders lost their lives. It was much against his will that M. de Surville gave up the project of anchoring near the island. The nearer we got to it the more we regretted having found such inhospitable people.
Young Lova several times assured us that he did not at all understand the language of the inhabitants of Contrariety Island. They tried to induce him to come to them, but he seemed to make little of their offer. He even asked by signs to be given a bow and some arrows, to let fly at these people, with a certain success.
The canoes of these islanders are far less ornamented than the ones belonging to the Natives of Port Praslin. The one belonging to the chief especially was the most curious and the best constructed. On the forepoint is fixed a kind of little flag made of several tufts of straw, dyed red. The back part is ornamented with some little sculptures, representing animals, without doubt belonging to the country, but especially dogs, which are there in a great quantity. A good many of these people wear in their nose a round ornament made of mother-of-pearl, on which are described several black circles; some have a triangle. On other parts of their body they wear a lot of aromatic plants. They go about perfectly naked. On the 3rd of November we sighted three other small islands, which we named the “Three Sisters,” on account of their perfect similarity. They lay N.W. ¼ N. 3° N. at about 1 ¾ leagues from one another. The one in the middle is about the same longitude as Contrariety Island by a southern latitude of 10° 16′.
On the 4th we had very changeable weather. The calms having come suddenly on us near the coast made us fear of drifting on it, because the currents carried us to it. Fortunately, in getting nearer, their direction changed to S.W. Several canoes came near us. The Natives made the same signs as the previous Natives had made, but would not hazard themselves on board.
Keeping on our way to the south-east we sighted two small islands at about 3 leagues from the coast. They were situated by the southern latitude of 10° 57′, and more to the east by 5° 22′ than the First Sight Island. These two islands are flat and woody. The coast, on the contrary, is very hilly, and forms
in that locality a cape which has been named “Cape Oriental,” and the two little islands were named “Deliverance Islands.” The land after Cape Oriental must lie to the south-west, for in pursuing our route to the south-east we soon lost sight of it. The latitude of Cape Oriental is the same as that of the Deliverance Islands, its longitude being about 6′ more to the west.
We at last left that land where most of our crew had fallen ill. There hardly passed a day without two or three of our men dying. In a very short time we lost about thirty men.
Here we must mention that the reduced chart of the Arsacides has been drawn from the observations of the vessel only, and therefore cannot be as accurate as could be wished, but one can be certain that the latitudes are correct, and the position determined correctly enough. The longitude marked on it is an average longitude from every point of the vessel.
From First Sight Island to Cape Oriental we noticed that the currents carried us constantly to the south. All along that coast the land is covered with high mountains.
According to our young Arsacidian, these lands might only be a large agglomeration of islands. He assures us that one finds the sea on the other side of his country, and that it is without bottom.
We will not give in this extract the situation of all the maps added to it. It would be too long and too wearying, and besides one can find in M. de Surville's journal all that is required on the subject.
After leaving that coast our route was to the south-east from the 7th to the 12th of November, and when we got in latitude 14° we put our course to the south and to the S. ¼ S. W., in order not to miss New Zealand, where it was absolutely necessary to go in order to get our crew well again. We had the fair winds which blow generally in the tropics, and the weather in general was rather fine.
On the 4th of December we noticed the sea changing. Some dry cuttle-fish, some seaweed, and some birds. These indications of land made us think that Diemen Land advances towards the east, and might adjoin New Guinea. I estimated our position on that day at a southern latitude of 36° 26′ by an eastern longitude of 152° 12′. The variation was observed to be 9° 19′ north-east. We continued our route to the south as far as the 35° of latitude, according to our estimation. The next day the route was given to the east.
[The journal is continued in French with the English translation on the opposite page.]
Le 12, à 11he du matin, nous eûmes connaissance de la Nouvelle-Zélande par la latitude de 35° 37 et par la longitude de 168° 50 ce qui me donnait une différence de 110 lieues plus ouest que cette terre n'est marquée sur la carte de M. Bellin.
Cette partie de Nouvelle-Zélande ne parait pas abordable elle doit être fort peuplée à en juger par la grande quantité de feux que nous avons aperçu; le bord de la mer est rempli de dunes de sables, assez cónsidérables. Les montagnes qui en sont éloignées de 3 ou 4 lieues sont fort élevées.
L'intention de M. de Surville était de doubler la Nouvelle-Zélande au N. mais les vents n'étaient pas favorables pour cela. On fut obligé de courir différentes bordées en cherchant toujours à pouvoir donner dans quelque port les vents contraires durèrent jusqu'au 14, du Nord, ils passèrent à O.N.O. mais avec une telle force que nous craignîmes à différentes reprises de faire naufrage. La mer était excessivement grosse et nous jetait sur cette côte qui ne nous présentait aucun endroit accessible. Par la position où nous nous trouvions, et le gissement des terres, il n'était pas possible de les doubler au N.; nous avions à peu près les mêmes difficultés pour les doubler au Sud. Nous passâmes toute la nuit du 14 au 15 dans la plus cruelle perplexité, obligés de virer de bord fréquemment et de porter de la voile pour moins dériver. Le lendemain, le danger était tout aussi pressant, la mer et les vents étant toujours les mêmes. Nous eûmes cependant une lueur d'espérance en nous aperçevant que les courants nous avaient éloignés de la côte.
Dans l'après-midi, les vents devinrent moins violents en passant au S.O. ils permirent à M. de Surville de tenter une manœuvre hardie, bien réfléchie, et la seule à mettre en usage pour nous écarter de la côte; malgré la force du vent il fit augmenter de voiles, en mettant la grande voile d'étay, elle fut emportée, mais les autres voiles étant neuves, supportèrent tout l'effet des vents; il fallait absolument, ou doubler cette côte, ou s'exposer évidemment à périr. Nous étions alors par 35° 15 de latitude méridionale. On voit sur la carte dans cet endroit une pointe qui s'avance dans le N.N.O. Elle était le plus grand obstacle à vaincre, mais aussi en venant à bout de la doubler, nous pouvions de plus en plus nous éloigner des terres qui sont plus au Nord et dont le gissement nous était à peu près connu. Nous n'avions pas la même espérance de réussir en portant notre route au Sud. Nous parvînmes enfin à doubler cette pointe, et continuant toujours à nous élever dans le Nord, la mer et le vent s'apaisèrent, le temps nous favorisa au-delà de nos espérances.
Le 16 xbre, nous découvrîmes le Cap qu'Abel Tasman a nommé Cap du Nord-Ouest.
Cape Maria van Diemen was the name given by Tasman (see ante, page 28).
Nous vîmes peu de temps après
On the 12th, at 11 a.m., we sighted New Zealand by a latitude of 35° 37′ and a longitude of 168° 50′, which gave us a difference of 110 leagues more west than this land is marked on M. Bellin's map.
This part of New Zealand does not appear to be accessible, and must be thickly populated, judging by the large number of fires we saw. The shore is full of sand ridges, rather high. The mountains, which are some 3 or 4 leagues from the coast, are very high.
M. de Surville's intention was to double New Zealand in the north, but the winds were not favourable enough for that. We continued to tack about, constantly looking for some port. The contrary winds lasted from the north until the 14th, then changed to the W.N.W. with such violence that several times we thought we would get wrecked. The sea was very rough, and constantly took us towards the land, which offered no accessible landing-place. On account of the position we were in and the lay of the land, it was impossible to double it in the north, and we had about the same difficulties in doubling it in the south. We spent the whole of the night of the 14th until the 15th in great anxiety, obliged to tack about constantly, and to carry some sail, in order to drift less. The next day danger was just as great, the wind and the sea always being the same. We had, however, a glimpse of hope when we noticed that the currents had carried us away from the coast.
In the afternoon the winds became less violent; passing to the south-west they allowed M. de Surville to attempt a daring manœuvre, well thought out, and the only one which could possibly take us away from the coast. In spite of the violence of the wind he set more sail, ordering the main sail to be set; it was carried away, but the other sails being new, resisted all the force of the wind. It was absolutely necessary to double the coast, or be in danger of perishing. We were then at a latitude of 35° 15′ south. One can see in that position on the map a point which projects to the N.N.W. That point was the greatest obstacle to surmount, and if we could manage to double it we could get further and further from the land situated more to the north, and of which the situation was nearly known to us. We did not have the same good prospect by doubling it in the south. We at last succeeded in doubling that point, and kept constantly going up towards the north. The sea and the wind got quieter, and the weather became more favourable than we could possibly hope.
On the 16th of December we discovered the cape that Abel Tasman named the North West Cape.* We shortly after sighted
les îles des trois Rois. A midi, la latitude fut observée de 34° 22. J'étais par mon estime à 168° 12 à l'Est du méridien de Paris. Nous fîmes les relèvements suivants non corrigés de la variation. Le Cap N.O. de Tasman formait les terres les plus Sud à notre vue, et nous restait au S.O. ¼ S. 10° au Sud; à 5 lieues de distance environ une pointe nous restait à l'Est ¼ S.E. 3° S. à 6 lieues un autre Cap formant les terres les plus Nord restait à l'Est à 8 ½. Les officiers du vaisseau le nommèrent Cap Surville.
Cook sighted this cape on the 10th December, 1769, and named it “North Cape” (see ante, page 152, under entry for the 10th), De Surville's name is therefore later than Cook's. During the next few days Cook and De Surville were within a few miles of one another, but neither was aware of the other's presence.
Les îles des Trois-Rois furent relevées à O. ¼ N.O. 3° O. à perte de vue.
La pointe B, qui est sur la carte réduite de la Nouvelle-Zélande, forme un enfoncement avec le Cap N.O. de Tasman, mais qui n'est pas assez considérable pour empécher de voir des terres basses et sablonneuses.
La couleur de la mer nous indiquait que l'on trouverait un mouillage à cette côte. On sonda à la distance d'environ 3 lieues de la pointe B lorsqu'elle nous restait à l'Est du monde, nous trouvâmes 40 brasses fond de sable roux.
Le même jour, nous doublâmes le Cap Surville.
See ante pages 22, 23, 31, and 32.
A l'Est de ce cap il y a une pointe près de laquelle on voit un brisant qui s'avance en mer.
Le Cap Surville est très accore et assez élevé, il ressemble à une pyramide tronquée; sa base est fort considérable, on jeta par son travers une ligne de fond de 30 brasses sans trouver le fond.
Après avoir passé le Cap Surville, nous trouvâmes une baie très vaste, mais comme il n'y paraissait aucun abri, on porta un peu plus dans le Sud où nous en découvrîmes une autre.
La manière dont Abel Tasman avait été reçu dans ce pays, nous faisait craindre d'y éprouver la même chose.† Nous fûmes étrangement surpris de voir arriver un bateau avec 5 ou 6 hommes. Ils donnèrent le peu de poisson et de coquillages qu'ils avaient, en échange, on leur remit un peu de toile de coton, en s'en allant ils nous montrèrent l'endroit de leur demeure.
Peu de temps après, trois autres grandes pirogues s'approchèrent du vaisseau, à la portée du fusil; de là, les sauvages nous montraient de temps en temps leur poisson, voyant qu'ils n'avançaient à rien par cette cérémonie, ils joignirent le vaisseau et passèrent sous la galerie pour traiter; ils donnèrent une quantité prodigieuse de poissons pour quelques petits morceaux de toile dont ils se couvrirent les épaules.
These natives would have seen the “Endeavour” off shore from 9th to the 14th, and some had actually gone out to her on the 9th and 10th (see ante, pages 151 and 152).
the Three Kings Islands. At noon the latitude was observed to be 34° 22′. We were, by my estimation, at 168° 12′ east of the Paris meridian. We made the following, not corrected, observations of variation: The North West Cape of Tasman formed the land the most southern to our sight, and it was lying to the S.W. ¼ S. 10° in the south. About 5 leagues away we had a point on the E. ¼ S.E. 3° S., and 6 leagues away another cape forming the most northern land was lying east 8 ½°. The officers of the vessel named the last cape “Cape Survill.”* We took the position of the Three Kings to be W. ¼ N.W. 3° W., far away in the distance.
The point B which is on the reduced map of New Zealand forms a kind of bay with the Cape North West of Tasman, but not deep enough to prevent us from seeing some flat and sandy shores.
By the colour of the sea-water we expected to find anchorage on that coast. At a distance of about 3 leagues of the point B, lying east, we found, on sounding, 40 fathoms, with a red sandy bottom.
The same day we doubled Cape Surville. On the east of that cape there is a point near which there are breakers projecting to the sea.
Cape Surville is very abrupt, and rather high. It resembles a truncated pyramid; its base is very broad. We sounded opposite that cape, but 30 fathoms of line did not find bottom.
After passing Cape Surville we found a very large bay, but as there did not appear to be any shelter in it, we went further south, where we discovered another bay.
The way Abel Tasman had been received in this country made us fear to be treated likewise.† We were therefore very much surprised to see a boat with five or six men coming towards us. They gave us the little fish and shell-fish which they had, and in exchange we gave them a little calico. When leaving us they showed us where their habitations were.
Shortly after, three big canoes came within gun-range of the vessel. From that distance they showed us now and then their fish. Seeing that these demonstrations had no effect, they came alongside the vessel, and passed under the stern gallery to trade. They gave us a wonderful quantity of fish for some little pieces of calico, with which they covered their shoulders.‡
Le chef de ces pirogues ayant témoigné de l'envie de venir à bord, on lui fit signe de monter. M. de Surville le reçut en l'embrassant. Il avait une pelisse en peau de chien sur lui que l'on voulut examiner; s'imaginant apparemment qu'on en avait envie, il l'offrit sur le champ, mais on ne l'accepta pas. On le fit passer dans la chambre du Conseil ou M. de Surville lui donna une veste et une culotte rouge, il mit la veste, et garda la culotte sous son bras. En reconnaissance, il remit sa pelisse à M. de Surville. Ceux qui l'avaient accompagné, ne le voyant pas au bout d'un certain temps montrèrent de l'inquiétude, on entendit une certaine rumeur, il se fit voir à ses camarades et nous comprîmes par ses gestes qu'il leur disait que sa personne était en sûreté; on lui fit présent d'une chemise dont il se servit dans le même moment. Plusieurs de ses gens montèrent à bord, nous connûmes bien leur caractère, ils s'annoncèrent dès les 1ers instants pour être grands voleurs; ils s'emparaient de tout ce qu'ils trouvaient sous la main; ils sortirent du vaisseau, chacun ayant sur les épaules son morceau de toile. Le chef voulut retirer sa chemise, mais ne se souvenant plus de quelle façon elle lui avait été passée c'était une chose assez risible de voir son embarras et l'empressement de ses gens à la tirer par les manches et de tous les côtés en même temps. Il vint à bout cependant de l'ôter lorsqu'il se fut rappelé qu'on lui avait fait lever les bras.
Le 17, nous vînmes mouiller dans une baie dont l'entrée est au S.E. ¼ S. à 12 lieues de distance du Cap Surville, et par la latitude méridionale de 34° 49 le plan de cette baie est dans la planche 10.
A une lieue de l'entrée de cette baie, nous avons eu le 1er fond par 34 brasses, sable et vase verte, le fond diminua ensuite jusqu'à 25 brasses, corail et coquillage pourri. On jeta l'ancre par ce dernier fond devant une anse de sable qui est au pied d'une petite montagne au sommet de laquelle il y a un village.
Le 18, on alla sonder près de cette petite anse le fond diminua successivement jusqu'à 9 brasses; là, on n'est éloigné de terre que d'environ 140 brasses n'ayant à craindre que les vents depuis l'E.N.E. jusqu'à l'Est. On ne se doutait point après avoir éprouvé les mauvais temps de la partie de l'Ouest que nous en essuierions de pareils dans la partie orientale.
Il est aisé de s'imaginer la joie qu'eût notre malheureux équipage de se trouver chez des peuples qui nous avaient déjà traités avec humanité. Depuis notre départ du Port Praslin, 60 hommes avaient payé leur tribut, et le scorbut attaquait presque tout le reste, quelques jours de plus sans voir la terre,
The chief of these natives having made signs that he wished to come on board, we made signs to him to come up. M. de Surville received him with a salute. He had a mantle of dog-skin on him, which we started examining. Thinking we wished to have it he at once offered it to us, but we declined to accept it. We took him to the council room, where M. de Surville gave him a coat and a pair of red breeches; he put on the coat, and kept the breeches under his arm. In grateful exchange he presented M. de Surville with his dog-skin mantle. His people, not seeing him after a certain lapse of time, showed signs of anxiety, and began to murmur. He showed himself to his people and by his gestures we understood that he was telling them that he was in perfect security. We then gave him a shirt, which he put on immediately. Several of the natives got on board, and from the first we had a good idea of their real character, for they showed themselves to be great thieves. They took everything they came across. They left the vessel each of them wearing a piece of calico on their shoulders. The chief wanted to take off his shirt, but not remembering how he had got it on it was rather amusing to see him so embarrassed, and his people trying to help him by pulling on the sleeves and other parts at the same time. He at last succeeded in taking it off when he remembered that he had had to raise his arms to put it on.
On the 17th we came to anchor in a bay of which the entrance is to the S.E. ¼ S., 12 leagues distant from Cape Surville, and by southern latitude 34° 19′. The map of this bay is on the chart 10.
At a distance of a league from the entrance of this bay we first touched bottom at 34 fathoms, sand and green-mud bottom, then we touched shallower coral and rotten-shell bottom. At 25 fathoms we dropped anchor in this last spot in front of a sandy cove situated at the foot of a little mountain on the top of which was a village.
The next day we went to sound near this little cove, and found the bottom getting shallower at each sounding until it was only 9 fathoms deep. There we were only 140 yards from the shore, having only the winds from the E.N.E. to the east to fear. We could not suppose, after the bad weather we experienced on the west coast, that we would get as bad on the east coast.
One can easily imagine the joy of our miserable crew to find themselves with people who had already treated us with humanity. Since our departure from Port Praslin sixty of our men had succumbed, and the scurvy had got hold of nearly all the rest of us; a few days more without landing and the vessel “St.
le vaisseau Le St. Jean-Baptiste n'eut jamais pu quitter la Nouvelle-Zélande, à moins d'un miracle.
Ce jour-là, 18 xbre, M. de Surville descendit à terre. Le Chef du Village vint le recevoir sur le rivage; tous ses gens étaient épars ça et là et tenaient en main des peaux de chiens et des paquets d'herbes qu'ils levaient et baissaient continuellement, sans doute pour faire honneur à M. de Surville.
Le lendemain on retourna à terre, mais la réception fut bien différente; les habitants du pays étaient attroupés et armés. Le Chef qui était venu au-devant de M. de Surville dans une pirogue, lui fit signe de rester sur le bord du rivage; il paraissait intrigué, ou plutôt ses gens, de voir à terre une grande partie de l'Equipage. Il quitta M. de Surville pour aller leur parler, ce qu'il fit avec beaucoup de chaleur, il revint ensuite lui demander son fusil, dont il connaissait le bruit seulement. Voyant qu'on ne voulait pas le lui donner, il demanda l'épée. M. de Surville la lui prêta, il courut la montrer à ses gens, ce qui les apaisa entièrement.
Il est certain que ce chef avait pris nos intérêts extrêmement à cœur auprès de ses sujets, et qu'il nous marqua toute la confiance possible. Ayant paru avoir envie de revenir à bord, on le lui accorda! Dès qu'il fut un peu au large, on entendit des cris qui marquaient sans doute de la crainte à son sujet, les femmes se mirent à pleurer; pour ne pas les alarmer, on ramena sur le champ le chef à terre.
M. de Surville nomma cette baie Lauriston
After M. Law, of Lauriston, one of the owners of the “Saint Jean Baptiste.”
et l'anse dont j'ai parlé ci-dessus Chevalier.
After M. Chevalier, one of the owners of the “Saint Jean Baptiste.”
Nous nous approchâmes de cette anse quelques jours après, nous y mouillâmes le 22 xbre par 18 brasses, fond de gravier et coquillages pourris; le village, dans cette position nous restait O.N.O. du monde, à ⅓ de lieue de distance.
Nous fûmes dans cette baie jusqu'au dernier jour de l'année 1769. Les gens de notre équipage s'y étaient passablement rétablis, mais pas aussi bien qu'on pouvait le désirer. Nous ne pouvions plus y rester avec quelque sûreté après la perte de nos ancres dans un coup de vent furieux. Cet événement mérite place ici, à cause de la sagacité et fermeté de M. de Surville; c'est dans les dangers que le marin sait choisir et employer avec habileté les ressources que l'art lui fournit pour résister aux efforts réunis des éléments déchaînés.
Les vents qui avaient soufflé au S.O. et du S.S.O. jusqu'au 27 du mois, passèrent à l'E.N.E. ce jour-là, trois de nos bateaux avaient été dans le fond de la baie pour y pêcher
Jean Baptiste” would never have left New Zealand coasts except by a miracle.
On that day, the 18th of December, M. de Surville went on shore. The chief of the village came to receive him on the beach. All his people were scattered here and there, holding dog-skin mats and bundles of herbs, which they alternately raised and lowered, most likely to do M. de Surville honour.
The next day we again went ashore, but our reception was very different. The inhabitants of the country, well armed, were standing in groups. The chief, who had come in a canoe to meet M. de Surville, made a sign to him to remain on the beach. He seemed, or at least his people did, anxious on seeing a large party of our crew on shore. He left M. de Surville to go and speak to his people, which he did with great animation; he then came back and asked M. de Surville for his gun, of which he only knew the noise. Seeing that we would not let him have the gun, he asked for the sword. M. de Surville lent it to him, and he ran to show it to his people, who, seeing it, were quite pacified.
It is certain that this chief had taken our interest near his people quite at heart, and showed us every possible confidence. Having shown that he wished to come back on board, we allowed him to do so. As soon as we had put to sea a certain distance we heard cries, showing some anxiety about him. The women started to cry, and in order not to alarm them we at once brought him back to the shore.
M. de Surville named that bay “Lauriston”* and the cove which I mentioned above “Chevalier.”†
A few days later we got the vessel near the cove, and dropped our anchor, on the 22nd of December, in 18 fathoms gravel and rotten-shell bottom. The village was then W.N.W. at a distance of three quarters of a league.
We remained in that bay until the last day of the year 1769. The men of our crew had recruited well enough, but not as well as we wished. We could not remain there with any security after the loss of our anchor in a furious gale. This event deserves to be related here on account of the wiseness and firmness of M. de Surville. It is in such dangers that the good sailor chooses and makes use of the resources offered to him to resist the violence of the elements.
The winds, which had been blowing from the S.S.W. and from the S.W. until the 27th of the month, changed to the E.N.E. On that day three of our boats had gone to the top of the bay
et ces vents ne permirent qu'à deux de ces bateaux de regagner le vaisseau. Dans la nuit le vent redoubla tellement que l'on fût obligé de mouiller une 3ème ancre, car nous chassions sur les deux premières. Le vaisseau soutint les efforts du vent jusqu'à 7h ½ du matin du 28 que l'un de nos câbles se rompit. Le vaisseau chassait alors sans discontinuer quoique l'on filât le câble de notre 3ème ancre. Nous tombions visiblement dans la partie du S.O. de l'anse Chevalier, qui est une côte fort escarpée, bordée de récifs qui s'étendent fort au large et sur les quels la mer brisait horriblement. A peine en étionsnous éloignés de 150 toises, lorsque M. de Surville se détermina à appareiller, il donna l'ordre de couper les câbles. Cette opération exigeait fort peu de temps, mais à chaque moment le danger devenait de plus en plus pressant, on ne peut pas voir la mort de plus près. Nous étions peu éloignés des Rochers, de 20 pas, lorsque le vaisseau abattit heureusement sur le côté de Tribord, le seul par où il pouvait nous donner quelque espérance d'échapper au naufrage. Ce fut à l'habileté de M. de Surville que nous dûmes notre salut, et à la présence d'esprit qu'il conserva dans ce terrible moment. Il vit le seul bon parti à prendre et le fit exécuter; sa fermeté rassurait les matelots et les encourageait à un travail pénible pour des gens déjâ épuisés par la maladie. On peut juger du risque évident que nous avons couru dans cette occasion par le sort d'un petit bateau qui était attaché à la poupe du vaisseau et qui fut submergé. Plusieurs personnes ont cru qu'il s'était fracassé sur les rochers, on fit couper la corde pour en débarrasser le vaisseau.
Pour avoir évité un naufrage presque certain dans ce moment, nous n'étions pas pour cela plus assurés de ne pas périr au 1er instant. Nous ne pouvions pas sortir de la baie à cause des vents et nous ne pouvions pas mouiller n'ayant plus d'ancres entalinguèes.
Le petit nombre de Matelots qui restaient à bord était à peine suffisant pour venir à bout d'entalinguer une ancre, et ce ne fut qu'après 4 heures du travail le plus opiniatre de leur part qu'ils y réussirent. Pendant ce temps, le vaisseau était continuellement jeté sur la côté par la force des vagues et des vents. Nous n'avions plus que 6 brasses d'eau lorsque nous pûmes jeter l'ancre dans une petite anse qui, par la circonstance où nous la trouvions, fut appelée anse du refuge. C'était la dernière ancre de poids qui nous restait. Pour tâcher de maintenir le fond de 6 brasses, on fila la moitié du câble de 140 brasses que l'ou avait mis à cette ancre. On voulut aussi mouiller une ancre à iet, mais le câble ne put résister à l'impétuosité des vagues.
fishing, and the wind only allowed two of these boats to come back to the vessel. During the night the wind got so strong that we were obliged to drop a third anchor, because we kept drifting in spite of the two we had dropped. The vessel resisted the efforts of the wind until half-past 7 a.m. of the 28th when one of the cables broke. The vessel then kept drifting continually in spite of our lengthening our third anchor's cable. We were distinctly drifting to the south-western part of the “Chevalier” Cove, which coast is very abrupt, and bordered with breakers stretching far out to sea, and on which the sea was breaking horribly. Hardly were we 150 yards from it when M. de Surville decided to set the sails, and gave the order to cut the cables. This operation did not take long but at each moment the danger increased. One cannot see death nearer than we did. We were very near the rocks, about 20 yards away, when the vessel happily fell on the starboard, the only side which could give us some hope of escaping shipwreck. We owed our salvation to the cleverness of M. de Surville, and to his coolness during those terrible moments. He saw the only way and took it. His firmness reassured our sailors, and encouraged them to do a work very hard for people already weakened by illness. One can have an idea of the evident danger we ran on that occasion by the fate of a small boat which we had in tow, and which was entirely submerged. Many thought it had been smashed on the rocks, and the order was given to cut the rope to free the vessel of it.
Although having then escaped an almost certain shipwreck, we were by no means certain of not perishing at any moment. We could not get out of the bay on account of the wind, and we could not anchor, having no more anchors ready.
The small number of sailors on board was hardly sufficient to succeed in getting a big anchor ready, and it was only after four hours of very hard work that they succeeded. During that time the vessel was constantly thrown on the coast by the wind and waves. We only had a depth of 6 fathoms when we succeeded in dropping an anchor in a small cove which, on account of the circumstances, we named “Refuge Cove.” That was the only heavy anchor we had left. To maintain our selves on a 6 fathom bottom we let go half of the 140 yards of cable attached to the anchor. We also wanted to throw a small anchor, but the cable could not stand the strength of the waves.
Nous n'osions pas nous flatter de tenir longtemps avec cette seule ancre et nous n'avions d'autre perspective que d'échouer d'un moment à l'autre, à la vérité avec un danger moins manifeste que dans l'anse Chevalier. On dégréa les Mâts de perroquet et ceux de hune pour soulager le vaisseau. Les inquiétudes que nous avions sur notre sort ne diminuaient pas celles que nous causait le bateau que les vents avaient empêché la veille de regagner le vaisseau. Tous nos malades au nombre de 33, étaient dans ce bateau, il était en outre chargé d'eau; elles cessèrent en partie lorsque nous l'eûmes aperçu mouillé dans l'anse du refuge, il ne lui était pas possible de venir nous rejoindre à cause de la grosse mer.
Si nos alarmes se calmaient d'un côté, de l'autre, nous éprouvions des accidents capables de nous en donner de nouvelles. La barre de notre gouvernail se rompit, on en remit une autre qui eut le même sort, un instant après on fut obligé d'en refaire une 3ème avec deux morceaux de bois, cette dernière résista; par ce moyen, nous n'étions pas encore sans ressource dans le cas où le câble eût cassé ou si les vents nous eussent permis d'appareiller pour sortir de l'anse. Les vents restèrent N.E. pendant toute la nuit du 28 au 29 et soufflèrent avec la même violence.
Dans la matinée ils passèrent au N.O., avec ce vent nous pouvions, en cas de besoin, appareiller ce qui diminua un peu nos inquiétudes. Notre bateau profita d'un seul instant où le vent fut moins vif pour venir nous rejoindre; cet intervalle ne fut pas long, il reprit bientôt toute sa force.
Les gens de ce bateau nous raconterent qu'ils avaient échappé au danger de périr par le plus grand des bonheurs; en revenant de l'anse du refuge pour gagner le vaisseau la veille, leur mât fut cassé, ce qui les obligea d'y retourner, non sans beaucoup de dangers. Ils échouèrent une fois, et touchèrent avec les rames plusieurs autres écueils, ils eurent enfin le bonheur de gagner un endroit où ils se trouvèrent à l'abri. Nos pauvres malades passèrent la nuit dans le bateau sans pouvoir se garantir de la pluie qui tomba en abondance. Le lendemain, qui était le 28, ils purent descendre à terre. Très heureusement, pour eux le peu de poisson que l'on avait pêché la veille avait été mis dans leur bateau, ils en prirent une partie, réservant l'autre pour le lendemain, prévoyant bien que le temps ne leur permettrait pas de se rendre au vaisseau. Ce premier bonheur fut suivi d'un autre, le Chef de cette anse les surprit très agréablement en leur portant du poisson sec qu'ils reçurent avec reconnaissance. On lui fit entendre qu'on ne pouvait rien lui donner en échange, il répondit par d'autres signes qu'il ne demandait rien, en montrant sa cabane il semblait marquer le plaisir
We could not hope to hold for long with the only anchor, and our only prospective was to go ashore at any moment; in truth, with less danger than in Chevalier Cove. We unrigged the gallant and top masts to ease the vessel. The anxiety of our fate did not prevent us being very anxious about the boat, which had been prevented by the wind from coming back to the vessel the day before. Every one of our sick ones, thirty-three in number, were in that boat. She was, besides, loaded with water. Our anxiety, however, about her ceased when we saw her anchored in Refuge Cove, but it was impossible for her to come back to us on account of the heavy sea.
If our anxiety on one part was relieved we felt a much greater one on account of several accidents. The bar of our rudder broke. We rigged up another, which also broke shortly after. So we had to fix up a third with two pieces of wood; that last one held good; in this way we would not have been quite helpless if the cable had broken, or if the winds had allowed us to set sail to get out of the bay. The wind remained to the north-east during all the night of the 28th to the 29th, and blew with the same violence.
In the morning the wind changed to the north-west. With that wind we could, in case of necessity, set sail, which relieved our anxiety a little. Our boat took the opportunity of a short lull in the wind to come back to us. The quiet interval was not long, and the wind started blowing stronger than ever.
The people in the boat told us that they had only escaped death by the greatest luck. Coming back from Refuge Cove to get on board the vessel the day before, their mast broke, which forced them to go back there, not without great danger. They went aground once and several times touched reefs with their oars, but at last they had the good fortune to reach a spot where they were sheltered. Our poor sick ones spent the night in the boat without being able to shelter themselves from the rain, which fell very heavily. The next day, which was the 28th, they were able to go ashore. Fortunately, the little fish which had been caught the day before had been put in their boat; they consumed part of the fish, saving the remainder for the next day, as they anticipated not being able to return to the vessel on account of the bad weather. That piece of luck was followed by another: the chief of that part of the bay gave them an agreeable surprise by bringing them some dried fish, which they gratefully accepted. They made him undertand that they could not give him anything in exchange; he answered by signs that he asked for nothing, and pointed to
qu'il aurait qu'on l'acceptât. Ce bonhomme, touché du pitoyable état où étaient nos malades, les pressait de venir chez lui et leur donnait à comprendre qu'ils y seraient nourris et à convert du mauvais temps, une grande partie se rendit à ses invitations.
M. Dubucq, chirurgien-major du vaisseau, était dans ce même bateau. Il se remit en route avec 8 hommes armés pour aller dans l'anse Chevalier, se flattant qu'il pourrait trouver dans cet endroit quelque occasion de se rendre à bord et y demander des vivres pour les malades. Nous étions au moment du plus grand danger lorsqu'ils y arrivèrent; avant de nous voir ils se regardaient comme les plus malheureux du vaisseau, mais notre état les fit frémir et concevoir qu'ils étaient les moins à plaindre; ils croyaient à chaque instant que le vaisseau allait être englouti ou brisé sur les rochers; ce fut pour eux un spectacle d'horreur, ils se crurent bien alors pour jamais destinés à finir leurs jours dans la Nouvelle-Zélande.
Le vent ne cessa point d'être violent jusqu'au 31 xbre, mais sans aucun danger pour nous, le câble n'ayant point été endommagé.
Ce même jour nous aperçûmes au fond de la baie le petit bateau qui avait été submergé sur les récifs de L'Anse Chevalier. M. de Surville aussitôt fut pour le chercher et se munit de tout ce qui était nécessaire pour le mettre en état de tenir la Mer; mais en approchant du rivage, on fut bien surpris de ne trouver qu'un morceau de bois, cependant du vaisseau on avait très bien distingué notre petit bateau et il ne nous resta plus de doute que ce ne fùt lui quand on eut trouvé la trace d'un bateau et une corde qui servait au nôtre. On suivit cette trace qui conduisit à une petite rivière, on eut beau la remouter et la descendre, on ne pût jamais rien découvrir.
M. de Surville regarda cet enlèvement comme un vol manifeste qu'il résolut de punir. Il vint dans cette intention près de la rivière marquée 6 dans le plan de la Baie Lauriston, planche 10. Il y trouva quelques sauvages qui étaient auprès de deux pirogues. M. de Surville les appela, un d'eux vint à nous qui fut arrété sur le champ par son ordre; tous les autres s'enfuirent;
Naquinovi. He died when off Juan Fernandez Island (see post, p. 291).
on s'empara d'une de leurs pirogues, les autres furent brûlées. On mit égalemant le feu à des maisons de paille abandonnées qui furent consumées en un moment.
Nous revînmes à bord avec cet infortuné Zélandais; on ne peut s'empêcher de faire remarquer la bizarrerie du destin: ce même homme fut reconnu par le Chirurgien-Major pour celui
his hut; he seemed to want to explain the pleasure it would give him if they would take possession of it. This good man, feeling pity for the pitiful state in which he saw our sick ones, pressed them to come to his hut, and made them understand that they would there be well taken care of and sheltered from the rough weather. A good many of them accepted his kind invitation.
M. Dubucq, chief surgeon on board, was in that boat. He started with eight armed men to go to Chevalier Cove, thinking that he could find an opportunity from there to get on board our vessel to get some provisions for the sick ones. We were then at the height of our peril when they got to Chevalier Cove. Before they saw us they though themselves the most unfortunate of the crew, but our situation made them shiver, and think themselves the least unfortunate; they thought that the vessel would at any moment founder, or get smashed on the rocks. It was for them a horrible spectacle, and they were then quite convinced that they would have to end their days in New Zealand.
The wind did not cease to blow violently until the 31st of December, but without any danger to us, as our cable held good.
The same day we saw at the top of the bay the little boat which had been wrecked on the reefs of Chevalier Cove. M. de Surville at once decided to go and secure her, and took with him all that was necessary to fit her for the sea. But in getting near to the shore we were much surprised to find only a piece of wood. However, from the vessel we had distinctly seen our little boat, and no doubt was possible when we found trace of a boat and a rope belonging to her. We followed the tracks, which took us to a little river, but we went up and down it in vain, as we could never discover anything of our boat.
M. de Surville looked upon her removal as a decided theft, which he resolved to punish. He came for that purpose near the river marked 6 in the chart of Lauriston Bay, map 10. He found there a few savages round two canoes. M. de Surville called them up to him: one of them advanced, and by M. de Surville's order was at once captured.* We seized one of their canoes, and burnt the others. We also set fire to some forsaken straw huts, which were destroyed in a moment.
We came back on board the vessel with the unfortunate native. One cannot forbear to point out the oddness of fate: that same native was recognized by our chief surgeon as the one
qui leur avait offert si généreusement sa maison et qui leur avait donné des vivres.
Après une telle hostilité nous ne devions plus nous attendre à tirer des secours des habitants, il fallait done en aller chercher ailleurs. M. de Surville assembla son Etat-Major pour tenir conseil sur le parti qu'il convenait mieux de prendre. Il ne nous parla que vaguement du but de son voyage pour nous décider il était bien indifférent d'en être parfaitement instruits.
Dans un pays aussi sujet aux ouragans que le paraît être la Nouvelle-Zélande, nous ne pouvions pas nous exposer à y demeurer plus longtemps sans courir le risque de perdre la seule ancre de poids suffisant qui nous restait. Nous nous trouvions alors à plus de 1,200 lieues de tout établissement européen au delà du Cap de Bonne Espérance. Mais, pour nous y rendre, il fallait nécessairement passer dans des détroits où l'on est obligé de mouiller souvent, mais plusieurs fois dans un jour! Avec une seule ancre et un équipage réduit à moitié et fatigué, pouvait-on sans une imprudence extrème choisir de retourner sur nos pas?
Le Pérou, quoique distant de 1,800 lieues de la Nouvelle-Zélande, nous offrait une relâche, à la vérité beaucoup plus éloignée, mais avec beaucoup moins d'inconvénients pour nous y rendre. Les vents devaient nous être presque toujours favorables et nous ne prévoyions pas à moins d'accident, de nous trouver obligés de mouiller qu'à notre arrivée dans le port. Dans la situation où nous nous trouvions, c'était le seul parti convenable à choisir, le seul prudent à suivre.
M. de Surville fut charmé que, par cette décision, il pût encore suivre une partie de ses instructions, il se flattait tout au moin de fixer la latitude de l'ile qui faisait le but de son voyage et qu'il y reviendrait plus sûrement après avoir mis son vaisseau en état de reprendre la mer, à quoi il espérait de réussir dans sa relâche au Pérou.
Pour terminer l'article de la Nouvelle-Zélande, il nous reste à parler de ses habitants, de ses productions, &c. &c.
Personne avant nous n'avait mis pied à terre dans ce pays; il fut découvert le 13 7bre, 1642, par Abel Tasman qui éprouva à la côte occidentale le même temps que nous, il la suivit seulement depuis 42° 10 de latitude méridionale jusqu'à 34° 35. Ainsi tout ce que nous avons vu dans la partie orientale a été découvert par le St. Jean Baptiste.
For Tasman's account see ante, pp. 18 to 34. None of the coast can be claimed for De Surville; he was unaware that Cook had just forestalled him.
Les habitants sont de bonne taille, mais leurs jambes sont si grosses qu'elles paraissent enflées, leur couleur est fort
who had so generously offered his hut and provided our people with food.
After such a hostile act we could not expect to get any help from the natives. It was then necessary to go and get help somewhere else. M. de Surville summoned his staff to a council, in order to ascertain what was best to be done. He only spoke superficially about the real object of the voyage, for it was not necessary for us to know about it, to come to a decision.
In a country so much exposed to storms as New Zealand is, we could not possibly expose ourselves by remaining there longer—to lose the only heavy anchor we had left. We were then more than 1,200 leagues from any European settlement this side of the Cape of Good Hope. But to go there we would have to pass through some straits where we would often have to anchor, even several times a day. With but one anchor and a crew tired and reduced by half, could we without extreme imprudence decide to go back on our tracks?
Peru, although 1,800 leagues distant from New Zealand, offered us a port much more distant, it is true, but with far less inconveniences for us to get there. The winds would be almost constantly in our favour, and we did not foresee, except in case of accident, any necessity for us to anchor anywhere before we got to that port. In our situation it was the only decision to come to and the only prudent course to follow.
M. de Surville was delighted in that, thanks to this decision, he could yet follow out part of his instructions. He hoped anyhow to be able to fix the latitude of the island, which was the object of his voyage, and he could then come back to it under better circumstances after making the vessel more fit for the sea; which object he hoped to accomplish in a Peruvian port.
To terminate this article concerning New Zealand, we have to speak about its inhabitants, its products, &c., &c.
Nobody before us had set foot on that land: it was discovered on the 13th of September, 1642, by Abel Tasman, who met on the western coast the same bad weather as we did. He followed that coast from 42° 10′ southern latitude until 34° 35′, so all that we saw on the eastern coast was discovered by the “St. Jean Baptiste.”*
The inhabitants are of a fine stature, but their legs are so thick that they appear to be swollen. Their colour is very dark,
basannée et leurs traits sont assez réguliers. Ils ont les cheveux longs qu'ils attachent sur le sommet de la tête et y mettent des plumes blanches. Ils ont sur le toupet une couleur rouge délayée dans de l'huile. Sur différentes parties du corps ils ont des dessins qu'ils se font avec du charbon, ils l'incrustent dans la chair et le fixent avec quelque caustique, de façon que l'empreinte ne s'éfface jamais. C'est ordinairement aux cuisses où il y a le plus de dessins, ils y forment des spirales.
Les femmes sont, en général, fort laides, elles se peignent comme les hommes différentes parties du corps, à l'exception du visage dont elles ne peignent que la lèvre inférieure.
L'habillement le plus commun consiste en une grande natte faite de plusieurs autres petites qu'ils rapportent ensemble, elle leur descend jusqu'au gras de la jambe, on ne peut mieux la comparer qu'à une chappe; cet ajustement ne peut guère les couvrir entièrement et il parait qu'ils ne s'en mettent point du tout en peine, quelques uns cependant portent des ceintures.
Ou lien de natte, les Chefs se servent d'une pelisse faite avec plusieurs bandes de peau de chien, ils mettent le poil en dehors lorsqu'ils sont en cérémonie, mais pour se garantir du froid ils le mettent en dedans.
Leur manière de vivre en général est assez misérable, la base de leur nourriture est de la racine de fougère qui est très abondante, ils la font chauffer et la battent, elle leur sert de pain. Ils ont aussi beaucoup de poisson; pour le faire cuire, ils creusent un trou dans la terre qu'ils remplissent à moitié de cailloux et ils allument au-dessus un grand feu. Lorsqu'ils jugent que les cailloux ont acquis un degré de chaleur convenable, ils mettent alors leur poisson bien enveloppé dans deux feuilles sur ces cailloux et couvrent ensuite le tout de terre.
Les poissons que nous avons trouvé dans ce pays sont les plies, les maquereaux, les lubinis, les chabots, grondins, rougets, diables de mer, chiens de mer, &c., &c.
Les peuples se retirent comme ceux des Iles Bachy sur des montagnes fort escarpées. Peu de nous osèrent tenter d'y monter parce que le danger était trop grand à vouloir satisfaire un simple désir de curiosité, un faux pas coûterait infailliblement la vie sans doute ils ne choisissent une retraite aussi périlleuse que pour se mettre à l'abri des incursions de leurs ennemis, ils ont, malgré cela des cabanes dans la plaine, mais ils les abandonnèrent pendant notre séjour.
Un des habitants invita quelques uns de nous à monter sur le sommet de la montagne où est leur citadelle; lorsqu'on
and their features rather regular. They have long hair, which they gather on top of the head, and arrange with white feathers. They dye their forelock red with a paint mixed with oil. On different parts of their body they have drawings made with coal-dust, and fixed with some kind of caustic, so that they never disappear. It is generally on the thighs they have most of these drawings, which are worked in spiral.
The women, as a rule, are very ugly. They paint, like the men, different parts of their body, except the face, of which only the lower lip is painted.
Their most common dress consists of a mat, made of several smaller mats sewed together. It reaches down to their calves, and it is very similar to a cape. These mats do not entirely cover the body, but they do not seem to mind that much; a few of them however wear belts.
Instead of mats, the chiefs wear a cloak made of several bands of dog-skins. They turn the hair outside on ceremonious occasions, but to protect themselves against the cold they wear the hair inside.
Their nourishment in general is very miserable. Their chief food is the root of the fern, which is there in great quantity. They warm it, beat it, and use it instead of bread. They also have quantities of fish. To cook it they dig a hole in the ground, fill it half way with stones, and on top light a large fire; when they judge the stones are sufficiently heated they put their fish, well enveloped in leaves, on the top of the stones, and cover the whole with earth.
The fish we have seen in that country are the flounder, the mackeral, the cod, bull-head, red and ordinary gurnet, sea-devil, dog-fish, &c.
These people take shelter like the inhabitants of the Bachy Islands, on rather steep hills. Few of us attempted to go there, for it would have been running too great a danger to satisfy a mere curiosity. A mistake would certainly have been fatal to us. The natives, without doubt, selected these refuges, so perilous of access, so as to place themselves out of reach of their enemies, but besides these refuges, they possess huts on the flat ground, but during our stay in their country they abandoned them.
One of the natives asked several of us to go to the top of the hill where the citadel was. When we arrived at the top he took
fut arrivé sur l'esplanade, il prit une lance pour montrer de quelle façon ils se défendaient. Il donnait à entendre que si quelques ennemis restaient sur le champ de battaille, ils les coupaient en morceaux et les mangeaient. Celui que nous avons fait prisonnier nous a confirmé plusieurs fois qu'ils étaient anthro-pophages. Ce n'est qu'avec horreur que l'on rapporte la façon dont il nous a montré qu'ils en agissent avec ceux qu'ils peuvent faire prisonniers. Ils les saisissent par les cheveux et les tuent en leur donnant un coup sur la tempe avec une arme de pierre, ils séparent les 4 membres, ouvrent le ventre en croix pour en arracher les intestins, ils font ensuite des portions des membres du corps qu'ils distribuent à tous les assistants.
Nous n'avons vu chez ces barbares d'autres armes que leurs lances et l'assommoir de pierre dont la longueur est d'environ 12 à 14 pouces, ils ont de ces derniers faits avec des os qui, par leur grosseur, ne peuvent être que de baleine.
Ils portent au col, comme un ornement, une espère d'idole faite d'une pierre fort ressemblante au jade. Cette figure semble accroupie sur les talons; les yeux sont faits avec de la nacre qu'ils incrustent dans cette pierre; il est étonnant qu'ils puissent lui donner un aussi beau poli, la tailler et la percer sans faire usage de métaux; ils ont des pendants d'oreille de 3 pouces de longueur environ, de cette même pierre.
Nous pouvons croire avec raison que ces peuples ont un culte; en nous montrant cette idole, ils joignaient les mains et levaient les yeux au ciel.
Nous leur avons vu des instruments de musique, l'un est un coquillage au quel ils adaptent un tuyau cylindrique de 3 ou 4 pouces de long, ils en tirent des sons semblables à ceux de la cornemuse; c'est sans doute le même instrument dont parle Abel Tasman. L'autre a environ un pouce et demi de longueur, il est creux et n'a qu'un seul trou dont ils tirent 5 à 6 sons différents aussi doux que ceux d'un flageolet. Ces peuples ont sans doute beaucoup de goût pour la musique. Nous les avons entendus quelquefois chanter en chœur, ils forment des accords parfaits. Ils paraissent aussi beaucoup aimer la danse. Trois jeunes filles, animées seulement par la voix et le bruit des mains d'une vieille femme, dansèrent devant M. de Surville et autres personnes du vaisseau; elles mirent en usage les gestes les plus indécents pour vaincre l'indifférence des spectateurs Européens. Une de ces filles, après leur danse finie, voyant que M. de Surville reprenait le chemin du vaisseau courut à lui, transportée, et le saisit par le corps, elle n'oublia rien pour le tenter et ce ne fut pas sans peine qu'il vint à bout de s'en débarrasser; elles en ont usé de la même façon avec nos matelots, il est impossible de voir des femmes plus déshonnêtes.
hold of a lance and showed us how they defended themselves. He made us understand that if some of the enemies remained on the battlefield they cut them to pieces and ate them. The one we took prisoner several times assured us that his people were cannibals. It is only with horror that one can relate the way he told us they act towards their prisoners. They seize them by the hair and kill them with a blow from a stone weapon on the temple. They cut off the limbs and open the stomach with a cross-like incision. They pull out the intestines and cut the limbs and body in pieces, which they distribute amongst themselves.
We did not notice amongst the natives any other weapon than the lance and the stone weapon, the length of which might be 12 or 14 inches. Some of these weapons are made of bone, which, judging by the size, must be whales' bone.
They wear round their necks a kind of image made of stone, resembling a jade. This image seems to be squatting on its heels. The eyes are made of mother-of-pearl, incrusted in the stone. It is very wonderful that these natives are able to give these images such a polish, carve them and pierce them, without using any metal. They have stones hanging from the ears about 3 in. in length, and made of the same stone.
With reason we can presume that these people have a kind of religion, for while showing us these stone images they put their hands together and raised their eyes to heaven.
We saw amongst the New-Zealanders some musical instruments; one is made of shell, to which is adjusted a round tube, 3 in. or 4 in. long; they draw from it sounds similar to those of the bagpipes. It is without doubt the instrument of which Abel Tasman speaks. The other instrument is about 1 ½ in. long, hollow, and with only one hole. They draw from it five or six sounds similar and as sweet as those of the piccolo. These natives evidently have a taste for music. We heard them singing in chorus, and they kept in perfect tune. They also seemed very fond of dancing. Three young girls, only excited by the voice and clapping of an old woman, danced before M. de Surville and some others from the vessel. They made use of the most indecent gestures to stimulate the indifference of the European spectators. After their dance was ended, one of the three girls, seeing that M. de Surville was going back to the vessel, ran to him, quite excitedly, put her arms round his body and did everything possible to entice him: and it was only with difficulty he managed to rid himself of her. They behaved in the same way with our sailors; it is impossible to meet more immoral women.
Leur manière de saluer a quelque chose de bizarre; celui qui reçoit le salut s'assied par terre, et celui qui le fait vient appuyer son nez sur celui qui est assis. Ils restent sans se rien dire environ une demi-minute dans cette posture. M. de Surville en usait de même avec les barbares qui ne faisaient aucune façon de s'asseoir pour recevoir son salut.
Leurs bateaux sont fort longs en général. Le fond est d'une seule pièce; pour en relever les bords ils ajoutent quelque-fois une planche on deux. Sur le devant et le derrière de leurs bateaux, il y a des morceaux de sculpture tels qu'on en voit la representation dans la planche 12.
Ils se servent d'une pierre fort dure couleur d'ardoise pour couper le bois.
Leurs maisons sont comme celles de tous les sauvages, c'est-à-dire petites et sans ornaments; elles n'ont tout au plus que 5 ou 6 pieds de hauteur sur 10 de longueur et 4 ou 5 de large, celles qui ont des battants de porte ou des figures assez baroques sculptées au bas des portes.
Devant leur citadelle ils ont de grands pilliers de bois sur lesquels ils font sécher le poisson pour la provision de l'hiver; il doit être fort rigoureux, quoique le pays ne soit qu'à 200 lieues du Tropique, à en juger par le temps que nous y avons éprouvé dans un mois de la plus belle saison de l'année.
Pendant les 1ers jours de notre arrivée, les sauvages nous apportèrent du poisson, mais ils se lassèrent à la fin de nous en procurer. Nous fûmes obligés de nous en pourvoir nousmêmes, c'était le seul mets dont ces peuples font usage, que nous pouvions employer.
Nous trouvâmes en abondance des anti-scorbutiques excellents: l'ache et deux espèces de cresson. La 1ère est celle des prés, l'autre est la sauvage dont les feuilles sont longues et découpées; il est étonnant que ces herbes aient rétabli notre Equipage en aussi peu de temps. Le cresson faisait surtout un effet prodigieux sur quelques personnes. Aprés en avoir mangé en salade, elles se trouvaient presque sans respiration, une grande rougeur montait à leur visage, et, dans la bouche, elles sentaient un goût de sang; l'accès durait environ une heure, après en avoir eu 2 ou 3; elles n'y ont plus été sujettes.
L'usage de ces plantes rappela à la vie ceux de l'Equipage les plus dangereusement malades, ceux mêmes qui étaient hors d'état de se trainer; un matelot surtout qui était enflé par tout le corps et dont la bouche était pourrie, se fit porter à terré 2 ou 3 fois; en mangeant seulement de ces herbes il se rétablit assez bien pour pouvoir continuer le voyage.
Their way of saluting is rather peculiar. The person who is to receive the salute sits on the ground, and the one who is giving it comes forward and puts his nose on the nose of the person squatting on the ground. They remain thus without speaking for about half a minute. M. de Surville made use of this way of saluting with the native chief, who did not in any way object to squat down to receive his salute.
Their boats, as a rule, are very long. The bottom part is of one piece. To raise the boarding they sometimes make use of one or two planks. In the front and hind parts of the canoes are found some pieces of carving, such as can be seen on map 12.
They use a very hard stone of a slate colour, to work wood.
Their houses, like those of all savages, are very small, and without ornaments. They are about 5 ft. or 6 ft. high at most, 10 ft. long, and 4 ft. or 5 ft. wide. The houses which boast of a door have some very grotesque figures carved on the lower part of the door.
In front of their citadel they erect some high wooden posts, on which they dry the winter provision of fish. Winter there must be very severe, although the country only lies 200 leagues from the tropics, if we judge by the bad weather we experienced there in the month of the nicest season of the year.
During the first few days of our stay the Natives brought us some fish, but grew tired of providing us in the end. We then had to do our own fishing. Fish was the only food used by the Natives that we could eat.
We found in abundance some excellent anti-scorbutics—wild parsley and two kinds of cress. The first kind is the meadow cress, and the second the wild cress, whose leaves are long and notched. It is wonderful how these herbs made our crew convalescent in such a short time. The cress especially had a prodigious effect on certain persons. After eating some of it in a salad they were left almost breathless, their faces got quite flushed, and they had in their mouth a taste of blood. This attack lasted about an hour. After two or three of these attacks they ceased to suffer.
The use of these plants restored to health the members of our crew who were the most dangerously ill, even to the ones who could hardly crawl along. One sailor, in particular, whose body was swollen all over, and whose mouth was absolutely rotten, was carried on land two or three times, and by eating nothing but these herbs, he got well enough to go on the voyage.
Nous n'avons vu dans ce pays d'autres quadrupèdes que des chiens; les naturels du pays ne les élevènt que pour les manger, ils ont le poil long et assez doux.
Parmi les oiseaux que nous avons vus, il y en a un de la grosseur et de la couleur du merle, qui, sous le bec, a de petits pendants rouges à peu près comme les poules; il y en a aussi unautre de la même grosseur et couleur qui, au lieu de ces petits pendants, à une petite houppe de plumes blanches.
Les oiseaux aquatiques, tels que les canards sauvages, courlieus, alouettes de mer, bécassines y sont en grande abondance; on en voit un surtout qui est de la même grosseur qu'un canard dont le bec et les pattes sont rouges, le bec est long comme celui d'une bécasse. Nous en avons vu d'autres qui ont le bec d'un jaune pâle, cette différence, peut-être, fait celle des sexes.
Il y avait quelques petits champs semés de patates, mais ce n'était pas encore le temps de la récolte, ces sauvages cultivent aussi des calebasses. Nous avons vu dans la Nouvelle-Zélande des cordes faites avec du très bon chanvre.
Sur le bord de la mer on trouve une résine transparente que les eaux y apportent, elle jette en brûlant une flamme claire et répand une odeur assez suave.
Kauri-gum, mentioned here, had already been noted by Cook, in his Journal of 16th November, p. 157.
Nous avons donné aux habitants de ce pays du froment, du riz et des pois ronds, en tâchant de leur faire comprendre de quelle manière ils devaient s'y prendre pour les faire produire, on leur a laissé deux petits cochons de lait mâle et femelle et, enfin, un coq et une poule de Siam, les deux seules volailles qui restaient dans le vaisseau depuis très longtemps.
La partie de la Baie Lauriston qui forme l'entrée à main droite, est montagneuse, elle n'a guère d'autres arbres que de hautes bruyères; cependant à l'Anse du Refuge il y a un paysage assez agréable; les ruisseaux y sont bordés d'une grande quantité d'arbres; on ne trouve que de l'herbe sur le sommet des montagnes.
Le fond de la baie est un pays plat, il y a un étang assez considérable à une demi-lieue environ du rivage.
Les mauvais temps que nous avons essuyés dans cette baie nous ont empêché d'en prendre une parfaite connaissance. La partie orientale, à la simple vue, nous a paru offrir plus d'abri et de ressources que celle où nous étions mouillés.
Ce fut dans la nuit du 31 xbre 1769 que nous appareillâmes de la baie Lauriston pour aller chercher les Côtes du Pérou, que d'inquiétudes ne devions-nous pas avoir à parcourir un espace de 1,800 lieues dans une mer alors inconnue? On ne trouve
We have not seen in this country any other quadrupeds but dogs. The Natives rear them only to use them as food. Their coat is long and rather smooth.
Amongst the birds we saw was one of the size and colour of the blackbird, and which had under the beak little red combs like our hens. There is another bird which is the same size and colour, but instead of these combs has a tuft of white feathers.
The water-fowls, such as wild ducks, curlews, sea-larks, snipes, are there in great numbers. We noticed one especially, the same size as the wild duck, and whose beak and legs were red. The beak is long like that of the woodcock. Some of these birds have the beak of a yellowish colour. The difference in colour might be on account of the sex.
There were some fields planted with sweet potatoes, but the time for gathering them had not yet arrived. These Natives also cultivate some calabashes. We saw in New Zealand some ropes made of excellent hemp.
On the sea-shore is found a transparent gum brought there by the sea: it shows while burning a bright flame, and emits a rather sweet odour.*
We presented the Natives with some wheat, some rice, and some field-peas, trying to explain to them what they had to do to cultivate them. We also gave them two little pigs, male and female, a Siamese rooster and a hen, the only two fowls we had left on board for a considerable time.
The part of Lauriston Bay which forms the right-hand side of the entrance has no trees, but some high ferns. How ever, the scenery at Refuge Cove is rather pleasant. The banks of the streams are thickly covered with trees. There is only grass on top of the mountains.
The top end of the bay is flat country. There is a lagoon of rather considerable extent about half a league from the seashore.
The bad weather we experienced in that bay prevented us from making a perfect map of it. The eastern part of it, at first sight, seemed to us to offer better shelter and more resources than the spot where we were anchored.
It was on the night of the 31st of December, 1769, that we made ready to leave Lauriston Bay to try and reach the coast of Peru. What great anxiety we were to go through in sailing 1,800 leagues across a sea then unknown! Nobody had ever
en effet aucun voyageur qui venant de l'Inde, ait tenté de se rendre à l'Amérique par l'hémisphère méridional; tous les vaisseaux jusqu'à présent y sont venus par l'hémisphère septentrional; leur route les mène à prendre connaissance de la Californie. On ne peut pas dire que les vaisseaux qui ont vu la Nouvelle-Guinée après avoir doublè le Cap Horn, aient fait en sens contraire le même chemin que nous devions faire, il est bien vrai qu'ils ont traversé cette mer immense de l'hémisphère méridional, mais ce n'est qu'entre les Tropiques où les vents sont éternellement favorables pour courir dans l'Ouest; notre route, au contraire, devait se faire bien au-delà du Tropique. Nous ignorions si quelque terre australe ne nous empêcherait pas de nous rendre au Pérou
It was thought that a great continent stretched across from New Zealand to the south of South America. The clearing-up of this mystery was Cook's great work.
; malgré cet inconvenient, ou, pour mieux dire, cette incertitude, nous n'avions pas à choisir un autre parti, il n'était pas prudent de chercher à repasser la ligne pour nous retrouver dans les climats où notre équipage s'était si fort affaibli, nous eussions été perdus sans ressource, si, prenant cette résolution, les calmes et les orages nous avaient contrariés. Nous n'ignorions point que les traités défendent la relâche du Pérou, à moins de se trouver dans une nécessité urgente de la faire; nous étions malheureusement dans le cas de l'exception.
N'ayant trouvé aucunes choses dignes d'attention dans la Mer du Sud, je me bornerai à ne parler que des vents qui ont régné dans notre traversée et des variations de la boussole qui ont été observées; ces deux articles sont toujours intéressants pour les navigateurs.
Tout le monde sait qu'entre les Tropiques les vents régnent de la partie de l'Est pendant toute l'année; mais au-delà du 30e parallèlle ils ont une direction contraire du N.O. au S.O. Il y a cependant une saison où ils passent quelquefois au S.E. jusqu'au N.E. et c'est ce qui facilite à doubler le Cap Horn en venant de l'Est, de même le Cap de Bonne-Espérance. Nous nous trouvâmes précisément dans la mer du Sud vers cette saison et nous y éprouvâmes ces variétés de vents. Elles nous ont obligé d'entretenir différentes latitudes et nous avons été jusqu'au 43e parallèle lorsque nous avons en les vents d'Ouest. Par cette latitude en général nous eûmes de très gros temps; ils firent prendre à M. de Surville le parti de lier avec des cordages le corps du vaisseau sur le Gaillard pour l'empêcher de jouer, son artillerie l'avait tant fatigué que nous craignîmes pendant longtemps de ne pouvoir continuer le voyage.
Le temps a été assez beau pendant toute la traversée lorsque nous n'avons plus été par de fortes latitudes. Je joins ici une
heard, indeed, of any traveller from India having attempted to reach America through the Southern Hemisphere. So far, every vessel going to America had journeyed through the Northern Hemisphere, their route tending to take them to California. It cannot be said that the vessels which sighted New Guinea, after doubling Cape Horn, had followed in the reverse way, the same route that we were to travel by; it is true that they went through that immense ocean of the Southern Hemisphere, but they did it between the tropics, where the winds are constantly favourable for running to the west. Our route, on the contrary, was to be well beyond the tropics. We did not know that some Austral land would not prevent us from reaching Peru.* In spite of this inconvenience, or rather uncertainty, we could not do otherwise; it was not prudent for us to try to recross the line, and find ourselves in the same climate where our crew had been in such a weak state. Without a doubt we would have been lost if, taking that resolution, the calms and storms had assailed us. We knew that treaties prohibited us from putting up in Peru unless one was absolutely in need of doing so. Unfortunately, our case was one of the exceptions.
Not having found anything interesting in the southern seas, I shall only speak of the winds we met with, and the variations of the compass we observed. These two items are always interesting to navigators.
Everybody knows that between the tropics the winds blow during the whole year from the east. But beyond the 30th parallel they blow in a contrary direction, from N.W. to S.W. There is, however, a season when they sometimes pass from the S.E. to the N.E. and that is what makes it easy to double Cape Horn coming from the east as well as the Cape of Good Hope. We were in the southern sea precisely during that season, and we experienced there these different winds. That forced us to keep in different latitudes as far as the 43rd parallel, when we had the west winds. By this latitude we experienced, in general, heavy weather, which decided M. de Surville to have the body of the vessel tied up with ropes on the quarter-deck to prevent it from getting loose. The big guns on it had put it in such a bad state that for a long time we feared we would not be able to go on with our voyage.
The weather was fine enough during all the time we were in the high latitudes. I join to this a chart of our route in these
carte de notre route dans cette mer, où j'ai marqué les variations de la boussole qui ont été observées à la Nouvelle-Zélande. Elle était de 12° N.E. elle a diminué successivement jusqu'à 2°. Nous nous estimions alors à 122° à l'occident du méridien de Paris; elle a depuis augmenté insensiblement jusqu'à la vue des iles de Juan Fernandès qui sont environ par 94°, aussi à l'ouest de Paris; on l'observera dans cet endroit de 11° N.E.
Selon les instructions de M. de Surville, l'île qu'il devait chercher est située environ à 102° à l'occident du méridien de Paris. M. de Surville se trouvant à 109° de longitude, ce qui fait 7° au vent de l'île, chercha à se mettre par la latitude de 27° à 28° pour ne pas manquer l'île qui lui était indiquée, mais les vents d'Est qu'il rencontra sur ces parallèles ne lui permirent pas de persister à s'assurer de la véritable position de cette île.
Le scorbut commençait de nouveau ses ravages, l'eau nous manquait, car depuis plusieurs jours nous étions réduits à une chopine par homme. Dans cette circonstance, M. de Surville assembla le Conseil, le résultat fut, d'une commune voix, de gagner le plus tôt possible un port à la Côte du Pérou; il fallut retourner dans le Sud pour trouver les vents d'Ouest, nous étions au 6 mars 1770.
Nous avons cru cependant passer dans le voisinage de quelque terre, et nos soupçons se fondèrent sur la quantité d'oiseaux que nous vîmes ainsi que des polypes, nous eûmes de plus des orages accompagnés d'éclairs et de tonnerre, il est plus ordinaire d'en avoir à l'approche des terres qu'en pleine mer.
Le 12 mars, nous eûmes connaissance d'un vaisseau par la longitude estimée de 107° et par la latitude de 34°. Nous ne pûmes nous assurer de quelle nation il était, on est porté à croire qu'il était espagnol, du moins nous le jugeâmes ainsi en nous trouvant une différence de 180° lieues Est à la vue des îles de Juan Fernandès, ce qui nous rapprochait de la côte. Ce vaisseau pouvait se rendre au Chili et, peut-être, avait été obligé de pousser plus au large qu'on ne le fait ordinairement.
Nous découvrimes les îles de Juan Fernandès le 24 mars. C'est à la vue de ces iles que mourut le nommé Naquinovi que nous avions pris dans la Nouvelle-Zélande; le chagrin contribua beaucoup, sans doute, à sa mort, mais la disette d'eau que nous éprouvions depuis longtemps en fut la principale cause. On mit la route tout de suite au nord et le 5 avril suivant nous eûmes connaissance de la Côte du Pérou à l'endroit où sont les altes hiatiques qui sont des montagnes fort élevées. Le 6 nous doublâmes l'ile Sangallan.
seas, on which I marked the variations of the compass we observed in New Zealand. It was of 12° N.E., and had gradually diminished until 2°. We estimated our position then at 122° west of the meridian of Paris. The variation then insensibly augmented as far as the Juan Fernandez Islands, which are at about 94° west of Paris, and it was there observed to be 11° N.E.
According to M. de Surville's instructions, the island he was to look for was situated about 102° west of the meridian of Paris. Therefore, finding himself 109° of longitude—that is, 7° from the island—he tried to reach the 27° or 28° of latitude, so as not to miss the island mentioned to him; but the winds from the east, which he met with on that parallel, did not allow him to persist in finding the exact position of the island.
The scurvy was beginning again to bother us, water was very scarce with us, and for several days we had been reduced to a pint a day for each man. In these circumstances M. de Surville convoked the council, with the result that it was unanimously decided to reach as soon as possible a port on the Peruvian coast. We had to go back in the south, so as to meet the winds from the west. It was then the 6th March, 1770.
We think, however, we passed close to land, judging by the quantity of birds and polyps we saw. Besides, we experienced storms with thunder and lightning, which are more frequent in the vicinity of land than in the open sea.
On the 12th we sighted a vessel by the estimated longitude of 107° and by the latitude of 34°. We could not ascertain her nationality. We were inclined to think she was Spanish; at least, we thought so when we found in our position a difference of 180 leagues in the east, and in sight of the Juan Fernandez Islands, which brought us nearer the coast. The vessel probably was going to Chili, and had been obliged to go further out to sea than usual.
On the 27th we sighted the Islands of Juan Fernandez. It is in sight of these islands that Naquinovi, the Native we had captured in New Zealand, died; sorrow, without doubt, contributed to his death, but the shortness of water that we had experienced for a long time was the principal cause. We set our route at once to the north, and on the 5th of April following we sighted the Peruvian coast opposite the Altes hiatiques, which are very high mountains. On the 6th we doubled the Sangallan Island.
Le 7, au matin, nous crûmes voir des vaisseaux mouillés dans une baie, ce qui nous fit soupconner que ce pouvait être le Callao, et que pendant la nuit les courants nous avaient portés dans le Nord. On arriva sur les vaisseaux, et bientôt après, on reconnut la méprise. M. de Surville fit reporter au large, mais nous ne pûmes jamais doubler une pointe qui nous restait au nord, les vents d'ouest que nous avions étant trop faibles. Le calme survint et les courants nous entrainaient à la Côte, nous n'en étions pas à ¾ de lieues lorsque heureusement on trouva un bon fond où nous mouillâmes.
Nous passâmes la nuit dans cet endroit à avoir un temps favorable.
Le lendemain on fit des signaux de détresse, on tira du canon; mais personne ne vint à notre vaisseau. M. de Surville se détermina alors à écrire au Vice-Roi du Pérou, pour lui exposer la triste situation où nous nous trouvions, et le solliciter de nous accorder tous les secours dont nous avions besoin. Il donnait dans sa lettre un détail des différentes routes que nous avions tenues, et lui envoyait une copie de ses passeports et les procèsverbaux justificatifs de la relâche forcée de son vaisseau à cette côte. Il chargea M. Labé, son second, d'aller à terre porter ce paquet; ce dernier trouva la mer si grosse près du rivage, qu'à moins d'un péril évident, on ne pouvait essayer d'y débarquer, il revint à bord annoncer à M. de Surville qu'il était impossible de mettre à terre.
Dans une toute autre circonstance, et dans un autre pays, M. de Surville eût attendu que la mer fût devenue plus calme, ou cherché quelqu'endroit plus abordable pour faire porter sa lettre, mais dans la position oû nous étions, le plus petit retardement était à craindre; il prit une résolution que l'on a taxé de témérité, cependant le caractère de M. de Surville eût dû le mettre à l'abri d'un pareil reproche. Il savait mieux que personne de quelle conséquence était sa lettre, il n'est donc pas surprenant qu'il ait voulu lui-même s'assurer qu'elle serait rendue au Vice-Roi; les précautions qu'il prit prouvent mieux que tout autre raisonnement que sa prudence ne l'a pas quitté dans cette occasion et si l'événement a été aussi funeste à sa personne, ce n'est pas une raison pour l'accuser de trop de confiance en lui-même, encore moins de douter qu'il pût en avoir dans un autre.
M. de Surville se persuadant que la barre de Chilca (c'est le nom de l'endroit devant lequel nous étions mouillés) ressemblait à celle de Pondichéry, ou de Madras à la côte Coromandel, fit embarquer dans son bateau un noir de Pondichéry, très bon nageur, et habitué à y passer la Barre dans les plus mauvais temps lorsqu'il y avait des raisons pour cela. La lettre au
On the morning of the 7th we thought we saw some vessels anchored in a bay, and presumed it was Callao, and that during the night the currents had carried us to the north. We came near the vessels and soon after we found our mistake. M. de Surville gave the order to put out to sea, but we never could manage to double a point which was to our north, on account of the wind to the west being too feeble. The calm followed, and the currents were carrying us on the coast, from which we were only three quarters of a league distant, when fortunately we found a good bottom, where we dropped our anchor.
We spent the night there, with rather fine weather.
The next day we sent some distress signals, and fired our big guns; but nobody came near us. M. de Surville then decided to write to the Viceroy of Peru, to expose to him the sad situation we were in, and beg of him to give us every help we were in need of. He gave in his letter details of the different routes we had followed, and sent with it a copy of his passports and authenic written minutes justifying his anchoring near this coast. He ordered M. Labé, his first officer, to go ashore and carry the parcel. M. Labé found the sea so rough near the coast that it was impossible, except at great peril, to land. He came back on board to tell M. de Surville that landing was impossible.
In any other circumstances or in any other country M. de Surville would have waited until the sea got calmer or looked for another place easier of landing, so as to have his letter carried; but in the position we were in the slightest delay was dangerous. He took a resolution which has been thought foolhardy, but M. de Surville's well-known character deserves to have him put beyond such an accusation. He knew better than anyone else the importance of his letter; therefore it is not surprising that he wanted to assure himself of its transmission to the Viceroy. The precautions he took show better than any argument that his ordinary prudence did not forsake him on that occasion, and that if the event was fatal to himself, it is no reason to accuse him of having had too great a confidence in himself, and still less to doubt that he could place such a confidence in another.
M. de Surville, being sure that the bar of Chilca (that is the name of the place in front of which we were anchored) resembled that of Pondicherry or Madras, on the Coromandel Coast, got on board his boat a native of Pondicherry, an extra good swimmer, and one used to passing the bar there in the worst weather when necessary. The letter to the Viceroy was
Vice-Roi du Pérou fut enfermée dans un flacon bien bouché. L'intention de M. de Surville n'était donc pas de descendre luimême à terre si la mer n'était pas praticable, mais bien d'y envoyer à la nage le noir avec le flacon.
Lorsque le bateau fut arrivé à une certaine distance du rivage, M. de Surville reconnut toute l'impossibilité d'aller plus loin, il fit attacher le flacon au col du noir qui se jeta tout nu à l'eau. Ce flacon n'étant point assujetti frappait le visage du noir et le blessait fortement, il fut obligé de chercher à casser la corde et fut très heureux d'y réussir, sans cela il aurait péri indubitablement.
Cet homme qui n'avait pas cru s'exposer à un danger réel tourna ses regards du côté du bateau et le vit renversé, et M. de Surville avec les deux matelots à la nage faisant les plus grands efforts pour gagner la terre, malheureusement pour eux ils avaient leurs vêtements dont ils ne purent jamais se débarrasser, tous les trois périrent. Rien ne peut mieux faire l'éloge de M. de Surville que la part que le ministre a pris à sa perte et l'assurance qu'il a donné à sa veuve de reconnaître en ses enfants les services de leur père. Que pourrions nous ajouter de plus glorieux à sa mémoire?
Achevons le triste récit de cette catastrophe. Le noir, après des peines infinies, eut enfin le bonheur de toucher le bord du rivage, les fatigues avaient épuisé ses forces, il tomba sans connaissance et fut plus d'une ½ heure à recouvrer ses sens, revenu à lui-même il trouva sur le bord de la mer le flacon qui contenait le paquet de lettres et le chapeau de M. de Surville, il porta le tout au village de Chilca et le remit au curé, celui-ci le fit conduire à Lima.
M. de Surville avait laissé l'ordre à M. Labé d'appareiller le lendemain, au cas qu'il ne vint pas a bord, ce qu'il fit le 9, mais avec des vents si faibles que nous ne pûmes arriver que le 10 au Port de Callao où nous mouillâmes à l'entrée de la nuit. Nous trouvâmes un jour de différence ainsi que nous devions nous y attendre, on ne comptait au Callao que le 9 du mois d'avril 1770.
Le corps de M. de Surville fut retrouvé et fut enterré avec grande pompe à Chilca. Le Vice-Roi renvoya à M. Labé la croix de St. Louis et les habits trouvés sur son corps avec une partie des ses cheveux pour servir, sans doute, de preuve de sa mort.
Nous n'entrerons dans aucun détail sur les événements qui ont suivi la fin de M. de Surville; cette matière n'est pas susceptible d'être traitée dans un Journal.
A Paris le 4 octobre 1771.
(Signé) P. Monneron.
put in a well-corked bottle. The intention of M. de Surville was not to land himself if the sea was not calm enough, but to send the blackfellow swimming to carry the bottle.
When the boat got within a certain distance of the shore M. de Surville acknowledged the impossibility of going any further. He got the bottle tied round the neck of the black fellow, who threw himself into the water perfectly naked. The bottle not being well secured kept knocking the swimmer on the face, and hurting him dreadfully. He had to try and break the string, and was lucky enough to succeed, or else he would undoubtedly have perished.
This man, who did not think he was exposed to any real danger, turned his gaze towards the boat, and saw her capsize, and M. de Surville and the two sailors swimming and trying with all their might to reach land. Unfortunately for them, they could not get rid of their clothing, and the three of them were drowned. Nothing better can be pointed out in praise of M. de Surville than the sympathy the Minister showed for his death, and his promising M. de Surville's widow that he would make up to the children for the loss of their father. Nothing that we could add would be more glorious to his memory.
Let us terminate this account of that sad catastrophe. The blackfellow, after much trouble, had at last the good fortune to land. Exhausted by fatigue, he fell fainting, and for over half an hour was unconscious. When he came back to his senses he found on the shore the bottle which contained the letter and the hat of M. de Surville. He carried everything to the village, and gave it to the priest of Chilca. This priest had him guided to Lima.
M. de Surville had given orders to M. Labé to put to sea the next day if he, M. de Surville, did not return on board. This order was executed on the 9th, but the winds were so light that we could only manage to reach the port of Callao on the 10th. There we dropped anchor, just at nightfall. We found there a difference of one day, as we had to expect, for there it was only the 9th of April, 1770.
The body of M. de Surville was found and buried at Chilca. The Viceroy sent to M. Labé the Cross of Saint Louis and the clothing found on the body, as well as some of the hair, probably to serve as a proof of the death.
We shall not enter into any details on the events posterior to M. de Surville's death, these events not being suitable to be related in a journal.
Paris, the 4th of October, 1771.
(Signed) P. Monneron.
Extrait du Journal de Pottier de L'Horne, 1er Lieutenant
à bord du St. Jean-Baptiste.
L'arrivée à la Nouvelle-Zélande.
Pendant la nuit il a fait très beau temps, le ciel un peu couvert, joli frais du O. à O.S.O. et la mer très belle; quand il a été jour, j'ai relevé la pointe de babord en entrant dans cette baie à l'Est 1° N. environ 2 lieues, celle de tribord au N. 2° et 1 lieue ½, une autre pointe plus avancée dans la baie et du même côté à O. 3° S. 2 lieues. Entre ces deux dernières pointes paraît une jolie anse auprès de laquelle est un village sur une hauteur qui reste au N.O. ¼ O. environ 2 lieues, toute cette partie est haute et montueuse.
La matinée s'est passée à traiter du poisson pour de la toile avec les sauvages qui sont venus avec leurs pirogues à bord, mais, l'après-midi, on a mis un canot à la mer et le capitaine s'est embarqué dedans avec un officier pour voir et sonder l'une qui est au N.O. ¼ O. ou paraît l'etablissement des sauvages et chercher à connaître les dispositions et le génie de ce peuple auquel nous avons à faire. Ils revinrent à bord sur les 7h du soir, et selon leurs rapports, ce peuple n'est pas si féroce comme celui que trouvait Tasman, à la Baie des Meurtriers; ils ont trouvé que cette anse était très propre à y mettre leA vaisseau en sûreté et plus à l'abri qu'il n'est, ayant vu un très bon fond à pouvoir approcher à une petite encâblure de terre.
La nuit a été très belle, le vent a soufflé joli frais de la partie du O. à 5h on a mis le grand canot à l'eau, n'étant plus capable de mettre la chaloupe, eu égard à la faiblesse de notre équipage. On a embarqué dans le canot des barriques vides et des haches pour apporter de l'eau et du bois a feu. Le capitaine s'y est encore embarqué avec un détachement et un officier; il a fait aussi embarquer tous les malades en état de pouvoir un peu marcher; ils sont tous revenus environ 3 heures de l'apres-midi, ayant dans le-dit canot 10 barriques d'eau, un peu de bois, des légumes auvages que nous avons jugés être de l'ache et du grand cresson qu'ils disent être très abondant; je ne sais si ce grand nombre de personnes a étonné les sauvages ou si, depuis hier, ils ont pris des dispositions contre nous, car à l'arrivée de notre canot à terre ils étaient attroupés et armés ce qu'ils n'avaient pas fait hier; il paraissait y avoir beaucoup de rumeur parmi eux et on a cru remarquer qu'ils étaient disposés à une attaque. Les nôtres n'ont pas témoigné faire attention à cette émeute, ils ont gardé un maintien tranquille, se tenant cependant sur
[Translation.]Extracts from the Journal of Pottier de l'Horne, First
Lieutenant on board the “Saint Jean Baptiste.”
Arrival in New Zealand.
During the night the weather was very fine, the sky a little cloudy, a nice fresh breeze from the west to west-south-west. The sea was very calm. When it was daylight I ascertained the position of the point to larboard on entering the bay on the east 1° about north and 2 leagues; the point to starboard north 2° and 1 ½ leagues. Another point further up in the bay and on the same side west 3°, 2 leagues. Between these two last points appears a nice open bay, near which is a village on a height which rests at north-west ½ west about 2 leagues. All this part is hilly and mountainous.
The morning was spent in trading fish for calico with the Natives, who came on board in their canoes; but in the afternoon we launched a boat and the captain got in with an officer to inspect and sound the point, which is situated at north-west ½ west, where appears the village of the Natives, and tried to get acquainted with the disposition and ways of these people whom we shall have to deal with. They came back on board about 7 p.m., and by their reports the people are not as ferocious as the people Tasman found at Murderers Bay. They have found that that bay was very good for fitting the vessel in safety, and better sheltered than where she is, having seen a very good bottom to enable one to get within a short cable length of the land.
The night has been beautiful; the wind has blown freshly from the west. At 5 a.m. we launched a boat, not being able, on account of the weakness of the crew, to launch the long-boat. We put on board some empty casks and some axes in order to bring back water and firewood. The captain got on board with some men and an officer. He also took on board all the invalids able to walk. They came back at about 3 p.m., having in the boat ten casks of water and a little firewood, some wild vegetables which we found to be a kind of wild parsley and watercress which they said was very abundant. I do not know if this great number of people astonished the Natives, or if since yesterday their dispositions have changed towards us, but at the landing of our boat they were gathered together and armed, which they had not done the day before. There seemed to be a lot of talking among them, and they looked as if they meant to attack us. Our people did not seem to take any notice of these things; they maintained a quiet appearance, although keeping on their guard in case of attack. The chief.
leurs gardes en cas d'attaque. Le chef qui a reçu beaucoup de caresses de M. de Surville, voyant son monde attroupé est venu trouver le capitaine, lui a fait signe de lui prêter son épée, ce qu'il a fait sans difficulté aussitôt qu'il l'a eue entre les mains, il l'a tirée du fourreau, et courant à la première, troupe de son monde, leur a montré cette épée en leur parlant; sans doute qu'il leur faisait entendre que des hommes qui livraient leurs armes n'avaient pas intention de mal faire. Il a ainsi couru tous les pelotons de sauvages et a rapporté l'épée. Après cette cérémonie, ils ont paru apaisés. Comme on creusait un bassin en terre pour conserver l'eau du ruisseau, ils regardaient curieusement cet ouvrage et paraissaient inquiets, mais l'arrivée des barriques qu'on s'est mis à remplir, les a tirés d'embarras, ils ont même aidé à les rouler pleines au bateau de leur plein gré. Cette petite aventure est cause que nous n'avons pu laisser nos pauvres malades qu'environ une heure à terre. Au départ des bateaux, le chef de ce peuple a fait entendre qu'il voulait venir à bord, on l'a attendu et lorsqu'il a été embarqué, on a poussé au large, aussitôt il s'est élevé des cris sur le rivage et des femmes se sont mises à pleurer. Ce bonhomme a fait signe qu'on arrêta le canot, ce qu'on a fait, et connaissant par les cris qu'il entendait qu'on le rappelait, il est demeuré quelque temps réveur et incertain, mais enfin, prenant son parti, il s'est dépouillé de sa pelisse de peau de chien, l'a donnée à M. de Surville et s'est fait remettre à terre, faisant signe qu'il reviendrait à bord demain matin.
Je ne dois pas oublier ici la réception qui fut faite hier à M. de Surville par le chef des sauvages. Il vint le recevoir à la descente du bateau, tout son monde était épars ça et là sur les montagnes et sur le rivage et faisait sans doute honneur au nouvel hôte en secouant toujours du même côté comme pour faire du vent et en se courbant, les uns avec une pelisse de peau à longs poils et, les autres, des paquets d'herbe. Cette cérémonie a du les fatiguer par sa longueur, car elle a commencé d'aussi loin qu'ils ont aperçu le bateau et a continué jusqu'à ce que le capitaine ait mis le pied à terre. Il s'avança avec le chef jusqu'à l'endroit où l'on s'est arrêté. Il s'est assemblé quelques hommes et femmes autour d'eux sans armes et avec un maintien assez pacifique, mais tout cela était changé ce matin comme je l'ai dit d'autre part.
Le temps a été couvert toute la nuit, il a venté assez bon frais; la terre a été chargée de grains depuis O.S.O. jusqu'à O. ¼ N.O. mais qui se sont dissipés par de petites pluies sans augmenter le vent. Sur la fin de la nuit le temps a été assez beau; au jour le vent était S.O. faible et, à 5h. du matin, M. de Surville et moi sommes partis dans chacun un bateau avec un
who has been very well treated by M. de Surville, seeing his people gathered together, came to the captain, and asked him by signs to lend him his sword, which was done without difficulty. As soon as he had it in his hand he drew it from the scabbard, and, running to the nearest of his people, showed them the sword whilst speaking to them. Without doubt he explained to them that people who delivered their arms in such a way could have no bad intentions. He went to every group of Natives, and then brought back the sword. After this ceremony the Natives seemed to be pacified. As our men were digging a hole in the ground to gather the water from the creek they looked on very attentively, and seemed to be anxious, but the arrival of the casks which our men started to fill up reassured them, and they even helped us to roll the casks without being asked to do so. This adventure was the reason why we could only leave our sick ones on land for an hour. At the departure of the boats the chief made us understand that he wished to come on board. We waited for him, and as soon as he was on board we put to sea. Then immediately cries were heard from the shore, and the women started to weep. The chief made a sign to stop the boat, which was done; and, knowing by the cries he heard that they were calling him back, he remained some time thinking and uncertain, but at last making up his mind, he took off his cloak, made of dog-skins, gave it to M. de Surville, got us to put him back to land, making signs that he would come on board next morning.
I must not forget here to relate about the reception given yesterday to M. de Surville by the chief of the Natives. He came to receive him when landing. All his people were scattered here and there on the hills and on the shore, and they were without doubt doing honour to the new guest by bending and shaking themselves always on the same side, so as to make a draught, some with a mantle made of skin with long hair and some with bundles of grass. That ceremony must have tired them by its length, for it started as soon as they saw the boat and lasted until the captain landed. The captain then advanced with the chief as far as the place where our people stopped. Then several men and women gathered round them without arms and with rather pacific countenance; but all that was changed this morning, as I said above.
The weather has been very cloudy all night, with rather a fresh wind. Many gusts of wind blew from the land from W.S.W. to W. ¼ N.W., but they ceased with a light rain without the wind getting stronger. Towards the end of the night the weather was rather fine. At daybreak the wind was slight, from S.W., and at 5 a.m. M. de Surville and myself went each
détachement et M. de Saint Paul qui en est l'officier, pour aller a terre conduire nos malades encore en état de pouvoir marcher, avec des haches et des barriques pour répéter la même opération que le jour précédent. Mais, arrivant à terre, nous avons encore trouvé les sauvages assemblés et armés, à l'exception du chef qui nous a reçus au bord du rivage et nous a fait signe de la main de ne pas avancer tous ensemble; après avoir attendu la fin d'un second conseil qui a duré environ une demiheure, le chef s'est avancé vers M. de Surville qui, après l'avoir embrassé, lui a fait présent d'une hache, d'une barrique vide et d'un seau qu'il lui avait demandés le jour précédent, il lui a mis un beau plumet blanc neuf autour de la tête (car ces peuples aiment beaucoup la plume, particulièrement la blanche) le sauvage s'est laissé attacher cet ornement avec assez d'indifférence et l'a embrassé à leur façon (j'en parlerai par la suite) et lui joignant un doigt contre le sien, à tâché de lui faire entendre qu'il voulait vivre en bonne intelligence avec lui, je ne sais s'il l'a bien compris, mais malgrè toutes ces caresses, le sauvage lui a battu froid; néanmoins on a rempli les barriques d'eau et coupé du bois que nous avons apporté à bord avec des légumes qu'eux-mêmes nous ont arrachés auprès de leurs cases.
Environ 3h½ de l'après-midi nous avons appareillè le vaisseau avec un vent depuis l'O. à O. ¼ N.O. Nous avons couru plusieurs bordées et sondé de temps en temps depuis 24 brasses jusqu'à 18. Le fond a varié, c'est à dire que nous avons trouvé quel-quefois du gravier seulement, corail et gravier et enfin du sable très fin. Nous avons mouillé par ce dernier fond de 18 brasses, environ 7h ½ du soir, ayant le village de l'anse où nous avons affaire à O. ¼ N.O. distance de ⅔ de lieue. La plus proche terre qui est un morne au N.O. ¼ N. 4 ½ N. ¼ de lieue; une pointe dans le S. du village à O.S.O. 4 S. ⅔ de lieue; une autre pointe plus S. et plus O. au S.O. ¼ O. une lieue ½. Tous ces relèvements forment une anse dans laquelle nous nous proposons d'aller au 1er temps favorable afin d'y être encore plus à l'abri et à même de protéger nos travailleurs à terre ainsi que nos malades si l'on s'y établit. J'ai observé dans cette baie la latitude S. de ¾ 52.
Le temps a été assez beau jusqu'à minuit et le vent assez fort du S.O. au S.S.O. à 5h du matin il était à grains ce qui nous a fait chasser et filer du câble 80 brasses, alors le vaisseau a tenu et le temps a continué à grains et pluie jusqu'au soir.
La nuit a été assez belle, le vent de moyenne force du S.S.O. au S.O. et S. ¼ S.O. Ce matin à 5h 3 pirogues sont venues, dans
in a boat with a troop of men of which M. de St. Paul is the officer in charge, to take those of our sick ones who are able to walk, with axes and casks, to repeat the same operation of the previous day. But when landing we again found the Natives gathered together and armed, except the chief who received us on the edge of the water, and made us signs not to advance all together. After waiting for the end of a council, which lasted about half an hour, the chief advanced towards M. de Surville, who, after kissing him, made him a present of a hatchet, an empty cask, and a bucket which he had asked for the day before, and put on his head a beautiful white aigrette of feathers (for these people are very fond of feathers, especially white ones). The Native allowed himself rather indifferently to be so ornamented, and then kissed M. de Surville in the Native fashion (about which I shall speak later on). He then joined one of his own fingers with one of M. de Surville's, and tried to make him understand that he wished to live on good terms with him. I do not know if M. de Surville understood him very well, but in spite of all these caresses the Natives appeared very cold to him. However, the casks were filled up with water and some firewood was cut, which was brought on board with some vegetables which the Natives themselves pulled up from near their huts.
About 3.30 p.m. we set sail with a wind from W. to W. ¼ N.W. We tacked several times and sounded from time to time from 24 to 18 fathoms. The bottom was changeable—that is, we found sometimes gravel only, sometimes gravel and coral, and lastly some very fine sand. We dropped anchor where we found the sand, at about 18 fathoms, at 8 p.m., having the village where we were trading W. ½ N.W. at a distance of about two-thirds of a league. The nearest land (which is a small mountain) is to N.W. ¼ N. ½° N. about a quarter of a league; a point to the S. of the village to the W.S.W. 4° S. two thirds of a league; another point more S. and more W. to the S.W. ½ W. a league and a half. All these different points form a bay in which we propose to go at the first favourable weather in order to be in better shelter so as to protect our working men and our sick ones on land if we establish ourselves there. I have observed the latitude in this bay S. of ¾ 52.
The weather was fine enough until midnight, but the wind was rather strong from the S.W. to the S.S.W. At 5 a.m. it was stormy, which caused us to drift and to let go 80 fathoms of our cable. Then the vessel held, and the weather continued stormy, with rain, until the evening.
The night was rather fine, the wind fair, from S.S.W. to the S.W. and S. ¼ S.W. This morning at about 5 o'clock three canoes
l'une était le chef d'un village voisin de celui-ci, ils ont monté à bord, on les a conduits à la chambre du conseil et on les a bien accueillis. Le capitaine a fait présent au nouveau chef d'une calebasse et d'une camisole semblable à celle qu'il donna au premier et une couverture de lit de laine verte qui lui a fait envie. Peu après ils s'en sont retournés après avoir fortement engagé d'aller à terre.
Environ 11h nous avons appareillé de ce mouillage après avoir en beaucoup de peine à lever notre ancre quoi qu'on se fut servi d'un appareil et nous avons couru une bordée au S.S.E. jusqu'à midi que l'on a viré de bord à celle du N.N.O. Le vent était alors au S.S.O. joli frais. On a sondé de temps en temps et trouvé 23, 19, et 18 brasses fond de coquillages pourris et gravier enfin à 1h ¼ on a mouillé par 18 brasses et filé 100 brasses de câble, au bout desquelles on a laissé tomber une autre ancre du bossoir pour affourcher de suite, on a viré sur le 1er câble et filé du dernier jusqu'à 40 brasses après quoi fait les relèvements suivants. (Détails hydrographiques inutiles.)
La nuit dernière a été très belle, le ciel clair et serein, quelquefois calme, ou un petit frais. Aux environs du jour, il a commencé à venter joli frais. A 6h du matin il est arrivé plusieurs pirogues à bord et le chef était dans une qui nous a apporté beaucoup de légumes. Lorsqu'il a été à bord, M. de Surville lui à fait tirer un coup de canon du gaillard d'avant, à boulet en mer au bruit et effet duquel il a paru fort étonné et il est resté en extase. A 6h ½ le capitaine est allé à terre avec l'escorte ordinaire, emportant avec lui 2 petits cochons, mâle et femelle, pour faire présent au chef afin d'en multiplier l'espèce dans le pays. Un second bateau est parti en même temps portant les malades à terre. Environ 9h est revenu un de nos bateaux apportant du poisson que M. de Surville a traité à terre et à 2h de l'après midi, ils sont tous revenus avec de l'eau et du bois comme d'ordinaire.
Aujourd'hui les sauvages ne se sont point assemblés, tout s'est passé paisiblement, mais quoi qu'il en soit, M. de Surville a décidé de ne point faire de tente à terre et on n'ira à l'avenir que comme par le passé. Nous avons mangé beaucoup de cresson, surtout au souper dont nous avons ressenti des effets singuliers, principalement 4 de l'Etat-Major dont j'étais du nombre; le visage nous est devenu rouge, tout le corps brûlant, le sang très agitè dans toutes les parties du corps, un goût de sang à la bouche et au nez, moi particulièrement, j'ai eu 2 fois cet accès en moins d'une heure après souper.
La nuit a été comme la précédente, très belle, il y a eu une petite fraîcheur du S.S.O. au S.O. De grand matin sont arrivés
came. In one was the chief of a neighbouring village. They got on board and were taken to the council chamber, where they were well received. The captain presented the new chief with a gourd and a shirt similar to the one he had given to the first chief, and a green woollen blanket, which he seemed to take a fancy to. Shortly after they departed, strongly urging us to go on land.
About 11 a.m. we sailed from that anchorage, experiencing much difficulty in drawing up our anchor, although we used the capstan, and we sailed to the S.S.E. until noon, when we tacked to the N.N.W. The wind was then rather fresh from the S.S.W. We sounded now and then, and found the bottom 23, 19, and 18 fathoms. Here the bottom was of rotten shells and gravel. At last, at a quarter past 1 p.m., we weighed anchor in 18 fathoms, and let go 100 fathoms of cable, and then dropped another anchor to moor across at once. We then pulled on the first cable, and let go the second until 40 fathoms, after that we made the following observations. [Hydrographic details.]
Last night the sky was very fine, blue, and clear. The weather was sometimes calm and sometimes breezy. Near day-break it started to blow rather freshly. At 6 a.m. several canoes made their appearance near us, and the chief, who was in one of them, brought us lots of vegetables. When he came on board M. de Surville had one of the big guns fired with a ball, for him, aiming at the open sea. At the noise and effect of the ball he appeared very astonished, and remained thinking. At 6.30 a.m. the captain went on shore, taking with him the usual escort, and also two little pigs, male and female, to present them to the chief to breed from. Another boat started at the same time, taking the sick ones to the land. At about 9 a.m. one of the boats came back bringing some fish which M. de Surville had bought on land, and at 2 p.m. they all came back with water and firewood as usual.
To-day the Natives did not gather themselves together. Everything went on peacefully. However, M. de Surville has decided not to establish any camp on land, and henceforward we will do as we have done so far. We have eaten quantities of watercress, especially at supper, and we have experienced funny feelings, especially four of the staff, of which I was one. Our faces became quite crimson, our temperature very high, the pulse very quick in all parts of the body, a taste of blood in the mouth and nostrils; I myself had two such attacks after supper.
The night was like the previous one, very fine. The wind got a little fresher from S.S.W. to S.W. Very early in the
plusieurs bateaux du pays à bord. Le chef était dans l'un, ils n'ont rien apporté, et environ 6h, M. de Surville est allé à terre comme d'ordinaire. Quelque temps après, un de nos bateaux est arrivé à bord avec du poisson, et, l'après-midi, tout notre monde est revenu à l'ordinaire.
La nuit dernière nous est mort du scorbut un des malheureux insulaires de l'île Bashi enlevés à leur patrie. On est parti ce matin comme à l'ordinaire pour aller à terre.
A 6h du matin M. de Surville est parti avec trois de nos bateaux, 2 officiers et les malades pour aller à une anse près du fond de la baie qu'on avait remarquée hier en pêchant dans cette partie à 8h du soir ils sont revenus avec de l'eau qu'ils ont fait avec une grande facilité, une assez bonne quantité de poisson que nos gens y ont pris à la séne et du bois beaucoup plus facile à couper que celui de l'anse qui est vis-a-vis notre vaisseau.
A 5h du matin, on est encore parti avec 3 bateaux pour cette même anse du fond de la baie; j'ai été dans l'un avec les malades et le chirurgien-major; à 3h de l'après-midi, le vent de l'Est a commencé à fraîchir ce qui ne nous a pas empéchés de continuer de séner par trois fois différentes; environ 5h nous nous sommes tous embarqués pour retourner au vaisseau; j'avais dans mon bateau tous les malades, ce qui faisait avec les rameurs, le chirurgien-major et moi, 33 hommes, il y avait de plus 3 barriques d'eau, du bois à feu, les chaudières et haches et un petit bateau à la traîne du mien qui avait servi pour la commodité de descendre au rivage à pied sec. En quittant l'anse où nous avions passé le jour entier, j'ai mis à la voile pour gagner le vent de cette baie d'où j'eus gagné le vaisseau en l'autre bord, mais le mât était trop faible, il a cassé, ce qui m'a obligé de tenter mon retour à bord à la rame, mais le bateau était trop chargé et celui qui était à la traîne nous empêchait de gagner, en sorte que voyant qu'il fraichissait de plus en plus, que la nuit était faite, qu'il y avait des roches à fleur d'eau auprès desquelles il fallait passer du côté du vent et que les rameurs étaient fatigués, j'ai fait mouiller la grappin pour leur donner le temps de prendre un peu de repos, espérant aussi que le vent calmerait, mais tout le contraire il a augmenté de plus en plus ce qui m'a fait prendre la résolution environ 9h de lever le grappin pour retourner chercher l'abri de l'anse d'où nous étions partis; il était grand temps, car le vent a augmenté tout à coup et a passé au N.E. venant droit de l'ouverture de la baie, ce qui a rendu la mer si mauvaise que nous avons manqué de remplir plusieurs fois, quoique nous fissions vent arrière. La nuit était si obscure que nous ne pouvions apercevoir les écueils sur les quels nous avons manqué de tomber deux fois
morning several native boats came near our vessel. The chief was in one of them. They did not bring anything with them, and at about 6 a.m. M. de Surville went on shore as usual. Some time later on one of the boats returned with some fish, and in the afternoon all our people returned as usual.
Last night one of the Natives we brought from Bashy Island We started as usual this morning for the land.
At 6 in the morning M. de Surville started with three of our boats, two officers, and the sick ones, to go to the cove at the bottom of the bay which we had noticed yesterday while fishing there. At 8 p.m. they came back with water which they got quite easily, a good quantity of fish which our people caught with a net, and some firewood, much easier to chop than that which was got from the cove opposite the vessel.
At 5 a.m. they again started in three boats for the same cove at the bottom of the bay. I went in one with the sick ones and the chief surgeon. At 3 p.m. the wind from the east began to freshen, but that did not prevent us from throwing the net three times. At about 5 o'clock we all got into the boats to go back to the vessel. I had in my boat all the sick ones, the surgeon, and myself, and thirty-three men, besides three casks of water, some firewood, the boilers, and the axes. We had in our train a little boat which we had used for getting on shore dry-footed. When leaving the cove where we had spent the whole day I hoisted the sail in order to catch the wind from that bay so as to get to our vessel on the offside, but the mast was too weak; it broke, and I was obliged to attempt my return to the vessel with oars. But the boat was overloaded, and the little boat we were towing prevented us from gaining any way; as the wind was getting stronger and stronger, and the night had come, and there were breakers near which we had to pass and the rowers were tired, I cast anchor to give them time to rest, hoping, too, that the wind would drop; but, on the contrary, the wind got stronger, which decided me, at about 9 o'clock, to pull up our anchor in order to go and shelter in the cove from where we had come. It was time, for the wind got yet stronger, and passed to the N.E., coming straight from the opening of the bay, and that rendered the sea so bad that we were nearly swamped several times, although the wind was behind us. The night was so dark that we could not see the breakers into which we nearly went twice, for we came so near them that we touched them with our oars. Besides the little boat we were towing was twice thrown on our oars, although the towing-line was fairly long; it bumped against our own boat several times. Another
puisque nous les avons approchés jusqu'à les toucher avec les rames. D'un autre côté, le petit bateau que nous avions à la remorque a été jeté 2 fois par la lame jusqu'à gêner les rames, quoiqu'il fût bien filé de l'arrière et plusieurs autres fois est venu frapper avec violence le couronnement de notre canot; autre inconvénient, notre canot prenait tant d'èlan, tant par le fond que par celle que les lames jetaient dedans que nos pauvres malades étaient presque flottants. L'encombrement empêchait de bien la jeter dehors, il eût fallu démonter au moins une rame pour dégager le bateau a fin de mieux retirer l'eau mais comme il fallait fuir à la lame le plus promptement possible pour ne pas abimer sous son volume, je me suis contenté d'en faire jeter le plus qu'il a été possible sans rien déranger. Enfin, près d'arriver à l'anse où nous allions chercher l'abri, nous avons touché le devant du canot sur une roche qui est à la pointe du S.E. avant de l'apercevoir, nous nous en sommes heureusement retirés sans recevoir beaucoup d'eau. Mais le bateau y est resté quelque temps le devant fort élevé et le couronnement au ras de l'eau. Dès ce moment, j'ai fait observer à tout le monde un profond silence afin de n'être pas entendus des sauvages qui habitent sur le haut de cette pointe, dans la crainte qu'ils n'eussent pensés que nous profitions de l'obscurité de la nuit pour les aller surprendre et quand nous avons été assez avancés dans l'anse pour y avoir de l'abri, j'ai fait mouiller le grappin et couvrir tout le monde, particulièrement les malades avec la voile du bateau, ensuite j'ai fait jeter l'eau hors du bateau et fait bonne garde, crainte qu'il ne parut des sauvages.
Sitôt que le jour a été bien formé j'ai fait approcher le canot du rivage et descendre tout mon monde à terre où j'ai fait faire grand feu pour les réchauffer; quelque temps après, quelques sauvages ont paru et sont venus près de nous. Le chef de cette anse était du nombre, je lui ai fait entendre par des signes que notre retour était occasionné par le mauvais temps qui nous a empêchés de regagner le vaisseau, ce qu'il a très bien compris. Comme nous avions du poisson dans notre bateau que nous avions serré la veille, j'en ai partagé la moitié à tout le monde, et gardé l'autre pour le lendemain au cas qu'il ne nous fût pas possible de retourner à bord du vaisseau, car c'était tout ce que nous avions de vivres. Mais j'ai été fort agréablement surpris lorsqu'une espèce de chef d'entre ces sauvages est venu à moi avec du poisson séché qu'il me faisait apporter par un autre sauvage, je le reçus en lui faisant signe que je n'avais rien à lui donner en échange, il me fit signe qu'il ne me demandait rien, et de plus, m'offrait sa case pour nous loger tous; cette offre paraissait partir d'un cœur vraiment humain, et touché
inconvenience was caused by our boat taking in so much water, either from the bottom or from the waves, that our sick ones were almost floating. We were so crowded that it was only with great difficulty we could bail out. We would have to take care of one oar at least, so as to free the bailers; but as we had to make as much way as possible with the waves, so as not to be swamped, I contented myself in getting rid of as much water as possible without disturbing anything. Finally, when we were getting near the little cove where we were seeking shelter, the front of our boat touched on a rock on the S.E. point before we could see it. We got off, fortunately, without shipping much water. But the boat remained on the rock for some time, the front part very high and the back part very close to the water. From that moment I ordered everybody to keep silent, so as not to be heard by the Natives living on the hill on that point, for fear they would think we were taking advantage of the darkness of the night to surprise them; and when we had advanced far enough in the cove to get good shelter, I ordered the anchor to be dropped, and saw that every one in the boat was covered, especially the sick ones, with the sail of the boat. Afterwards I got the boat bailed out, and kept good watch, for fear of the Natives.
As soon as it was daylight I got the boat on shore, and landed all my people, and had a big fire lit, in order to warm them up. Some time after a few Natives appeared, and came near us. The chief of this cove was amongst them. I made him understand by signs that our coming back was caused by the bad weather, which prevented us from getting back to the vessel. He understood quite well. As we had some fish in our boat, which we had saved from the day before, I divided half of it amongst everybody, and kept the other half for the morrow, in case we could not get back to the vessel, for it was all the food we had. But I was very agreeably surprised when a kind of chief among the Natives came to me with some dry fish, carried by another Native. I received it, making signs to the chief that I had nothing to give him in return. He made signs to me that he did not wish for anything, and that he offered his hut to shelter the lot of us. Although this offer seemed to come from a really human heart, sorry for the accident which prevented us from
de l'accident qui nous empêchait de retourner à bord, mais je ne jugeai pas convenable de m'y fier.
Environ 8h quand mon monde eut dejeuné, j'expédiai 8 hommes avec leurs armes pour aller à l'anse Chevalier par terre en passant sur la montagne qui séparait la dite anse d'avec celleci, afin de tenter les moyens d'aller à bord du vaisseau demander des vivres, vu que le temps ne nous permettait pas de sortir de cette anse; le Chirurgien-Major se chargea d'y aller avec eux ainsi armés. Après le départ de ce détachement, je me couchai sur quelques branchages d'arbre que j'avais étendus près du feu sur lesquelles je m'endormis, mais environ ¾ d'heure après, je fus réveillé aux cris de quelqu'un de nos gens qui avaient monté sur une petite hauteur en se promenant et qui rapportait que le vaisseau était jeté au fond de la baie par le vent et la mer; le croyant en perdition, sur le champ je me transportai sur la hauteur de la pointe de cette anse, d'où je l'aperçus en effet au fond de la baie dans le Sud fort près de terre en travers au vent et faisant de trés grand roulis, ma crainte fut d'abord qu'il ne se trouvât échoué, mais peu de temps après, j'aperçus qu'il appareillait la misaine et qu'il cherchait l'abri de terre en se retirant de l'ouverture de cette baie, en effet, environ 2h de l'après-midi, j'ai vu à ma grande satisfaction qu'il a mouillé à peu près dans le Sud de la pointe qui forme l'anse où nous étions et qu'ayant filé une très longue touée le vaisseau y est resté tranquille; tout de suite on a dégréé les vergues et mats de perroquets et amené les basses vergues, mais le vent a continué de la même force et de la même partie jusqu'à la nuit suivante qu'il a passé peu à peu vers l'Est mais encore avec plus de force qu'auparavant, il a passé par gradation au S. de là a l'Ouest, en sorte qu'environ le jour, il était au Nord et, à 7h, revenu au N.O. mais avec beaucoup moins de force et la mer moins grosse.
Le détachement que j'avais envoyé à l'autre anse, revint l'après midi et me rapporta qu'il avait vu le vaisseau prêt à périr sur les rochers de l'Anse Chevalier. Nous passâmes encore cette nuit à terre sous une tente que j'avais fait faire, nous y fîmes bonne garde et la mer qui surmonta par la force du vent vint jusque dans la tente quoiqu'elle fut éloignée du lieu où la mer montait ordinairement, j'avais en soin aussi de faire échouer notre canot à cause de la mer qui le fatiguait énormément.
De bon matin, je fis tout préparer pour nous en aller à bord, je fis remettre le canot à l'eau et embarquer tout le monde avec nos victuailles le plus vite qu'il fût possible et, enfin, nous arrivâmes environ les 3h du matin à bord du vaisseau que je trouvai sur une ancre à fond. C'était la seule qui lui restait,
going back to the vessel, I did not think it prudent to trust to it.
At about 8 o'clock, after my people had breakfasted, I sent eight men, with arms, to Chevalier Cove, going by land over the hill which divided the above-named cove from the one we were in, in order to attempt to get on board the vessel, to get some food, as the weather would not permit us to get out of the cove we were in. The chief surgeon went in command of them. After the departure of this troop I laid down on some branches I had spread on the ground near the fire, and went to sleep. But about three-quarters of an hour afterwards I was awakened by the cries of some of my people, who had taken a walk to the top of a little hill, and who announced that the vessel had been blown to the bottom of the bay by the wind and the sea. Thinking she was in danger of getting wrecked, I at once went to the top of the hill on the point, from where I saw her at the bottom of the bay, in the south, very near the land, broadside to the wind, and rolling very much. At first I was afraid that she was on the rocks, but shortly afterwards I saw her making sail and take to shelter by getting away from the opening of the bay. Indeed, about 2 p.m. I saw to my great satisfaction that she had dropped anchor in the south of the point, forming the cove where we were, and that having let go a good deal of cable, the vessel remained there quite quietly. At once they unrigged the yards and topmasts and brought in the low yards. But the wind continued with the same strength and from the same quarter until the following night, when it changed a little towards the east, but still as strong as ever; it passed gradually to the south, from there to the west: in short, by daylight it blew from the north, and at 7 o'clock it was coming from the N.W., but not so strongly, and the sea was calmer.
The troops I had sent to the other cove came back in the afternoon and reported that they had seen the vessel in danger of perishing on the rocks of Chevalier Cove. We spent the second night under a tent which I had had erected. We kept a good watch on the sea, which rose a great deal with the strong wind; it came as far as the tent, and that was far above the spot it usually rose to. I had taken care to have our boat pulled ashore, for the sea was tossing her about.
Early in the morning I got everything ready to go back to the vessel; I got the boats launched, and everybody on board, with our provisions, as quickly as possible, and at last, at 3 a.m., we boarded the vessel, which I found riding on a bottom anchor. That was the only one left, with the exception of a
si j'en excepte une petite ancre à jet qu'il avait sur le bord et j'appris ce qui s'eétait passé pendant le mauvais temps comme il suit.
De minuit à 4h du matin le vent ayant augmenté et la mer étant devenue fort grosse, on mouilla une 3e ancre parce que le vaisseau chassait. Le vent ayant encore augmenté, le câble d'affour avait cassé. Le vaisseau a chassé sans discontinuer quoiqu'on ne cessa de filer du câble de la 3e ancre mouillée; il tombait sensiblement sur les grosses roches contre lesquelles la mer brisait horriblement et n'en était plus qu'à une portée de fusil à balle lorsqu'on se determina a appareiller; il fallait une prompte manœuvre et de tout l'equipage délabré il manquait 15 ou 20 hommes en état de travailler qui étaient avec moi, mais il n'y avait que ce parti à prendre ou celui de couper les mâts, sans quoi il n'y avait pas de salut. Il fut done ordonné de couper un câble, le dernier mouillé, et de filer l'autre sur le bout, cela s'est exécuté tandis qu'on tâchait de faire abattre le vaisseau par tribord, mais le vaisseau était droit debout au vent qui ne prenait point sur le petit foc qu'on avait hissé et ne faisait que jeter le vaisseau sur les roches et il n'en était plus qu'à portée de pistolet, où il ressentait la mer terrible. Heureusement on parvint à brasser la vergue de misaine à babord, ce qui fit abattre sur tribord; ensuite on le contrebrassa et on borda l'artimon pour empêcher une trop grande arrivée qui aurait également jeté sur l'autre roche, la misaine étant éventée et le vaisseau taillant de l'avant. Il est heureusement sorti d'entre ces terribles écueils. La yolle qui était remplie d'eau a cassé son amarre et s'est perdue; on a dirigé la route pour venir chercher l'abri de l'anse où j'étais lorsqu'on a été un peu au large, on a serré le Petit Foc, cargué la misaine et coupé l'artimon à coups de couteaux parce que la force du vent ne permettait pas de le carguer. On est resté à sec pour avoir le temps d'entalinguer un câble à la dernière ancre. (C'est alors que je voyais le vaisseau au fond de la Baie en travers, roulant beaucoup et que je le jugeai fort près de terre.) Cet ouvrage étant fini on gouverna vers l'anse où il est mouillé, on y jeta l'ancre à 2 heures de l'après-midi et on fila 120 brasses de cable, peu après, on mouilla une ancre à jet au ⅔ de la touée du câble. Ensuite on cala les mâts de hunes, vergues, &c., &c. Lorsqu'on finissait cet ouvrage, la Barre du gouvernail cassa au ras de la mortoise, on en remit une autre qui cassa au même instant. Dans la situation où était le vaisseau, cette Barre n'importait pas beaucoup, car si le câble fût venu à manquer, le navire était perdu sans ressource, mais il pouvait se faire que ce malheur n'arrivât que lorsque le vent changerait; dans ce cas la Barre était indispensable pour sortir. Ce changement de vent était
small one she was carrying on the side, and I then learnt what had happened during the bad weather, as follows:—
From midnight to 4 a.m., the wind having become stronger and the sea being very bad, they dropped a third anchor, as the vessel was drifting; as the wind still got stronger, one of the cables broke. The vessel drifted continually, although they did not stop giving more cable to the third anchor. She was perceptibly drifting to the big rocks, against which the sea was breaking horribly. The rocks were only at a distance of musket-range from the vessel when it was decided to make sail. Quick work was necessary, and from the dilapidated crew fifteen or twenty men were missing, who were with me. But that was the only thing to do, or else cut down the masts. Without that no salvation was possible. The order was then given to cut a cable, the one of the last anchor dropped, and to let go the other. The order was executed while they tried to make the vessel lay to starboard, but the vessel was straight to the wind, which did not act on the little jib which had been hoisted, and only threw the vessel on the rocks, and she was only a pistol shot from them, and suffering terribly from the sea. Fortunately they succeeded in working the arm of the foresail to larboard, which threw the vessel on starboard. Then they braced it about, and they gathered the mizzen sheets in order to check too much way, which would have thrown the vessel on the opposite rock, the mizzen being loose and the vessel going forward. She fortunately got away from those terrible breakers. The little boat on tow broke her line, and was lost. The route was given so as to reach shelter in the little cove where I was. When they were in freer seas they furled the jib, gathered the foresail, and cut away the mizzen sheet with knives, because the strength of the wind did not allow them to gather it. They then laid to, in order to have time to tie a cable to the last anchor. (It was then that I saw the vessel at the far end of the bay, rolling a great deal, and that I judged her to be very near land.) That being done, they directed the vessel towards the cove where she is now. They dropped anchor at 2 p.m., and let go 120 fathoms of cable. Soon after, they dropped another small anchor, about two-thirds of the length of the cable. After that they lowered the topmast, the yards, &c. While they were finishing this work the tiller broke close to the rudder. They rigged another, which broke almost immediately. In the situation where the vessel found herself that bar was not of much importance, because if the anchor-cable had broken the vessel would have been lost for a certainty. But it was possible that that misfortune would not happen
done ce qui pouvait arriver de plus heureux (du moins pour ceux qui étaient à bord), au cas que le câble vint à manquer. Mais, heureusement, qu'il a tenu bon et que le vent a changé vers les 10 heures du soir. Il a soufflé avec violence par rafales de cette partie, mais comme le vaisseau n'en resentait que le trait ce qui donnait beaucoup moins d'inquietude, en sorte qu'on a passé toute la nuit sans barre au gouvernail jusqu'au lendemain au soir qu'on a fini d'en faire une 3éme de deux pièces de bois. Le reste de la journée s'est passe à guinder les mâts de hunes, basses, vergues, &c., &c., embarguer nos canots et le petit bateau que j'avais à la remorque.
Le vent du N.O. à O.N.O. étant encore très fort fit casser le grêlin vers les 5h du matin, mais comme on rafraichit le câble sur le champ et qui continua de tenir bon, l'inquiétude ne fut pas grande et les alarmes se dissipèrent; à 8h j'arrivas done à bord avec mes deux bateaux, ramenant tout mon troupeau sans en avoir perdu, mais ayant quelques malades fort mal, tant par le froid que par la pluie. Le vent continua à O.S.O. et reprit force avec beaucoup de pluie, en sorte que si j'eus tardé une demi-heure de plus à terre, je n'aurais pu m'en venir ce jour-la à bord. Dans l'après-midi on gréa la petite barre du gouvernail dans la grande chambre.
Pendant la nuit le vent souffla du S.O. par rafales et grand frais. On trouvera ci-joint le plan de cette baie que j'ai relevé ainsi que la carte réduite de tout ce que nous avons vu de cette terre.
Le temps a été fort beau, on remit le grand canot à la mer, M. de Surville s'y est embarqué avec un officier le Chirurgien-Major et l'Ecrivain pour aller à terre à l'anse dans laquelle j'étais retourné avec mes deux bateaux pendant le mauvais temps; on l'a nommée depuis l'Anse du Refuge. Ils revinrent l'après-midi et rapportèrent quelques légumes, du bois et quelques barriques d'eau.
Vers 8 heures du matin, parcourant avec une lunette d'approche, sans sortir du vaisseau, tous les rivages de cette baie, on aperçut notre yolle au fond de la baie vers l'Est de la pointe de l'Anse du Refuge; M. de Surville s'embarqua avec plusieurs de nos messieurs dans le canot, bien armés comme à l'ordinaire, pour l'aller reprendre et l'amener à bord. Mais nous aperçumes du bord qu'elle disparaissait peu a peu parce que les sauvages la tiraient dans les broussailles, de sorte que M. de Surville ne la trouvant pas, s'adressa aux sauvages qu'il rencontra dans cet endroit où il y avait un assez grand village pour leur demander ce qu'elle était devenue, mais comme il
before a change in the wind, and then it was impossible to do without the tiller. A change in the wind was, then, what would be the best that could happen (at least, for those on board) in case the cable broke. But, fortunately, the cable held good, and the wind changed at about 10 p.m. It kept blowing in violent squalls from the same quarter, but as the vessel did not feel it much they were not very anxious, and passed the whole night without a tiller, until the next evening, when they managed to make a third tiller with two pieces of wood. The remainder of the day was passed in fixing up the topmast and yards, and getting our boats on board, including the little boat I had in tow.
The wind was from N.W. to W.N.W., being yet very strong. The second cable broke towards 5 a.m., but, as they let go more of the first cable at once, which held on, their anxiety was not very great, and their fears vanished. At 8 o'clock I arrived on board with my two boats, bringing back with me every member of my flock without having lost a single one, but a few of the sick ones were rather bad through the cold and rain. The wind continued to the W.S.W., and became much stronger, with lots of rain, so that if I had delayed my departure only half an hour I should not have been able to get to the vessel that day. In the afternoon they fixed up the bar of the rudder in the next room.
During the night the wind blew from the S.W. in squalls. One will find herewith the plan of that bay, which I took, with the chart of all that we saw of the land.
The weather has been very fine. We again launched the longboat; M. de Surville got in it with an officer, the chief surgeon, and the writer, in order to land in the small cove in which I had gone back with my two boats during the bad weather. That cove has since been named “Refuge Cove.” We returned to the vessel in the afternoon, bringing back some vegetables, some firewood, and a few casks of water.
Towards 8 a.m., surveying all the shores of the bay from the vessel with a marine glass, we perceived our little dingy at the end of the bay towards the east of the point of Refuge Cove. M. de Surville got on board a boat with several of our officers, all well armed as usual, to go and get the dingy, and bring it back to the vessel. But from the vessel we could see the dingy disappearing little by little, as the Natives were pulling her in the scrub. In short, M. de Surville, not finding her, addressed himself to the Natives present, as there was a large village in that place, and asked them what had become of the dingy. Not getting any satisfaction from them, he got
n'en put tirer de la satisfaction il se fâcha contre eux; il en fit enlever un de force et conduire au canot les mains liées où il fut gardé à vue, et fit mettre le feu au village, aux pirogues et aux filets qu'il rencontra au rivage; ensuite il parcourut tous les environs de cet endroit en cherchant la yolle qu'il ne trouva pas et revint l'après-midi a bord avec le prisonnier qui se trouva être le même qui m'avait fait apporter du poisson séché lorsque j'étais sans vivres à l'Anse du Refuge pendant le mauvais temps.
Je fus touché de la plus grande compassion à l'arrivée de ce pauvre malheureux à bord, qui me reconnaissant, et ignorant quel serait son sort, se jeta à mes geuoux, me les embrassa fortement, ensuite se releva pour m'embrasser aussi fort le corps, les larmes aux yeux et me disant des choses que je n'entendais pas, mais me faisant signe qu'il était l'homme qui m'avait fait apporter du poisson dans un temps que ni moi ni ceux qui avaient eu le malheur de ne pouvoir regagner le vaisseau, n'avions pas de quoi subsister. Cet homme paraissait me demander sa grâce, ou me prier de la demander, je fis mon possible pour le consoler et lui faire entendre qu'on ne voulait lui faire aucun mal, ce qui fut inutile, car il ne cessa de pleurer, surtout lorsqu'il se vit mettre des fers aux pieds pour s'assurer de sa personne.
Extrait du Journal de Pottier de L'Horne, Lieutenant
du vaisseau Le St. Jean Baptiste pour le Voyage des
découvertes dans le Sud commencé en 1769 et fini
en 1773. (Commandant M. de Surville qui périt à la C te
du Pérou devant Chilca).
Description et remarques de la Baie Lauriston a la N'velle Zélande, des habitants, du terrain et des productions de la partie de cette terre que nous avons fréquentée.
La terre, qui porte dans la carte le nom de Nouvelle-Zéélande fut découverte par Abel Tasman le 13 décembre 1642, il la cotoya depuis les 42° 10 de latitude Sud jusque par les 34° 35 aussi Sud. Ce qu'il en dit ne nous donne pas de grandes lumières sur ce pays et m'a paru faux dans quelques points.
Ces peuples sont d'une taille assez haute en général, mais sans être gigantesque, on en trouve même d'assez petits, témoin celui que nous avons enlevé; ils seraient bien faits s'ils n'avaient
angry with them; he ordered one of them to be seized and carried to the longboat, his hands being tied, where he was guarded. Then he set fire to the village, to the canoes, and nets Then he searched all the neighbourhood of the place, looking for the dingy, which he did not find. They came back on board in the afternoon with the prisoner, who turned out to be the same native who brought me some dry fish when I was without food in Refuge Cove during the bad weather.
I was touched with the greatest compassion on the arrival on board of this poor unfortunate one, who, recognizing me, and not knowing what his fate would be, threw himself at my feet, kissed them, then got up and wanted to kiss me too, with tears in his eyes, and saying to me things that I did not understand, but making signs to me that he was the man who brought me some fish at a time when neither myself nor the ones who had the misfortune of not being able to get back to the vessel had any food to eat. The man seemed to beg his pardon of me, or for me to beg it. I did my best to console him, and to make him understand that no harm was intended to him. But it was useless, for he did not stop crying, especially when he saw them putting irons on his feet to make him secure.
[Translation.]Extract from the Journal of Pottier de l'Horne, Lieu-
tenant on the “Saint Jean Baptiste,” for the Voyage
of Discoveries in the South, started in 1769 and ended
1773. (Captain M. de Surville lost his life on the Peruvian
coast before Chilca.)
Descriptions and Remarks concerning the Bay of Lauriston in New Zealand, the Natives, the Land, and the Products of this Part of the Land where we landed.
The land which on the map bears the name of New Zealand was discovered by Abel Tasman on the 13th of December, 1642. He coasted alongside of it from the 42° 10′ latitude south until the 34° 35′ south also. What he says about the country does not seem to be very clear, and appears to me to be false on certain points.
The Natives are generally of a rather good height, without being giants. Some even are rather small—for instance, the one we took away with us. They would be well built if their legs
tous les jambes si grosses qu'elles en paraissent enflées. Leur couleur n'est pas noire, ils sont basanés foncés en général; leur figure n'a rien de dégoutant et leurs traits sont assez réguliers: j'ai même vu des enfants qui avaient des figures charmantes et de très beaux yeux.
Ce que j'ai dit des hommes ne doit pas s'entendre des femmes, en général elles sont très laides et si on en trouve quelques unes de passables, on les regarde comme belles en comparaison de la foule; j'en ai cependant vu une jolie dont les traits étaient assez réguliers, mais les yeux répondaient mal au reste de la figure, elle pouvait avoir 15 ou 16 ans, elle était aussi dégôutante que les laides par la malpropreté qui leur est commune avec les hommes.
Ce que j'ai remarqué dans la conduite des hommes et des femmes me ferait croire qu'un homme et une femme ne s'attachent l'un à l'autre qu'autant qu'il provient quelque fruit de leur commerce, et alors les hommes sont jaloux de leuis femmes autant de temps que dure la société. Il ne m'a pas paru que les femmes qui ne ont point attachées à des hommes par a fécondité fussent dépendantes de qui que ce soit, car comment expliquer autrement la conduite sans pudeur que nous leur avons vu tenir, provoquant à l'état amoureux par les signes les plus effrontés se montrant à nu à la première réquisition, offrant de se laisser caresser devant tout le monde, ou de suivre où l'on voudrait les conduire, et quand on leur faisait signe qu'on ne voulait pas devant tout le monde elles indiquaient que cela leur était égal. La veille surtout de notre départ, trois des moins laides du village près du quel nous étions, vinrent danser devant nous à leur mode, de la façon la plus lascive. Leurs intentions n'étaient point équivoques, mais elles n'en tirèrent pas tout le succès qu'elles s'en étaient promises. Pendant qu'elles dansaient, il y avait une vieille accroupie qui les animait du geste et de la voix. Dans les premiers jours, il en venait beaucoup dans les pirogues, le long du bord, qui, de là provoquaient par des signes qu'elles croyaient bien touchants nos matelots à bord de nos bateaux et du vaisseau où elles montaient quelquefois. Malgré tout cela, j'ai vu des hommes qui m'ont paru très jaloux de leurs femmes; tandis que j'en ai vus d'autres qui venaient en offrir.
On ne peut pas dire que ces hommes soient absolument nus; on ne doit cependant pas dire qu'ils se couvrent par pudeur. L'habillement général, tant des hommes que des femmes, consiste dans une grande natte faite de plusieurs autres petites nattes rapportées ensemble qui leur descend des épaules jusqu'aux talons et s'attache sur la poitrine avec une petite ficelle; cette natte qui fait l'effet à peu près d'une chape
were not that big that they seem to be swollen. Their colour is not black; they are generally a dark copper. Their faces are not at all disgusting, and their features are regular enough. I have even seen some children with charming faces and beautiful eyes.
What I have said about the men does not apply to the women. They are generally very ugly. If one comes across one who is passably good-looking, she is looked upon as a beauty compared to the others. I have, however, seen one pretty girl with regular features, but the eyes did not correspond with the rest of the face. She might have been fifteen or sixteen years old. She was as disgusting as the ugly ones, on account of the dirtiness which is common both to men and women.
What I noticed in the conduct of men and women would make me believe that a man and a woman attach themselves to each other only if their union bears any fruit, and then the men are jealous of their wives as long as their relation lasts. It did not appear to me that the women who were not attached to any man by their fecundity depended on any one, for how could one otherwise explain the conduct, entirely void of modesty, which we saw was theirs when they tried to provoke passion by indecent gesture, showing themselves naked for the bare asking, offering themselves to caress before anybody, and, if they were repulsed, taking the refusal as a matter of course? On the eve of our departure three of the best looking, or, rather, least ugly among them, belonging to the village near which we were, came to dance before us in their own fashion in a most indecent way. There was no mistaking their intentions. But their demonstrations had no success. While they were dancing there was an old woman squatting on the ground urging them on by voice and gestures. During the first few days many of them came in canoes near the vessel, and from there tried to attract the attention of our sailors by signs which they thought very alluring. But, however, I saw some men who seemed to me to be very jealous of their wives, while others offered their women to us.
One cannot say that these men are absolutely naked, and yet one cannot say that they are sufficiently covered to be decent. The dress common to both men and women consists of a large mat made of several small mats pieced together, which covers them from their shoulders to their heels, and is secured on the chest with a little bit of string. This mat greatly resembles a priest's chasuble, but it does
d'église ne leur couvre point les parties qu'ils ne se mettent pas en peine de cacher.
Au lieu de natte, les chefs portent de grandes pelisses faites de plusieurs peaux de chien cousues ensemble, et ces pelisses sont plus on moins grandes selon le rang et la dignité, ils en mettent le poil en dehors lorsqu'ils sont en cérémonie et le tournent en dedans lorsqu' ls sont en liberté pour se garantir du froid. Tous les chefs, ou principaux d'entre eux, et même les vieillards, outre la pelisse ou la natte, portent sur les reins une espèce de tissu dont je vais parler et qui leur couvre les parties de la génération, mais c'est plutôt pour se garantir du froid que par des sentiments de pudeur dont les premières notions leur sont tellement étrangères qu'ils pissent comme ils se trouvent avec aussi peu d'attention qu'aucun animal que j'ai vu et sans se détourner de devant qui que ce soit.
Quelques uns, au lieu de natte, portent sur leurs épaules une espèce de tissu qui leur descend jusqu'au jarret, mais qui ne les couvre pas plus modestement que les nattes, quoiqu'il soit plus flexible; il est fait d'une espèce d'herbe qui a des filaments comme le chanvre (je n'ai point vu cette herbe sur pied). La chaîne en est très serrée et de la longueur que l'exige l'usage au quel il est destiné, mais entre chaque trame, il y a au moins un bon pouce d'intervalle; ils laissent pendre en dehors de longs filaments pour augmenter sans doute la chaleur de ce vêtement, c'est avec un pareil tissu que les grands du pays et les vieillards se couvrent les reins, toutes les femmes portent un pareil tissu ou un morceau de natte, en quoi elles sont plus modestes que les hommes pour cette partie, mais elles les surpassent aussi en libertinage.
Leur manière de vivre est très misèrable, leur aliment le plus commun est la racine de fougère, ils la font sécher et avant de la manger, ils la chauffent au feu et la battent; cela leur sert de pain; ils ont outre cela du poisson en abondance, on y trouve des maquereaux, des lubines, des cabots, une espèce de raie qu'on appelle Diable de mer, des plies, des Calahons, des grondins, des rougets, &c., &c., tous excellents poissons; ils en font sécher pour l'hiver, car alors leurs côtes sont impracticables. L'été ils en mangent qu'ils font cuire de cette façon ils creusent un trou dans la terre, le remplissent à moitié de pierres ou de cailloux sur lesquels ils allument un grand feu; lorsque les pierres ont acquis le degré de chaleur convenable, ils les retirent du trou pour y mettre leur poisson qu'ils ont préparé et enveloppé de feuilles, ils remettent les pierres par dessus, couvrent le tout de terre et laissent cuire leur poisson à un degré convenable, ils ont aussi quelques patates et quelques calebasses en très petites quantités et une espèce de racine qui a beaucoup de
not cover them in front, and they make no attempt to conceal the fact.
Instead of mats, the chiefs wear large rugs made of several dog-skins sewed together, and these rugs are more or less long, according to the rank of the chief. They wear them with the hair outside for ceremonies, and on ordinary occasions they turn the hair inside to protect themselves against the cold. All the chiefs, or most of them, and even the old men, wear round their middle a kind of mat (of which I shall speak further on) besides the other rug or mat, which covers them down to the knees; but this is rather to protect themselves from the cold than from sentiments of modesty, of which they have so little notion that they go through natural functions wherever they stand, just like any animal, and without trying to hide themselves from anybody.
Some of them, instead of the mat, wear on their shoulders a kind of woven fabric which reaches to the calf of the leg, but which does not give them any better covering than the mats, although it is more flexible. It is made from a plant which has fibre like the hemp (I have not seen that plant growing). The plaiting of it is very tight, and the length according to the use it is intended for; but between each plait there is the space of an inch. From the belt hang a number of thick strings like the fabric, intended to give more warmth to the garment. It is with this kind of material that the chiefs and the old men cover their loins. All the women wear a similar garment, or a piece of mat, in which they are more modest than the men, but they are more immoral than the men.
Their ways of living are very miserable. Their most ordinary food is the fern-root. They dry it, and before eating it they warm it by the fire and beat it. They use it as bread. They have besides this root fish in plenty. Mackeral, flounders, bull-head, a kind of skate called the “sea-devil,” plaice, cod, red gurnet, and ordinary gurnet, &c., are all found there, and are excellent to eat. They dry it for the winter, as in that season fishing on the coast is impossible. In the summer they eat fish cooked in the same fashion. They dig a hole in the ground, fill it up half-way with stones, on which they light a fire. When the stones are heated up to the right point they get them out of the hole and put in the fish, already prepared and wrapped in leaves. Then they put back the stones on top of the fish, and cook it to the right point. They also have some sweet potatoes and some squash, but only in small quantities, and a root which resembles the iris. They feast now and then on dog's meat and on human flesh when they can catch some of
rapport à l'iris; ils se régalent de temps en temps de viande de chien et de viande humaine lorsqu'ils peuvent attraper quelqu'un de leurs ennemis (car ils sont anthropophages, comme je le dirai après). On voit par cet exposé qu'en général leur nourriture est fort misérable; aussi leurs excréments ressemblent-ils à ceux du cochon.
Je mets au nombre de leurs ornements la manière dont ils se peignent le visage, les fesses et autres parties du corps; la peinture du visage est un signe de distinction, aussi tous n'ont pas le visage peint et ceux qui l'ont peint ne l'ont pas de la même façon; les uns se font peindre les ¾ du visage, ce qui fait un effet fort bizarre et singulier, car il ne s'en faut que la moitié du front qu'ils n'aient tout le visage peint de ceux-la je n'en ai vu qu'un seul qui était le chef de tous les villages voisins; il peut se faire que ce chef eût encore un supérieur qui eût tout le visage peint. D'autres n'ont de peint que depuis les deux pointes des sourcils et le haut du nez jusqu'au bas du visage. Ceux-là, à la pointe de chaque sourcil à cêté du nez, ont deux espèces de cornes peintes qui s'élévent d'environ ¾ de pouce ou d'un pouce sur le front, ils sont inférieurs d'un grade à celui qui a les ¾ du visage peint. D'autres n'ont qu'un côté du visage et alors cette peinture leur descend le long du col jusqu'à la naissance des épaules. D'autres enfin n'ont que les deux cornes entre les deux sourcils et ces deux cornes n'ont pas toujours la même forme, ceux-la m'ont paru être les derniers des grands. Il n'en est pas de même pour la peinture qu'ils se font aux fesses, tous les hommes et toutes les femmes indistinctement les ont peintes, ce sont des bandes larges d'environ un pouce en façon de ligne spirale. Ils m'ont fait entendre que cette peinture était un acte de religion. Les grands ajoutent une peinture d'enjolivement à ces spirales, plus ou moins étendues selon leur dignité; il y en a aussi qui portent à chaque gras de jambe un morceau de la même peinture qui fait la figure marquée à la marge ci-contre. Celui que nous avons en notre pouvoir en a de même à la jambe droite et une autre sur la gauche.
Les femmes n'ont pas le visage peint, excepté la lèvre inférieure; encore cela n'est pas général, car celle qui m'a paru la plus jolie n'avait que deux petites taches carrées sur cette même lèvre et 4 autres rondes dont deux à chaque côté de la bouche au dessus et au dessous, mais outre la peinture des fesses qu'elles ont commune avec les hommes, elles ont une peinture au-dessous de la gorge sur l'estomac. Je n'ai point remarqué que ce fut chez elle une marque de distinction, je le crois plutôt un ornement de fantaisie: ajoutez à cela qu'il y en a très peu qui le portent, je n'en ai vu que deux ou trois et la femme qui
their enemies (for they are cannibals, as I shall tell about later on). One can see by the above description that their food is generally very poor, so that their droppings are similar to the pigs.
I must mention amongst their ornaments the way they paint their faces, their thighs, and other parts of the body. The painting of the face is a sign of distinction, so that all of them do not have their faces painted, and those who do have it done different ways. Some have three parts of the face painted, which gives them a funny and rather peculiar appearance, for the only part not painted is the upper half of the forehead. I have only seen one painted in this manner, and he was the chief of all the neighbouring villages. It is possible that this chief had a superior who had the whole of his face painted. Some are only painted from the corner of the eyebrows and upper part of the nose down to the lower part of the face. They have painted at the corner of the eyebrows, on the side of the nose, two kind of horns of about ¾ in. or more long. Those painted in this way are inferior to the man who has three-quarters of the face painted. Some others have only one side of the face painted, and then the design comes along the neck down to the shoulder. Lastly, others have only the two horns painted between the eyebrows, and these horns vary in shape. These last-mentioned men seemed to me to be the lower of the chiefs. As to the painting on their thighs, it is common to all men and women without any distinction. This painting consists of bands about 1 in. wide, and painted in a spiral manner. The Natives made me understand that this painting was a religious act. The chiefs add to the spiral bands some ornamentations, varying in length according to their rank. Some of them also have on each calf of the leg a painting similar to the drawing in the margin. The man that we had taken was painted in this way on each leg.
The women do not have their faces painted, except the lower lip, and even that is not usual, for the one who appeared to me to be the prettiest only had two small square spots on the lower lip, and four other round ones, two each side of the mouth, one above the other. But besides the painting of the thighs, which they have similar to the men, they are painted under the breast, on the pit of the stomach. I did not notice that these paintings were a sign of rank for the women. I believe rather that they are a fanciful ornamentation, as very few are painted. I have really only seen two or three who were painted, and the chief's
paraissait attachée au grand chef n'en avait pas. Je n'ai pas remarqué que les enfants eussent aucune peinture.
Les hommes ont en général peu de barbe, j'ai cependant vu un vieillard qui l'avait bien fournie; il m'a paru qu'ils n'aiment point ce poil qui vient au visage et qu'ils l'arrachent autant qu'ils peuvent, mais enfin comme il en vient malgré leurs soins, ils n'ont point le talent de le couper ce qui les fâche beaucoup. Il entra un jour un de ces sauvages dans ma chambre lorsque j'étais à me faire la barbe; il parut si enchanté de la facilite avec laquelle mon rasoir la coupait qu'il me pria de couper la sienne, ce que je fis autant pour ma satisfaction que pour la sienne, il ne manqua pas d'admirateurs, de camarades qui voulaient que je leur en fasse autant, mais je n'avais pas entrepris tant d'ouvrage.
Ils ont les cheveux longs et plats, mais ils les attachent sur le sommet de la tête, ils y mettent des plumes d'oiseaux, surtout des blanches dont ils sont fort amoureux et les placent en différents sens selon leur goêt, cet ornement est commun aux deux sexes. Ils se mettent dans les cheveux une peinture rouge délayée avec de l'huile (je n'ai pu savoir ni de quelle matière ils la tirent, ni leur manière de la tirer), ce qui du premier coup d'œil me fit croire qu'ils avaient les cheveux de cette couleur. Ils s'en mettent aussi sur le front, quelques uns même s'en frottent tout le corps, mais j'ai cru remarquer que cet usage était reservé aux petits-maîtres.
Ils ont tous les oreilles percées, tant hommes que femmes et ils y pendent différents ornements. Le plus commun est une espèce de pierre d'un vert quelquefois pâle, quelquefois laiteux et quelquefois assez gai, mais c'est toujours la même nature de pierre, elle est transparente, peu dure, prenant un beau poli; à la dureté près elle ressemble à la pierre des amazones dont parle M. de La Condamine. Cette pierre est taillée tantôt en cylindre appointi par un des bouts, tantôt plate comme une fiche dont on se sert au jeu. Elle est percée à l'un des bouts et ils y passent un cordon assez grossier pour se l'attacher à l'oreille. D'autres, au lieu de ces pierres, y portent des os ou dents de poisson en forme de langue de serpent dont les deux côtés sont dentelés très fin. En général, ils croient que tout ce qui est pendu aux oreilles sert d'ornement, j'en ai vu qui y avaient pendu des morceaux de biscuit que les matelots leur avaient donnés. Il y en a beaucoup qui portent au col une espèce de simulacre, fait de la même pierre dont j'ai parlé cidessus, j'en parlerai à l'article religion.
Je ne dois pas oublier de dire ici que la peinture dont j'ai parlé plus haut n'est point une couleur appliquee, c'est une
wife was not one of them. I did not notice any children who were painted.
The men, as a rule, have little hair on their chins. I have, however, seen an old man who had a well-furnished beard. It seemed to me that they did not care for the hair on the face, and that they pull it out as much as possible; but as it will keep on growing in spite of their care, they do not know how to get rid of it, which is a great annoyance to them. One of the Natives entered my cabin one day while I was shaving; he appeared so pleased to see how quickly I got rid of my beard with the razor that he asked me to shave his, which I willingly did, as much to my satisfaction as to his own. He had a good many admirers among his mates who wanted me to do as much for them, but I was not inclined to do so much work.
Their hair is long and straight, but they tie it on top of the head, and put in it some feathers, chiefly white ones, of which they are very fond. They arrange the feathers according to their taste. These ornaments are common to both men and women. They dye their hair with a red paint dissolved in oil (I could not ascertain what they extracted it from, or how they extracted it), which at first made me think their hair was red. They also use this paint on their forehead; some even use it all over the body, but I think that this last use of the paint was only for the elegant ones.
They all have holes in the lobe of the ears—men and women —and from these holes hang different ornaments. The most common is a kind of stone of a green colour, sometimes pale, sometimes milky, and sometimes bright, but always the same kind of stone. It is transparent; not very hard, and can be highly polished. Except for the hardness it resembles the stone from the Amazons mentioned by M. de la Condamine. These stones are sometimes shaped like a cylinder pointed at the bottom; sometimes they are flat like playing-counters. It has a hole through one end, through which they pass a rather coarse string to hang it to the ear. Others, instead of the stone carry in the ears some bone or fish-teeth shaped like a serpent's tongue, and finely jagged on both sides. In general, they believe that whatever hangs from the ears is ornamental. I have seen some of them who had hanging from their ears pieces of biscuits which had been given to them by the sailors. Many of them wear round their neck a kind of image made of the same stone as mentioned above. I shall speak about these images when telling about their religion.
I must not forget to mention here that the painting is not simply laid on, but it is an inlaid painting in the skin, in the
peinture incrustée dans la peau de la même façon que certaines personnes se font incruster des croix sur les bras; ils se servent pour cela d'un morceau de bois plié par un bout en angle droit et fort pointu par ce bout, ils frappent sur ce bois avec un autre morceau et ensanglantant légérement la partie selon le dessin qu'ils veulent suivre; ils y appliquent ensuite de la poudre de charbon très fine, ils font cette opération très promptement, et étant une fois faite, elle ne s'efface jamais.
Leurs cases ou logements ont en général la forme d'un carré long; elles peuvent avoir 3 pieds d'élévation de murailles et de toit 7 a 8 pieds, 8 ou 10 pieds de long sur 4 ou 5 de large; toutes n'ont pas la même grandeur, l'entrée en est fort petite. La plus grande que j'ai vue n'avait que 2 pieds ½ de haut sur un pied ½ de large; ils font du feu à la porte de leurs cabanes. Cette porte qui est l'unique issue est toujours tournée du côté opposé au mauvais temps, car ces cases sont construites de morceaux de bois en forme de tringles se coupant en angles droits attachés fortement ensemble à tous les points d'interjection et aboutissent à des piquets plantés solidement à chaque coin. Ils couvrent cette charpente de plusieurs couches de jonc ce qui les garantit très bien des injures du temps. La plupart des cases n'ont point de battants de portes; celles qui en ont, ont leurs jambages ornés d'un simulacre que j'ai pris pour la figure de leur dieu pénate. La planche qui sert de porte se ferme de façon qu'elle est difficile à ouvrir pour ceux qui en ignorent le secret. J'ai remarqué que le chef avait plusieurs habitations dans lesquelles il allait se loger soit pour son plaisir soit qu'il y fut appelé pour les affaires de sa nation lorsqu'il va ainsi d'une habitation à l'autre, il emporte toutes ses richesses avec lui, je crois que les particuliers qui ont plusieurs cases en usent de même; alors les cases restent vides et le plus souvent ouvertes.
Telle est en général la construction de leurs cases, j'en ai cependant vu quelques unes construites en rond et couvertes de roseaux, mais elles ne m'ont pas paru être des cases destinées à une habitation fixe. Je dirai après ce que je pense de ces habitations éparses qui paraissent destinées à se cacher pendant quelque temps. Leurs villages ne sont composés que de 5 à 6 cases au plus, mais leurs villes en contiennent davantage que j'appelle leurs lieux de refuge ou leurs citadelles. Ce lieu est le plus escarpé qu'ils peuvent choisir. Les cases y sont placées en gradins, c'est là qu'ils se réfugient pour se mettre à l'abri des incursions de leurs ennemis et pour se défendre contre leurs attaques. Alors toutes les cases éparses dans la campagne sont abandonnées, tout le monde se retire sur la citadelle; mais comme il ne peut y avoir assez de cases pour loger toutes les
same way as certain people have crosses inlaid on their arms. They use for this purpose a piece of wood bent at one end to a right angle, and very sharp at the end. They strike on this wood with another piece, and make the part of the body which is to be painted bleed slightly, according to the drawing to be made. They then apply some very fine coal-dust. They do this operation very quickly, and once done it never disappears.
Their huts or dwellings are generally of an oblong square. The walls are about 3 ft. high, and the roof 7 ft. or 8 ft. The length is about 8 ft. or 10 ft. and the width 4 ft. or 5 ft. They are not all the same size. The opening is rather small. The largest opening I have seen was only 2 ½ ft. high and 1 ½ ft. wide. They light fires outside the doors of the huts. The door, which is the only opening in the hut, always faces the opposite way to the prevailing bad wind. These huts are built with wooden battens crossing each other at right angles, and strongly fastened together at each meeting-point, and connected with stabbs well driven in the ground at each corner. They cover this frame with several layers of bullrushes, which provide them with good shelter against bad weather. Most of the openings have no door. The ones provided with a door have the upright of the door-frame carved like an image, which I thought was their household god. The plank which answers as a door is closed in such a way that, to one who does not know how, it is very difficult to open it. The chief had several huts of his own in which he went to lodge either for his pleasure or when he had to go there for the nation's business. When he moves from one to the other habitation he carries away with him all his belongings. I believe that the men who have several habitations do the same, then the huts remain empty and generally open.
Such in general is the way their huts are constructed. I have seen, however, a few of a round shape and covered with bullrushes, but they did not appear to me to be intended for permanent habitation. I shall say further on what I think of these huts, scattered here and there, and which seem to be meant for temporary concealment. Their villages contain only five or six huts, but their towns, which I shall call their strongholds and citadels, are composed of a larger number. They have their town on the steepest point of access that they can find. The huts are arranged in terraces, and it is there they take refuge against the aggressions of their enemies and their attacks. On these occasions all the huts scattered in the country are abandoned, and everybody falls back on the citadel; but, as there are not enough huts to shelter each family in one, several
familles dans une même case se mettent, je pense, plusieurs families. Aussi lorsque nous sommes arrivés ils se sont toujours tenus assemblés sur leur citadelle; toutes les cases de la campagne étaient abandonnées et sur plus de 50 que nous avons rencontrées en nous promenant, nous n'en avons trouvé qu'une seule habitée, encore nous parut-il que c'était pour se cacher.
On voit par là que ces peuples ne sont pas expérimentés dans l'art de la guerre; ils ne connaissent d'autres fortifications que des endroits de difficile accès formé par la nature; du reste point de murailles pour empêcher l'ennemi de les surprendre; un fossé médiocrement large que j'appellerais mieux une coupée derrière laquelle on a planté quelques pieux fait tout le retranchement des endroits qui seraient le plus faciles à aborder. Leurs armes ne donnent pas une plus grande idée de leur génie militaire. La principale est la lance; si on peut appeler de ce nom un morceau de bois rond et pointu par un bout. J'en ai mesuré une qui avait 21 pieds 8 pouces de long et 2 pouces 9 lignes de diamétre, par cette dimension on peut juger combien cette arme est redoubtable, toutes ne sont pas de même longueur et quelques uns d'entr'eux arment la pointe de ces lances d'un os qu'ils prennent près la queue du poisson qu'on appelle Diable de mer, il le porte au bout de la naissance de la queue. Cet os est assez pointu et armé d'une dentelure assez fine recourbée vers la racine, ils les ornent quelquefois d'une houpe de poils de chien et de quelques plumes.
Lorsqu'ils out abattu leurs ennemis d'un coup de lance, ils emploient une autre arme pour finir de tuer; ils portent cette arme passée dans une large ceinture de paille devant le ventre, elle ressemble à line spatule au bout de la poignée de laquelle on aurait ménagé une espèce de pommeau ou nœud de retenue et enjolivé de moulures. Sa longeur est de 12 à 14 pouces; sa plus grande largeur est de 3 à 4 pouces; le milieu est épais de piès d'un pouce, du milieu vers ses bords elle va en diminuant un peu de façon que ses bords forment un tranchant obtus. Cette arme est communément d'une pierre de couleur d'ardoise, bien polie et fort dure; on en voit aussi qui font partie d'un os de baleine, ils nous ont appris par signes que lorsqu'ils avaient une fois terrassé l'ennemi avec la lance, ils sautaient dessus et finissaient de les assommer avec cet instrument. La dernière pièce de leurs armes consiste dans un os de baleine qui m'a paru être une côte à laquelle ils laissent la forme naturelle, excepté qu'au petit bout ils font un enjolivement qui ressemble a l'extrémité de ces os de mort qu'on peint en sautoir sur les écussons des enterrements; comme tout le monde ne peut avoir de ces os de baleine, ils en font avec du bois à qui ils donnent la même forme, le gros bout est arrondi, un peu aplati et le
families reside in one. So when we arrived they always kept gathered together near their citadel. All the huts in the country were abandoned, and, while taking walks about, we only found, out of more than fifty huts, one that was inhabited, and even then the inhabitants of it were hiding.
One can see by this that these Natives have not much experience of the art of war. They only know for fortifications, places naturally difficult of access; they have no walls to guard against surprises from the enemy. A kind of ditch of ordinary size, which may be called a drain, behind which a few posts have been erected constitutes all the fortifications of the most accessible places. Their weapons do not give a better idea of their military knowledge. The principal weapon is a lance, if such a name can be given to a bit of wood rounded and pointed at the end. I have measured one which was 21 ft. 8 in. long and nearly 3 in. in diameter. By these dimensions one can judge how redoubtable this weapon may be. These lances are not all of the same length. At the point of these lances some of the men fix a bone which they get from the tail of a fish called the “sea-devil.” This fish carries the bone near the top of the tail. The bone is rather sharp, and jagged towards the root. They sometimes ornament it with a tuft of dog's hair and some feathers.
When they have knocked down their enemy with the lance they use another weapon to finish killing him. This weapon is carried in a large belt made of straw, and hanging in front of the stomach; it resembles a spatula, at the end of the handle of which is carved a kind of a ball to enable them to grip it. It is ornamented with carving. It is about 12 in. or 14 in. long, and its greatest width 3 in. or 4 in. In the middle it is about 1 in. thick. From the middle towards the edges it gets thinner, so that the edges are bluntly sharp. This weapon is generally made of a greyish stone, well polished, and very hard. Some of these weapons are made of a whalebone. The Natives gave us to understand by signs that once they have knocked down their enemy with the lance they jump on him and brain him with that weapon. The last one of their weapons is made of a whalebone which appeared to me to be a rib in its natural shape, except that at the end they carve a kind of knob which resembles the extremity of the crossbones painted on the shields used at funerals. As everybody cannot procure whalebones, they make some of the last-described weapon of wood. They give them the same shape, the large end being rounded and flattened a little, and the edge being made sharp. They made
bord tranchant. Ils nous ont fait signe qu'ils frappent à la tête, vers les tempes avec cet instrument, sa courbure et sa figure en font paraître l'usage singulier.
Si la Nouvelle-Zélande n'est qu'un même continent comme il paraît, il est vraisemblable que tous les peuples qui l'habitent se servent des mémes armes; les peuples de la partie où aborda Tasman doivent en faire usage, or il me semble bien surprenant qu'avec de pareilles armes, ils lui aient tué 3 ou 4 hommes dans son bateau, comme il est dit dans l'histoire générale des voyages.
Le chef du village vis à vis duquel nous mouillâmes la dernière fois, c'est-à-dire à l'Anse du Refuge, pris de beaux sentiments envers nous, nous engagea un jour à grimper jusque sur le sommet de la citadelle lorsque nous fûmes sur l'esplanade, il prit une lance et la brandissant en divers sens, il nous marqua de quelle façon ils se défendaient lorsqu'on les attaquait. Il fit entendre que s'il restait quelque ennemi sur le champ de bataille, ils le coupaient par morceaux et se le distribuaient pour le manger, et ses signes n'étaient point équivoques. Celui que nous avons en notre pouvoir, que je crois un des grands de l'endroit, s'est expliqué encore plus clairement; il nous a fait signe qu'ils saisissaient leurs ennemis par la touffe de cheveux qu'ils ont sur le sommet de la tête et lui assainaient un coup de leur spatule par la tempe, qu'après l'avoir tué ils séparaient les 4 membres, ouvraient le ventre en croix, en arrachaient les intestins, coupaient en morceaux le tronc du corps ainsi que les membres et distribuaient aux assistants pour être mangés, je'ne puis dire s'ils mangent crûs ces affreux mets ou s'ils les font cuire.
Ces peuples se font entre eux de cruelles guerres; le grand chef de l'anse Chevalier nous a indiqués qu'il était en inimitié avec unautre chef et qu'il nous aurait obligation de lui aider à faire la guerre à son ennemi. Cette proposition m'a fait croire qu'ils n'avaient guère d'autres motifs d'armer les uns contre les autres que leur féroce voracité, et que nous croyant bien armés, il eût été bien aise que nous lui procurassions quelque bon repas, car pendant tout le temps que nous sommes restés, nous n'avons appris aucun acte d'hostilité de la part de ses ennemis et la tranquillité qui paraît régner partout annonce une paix générale, ou peut-étre était-ce un piège qu'il nous tendait, s'imaginant que si nous acceptions la proposition, il nous conduirait dans des lieux oû il aurait bon marché de nous et se régalerait à plaisir de la chair de ces hommes blancs, les premiers qu'il eût vus.
Ces peuples m'ont paru d'un génie fort borné, leurs armes, leurs fortifications sont encore au berceau, sans doute que
us understand by signs that they use this weapon to strike the head near the temple. Its curved appearance makes the use of it appear singular.
If New Zealand is a continent, as it appears, it is probable that all its inhabitants use the same weapons. The Natives of the part where Tasman landed must have used them, and therefore it seems to me very surprising that with such weapons they could kill three or four men in his boat as recorded in the general history of the travels.
The chief of the village opposite which we anchored the last time—that is, Refuge Cove—possessed by kind sentiments, asked us one day to climb to the top of the citadel. When we stood on the plateau he took a lance, and, swinging it here and there, showed us the way they defend themselves when attacked. He gave us to understand that when there were but a few enemies left on the battlefield they cut them in pieces and divide the pieces among themselves, to eat them. There was no mistaking the meaning of his signs. The chief we have in our power, who, I believe, is one of the principal chiefs of the locality, was even more explicit. He made us understand by signs that they seized their enemies by the tuft of hair on the top of the head, gave them a blow with their spatula near the temple, and after having killed them they dismembered them, opened their bellies with a cross-like incision, drew out the intestines, cut the trunk and members in pieces, and distributed these pieces among themselves to be eaten. I cannot say if they eat this horrible food raw or if they cook it.
These people have some cruel wars among themselves. The great chief of the land near Chevalier Bay made us understand that he was on bad terms with another chief, and that he would be much obliged to us if we would help him to wage war against his enemy. This proposal made me believe that they had no other motive to wage war against one another than their ferocious greed for food. Believing that we were well armed, the chief would have been very pleased if we had furnished him with some good square meals, for all the time that we spent about we heard of no act of hostility committed by his enemies, and the thorough quietness which existed everywhere seemed to point to a general peace. Or perhaps was it a trap he had laid for us, thinking that if we accepted his proposal he would take us to places where he could easily overpower us, and would with great delight feast on the flesh of the white men, the first he had ever seen.
The people appeared to me to be of a very primitive genius, their arms, their fortifications are yet very backward; without
leur tactique est au meme degré de perfection, ils ne soupçonnent pas seulement l'avantage qu'il pourraient tirer de la fronde; s'ils lancent quelques pierres, c'est à la main. Combien sont ils plus éloignés de la connaissance de l'arc et des flèches? Ils font quelques ouvrages de bois qui, de loin, paraissent assez bien et ressemblent à des pièces d'anciens meubles travaillés à jour, mais lorsqu'on les voit de près, on voit que cela est fait très grossièrement; il est vrai qu'ils n'ont pas d'outils commodes n'ayant pas la connaissance du fer. On peut voir par ce que j'ai rapporté que le génie de ces Barbares ne s'est pas mieux employé dans les arts du premier nécessaire comme dans l'agriculture et dans la tisseranderie. Pour la pêche, s'ils en connaissent les instruments, ils ont été pour ainsi dire forcés à cette connaissance par l'abondance prodigieuse du poisson le long de leur côte. Ils sont d'un naturel timide, mais paresseux au dernier point, traitres, voleurs, défiants, cherchant à surprendre, sans beaucoup de mesure, cequi prouve encore le peu d'étendue de leurs lumiéres, car il m'a paru qu'ils ne faisaient pas la moindre attention aux conséquences.
Le chef invita un jour notre aumônier à aller avec lui à des cases où il allait avec sa femme et quelque monde. Il fit semblant de se rendre à son invitation et il marchait assez éloigné de lui. En chassant il s'aperçut qu'en chemin sa cour grossit du triple de ce qu'elle était et que ses courtisans étaient armés de leurs longues lances, de leurs spatules, et de leurs côtes de baleine. Il était seul et déjà hors de la portée de la voix de notre monde. Il s'aperçut qu'il commettait une imprudence très grande de se fier ainsi à la bonne foi de ces sauvages, car quoique leurs armes ne soient pas redoutables, un coup de traître est bientôt fait. Il prit donc le parti de rejoindre nos gens, et d'un air de confiance, voulut prendre congé du chef. Son lancier lui porta alors la main sur la poitrine et le chef mit la main sur son fusil, il se dégagea en riant et en leur faisant signe que cet instrument pourrait bien les tuer. Ils le laissérent partir. Lorsqu'il fut un peu éloigné, il vit la troupe se diviser et le chef resta avec 3 ou 4 personnes qui étaient d'abord avec lui. Il réfléchit alors sur l'augmentation de la suite du chef et avec quelle célérité il lui était venu du monde qui semblait naître des bruyères et combien promptement ce monde s'était dissipé chacun tirant de son côté: il soupçonna très fort, et je crois avec beaucoup de raison, son urbanité d'avoir en pour motif la voracité et son envie d'avoir son fusil, il sentait son imprudence de s'ètre même éloigné des nôtres hors la portée de la voix et se promit d'être plus circonspect à l'avenir.
doubt their tactics must be on the same level. They have even no suspicions of the advantages they would derive from the sling. If they throw a few stones it is by hand. How far off are they yet of the knowledge of the bow and arrow! They manufacture some kinds of woodwork which in the distance look like some carved pieces of furniture, but when one gets near one can see that the work is very roughly done. It is true to say that they have not handy tools, having no knowledge of iron. One can see from what I said before that the genius of these savages is not any more advanced in the arts of first necessity, such as agriculture and weaving. As for fishing, if they know the proper instruments for it, that knowledge has been almost forced upon them by the prodigious abundance of fish on their coasts. Their nature seems to be timid, but thoroughly lazy. They are treacherous, thieving, suspicious, ready to get at you by surprise; they are without much foresight, which proves the narrowness of their genius, for it seemed to me that they did not mind the consequences in the least.
The chief one day invited our chaplain to go with him to some huts where he was going with his wife and a few people. The chaplain pretended to accept the invitation, but kept walking rather apart. While he was hunting he noticed that on the way the chief's suite had increased threefold of what it was at first, and that the followers were armed with their long lances, their spatulas, and whalebones. He was by himself, and already out of hearing of our people. He recognized that he had been very imprudent to trust himself so to the good faith of these savages, for though their arms are not very formidable, a treacherous blow is soon delivered. He therefore thought it best to rejoin our people, and without showing any distrust he went to take leave of the chief. The lance-bearer of the chief put his hand on the chaplain's chest, and the chief put his hand on the chaplain's gun. But the latter laughingly disengaged himself, making them understand by signs that the gun might kill them. They allowed him to depart. When he had proceeded back some distance he saw the troop divide itself and the the chief remain with only the three or four followers he had with him when they started. Our chaplain then thought about the increase in the suite of the chief, and the quickness with which the people had gathered round him, coming out from amongst the ferns, and how quickly they had disappeared, each his own way. He strongly suspected, and I think with some reason, that the chief's urbanity had only for object—his voracity, and desire to possess the gun. Our chaplain felt the imprudence of having wandered out of hearing of our people, and took the resolution to be more circumspect in the future.
Si on peut juger de ces peuples par celui que nous avons en notre pouvoir, ils sont prodigieusement voraces. Celui-ci mange continuellement, outre qu'on lui donne abondamment de quoi faire 3 repas, il va encore demander à manger aux mate-lots et dévore tout ce qu'on lui présente de manducable; malgré cela, il nous a fait des signes qui paraissaient indiquer qu'il regrettait encore sa racine de fougère: nous avons remarqué qu'il avait les dents fort courtes, et comme nous les examinions il nous a fait signe qu'elles avaient été ainsi coupées et que c'était l'usage dans son pays. Il avait beaucoup de difficulté a prononcer les mots français, surtout ceux qui ont le son de l'S.
Je leur connais deux instruments de charpente, savor: une erminette dont le talon et le manche sont d'une seule pièce de bois, au bout du talon ils attachent une pierre de la même espèce que leurs spatules, d'environ 3 pouces de long sur un pouce ½ de large, dont le tranchant est taille à peu près comme un bec d'âne. Outre l'Erminette, ils ont un autre instrument dont je n'ai vu que l'âme. C'est une pierre d'environ 10 à 12 pouces de long sur 3 ou 4 de large, taillée en tranchant de hache par une extrémité. Je ne sais s'ils l'attachent à un manche pour s'en servir, ou s'ils s'en servent en forme de ciseau. C'est avec ces deux instruments qu'ils travaillent le bois et surtout qu'ils creusent de très gros arbres pour en faire des pirogues.
Leurs bateaux sont, en effet, d'une seule pièce de bois pointue par les deux bouts, mais les bords en sont relevés par des planches attachées fortement au bateau avec des liens de jonc. On appelle ces planches des Fargues, en terme de Marine; et les fargues ne vont pas jusqu'à la pointe de chaque extrémité. Cette pointe est converte d'un morceau de bois coupé de façon qu'il s'y adapte parfaitement. Ils font une rénure dans ce mo ceau de bois a fin d'adapter un morceau de planche en travers. Les fargues aboutissent à ce morceau de planche en travers par chaque bout et l'y attachent. Sur les deux extrémités sont placés deux morceaux de bois enjolivés d'une espèce de sculpture à jour; ces figures sont aussi ornées de plumes et de quelques touffes de poil de chien. J'ai vu quelques unes de ces pirogues qui n'avaient point de ces ornements sur le devant. Je crois que cet ornement est une marque de distinction, car j'ai remarqué qu'il n'y avait que les chefs qui eussent ces enjolivements, sans doute que les plus grands en ont à chaque bout et que les subalternes n'en ont qu'au bout de devant.
Leurs instruments de pêche sont des filets, des lignes et des hameçons. Les filets sont très grands faits comme ceux que nous nommons sènes; au lieu de plomb, ils remplissent
If we can judge these Natives by the one we have in our power they are wonderfully voracious. The one on board is continually eating. Although we give him enough for three good meals, yet he goes and begs for something to eat from the sailors, and devours everything eatable that is given to him. In spite of all that, he made us signs to make us understand that he longed for his fern-roots. We noticed that his teeth were very short, and as we were looking at them he made us signs to say that they had been shortened according to the custom of the country. He has much difficulty in pronouncing the French words, especially the ones with the sound of s.
I only noticed two carpentry tools belonging to these tools. Natives—one an adze, of which the heel and the handle are made of one piece of wood. At the end of the heel they fix a stone, of the same kind as their spatulas are made of, about 3 in. long, and 1 ½ in. wide. The edge of it has the shape of a donkey's nose. Besides this adze, they have another tool, of which I only saw the blade. It is a stone about 10 in. or 12 in. in length, and about 3 in. or 4 in. wide, carved in the shape of an axe at one of the ends. I do not know if they fix it to a handle, or if they use it as a chisel. It is with these two tools that they work the wood, and especially hollow out some big trees to make canoes.
Their boats are, indeed, of one piece of wood, pointed at both ends, but the sides are made higher by some boards strongly fixed to the boat with ropes made of rushes. These boards are called fargues in the navy, and they do not reach as far as the ends of the boat. The point of the boat is covered with a piece of wood, carved so as to fit exactly. They make a groove in this piece of wood, in order to fit it across a board. The fargues are joined to this cross-plank at each end, and keep it in its place. On the two ends of the boat are also fixed two pieces of wood ornamented with carving and fretwork. These figures are also ornamented with feathers and tufts of dog's hair. I saw some boats which did not have these ornaments on the forepart. I believe that these ornaments are a sign of distinction, as I noticed that the chiefs only had them on their boats. Without doubt the greatest chiefs have the ornaments at both ends, and the secondary chiefs only at the front part of the boat.
Their fishing-tackle consists of nets, lines, and fish-hooks. The nets are very large ones, and made like the ones we call “seine.” Instead of lead, they fill up with stone a kind of
de pierres une espèce de poche pratiquée dans toute la longueur du filet. La matière qu'ils emploient à faire ces filets est de jonc très fin et qui se noue fort bien ces filets sont si grands qu'il faut que tous les habitants d'un village marchent pour les tirer: aussi pensai-je que c'est un bien commun; ce qu'il y a de certain, c'est qu'ils partagent entre tous le produit de la pêche; leurs lignes sont, ou plutôt leurs hameçons, sont des morceaux de racines ayant la forme comme dans la planche ci-jointe. A l'un des bouts, ils attachent un os de poisson fort pointu dont la pointe se recourbe en dedans selon la forme du bois; je doute qu'avec cet instrument ils fassent des pêches abondantes.
Leurs instruments à labourer la terre sont proportionnés au peu d'usage qu'ils font de ce premier art, comme ils ne cultivent que de très petits morceaux de terre, ils n'ont que deux instruments fort simples, l'un est un morceau de bois façonné à peu près comme une truelle, l'autre est aussi un morceau de bois de la forme d'une pioche de deux ou trois pieds de long.
Leurs chants ont une certaine modulation qui n'est pas trop barbare, mais les gestes dont ils les accompagnent sont ou lascifs ou ridicules à l'excès. Je leur ai vu deux instruments de musique. L'un est de la forme d'une olive, mais beaucoup plus gros et plus long, c'est-à-dire qu'il peut avoir environ deux pouces de long, creux dans toute sa longueur avec un trou au milieu. Ils tirent de cet instrument 5 ou 6 sons bien distincts et aussi doux que ceux de la flûte. L'autre instrument m'a paru être leur trompette de guerre. C'est un coquillage auquel est adapté un tuyau cylindrique de 3 ou 4 pouces de long; ils tirent de cet instrument le même son que de celui de la cornemuse, son qui ressemble peu à celui de la trompette commune ainsi que Tasman dit l'avoir trouvé.
Ces peuples ont quelque notion de divinité, le simulacre que plusieurs d'entre eux portent au col est certainement une idole. Cette figure semble accroupie sur ses talons, ouvrant extrêmement les cuisses, les épaules fort larges, la bouche béante, la langue pendante et laisse pendre un membre pointu comne celui d'un chien. Les signes qu'ils nous ont fait pour nous apprendre que c'était leur dieu consistaient à joindre les mains et a lever les yeux au ciel. Outre cette idole, les jambages des portes de leurs cases sont ornées de simulacres taillés en grand, mais qui m'ont paru étre dans la même attitude; ils en mettent aussi à leurs pirogues, mais faits si grossièrement qu'à peine peut-on y distinguer quelques traits, il y en a deux à chaque bout de la pirogue, je n'ai pu savoir de quelle espèce de culte ils honorent cette divinité, ni s'ils connaissent plusieurs dieux ou s'ils n'en admettent qu'un seul.
pocket which runs the whole length of the net. The material they use for these nets is a kind of very fine rush, which ties very easily. These nets are so large that all the inhabitants of the village have to turn out to pull them. Therefore, I concluded that the nets were held in common. What is certain is that they divide amongst the whole population the products of the fishing. Their fishing-lines, or at least their fishing-hooks, consist of a piece of root similar in shape to the one on the drawing enclosed. At one of the ends they fix a very sharp fish-bone, whose point curves inwards, following the shape of the wood. I very much doubt if they catch many fish with this tool.
Their implements for ploughing the ground are in proportion to the little use they make of this art, as they only cultivate very small patches of ground. They have only two implements, and these are very primitive. One is an implement shaped like a trowel, the other is also wooden and shaped like a grubber, and about 2 ft. or 3 ft. in length.
Their songs are not devoid of a kind of modulation which is not too wild, but the gestures they make when singing are either very indecent or very grotesque. I have seen two musical instruments; one has the shape of an olive, but much bigger and longer—that is to say, it may be 2 in. long, and hollow all its length, with a hole in the middle. They produce with this instrument five or six distinct sounds as sweet as the notes of the flute. The other instrument appeared to me to be their war-trumpet. It is a shell, to which is fixed a cylindrical tube 3 in. or 4 in. long; with this instrument they produce a sound similar to the sound of bagpipes, which does not resemble the common trumpet, as Tasman thought when he heard it.
These people have some notion of a Divinity, for the image some of them carry round their neck is certainly an idol. This figure seems to be squatting on its heels, with very wide thighs, very broad shoulders; the mouth wide open, the tongue hanging out, and a limb pointed like a dog's protruding. The signs they made us to explain to us it was a god were to join their hands together and raise their eyes to the sky. Besides this idol, the uprights of their doors are ornamented with similar images, carved on a larger scale, but which appeared to me to hold themselves in the same attitude. They also ornament their boats with the same images, but carved so roughly that one can hardly distinguish the features. There are two such images to each end of the boat. I could not ascertain what was their religious worship towards these images, or if they believed in several gods, or if they only admitted one.
Lorsqu'ils perdent quelqu'un de leurs parents par une mort naturelle ils nous ont fait comprendre qu'ils s'enterraient en nous faisant signe qu'ils creusaient la terre pour y mettre le cadavre, ils en font ensuite le deuil en s'égratignant le visage et sur toute la poitrine avec des coquillages qu'ils cassent pour se servir de l'endroit le plus tranchant, j'en ai vu qui avaient aussi de ces égratignures aux cuisses et m'ont paru être faites à dessein. C'est en quoi consiste tout leur deuil, je ne sais s'ils en usent de même pour ceux des leurs qui, etant tués ou pris en guerre, sont mangés par leurs ennemis.
Leur manière de se saluer a quelque chose d'original: celui qui reçoit le salut est assis par terre et celui qui le donne s'avance vers lui et lui applique l'extrémité de son nez sur l'extrémité du sien; ils restent dans cette posture l'espace d'une demiminute et ensuite ils se parlent, car ce salut se fait sans paroles. C'etait quelque chose de risible de voir notre capitaine en user de même à l'égard des chefs de ces barbares qui ne faisaient point de difficultés de s'asseoir pour recevoir son salut.
Les femmes vont dans les pirogues et manient la pagaie aussi bien que les hommes, elles portent leurs enfants sur le dos, converts de leur natte; il y a apparence qu'elles vont aussi à la pêche, d'ailleurs je n'ai pas remarqué qu'elles prissent plus de part au ménage que les hommes.
Ces peuples sont extrèmement malpropres; ils mangent les poux que la saleté produit sur le corps, mais ils ne mangent pas ceux de la tête. J'en ai vu plusieurs qui avaient des dartres et une espèce de rogne ou gale que je crois être le fruit de leur malpropreté.
Tout le terrain de cette côte m'a paru d'une qualité audessous de la médiocre, dans les vallées ce n'est que du sable couvert d'une croûte legère de terre formée par la pourriture des feuilles et des herbes. Les montagnes n'offrent qu'un terrain pierreux plein d'une craie rougeâtre, entièrement pelé en quelques endroits, et ces endroits m'ont paru être terre calcaire. Les ruisseaux qui arrosent les vallées ne contribuent qu'à y faire venir la bruyère plus haute et plus fournie, ainsi que le jonc et la fougère. Voila quelles sont les productions naturelles de ce terrain. Parmi la bruyère, j'ai remarqué 2 espèces d'arbrisseaux qui m'ont paru mériter l'attention; aussi en ai-je pris de la graîne. L'une a quelque rapport avec le genièvre pour la forme, mais son odeur est bien différente; si on en frotte les feuilles avec les doigts on y trouve une odeur de rose. L'autre arbrisseau n'a aucune odeur, mais il vient fort touffu et d'un beau vert, les feuilles ressemblent à celle de l'orge en herbe, mais elles ne sont pas si longues. L'un et l'autre de ces
When they lose one of their relations by natural death they made us understand that they hold the funeral by digging a hole in the ground, in which they deposit the corpse. They afterwards mourn the dead by scratching their face and chest with shells which they break and use the sharp bits. I have seen some of them with scratchings on the thighs, which had been done on purpose. This is all their mourning consists of. I do not know if they mourn in the same way the relations who, having been killed or made prisoners by their enemies, are eaten by their captors.
Their way of saluting each other is rather peculiar. The one who receives the salutation squats on the ground. The one who gives it advances towards the first one, and brings the tip of his nose in contact with the nose of the first. They remain in this position for half a minute, and then they talk to each other, for they remain silent while touching noses. It was comical to see our captain saluting in this way the chief of these savages, who made no difficulty whatever about sitting down to receive his salutation.
The women go in the boats, and handle the paddle as well as the men. They carry their children on their backs, wrapped in their mats. They go fishing too. Anyhow, I did not notice that they gave themselves any more to domestic duties than the men.
These people are extremely dirty. They eat the lice produced by dirtiness of the body, but they do not eat the lice from the head. I have seen several suffering from eczema, and a kind of ulcer or itch, which I think is brought on by uncleanness.
All the land on this coast appeared to me to be very poor. In the hollows it is nothing but sand covered by a light crust of earth formed by the decaying of leaves and grass. The hills show only a stony ground, with a reddish clay, and absolutely bare. In some patches where it was bare it seemed to me to be pipeclay. The creeks, which only run in the valleys, make the scrub grow higher and thicker, and the rushes and ferns flourish. The following are the products of this country: Among the scrub I noticed two shrubs worthy of attention, and of which I secured the seed. One has some resemblance to the juniper in shape, but the scent of it is quite different. If one rubs the leaves between one's fingers, they give an odour similar to that of the rose. The other shrub has no scent, but it grows in a very bushy manner, and is a handsome green; the leaves resemble the barley before it comes to ear, but not so long. Both these shrubs would make a fine show in a garden if they were pruned. The trees are not very plentiful. They are only found in
arbrisseaux sembleraient devoir faire un joli effet dans un jardin, s'ils étaient taillés. Les arbres n'y sont pas communs, on en trouve seulement quelques touffes dans les vallons, le long des ruisseaux, dans les crevasses des roches, sur le penchant des collines, le long de la mer. Parmi ces arbres, je n'en ai remarqué que deux dignes d'attention. L'un porte un fruit qui a la forme d'une olive, mais il est plus gros et plus long. Ce fruit est jaune lorsqu'il a atteint son degré de maturité, sa chair qui est peu épaisse est couverte d'une pellicule aussi mince que celle de la prune; cette chair couvre une coque qui n'a pas la dureté de celle de la prune puisqu'on la casse facilement avec les dents et qu'elle a quelque flexibilité. Cette coque renferme une amande couverte d'une peau brune et membraneuse qui se lève facilement et laisse sur la surface de l'amande l'impression bien marquée de la ramification de la membrane. Cette amande dépouillée de la peau se partage en deux comme le gland; elle est d'une grande blancheur, dure à manger et d'une amertune assez forte. L'arbre qui produit ce fruit vient haut et touffu, les feuilles ressemblent assez à celle de laurier d'Espagne, mais elles ne m'ont pas paru tout à fait si grandes. La chair qui couvre la coque n'a pas mauvais goût. Le bois de cet arbre est fort dur, quelques personnes disent qu'il s'en trouve beaucoup en Amérique.
L'autre arbre dent j'ai parlé produit de gros bouquets de fleurs d'un rouge assez tendre, lesquelles mêlées parmi la verdure forment un coup d'œil fort agréable, je n'ai vu ancun fruit de cet arbre qui vient fort haut.
Ce pays tout ingrat et stérile qu'il m'a paru nous a fourni des plantes dont l'usage a produit un effet surprenant sur nos maladies, savoir: deux espèces de cresson dont l'un pousse une tige droite et assez haute, les feuilles sont longues et s'élargissent vers leurs extrémités plus que dans le milieu, elles sont découpées. Cette plante n'a la forme d'aucun cresson connu en Europe, mais elle a le goût très fort jusqu'à faire venir les larmes aux yeux lorsqu'on en mange une certaine quantité de crue tant son suc est mordant. L'autre espèce a la feuille arrondie à peu près comme celle du cresson d'eau, les tiges sont fortes et par conséquent rampantes, son goût est celui du cresson, mais sa force est inférieure à celle de notre cresson d'eau. La dernière espèce de plante dont je veux parler est une espèce d'ache qui m'a paru être du vrai cèleris, sa racine en a le goût et il n'y aurait qu'è le cultiver à la façon d'Europe pour lui en donner la forme.
Nous avons fait grand usage de ces 3 plantes, mais nos malades surtout en ont éprouvé les grands effets. Tous ceux qui ont été a terre et qui ont mangé de ces herbes, non-seulement
clumps in the valleys and on the banks of the creeks, between the rocks, and on the sides of the hills alongside the coast. Amongst these trees I only noticed two worthy of mention. One bears a fruit which has the shape of the olive, but larger and longer. This fruit is yellow when quite ripe; its flesh, which is not thick, is covered by a skin as fine as the skin of a plum. This flesh covers a stone not as hard as the prune's, for one can crack it between the teeth, and it is quite flexible. In the stone is found an almond covered with a brown and membraneous skin, which peels easily, leaving on the surface of the almond the well-marked impression of the membrane. When skinned, the almond divides itself in two parts; like an acorn, it is very white, hard to eat, and has a very bitter taste. The tree which produces this fruit grows high and bushy; its leaves rather resemble the Spanish laurel, but not quite so large, I think. The flesh which covers the stone has not a bad taste. The wood of this tree is very hard. Some people say that it grows in quantities in America.
The other tree I mentioned produces big bunches of flowers of a rather soft red, which flowers, mixed with the green of the leaves, form a sight rather agreeable to the eye. I did not notice any fruit on this tree, which grows very high.
This country, bare and sterile as it appeared to us, supplied us with some plants the use of which produced a wonderful effect on our sick ones. These plants were: two kinds of water-cress, one of which has a straight stem and rather tall; its leaves are long, and larger at the extremity than in the centre. They are dented. This plant is not shaped like any species of cress known in Europe, but it has a very strong taste, so strong that it brings the tears to the eyes when one eats much of it raw, its milk being so acid. The other species has a rounded leaf similar to the leaf of our watercress. The stems are thick, and therefore creeping. Its taste is the same as that of our cress, but inferior in strength to the flavour of our watercress. The last species of plant of which I wish to speak is a kind of wild parsley, which appeared to me to be a sort of celery. Its root tastes like the celery, and it only requires to be cultivated as in Europe to acquire the same shape.
We made great use of these three plants, but our sick ones especially felt the great effects derived from the use of them. Every one of the sick ones who went ashore and ate some of
ne sont pas morts, mais encore se sont remis avec une promptitude surprenante, un de ceux qui étaient le plus désespéres, qui était enflé par tout le corps, qui avait la bouche pourrie et qui avait reçu les sacrements, n'a pu être transporté à terre que deux fois, mais l'usage qu'il a fait de ces plantes à bord l'a soulagé beaucoup et en fin un mois après il e'est levé, a commencé à marcher et s'est bien porté peu après. J'ai trouvé cet effet si surprenant que j'ai cueilli quelques graines de ces deux 1éres plantes; elles croissent en abondance dans le pays; ie n'ai pu cueillir de celle d'ache parce qu'elle n'était pas alors en graine. Outre ces 3 espèces de plantes, j'en ai remarqué un bon nombre des mêmes espèces qui croissent en Europe.
J'ai parlé ailleurs des patates que ces sauvages cultivent, je dois ajouter ici qu'ils cultivent aussi des calebasses douces, mais en aussi petites quantités que des patates.
Je n'ai vu d'autres reptiles sur la terre qu'un petit lézard noir qui pouvait avoir 4 pouces de long. Les seuls quadrupèdes dont j'aie connaissance sont les chiens. Encore n'y sont-ils pas en quantité, et des rats. Les chiens sont d'une grandeur médiocre, d'un poil long et assez fin; ces peuples les nourrissent, comme nous les moutons, et les mangent de même.
Les volatiles y sont en abondance, vraisemblablement, parce que les sauvages n'ont pas assez d'industrie pour en tuer. Il y a des cailles, une espèce d'oiseau de la forme, de la grosseur et de la couleur d'un merle, exepté qu'il a sous le bec deux petits pendants rouges comme ceux des poules. Un autre oiseau de la même forme, couleur et grosseur, mais au lieu de pendant rouge sous le bec, il y a une petite houpe de plume blanche et quantité d'autres oiseaux qui n'avaient rien d'extraordinaire que de n'être pas farouches. Parmi tous j'en ai remarqué un qui m'a paru d'une plus grande petitesse que le roitelet.
Quant aux oiseaux aquatiques, nous y avons trouvé une grande quantité de canards sauvages, de courlieus, d'alouettes de mer, de bécassines et une autre espèce d'oiseau dont le plumage est noir, les pattes et le bec rouges, de la forme, de la longueur d'une bécasse, mais aplati en sens contraire au bec des oies et des canards, il a une petite membrane qui joint ses doigts, mais elle ne s'étend pas à plus d'un quart de la distance qu'il y a de la naissance à l'extrémité des doigts, aussi cet oiseau ne se pose-t-il que sur le rivage de la mer. Il a un pied et demi de l'extrémité du bec à l'extrémité de la queue qui n'est pas bien longue, il est gros comme une poule, fort charnu, d'un excellent goût, mais il faut l'écorcher.
these plants not only did not die, but got better remarkably quickly. One of the most desperate cases, whose body was swollen all over, and whose mouth was rotten, and who had been given up, was only fit to go on shore twice, but the use he made of these plants then and on board relieved him wonderfully, and at the end of a month he started walking, and was quite well shortly after. I found the effects of these plants so wonderful that I took some seeds of the two first mentioned. They grow in great profusion in the country. I could not gather any seed from the wild parsley, as it was not then, seeding. Besides these three kinds of plants, I noticed a good number of others belonging to European species.
I have spoken previously of the sweet potatoes which the Natives cultivate. I must add here that they also cultivate a kind of sweet calabash, but only in as small quantity as the potatoes.
I have not noticed any other reptile on land but a little black lizard about 4 in. long. The only quadrupeds I know of are the dogs, in rather a small quantity, and the rats. The dogs are of an average size, with long, fine hair. The Natives feed them as we do our sheep, and eat them likewise.
There are land birds in quantities, probably because the natives do not possess the cleverness to kill them. There are some quail, a kind of bird with the shape, size, and colour of a blackbird, except that he has under the beak two little red combs similar to our domestic fowl. There is another bird of the same shape, colour, and size, but which, instead of the red combs under the beak, has a little tuft of white feathers. There are a great number of other species, in no way extraordinary except that they were very tame. Amongst all, I have noticed one, which appeared to me to be smaller than our wren.
As for the water-fowl, we have seen a great quantity of wild ducks, of curlews, of sea-larks, snipe, and another kind of bird whose plumage is black, and the legs and beak red; this last resembling in shape and size the beak of our woodcock, but flattened in the opposite way to the beak of geese and ducks. Its toes are webbed up to a quarter of their length, and, therefore, this bird only alights on the sea-shore. It is about 1 ½ ft. from the tip of his beak to the extremity of the tail, which is not very long. It is about the size of a hen, with plenty of flesh and of an excellent flavour; but it must be skinned first.
On trouve sur ces rivages, parmi le goémon que la mer y laisse en se retirant, des morceaux de résine ou de bitume de figure à peu près ronde de couleur jaune transparence, friable, légère, inflammable, d'une odeur beaucoup plus suave que celle de la résine, mais cependant qui en approche. Cette production qui me parait curieuse et digne de l'attention des naturalistes semble être de la classe des ambres.
Le tabac n'est point connu de ces peuples, j'aurais du faire la même remarque à la description que j'ai faite des terres arsacides dont les habitants n'en ont également aucune connaissance.
Nous avons fait à ces peuples des présents bien précieux s'ils savent les connaître, savoir du blé, en leur indiquant par signe comme il faut le semer, le recueillir, l'écraser pour en faire de la farine, la réduire en pâte et la cuire pour avoir du pain qu'il ont trouvé fort bon, on leur a donné des poids et du riz en paille, mais je doute que ce terrain soit propre à produire du riz, enfin on leur a donné deux petits cochons, mâle et femelle, une poule et un coq, les seuls qui nous restaient, encore sontils de la rès petite espèce b'anche et pattue qu'on élevait à bord par curiosité; c'est tout ce qu'on a pu faire dans la disette où nous étions; s'ils savent avoir soin de toutes ces choses, il y en a assez pour en multiplier les espèces; mais leur paresse est si grande qu'il y a à craindre qu'on ait semé dans une terre fort ingrate.
Suite du Journal de Pottier de l'Horne.Départ de la N'velle Zélande.
Hier environ 5h de l'après-midi, notre canot étant de retour à bord, M. de Surville convoqua toutes les personnes de l'Etat-Major et le Meître d'Equipage à un conseil que nous avons tenu pour délibérer en quel endroit nous irions chercher du soulagement à notre triste état, après la perte de plus du tiers de notre équipage, de quatre ancres, 4 câbles, d'un bateau, les agrées et aparaux du vaisseau en mauvais état. Enfin on a délibéré que manquant de tout cela, il n'était pas possible de tenir la mer pendant quatre mois au moins surtout ayant déjà perdu 60 hommes, beaucoup d'autres étaient malades et le reste en fort mauvais état, et que restant d'ailleurs sans vivres
One finds on these coasts amongst the sea-weed that the tide leaves behind some pieces of resin or bitumen, nearly round in shape, of a yellowish colour, transparent, friable, light, inflammable, of a much sweeter scent than that of the resin, but somewhat similar. This stuff, which seems to me remarkable, and worthy of the notice of the naturalist, seems to belong to the amber family.
The tobacco is unknown to these savages. I should have made the same remark concerning the natives of the Arsacides Islands, to whom the tobacco is equally unknown.
We made these people some very valuable presents if they appreciate them to their full value—some wheat; and we showed them by signs how to sow it, harvest it, crush it to make flour of it, turn this flour into a paste, and cook it to get bread, which they found greatly to their taste. We also gave them some peas and some ears of rice; but I doubt if this country would be fit to produce rice. We also gave them two young pigs, male and female, a hen and a rooster, the only ones we had left, and they were of small species, white and leggy, that we reared on board out of curiosity. That was all that was possible for us to part with in the penury in which we found ourselves. If they know how to take care of all these things there are enough of them to reproduce the different species. But the laziness of these people is so great that it is to be feared that our seed fell in a very unproductive ground.
[Translation.]Sequel of the Journal of Pottier de l'Horne.Departure from New Zealand.
Yesterday, at about 5 p.m., our boat having come back to the vessel, M. de Surville convoked all the members of the staff and the crewmaster to a council which we held in order to decide where we should go to get relief to our sorry position, after having lost more than the third of our crew, four anchors, four cables, a boat, and with the riggings and instruments of the vessel in a bad state. At last we decided that with all these things missing it was impossible for us to remain at sea for more than four months, especially after having lost sixty men, many of the others being ill, and the remainder in a bad way; and besides, we were short of provisions, so there was only one
il n'y avait plus d'autres ressources que de faire route vers les Possessions espagnoles quoique cela fut défendu par un article des instructions de M. de Surville, lequel nous a été lu et on a dressé un procès-verbal de cette resolution; mais toutefois, en continuant encore nos découvertes autant qu'il serait possible.
Sitôt le conseil fini, on gréa un appareil sur le câble et on vira au cabestan; cette opération étant très longue, ne nous permit d'appareiller qu'à neuf heures du soir pour sortir de cette baie, ce que nous fîmes en donnant un grand tour à la pointe des roches, on sondait par continuation depuis 7 brasses jusqu'à 15. De sorte qu'à 10h ¾ nous avions la pointe de babord en sortant au Nord. A la meme heure on a dirigé la route comme à la table de Loc. Le vent était par grains et rafales, ce qui a continué jusqu'à lh après minuit que nous avons reçu un vent très fort et un peu de pluie.
Ce matin à 5 heures, on a vu la terre fort éloignée depuis le S. jusqu'au S. ¼ S.O. que peu après nous l'avons perdue de vue.
Suite du Journal de Pottier de l'Horne.Recit de la mort de M. de Surville.
(Récit presque indentique fait par M. Labé dans son Journal de bord.)
A Midi, il nous arriva une chaloupe de Callao avec un renfort de matelots espagnols sous les ordres du capitaine d'un des vaisseaux qui étaient dans cette rade, lequel capitaine nous apprit la mort de M. de Surville et des deux matelots blancs qui étaient avec lui dans le bateau avec lequel il avait été à Chilca, mais que le timonier indien s'était sauvé et avait porté à terre le flacon dans lequel était le paquet que M. de Surville avait préparé pour le faire porter au Vice-Roi à Lima et voici les circonstances que j'ai apprises de la mort de M. de Surville rapportée par le timonier à son retour à bord du vaisseau.
Lorsque M. de Surville fut à une certaine distance du rivage, il reconnut qu'il était impossible d'aller plus loin et demanda à ce timonier s'il se croyait capable d'aller à terre, lequel répondit à ses désirs et se jeta tout nu à l'eau, mais le flacon le génait si fort, qu'il fut assez heureux de rompre la ficelle qui le tenait à son col, cet homme s'avisa de regarder le bateau en nageant vers la terre; il le vit renversé, aperçut M. de Surville et les deux matelots à la nage, cherchant à gagner
thing for us to do, and that was to set sail towards the Spanish colonies, although this was prohibited to us by an article in the instructions of M. de Surville, which article was read to us, and an authentic report was made of this resolution, though we were to go on with our discoveries as much as it would be possible for us to do.
As soon as the council was over we rigged an attachment to the cable, and worked the capstan. This operation being very long, we could only set sail at 9 p.m. to get out of the bay, which we did, giving plenty of room to the rocky point. The different soundings gave from 7 to 15 fathoms. So by 10 o'clock we had the point on the starboard, going north. At the same time the route was set, as mentioned in our log-book. The wind was boisterous and squally, and lasted so until 1 a.m., when we got a very strong wind and a little rain.
This morning at 5 a.m. we saw the land very far away from south to south ¼ south-west, and then shortly after we lost sight of it.
[Translation.]Sequel to the Journal of Pottier de l'Horne.Account of the Death of M. de Surville.
(Almost identical account to the one made by M. Labé in the vessel's journal.)
At noon a longboat came to us from Callao with a relieving troop of Spanish sailors, under the orders of the captain of one of the vessels in the bay, which captain reported to us the death of M. de Surville and of the two white sailors who were with him in the boat in which he had been to Chilca, but that the Indian steersman had saved himself, and had carried to land the bottle in which was the parcel which M. de Surville had prepared to have taken to the Viceroy in Lima; and here are the circumstances of the death of M. de Surville, which we heard from the steersman when he came back on board the vessel.
When M. de Surville was at a certain distance from the shore he acknowledged that it was impossible for the boat to go any further, and asked the Indian steersman if he thought himself capable of reaching land. The man was agreeable to try, and threw himself, perfectly naked, in the water, but the bottle got so much in his way that he tried to break the string by which it was hanging round his neck, and fortunately succeeded. While swimming to the shore the man had the idea
la terre avec les plus grandes efforts, mais tous les trois périrent parce qu'ils ne purent se débarrasser de leurs vêtements. Enfin le timonier eut le bonheur d'arriver au bord du rivage épuisé de fatigue, et revenu à lui-même, le hasard lui fit trouver le flacon et le chapeau de M. de Surville qu'il porta au curé qui lui fit donner des vêtements et conduire à Lima où il remit le tout au Vice-Roi, qui, après avoir fait lecture parut, dit-on, fort sensible à l'accident arrivé a M. de Surville.
M. de Surville, avant de quitter le bord, avait laissé l'ordre à M. Labé d'appareiller s'il tardait jusqu'au lendemain, ce qui fut fait, comme il est dit, le 9.
On ne saurait exprimer la tristesse qu'une mort aussi inattendue a répandu généralement sur tout l'équipage: un coup de foudre n'ent pas causé plus d'effet. Get accident est d'autant plus touchant que M. de Surville touchait au moment de couronner, une entreprise pour laquelle il avait éprouvé beaucoup de fatigues; ce coup fatal qu'il ne pouvait prévoir nous l'a enlevé et ne nous laisse aucune ressource pour finir notre opération dont la réussite dépendait de lui seul.
M. Labé, ler Lieutenant, remplace M. de Surville en prenant le commandement du vaisseau, cette charge est aussi épineuse qu'inattendue, vu que M. de Surville n'avait communiqué à personne de l'Etat-Major ni ses intentions, ni ses instructions; il faudra bien des ménagements dans toutes les démarches qu'on aura à faire dans ce pays, car malgré l'état d'indigence qui nous a obligés à y venir je crois entrevoir que nous paraissons suspects à messieurs les Espagnols.
* * * * * *
Enfin vers les 8 heures ½ du soir, nous avons mouillé notre grande et unique ancre par 8 brasses, fond de vase, couleur d'olive et avons affourché tout de suite avec une ancre à jet et un grelin qui nous est venu de terre.
* * * * * *
Sitôt que le soleil a été levé, nous avons salué la citadelle du Callao de 15 coups de canon, laquelle ne nous en a rendu que 7, apres quoi nous avons apiqué toutes vergues en sens contraire, mis le pavilion à ½ mât et tiré un coup de canon en deuil chaque 5 minutes pour les funérailles de M. de Surville. A 8h notre aumônier a chanté une messe de requiem après laquelle nous avons fait un salut de 15 coups de canons.
[Fin de l'extrait du journal de Pottier de l'Horne.]
to look back to the boat; he saw she had capsized, and saw de Surville and the two white sailors swimming, and with great efforts trying to reach land; but the three of them were drowned, as they could not get rid of their clothes. At last the Indian had the good luck to land, exhausted with fatigue. When he had recovered, chance made him find the bottle and the hat of M. de Surville, which objects he carried to the local priest, who gave him some clothing, and had him taken to Lima, where he gave both objects to the Viceroy. This gentleman, after reading the document, appeared very much affected at the fatal accident of M. de Surville.
M. de Surville, before leaving the vessel, had given order to M. Labé to set sail if he was not back before the morrow, which orders were executed, as said previously, on the 9th.
One can hardly express the sadness that such a death, so unforeseen, brought on the whole of the crew. A thunderbolt would not have produced more effect. This accident was all the more sad because M. de Surville was on the point of carrying to a good end an enterprise for which he had gone through so many hardships. This fatal loss, which could not have been foreseen, took him away from us, and left us no means of carrying to a good end our operations, the success of which entirely depended on him.
M. Labé, 1st Lieutenant on board, replaced M. de Surville in command of the vessel. This duty was as difficult to fulfil as it was unforeseen, as M. de Surville had not communicated to any member of the staff either his intentions or his instructions. It will be necessary to use much discretion in all the proceedings we shall make in this country, for, in spite of the needy state which compelled us to come here, I think I can perceive that we appear rather suspicious to Messrs, the Spaniards.
* * * * * *
At last, towards 8.30 p.m., we let go our big and only anchor in 8 fathoms, muddy bottom, of an olive colour. We moored at once with a smaller anchor and a cable which was sent to us from the shore.
* * * * * *
Immediately at sunrise we saluted the Citadel of Callao with fifteen guns (they only returned us seven), after which we fixed all the yards backwards, put our flag half-mast, and fired mourning guns every five minutes for the funeral of M. de Surville. At 8 o'clock our chaplain sang a requiem mass, after which we saluted with fifteen guns.
[End of extracts from the Journal of Pottier de l'Horne.]
Records Relating to Marion's Voyage.
Marion du Fresne was born at Saint Malo in 1729. He entered the French Navy and became a Lieutenant on a frigate in 1745, and Captain of a fire-ship in 1766. His expedition to New Zealand was an interesting one. Bougainville had brought to France, in 1769, a native of Tahiti named Mayoa, who, after a short stay in Paris, was sent to the Isle of France with instructions to be sent home whenever that could be done. Marion, being a wealthy man and desirous of distinguishing himself in the world of travel, offered to carry the Tahitian home at his own expense. All he asked was for one of the King's store-ships to be attached to the Expedition, he (Marion) paying all expenses. This was agreed to, and the “Mascarin.” under Marion, and the “Marquis de Castries,” under Chevalier du Clesmeur, set out from the Isle of France.
At the Isle of Bourbon Mayoa was attacked with small-pox, and died while the expedition lay at Madagascar. Marion, however, decided to go on with the work of exploration, and, on the 3rd March, 1772, sighted Van Diemen's Land. There he remained until the 10th March, and then set sail for New Zealand. He was following up the route taken in 1642 by Tasman.
The records here published comprise a journal of the “Mascarin,” by Lieutenant Roux, of that vessel, and one of the “Marquis de Castries,” by Captain du Clesmeur, her commander, while on the New Zealand coast; both have been extracted from the records of the Hydrographical Service of the French Navy, in Paris, and certified as correct by the Keeper of the Records.
Cook was told at the Cape of Good Hope, in November, 1772, by the Governor, Baron Plattenberg, that Captain Marion had started, but that was all he knew of the expedition. On his return in March, 1775, the two captains (Cook and Crozet) met at the Cape, and the great English navigator was very favourably impressed with his French comrade.
Crozet communicated to Cook a chart delineating his discoveries and those of Kerguelen; but Cook did not learn the details of the voyage until after the completion of his second voyage.
Marion's route was practically that of Tasman, 130 years before, but the Frenchman sighted New Zealand at Mount Egmont, which he named Mount Mascarin, after his vessel.
The story of the Expedition was given to the world in 1783 by the Abbé Alexis Rochon, and an English translation, by H. Ling Roth, was published in London in 1891. Rochon based his narrative on Crozet's Journal, which is not published here. Crozet took command of the “Mascarin” on the death of Marion. No journal of the expedition has ever before been published.
Mr. Charles Wilson, Chief Librarian of the General Assembly Library, Wellington, prepared the translation, and added some valuable notes.
Journal de “le Mascarin.”Journal du Voyage fait sur le Vaisseau du Roi “Le Mascarin,” commandé par M. Marion, Chevalier de l'Ordre Royal et Militaire de St. Louis, Capitaine de Brulot, accompagné de la Flutte “Le Marquis de Castries,”
“Le Marquis de Castries” is described as being “une flute” or “fluite.” Cassell's Dictionary translates this: “a flute,” “naval term.” Litré's Dictionary describes “une flute” as being “une navire à charge,” literally, a cargo-ship, which is “flat-bottomed, very wide, and heavy.” Colbert, writing to Le Seuil in 1670, recommended this class of ship to be built for an expedition to the East Indies.—Translator.
pour faire le voyage de l'Isle Taity
Tahiti was also Do Surville's objective.
ou de Cythére, en faisant la découverte des Terres Australes, passant à la Nouvelle Hollande, à la Nouvelle Zélande, &c., &c. par le St. Jean Roux, Lieutenant sur le Susdit Vaisseau “Le Mascarin.”
Le 25, à huit heures du matin, on vit la terre paroissant avoirla forme d'un islot ou l'on distinguoit deux taches blanches: nous fîmes route pour l'approcher, il ventoit peu, le 26 nous reconnûmes que cette terre étoit le sommet d'une haute montagne que nous nommâmes le Pic Mascarin
Discovered by Cook and, on the 13th January, 1770, named “Mount Egmont.”
du nom de notre vaisseau.
Le 27 au jour nous nous trouvâmes assez près, on sondoit souvent, le brasséiage étoit depuis cinquante brasses d'eau fond de vase molle, jusqu'à trente brasses d'eau fond de corail: ce dernier brasséiage fut trouvé a une lieue et demie d'une pointe basse. Nous virâmes de bord, la côte me parut belle, on y distinguoit des arbrisseaux, pendant la nuit on vit beaucoup de feux qui ne nous laissèrent aucun doute que ces terres ne fussent habitées; nous fûmes contraints de nous en éloigner, il se déclara un furieux coup de vent du Nord au Nord-Quest, où nos vaisseaux fatiguèrent beaucoup.
Le 29, nous revînmes reconnoître le Pic Mascarin: c'est un très bon endroit pour attérir, d'autant qu'il se fait voir de vingt-cinq à trente lieues d'un beau temps; ses deux taches blanches le feront toujours connoître. Ce Pic est, autant que j'en puis juger, à la pointe du Nord de la baie des assassins, il doit en sortir plusieurs rivières. La coste que nous parcourûmes le 30 étoit basse, sablonneuse et couverte de petites broussailles, nous traversâmes aussi une baie dont l'entrée étoit défendue par une chaine de brisans, je pense qu'il ne serait pas pruden de s'en approcher, sans y apporter les plus grandes précautions.
Journal of the “Mascarin.”[Translation.]Journal of the Voyage made in the King's Ship “Le Mascarin,” commanded by M. Marion, Knight of the Royal and Military Order of St. Louis, Fire-ship Captain, accompanied by the Transport or Cargo-ship (la Flute) “Le Marquis de Castries,”* commissioned to make a Voyage to the Island of Tahiti,† or Cythera, discovering the Austral Lands, thence proceeding to New Holland, to New Zealand, etc., etc. By M. Le St. Jean Roux, Lieutenant on the above-named Vessel “Le Mascarin.”
On the 25th March, at 8 o'clock in the morning, we sighted the land, which appeared to take the shape of an islet whereon two white patches could be distinguished. We sailed on to approach nearer, the wind being light. On the 26th we discovered that the land was the summit of a high mountain, which we named Mascarin Peak,‡ after the name of our ship.
On the 27th, at daybreak, we found ourselves sufficiently close to the land, and took frequent soundings. The depth was from 50 fathoms of water with a bottom of mud to 30 fathoms of water with a coral bottom. This last sounding was taken at a league and a half from a low-lying point. We then tacked. The coast appeared very beautiful to me; a good many shrubs could be seen. During the night we saw many fires, which left no doubt in our minds as to these lands being inhabited. We were then, however, obliged to stand off the land, as a furious wind began to blow from the north to the north-west, causing our vessels to labour heavily.
On the 29th we returned to make a closer inspection of Mascarin Peak. It is a very good neighbourhood to land at, especially as in fine weather the peak can be seen from a distance of 25 to 30 leagues. It can always be easily distinguished by its two white patches. This peak, so far as I am able to judge, is at the northern point of Murderers' Bay. Several rivers must have their rise in it. The coast which we passed along the 30th was low, sandy, and covered with small brushwood. We also crossed a bay whose entrance was obstructed by a line of breakers. I imagine it would not be prudent to
Nous vîmes peu après une côte coupée de moudrins et doubles montagnes dans les terres, mais elle est d'un bel aspect, et très agrèable. Le jour suivant nous trouvâmes un gros Cap; dans une ance plus sud nous y vîmes des hommnes. Nous passions différentes nuits à la cape ou en panne pour éviter les dangers qui auroient pu se trouver le long d'une côte inconnue.
Du gros cap en allant dans le Nord, la côte étoite plus élevée, il y a des coupées de distance en distance, qui peut-être sont des embouchures de rivières. Le gros Cap que j'ai cité, est par trente cinq degrès trente minutes de latitude, et le Pic Mascarin qui est notre première vue, est situé par la latitude méridionale de trente neuf degrès trente minutes, et par la longitude à l'Est de Paris cent soixante dix degrès dix minutes; corrigée sur différentes observations faites à bord des vaisseaux et dans le Port Marion.
Le 2 Avril nous eûmes un fort vent de la partie du Nord-Est, la brume qui vint nous étoit le moyen de voir la terre cependant le ciel devint un peu clair dans l'après-midi.
Le 3. Nous eûmes connaissance du Cap St. Marie
Cape Maria van Diemen.
et de ses Islots, à midi étant très près des brisans qui sont à la pointe de ce Cap, nous virâmes de bord, ce brisant peut s'étendre à deux ou trois lieues au large, il est en forme de plateau. Cette côte porte fond partout, quand on l'approche depuis deux ou trois lieues, le brasséiage est de trente cinq à quarante-cinq brasses d'eau fond de sable et vase, et plus au large depuis soixante jusqu'à cent quarante brasses d'eau fond de vase et très molle. Nous cherchâmes à doubler ce cap, mais nous me pûmes encore y réussir, les vents de Nord et de Nord-Ouest devinrent violens, et la mer mauvaise, ainsi que le temps, de sorte que nous fûmes au moment de nous aborder dans le milieu de la nuit. Le bruit des vents et de la mer nous empêchèrent d'entendre les coups de canon que nous tirions réciproquement, tant pour nous éviter que pour ne pas nous séparer: ce coup de vent fut encore plus fort que le dernier que nous avions recu, si nous avions eu le malheur de nous aborder avec une pareille mer, nous nous serions brisés.
Au jour nous nous attendiona à voir la fin de ce mauvais temps, ce fut tout le contraire, il augmenta encore; il passoit de si fortres raffales, que nous fûmes plusieurs fois obligés de mettre à sec, ou d'arriver en tenant la Cape. Cette tempête dura jusqu'au 6 à la fin du jour. Le 7 le ciel devint beau, la mer avoit tombé, mais il ventoit encore beaucoup. Le 8 nous eûmes
approach it without taking the greatest precautions. Shortly after passing this bay we perceived an indented shore and a double range of mountains in the interior. The prospect was very fine, and the country most pleasant to look at. On the following day we sighted a large headland, and in a little cove further to the south we saw some men. We passed several nights hove to, in order to guard against the dangers which might have been encountered along an unknown coast.
From the big headland, going in a northerly direction, we found the coast much higher. At various intervals there are inlets which may be the mouths of rivers. The high headland to which I have made allusion lies in lat. 35° 30′. The Mascarin Peak, the first headland we sighted, is situated in 39° 30′ south. Its longitude east of Paris is 170° 10′. These bearings were arrived at by separate observations taken on board the two vessels and at Port Marion.
On the 2nd April we encountered a strong wind from the north-east. The fog which then came up prevented our seeing land. However, the sky became a little clearer during the afternoon.
On the 3rd April we sighted Cape St. Marie* and its islets. At noon, being very close to the rocks, which are at the extremity of this cape, we tacked about. This reef must extend for a width of from 2 to 3 leagues; it is in the form of a plateau. A good bottom can be found all along this coast within 2 or 3 leagues from the land. The sounding is from 35 to 45 fathoms, with a sandy or muddy bottom. Further away in the offing there are from 60 to 140 fathoms, with a soft muddy bottom. We attempted to double the cape, but we could not succeed. The northerly and north-westerly winds became violent, and the sea very rough. The weather was very bad; so much so that we were upon the point of running foul of each other in the middle of the night. The noise of the wind and the sea prevented our hearing the shots fired by the guns of each ship, as much to keep us apart as to prevent any separation. This gale was even more violent than the previous one we had experienced. If we had had the misfortune to run foul of each other in such a sea we should have dashed each other to pieces.
When daylight came we expected to see the end of this bad weather, but, on the contrary, it got worse. Such heavy squalls came up that we were several times obliged to run it out under bare poles, or to heave-to. This tempest lasted until the 6th, at the close of the day. On the 7th the sky became clear, and the sea had gone down, but it was still blowing hard. On the
connoissance des Isles des trois Rois; nous ne pûmes d'abord nous imaginer que ce fût elles, parceque ce n'étoit que de gros rochers, et que Tasman, Navigateur hollandais qui en avoit fait la découverte en 1643,
4th January, 1643.
en fait une toute autre relation, et dit qu'il y a plusieurs Isles dont une qui est la plus grande, a trois lieues de circonférence. Il assure que sur cette isle il y a une rivière qui tombe à la mer. On verra par la suite que ce navigateur ne donne que des notions très fausses. Le 10 nous en approchâmes et nous y vîmes des feux: à une moindre distance on appercut des hommes, cela nous sembla fort extraordinaire vu la stérilité apparente du Pays; ce sont vraisem-blablement des habitants de la grande terre qui viennent faire la pêche sur ces rochers. Tasman en impose beaucoup lorsqu'il assure que sur une de ces isles il y a une rivière
Tasman did not say there was a river; his men reported to him that they found “good fresh water coming down in great plenty from a steep mountain” (antep. 29).
et que l'on y trouve de bons mouillages, nous avons rangé de très près le grand rocher oû étoient ces hommes, nous n'avons point trouvé de fond à deux cent brasses. Si nous nous fussions séparés, nous eussions été bien trompés, car le point de réunion étoit à ces isles, nous en avons fait plusieurs fois le tour, forcés a cela par le vent contraire, et nous n'avons point trouvé de fond à une demie lieue de terre. Ces isles ne sont éloignées de la grande terre que de douze à treize lieues, et les Zélandais peuvent s'y rendre avec leurs pirogues lorsque la mer est belle.
Le 12 nous les abandonnâmes et fîmes route pour la grande terre. Nous vîmes bientot le Cap Ste. Marie, pendant la nuit on courut différents bords, et au jour nous fîmes route dans l'Est, pour prendre connoissance d'une baie qui parut très belle.
Toute cette coste est bien boisée et forme un coup d'oeil agréable; autant que je puis en juger, ce Pays à l'apparence d'être beau.
Le 15 M. Marion envoya le canot dans l'ance qui nous avoit paru belle, et qui est auprès d'une grosse pointe-que nous nommâmes la montagne du Pouce à cause de sa forme: on trouva dans cette ance ou baie, une petite rivière, dont l'eau n'étoit pas bien bonne. Après midi on envoya encore le canot dans une ance plus nord que cette baie, où est un gros cap que l'on nomma Cap Eole
The North Cape, called by De Surville “Cape Surville” (p. 267). Marion evidently did not have De Surville's journal with him.
; mais on n'y trouva point d'eau. Il y avoit une très belle pirogue qui étoit assez bien sculptée. M. Marion résolut d'aller mouiller dans la bale où étoit la rivière, dans l'espoir
8th we sighted the Three Kings Islands. At first we could hardly believe it was the group, because there were only large rocks, whereas Tasman, the Dutch navigator, who discovered them in 1643,* gave quite another description of them. He said there were several islands, of which one, the largest, is 3 leagues in circumference. He stated that on this island there is a river which falls into the sea. By what follows it will be seen that this navigator has made some very erroneous statements. On the 10th we went in closer, and saw some fires on the land. Closer still we were able to perceive some natives. This appeared to me to be most extraordinary, in view of the apparent barrenness of the country. Presumably these men were inhabitants of the mainland, who had come to these rocks on a fishing expedition. Tasman is quite incorrect when he assures us that on one of these islands there is a river,† and that good anchorages can be found there. We hugged the shore of the large rock where we had seen the men, and found no bottom at 200 fathoms. If our vessels had quitted company we should have been greatly misled, for the meeting-place was at these islands. We sailed round the group several times, being compelled to do so by the contrary winds, and we could find no bottom half a league from the land. These islands are only 12 to 13 leagues from the mainland, and the New-Zealanders can reach them in their canoes when the sea is smooth.
On the 12th we left these islands behind, and sailed towards the mainland. We soon sighted Cape St. Marie. During the night we stood off the land on different tacks, and at daylight we sailed towards the east, and sighted a bay of very fine appearance.
All this coast is well wooded, and affords a very agreeable sight. As far as I could judge, this is a very fine country.
On the 15th M. Marion despatched the ship's cutter into the cove which had appeared so beautiful, and which lies near a large headland, which we named Thumb Mountain on account of its shape. In this cove a little stream was found, the water of which however, was not very fresh. In the afternoon the cutter went up another cove further to the north, where there is a high cape, which we called Cape Eolus,‡ but no fresh water could be found there. A very handsome canoe, with some rather fine carvings was seen in this cove. M. Marion determined
que l'eau qui en sortoit auroit été meilleure en la prenant plus avant dans le terrein.
En conséquence dés le 16, à la pointe du jour nous fîmes route pour cet endroit, il y avoit apparence de forte brise, néanmoins nous y mouillâmes qu'à huit heures et demie du matin par seize brasses d'eau fond de sable fin. La marée nous avoit fait faire beaucoup de chemin, le courant qui étoit à notre avantage, portoit avec force dans le Sud-Ouest. Cette baie n'est pas trop sure, parceque les vents du nord-est portent sur la pointe de l'Est de la baie oú il y a une chaine d'islots et de rochers qui s'étendent au large: aprês avoir mouillé on envoya un officier à terre pour gouter l'eau de cette rivière, et voir si dans le terrain elle seroit meilleure. Vers midi la marée ayant reversé, le courant prit la même direction que le vent. A une heure le vent ayant considérablement augmenté, et la mer étant devenue fort houleuse, nous nous appercumes que le vaisseau chassoit: nous mouillâmes une seconde ancre en filant le premier cable sur le bout: comme on craignoit que le canot n'eut pu venir à bord, s'il tardoit davantage, on lui fit signal de s'y rendre; à quatre heures il attrapa le vaisseau avec peine. L'Officier qui étoit dedans ce canot apporta de cette rivière de l'eau qui étoit somâtre et qui n'étoit bonne à rien, cependant il l'avait fait prendre un peu avant dans le terrain et elle ne valoit pas mieux qu'au bord de la mer, par la raison que dans les grandes marées, la mer y montoit. Il rapporta beaucoup de curiosité dont j'aurai occasion de parler ailleurs, et par lesquelles on pourra juger que les naturels du Pays sont industrieux.
Dans l'après midi le vent augmentant toujours, on se prépara pour appareiller en cas d'évenement, et on passa les embossures pour que rien ne retardât.
A cinq heures du soir le coup vent se déclara entièrement, il passa des raffales très fortes, la mer devint mauvaise, le vent varioit du Nord-Est au Nord, et nous jettoit sur cette pointe de l'Est de la baie oú est une chaîne de rochers. Nos vaisseaux fatiguoient craellement, à trois heures du matin la marée ayant encore pris le même cours que le vent, les deux ancres que le “Castries” avoit de mouillées chassérent
See pages 446–447.
; ils voulurent en mouiller une troisième, mais elle ne fit aucun effet. M. Marion lui fit faire signal d'appareiller; à quatre heures ce vaisseau mit sous voile. Le vent et la mer augmentoient toujours.
upon anchoring in the bay into which the river entered, in the hope that the water in the stream would prove to be sweeter if taken from it a little further inland.
Accordingly, on the 16th, at daybreak, we set out for this place. It looked as if we were to have a strong breeze, but nevertheless it was half-past 8 in the morning before we anchored in 16 fathoms of water, with a fine sandy bottom. The tide had largely assisted us. The current, which was in our favour, ran strongly towards the south-west. This bay is none too safe, because the winds from the north-east blow towards the eastern point of the inlet, where there is a chain of islets and rocks extending into the offing. After we had anchored we sent an officer to the land to test the water of the river, and to see if further inland it was of better quality. Towards midday, the tide having turned, the current took the same direction as the wind. At 1 o'clock, the wind having considerably strengthened, and there being a heavy swell on, we noticed that the vessel was dragging her anchor. We put out a second anchor, paying the first cable out to the end. As we feared that the cutter would not be able to come alongside if it were further delayed, a signal was made for the boat to come off at once. At 4 o'clock it managed with great difficulty to reach the ship. The officer who was in charge of the cutter brought off some water from the river, but it was brackish, and good for nothing. Although it had been taken a little way up the river it was no better than that taken close to the shore, the reason being that at high tide the sea went up the river. The officer brought back many curios, of which I shall have reason to speak further on, and by which we could see that the natives of this country are most industrious.
During the afternoon, the wind growing stronger all the time, we made preparations for getting under weigh in case of need, and unshackled the cables ready for slipping (literally, “slipped the stoppers”) so that there would be no delay.
At 5 o'clock in the evening it was a decided gale, and several very heavy squalls passed over us. The sea became very rough, and the wind shifted from the north-east to the north, and drove us towards the eastern point of the bay, where there is a line of rocks. Our vessels laboured heavily, and at 3 in the morning, the tide having again, taken the same course as the wind, the two anchors which had been put out by the “Castries” dragged.* An attempt was made to put out a third anchor, but it had no effect. M. Marion signalled to them to get under sail, and at 4 o'clock this was done. The wind and the sea kept on getting worse.
Enfin le 17 à huit heures du matin nous recûmes un violent coup de mer qui fut si furieux que le vaisseau resta près de quatre minutes engagé, la mer déferloit à bord comme si nous avions été sur un récif: à huit heures et demie le vaisseau chassa; pour ors M. Marion se décida à appareiller, on fila les câbles par le bout en virant sur les embossures. Nous fîmes route sous les deux basses voies: le vaisseau étoit le plat bord à l'eau par le force du vent; les bonnes qualités de notre vaisseau nous tirèrent du plus affreux péril, ca nous doublâmes la pointe des rochers à portée du mousquet. A midi nous vîmes notre camarade qui étoit fort au large, nous lui fîmes signal de ralliement; le soir nous lui parlâmes, le Capitaine nous dit qu'il avait perdu trois ancres et trois câbles, mais que son vaisseau n'avait point de mal.
Le mauvais temps dura jusqu'au 19, nous louvoyâmes en attendant un temps plus favorable pour retourner chercher nos ancres.
Le 21, nous recumes encore un fort coup de vent du Sud-Ouest qui dura jusqu'au 23, qu'enfin le temps se mit au beau. Les vents furent variables.
Ce même jour M. Marion nous fit assembler pour tenir conseil: il nous demanda nos avis, s'il convenoit d'hasarder d'aller mouiller dans la baie aux ancres
Spirits Bay.
(car nous la nommâmes ainsi) pour aller chercher les cinq ancres et autant de cables que nous y avions laissés le 17 de ce mois.
Nous fûmes tous du sentiment d'y aller, vu que c'étoit un objet considérable qu'une pareille quantité d'ancres et de cables. On mit un bateau à la mer et on envoya demander l'avis par écrit à l'Etat Major du Castries qui se trouva du sentiment contraire, en alléguant que c'étoit courir trop de risques et exposer les vaisseaux. M. Marion qui ne les avoit consultés que par honnêtete sachant ce qu'il avoit à faire, ordonna dans le Porte-voix au Capitaine de se préparer à mouiller, de suivre sa manoeuvre et de l'observer.
Ces Messieurs avoient fait une grande faute, ils n'avaient pas eu l'attention de mettre des bouées sur leurs ancres, de sorte qu'il doit être três douteux qu'on parvienne à les trouver, d'autant mieux que ce vaisseau en chassant, les devoit avoir entrainées loin de l'endroit oú les relévemens du mouillage ont été faits. Pour nous, nous étions très certains de retrouver les nôtres, attendu que les bouées que nous y avions mises, étoient très fortes.
Dès le 25, nous cherchâmes à gagner le mouillage de la baie aux ancres, en y faisant route nous vîmes dans l'ance qui est
At length, on the 17th, at 8 o'clock in the morning, a heavy squall struck the ship with such force that for nearly four minutes the vessel heeled right over, and the sea foamed on board as if we had been on a reef. At half-past 8 the vessel dragged her anchor, whereupon M. Marion decided to set sail at once, so we paid the cables out, veering away on the stoppers. We then got under weigh with the two lower sails, the vessel being down to the gunwale in the sea through the force of the wind. The staunch qualities of our vessel saved us from the most dreadful peril, for we rounded the rocky point at the distance only of a musket-shot. At noon we sighted our comrade far away in the offing, and signalled to her to come up to the wind. At night we spoke her, her captain informing us that he had lost three anchors and three cables, but that the vessel had suffered no injury.
The bad weather lasted until the 19th. We kept on tacking about, waiting until the water was more favourable for returning to the bay to secure our anchors.
On the 21st we encountered another heavy gale from the south, which lasted until the 23rd, when at last the weather became fine again. The winds, however, were very changeable.
The same day M. Marion called together the officers to hold a council. He asked our advice as to whether we had better risk going to anchor in Anchor Bay* (for thus we named it), and seek to regain the five anchors and five cables which we had left there on the 17th of this month.
We were all agreed upon returning, seeing of what importance was such a quantity of anchors and cables. A boat was launched, and a written message sent to the captain of the “Castries,” who expressed in reply a contrary opinion, alleging that it would be running far too great a risk to thus imperil the ships. M. Marion, who had only consulted them out of politeness, being well aware what he ought to do, ordered the captain of the “Castries,” through the speaking-trumpet, to prepare to anchor, to follow his lead and to closely observe it.
These gentlemen [on the “Castries”] had made a great mistake. They had not been careful enough to buoy their anchors, so that it was very doubtful whether they would be able to find them, especially as the “Castries,” in dragging, must have gone a long way from the spot where the heaving of the anchors had been attempted. As for us, we felt quite certain that we should find our anchors, seeing that the buoys to which we had attached them were very strong.
On the 25th we tried to gain the anchorage in Anchor Bay. On our way there we entered into a cove which is further to the
plus Nord que cette baie des Maisons,
Tom Bowling Bay.
M. Marion m'y envoya. Je trouvai au rivage des hommes qui s'efirayèrent d'abord, mais qui cependant s'approchérent aux signes de paix que je leur fis, ils me firent present d'excellent poisson, je leur donnai aussi quelques bagatelles. Il y avoit parmi eux un viel lard qui m'engagea d'aller dans sa maison, les autres naturels lui marquoient beaucoup de respect, il me considéra beaucoup et parut très surpris de tout ce qu'il voyoit, me faisoit une infinité de questions auxquelles je ne compris rien, il fit approcher une pirogue qui arrivoit de la pêche, il me fit signe de choisir le poisson que j'aimerois le mieux, je lui fis aussi un second present dont il parut fort satisfait; comme les vaisseaux faisoient route je m'en fus les rejoindre.
Enfin le 26, nous jettâmes l'ancre par quatorze brasses d'eau fond de sable fin, on mit aussitôt les batteaux à la mer, le ciel étoit beau et le vent avoit calmi. Nous vîmes presque aussitôt avoir mouillé, les bouées de nos ancres tout près de nous; nous les levâmes, et ensuite on envoya les deux chaloupes et un troisième bateau pour aller draguer les ancres du Castries; on y fut occupé le reste de la journée, on y employa aussi la nuit et toute la matinée du 27, toutes ces peines furent infructueuses, on ne trouva rien, et cela comme je viens de le dire, parcequ'ils n'avaient pas eu l'attention de mettre des bouées. M. Marion leur envoya deux ancres de notre vaisseau pour remplacer en partie la perte qu'ils avaient faite.
Pendant ce travail, le 27 on envoya un bateau à terre pour voir si l'eau était encore somâtre; on la trouva telle et même plus que jamais, après-midi nous fumes plusieurs nous promener à terre, nous trouvâmes la descente très-facile de beau temps, mais le moindre vent y formait une barre considérable. Je remarquais que la rivière était peu élevée au dessus du niveau de la mer et qu'aussitôt que la mer était pleine elle entrait dedans. Cette riviére n'a pas paru venir de oin, la plaine qu'elle arrose est d'un bel aspect, et est coupée par divers ruisseaux, elle m'a paru avoir été cultivée, on y voit de dix pas en dix pas, des petits canaux pour l'écoulement des eaux; l'herbe y est fort haute preuve certaine de la bonté du sol je n'y ai vu que des arbrisseaux qui nous sont inconnus, mais quelques plantes y sont les mêmes que chez nous, comme, la calebasse, la chicorée sauvage, la marguérite, le roseau, le glayeul ou espéce de vacoua et autres: de ce dernier ils font de très-belles seines et des cordes, et ils en font un grand usage dans la construction
north than this Bay of Houses* [Baie des maisons]. M. Marion sent me there. I found on the beach some men who at first seemed alarmed, but who, however, approached me when they noticed the peaceful gestures I made. They made us a present of some excellent fish, and I, on my part, gave them a few trifles. There was amongst them an old man who invited me into his hut. The other natives showed him much respect. He watched me very closely, and appeared greatly surprised at everything he saw. He asked me no end of questions, of which I understood nothing. He ordered a canoe which had just come in from a fishing trip to come in to the shore, and then made signs to me to choose whatever fish I liked best. I then made him a second gift, with which he seemed highly delighted. As the ships were getting under weigh I went off to rejoin them.
At length, on the 26th, we let go an anchor in 14 fathoms of water, with a bottom of fine sand. The boats were launched forthwith. The sky was clear and the wind had gone down. Almost as soon as we had anchored we saw quite close to us the buoys of the anchors we had put out and lost. We hauled them in, and then despatched the two longboats and a third boat to dredge for the anchors lost by the “Castries.” The rest of the day was thus employed, the search being continued also all through the night and all the morning of the 27th. All this trouble was, however, in vain. Nothing was found, and this because, as I have already said, they had not taken the precaution to buoy their anchors. M. Marion sent the “Castries” two anchors from his ship to replace in part the loss the latter vessel had sustained.
While this work was being done, a boat was sent on shore, on the 27th, to see if the water was still brackish. It was found to be so, and worse even than before. In the afternoon several of our company went on shore for a walk. We found the landing very easy in fine weather, but the least wind raises a considerable break. I noticed that the river was very little above the level of the sea, and that as soon as the tide was high the sea entered its mouth. The source of this river cannot be very far inland. The plain which it waters is of a fertile appearance, and is divided by several small streams. It appeared to me to have been cultivated. Every ten paces or so there were little canals through which the water flowed. The herbage is so high as to give certain proof of the fertility of the soil. I saw but few shrubs whose names are known to us, but some of the plants are the same as ours. I noticed the gourd, the wild endive, the daisy, the reed, the water flag (or reed), a species of vacoua, and others. Of the latter, the natives make very fine nets and
de leurs cases comme nous l'avons vu a un village abandonné qui est à l'entrée de cette plaine.
Plusieurs cases ou maisons de ce village ont été incendiées, ce qui nous fit présumer que les habitants en avaient été chassés et qu'il n'y avait que peu de temps qu'ils l'avaient évacué; car nous y trouvâmes encore plusieurs magasins où ils avaient enfermé leurs seines dont une partie étaient neuves, elles sont maillées comme les notres ayant quatre vingt et cent brasses de longueur, et cinq ou six pieds de hauteur, dans le bas est un étui où sont renfermées les pierres pour la faire couler et qui font l'effet du plomb dont nous garnissons les nôtres. En haut sont attachés de distance en distance des petits morceaux d'un bois rond et très léger qui remplacent le liège que nous employons à cet usage.
Ce n'a pas été seulement par ces seines que nous avons jugé de l'industrie de ces naturels, elle paraissait encore dans tout cs que nous vîmes; entr'autres choses, leurs maisons causèrent notre admiration tant elles étaient proprement faites; elles avaient la forme d'un carré long, et étaient grandes en raison du besoin qu'ils en avaient, les côtes étaient des piquets à petite distance les uns des autres, et affermis par des gaulettes qui les traversaient en les entrelacant, elles étaient enduites en dehors d'une couche de mousse assez épaisse pour empêcher l'eau et le vent d'y pénétrer, et cette couche était soutenue pa un petit treillis bien fait. Le dedans était tapissé d'une natte de glayeuls par dessus laquelle était de distance en distance, en forme d'ornement et pour soutenir la couverture, de petits piliers, ou pour mieux dire des planches épaisses de deux à trois pouces, assez bien sculptées. Dans le milieu de la maison était aussi un gros pilier sculpté qui soutenait le faîte de la couverture, conjointement avec deux autres aux deux extrémités; ce qui nous surprit davantage, est que le tout était à mortaise et fort bien lié avec leurs cordes de glayeul. Sur le pilier du milieu était une figure hideuse d'une espéce de diable marin, comme nous avons trouvé cette figure dans toutes les maisons et dans cete même place qui lui parait consacrée, il y a tout lieu de présumer que c'est leur divinité qu'ils représentent sous cette forme.
La porte de chaque maison était à coulisse et si basse qu'il fallait en quelque sorte se coucher pour y entrer, au dessus étaient deux petites lucarnes et un treillis très-fin. Tout autour au dehors régnait un petit fossé pour l'écoulement des eaux; ces maisons sont couvertes de jonc; dans quelque unes il y
lines. They make considerable use of it in the construction of their huts, as we noticed at an abandoned village which we came across at the entrance to the plain.
Several of the huts or houses in this village had been burnt down, which caused us to suppose that the inhabitants had been driven away, and that it was not very long since they had evacuated this settlement, for we found several houses still standing in which they had stored their nets, of which some were quite new. These nets are meshed like ours. They are from 90 to 100 fathoms in length, and 5 to 6 in height. At the bottom is a case or basket in which are stones wherewith to sink the net, and which have the same effect as the lead with which our nets are furnished. All along the top, at intervals, are little pieces of a round and very light wood, which take the place of the corks which we employ as floats.
It was not only by these nets that we concluded the natives were industrious; we had other proofs than this. Amongst other things we noticed, their houses excited our admiration, so neatly were they constructed. They are built in the form of a long platform, and are of a height in proportion to the uses to which they are to be put. The walls are formed of stakes placed a little apart from each other, and strengthened by switches or small poles, which are crossed, and which interlace with them. There is an outer covering, consisting of a layer of moss thick enough to prevent the rain and wind from penetrating the walls, and this covering is supported by small lattice-work, very neatly constructed. Inside, the walls are hung with matting made of water-flags, over which, at intervals, are placed, as ornaments and supports of the roof, small pillars, or, to be more correct, planks of 2 in. to 3 in. in thickness, fairly well carved. In the centre of the house is a large carved pillar, which acts as a support for the ridge of the roofing, conjointly with two others at the two extremities. What astonished us most was the manner in which all the parts were mortised, and so strongly bound together, with cordage made out of the water-flags. On the centre was a hideous figure of a sort of demon. As we found similar figures in all the houses, and always in the same position, which appears to be consecrated to this monster, there is every reason to believe that it is the natives' divinity which is represented in this way.
The door of each house ran in grooves, and was so low that we had to bend down in some way in order to enter the building. Above the door were two small windows and some very close lattice-work. Right round each house ran a small ditch, which is used to drain away the water. The floors of these houses are
avait une couchette assez mal faite et dedans du foin bien sec sur lequel ils se couchent.
Devant chaque porte on voyait 3 pierres qui formaient une espèce de foyer où il faisaient du feu, une autre pierre était à peu de distance qui leur servait à broyer du rouge. J'ai fait enlever le poteau, d'une de ces maisons, qui était fort bien sculpté, il était de bois de sassafras et avait une odeur bien suave.
Il me paraissait bien extraordinaire qu'on put travailler aussi bien sans outils tels que les nôtres, nous ne trouvâmes cependant nulle part d'indice d'aucuns métaux, nous voyons des arbres coupés à trois pans comme nous le ferions; enfin tout nous prouvait que partout les besoins font inventer aux hommes des moyens pour se rendre la vie plus douce, et qu'ainsi ceux qui sont privés de ce qui nous paroit le plus nécessaire y suppléent par de nouvelles connaissances, les quelles perfectionnées et accumulées font paraître les peuples plus ou moins policés suivant qu'elles y abondent.
Je ne sais s'il y a des quadrupèdes en ce pays, mais nous trouvâmes dans ce village la forme d'une auge faite comme les nôtres, d'où j'ai soupconné qu'ils avaient apparemment quelque espèce de bétail, on trouva aussi un morceau de peau assez semblable à cette de l'ours.
Probably of the native dog.
Nous nous flattions d'après ce que nous venions de voir que si nous trouvions un port il nous serait facile de tirer des secours de ces peuples.
M. Marion ayant fait signal d'appareiller, nous nous rendîmes a bord du vaisseau, à notre arrivée on mit sous voiles avec des vents variables du N.O. au S. assez forts, nous dirigeâmes la route pour doubler le cap d'Eole; on le nomma ainsi à cause de plusieurs tempêtes que nous avions recues à sa vue.
Dans l'Est de ce cap on voit beaucoup d'ilots, la côte est bien boisée et s'éléve sensiblement du rivage dans les terres, dans le Sud des îlots il nous parut comme de grands enfonce ments ou baies qui sont profondes.
Le 1er Mai nous doublâmes un gros cap que nous nommàmes cap carré,
Cape Brett.
vu qu'il nous avait paru de cette forme, dans l'Ouest on voyait quantité de feux et d'ilots, ce qui nous donnait espoir de trouver ce que nous cherchions depuis longtemps.
Le 3 nous profitions d'une petite brise qui se levait de moment à autre pour aller reconnaître le cap carré et la partie de l'Est; à la pointe du jour M. Marion y envoya le canot bien armé d'espingoles et de fusils pour aller visiter cet endroit. L'officier
covered with rushes. In some of them there was a small roughly made bedstead, filled with well-dried hay, upon which the natives sleep.
In front of each door were to be seen three stones, which form a kind of hearth where they make their fires. Another stone some little distance away was used by the natives to crush their red paint upon. I carried away a very finely carved post from one of these houses. It was made out of sassafras wood, and had a very pleasant fragrance.
It seemed to me most extraordinary that these people could do such good work without the tools such as are used by Europeans. Nowhere could we find, however, any trace of metals. We noticed trees cut into a triangular shape, as with us. In fact, everything went to prove that all the world over necessity makes men invent methods by which they can render life more easy, and that in this way those who lack what we consider to be most necessary supply the deficiency by new means, which, being perfected, make the various races appear more or less civilized in proportion to their abundance.
I am not aware whether any quadrupeds are to be found in this country, but we found in this village a skeleton of an ass of the same kind as ours, from which I suspect that they apparently do possess some species of cattle. We also found a piece of skin somewhat similar to that of the bear.* We came to the conclusion after what we had seen that if we did find a safe harbour it would be easy to procure provisions from these people.
M. Marion having signalled that he was about to set sail, we returned to the ship. Immediately we were on board again we got under weigh, with a rather strong wind varying from the north-west to the south. We set a course to clear Cape Eolus, which name we had given this promontory, on account of the severe gales we had encountered in its vicinity.
Towards the east of this cape we sighted a number of islets. The coast is well wooded, and rises perceptibly from the shore in the interior. To the south of these islets there appeared to be some deep inlets or bays.
On the 1st May we doubled a bold headland which we named Square Cape,† seeing that it presented that shape. Towards the west we saw a number of fires and some small inlets, which made us hopeful of finding what we had so long searched for.
On the 3rd May we profited by a light breeze which sprung up now and then to reconnoitre Square Cape and the land to the east. At daybreak M. Marion despatched the cutter, well
qui y fut envoyé, eut ordre de se tenir sur la défensive, il faisait presque calme de sorte que nous ne pûmes pas nous approcher de la terre d'aussi près que nous le dénirions.
Le cap carré nous paraissait former une presqu'île très reconnaissable par sa hauteur, son îlot à l'extrémité et les deux enfoncements à l'Est et à l'Quest de lui; nous louvoyions devant ce dernier enfoncement, lorsqu'il parut une pirogue qui sortait vis à vis du Cap, il y avait 8 hommes dedans; elle fit aussit t route pour venir à nous, peu de temps à près on en vit d'autres dans le fond de la baie.
Lorsque la première fut à portée de mousquet du vaisseau, elle s'arrêta, nous mîmes aussitôt en travers pour l'engager à venir, nous lui fímes plusieurs signes d'approcher, nous arborâmes le Pavillon, mais ces naturels témoignaient beaucoup de crainte, cependant ils approchèrent un peu, on leur fit des signes de paix, et on leur montrait diverses choses, de sorte qu'ils vinrent à peu de distance, on leur en jeta dans la pirogue pour les engager a monter à bord. Enfin aprés les avoir bien pressès, il y eût un vieillard qui se hasarda, aussitôt qu'il fut dans l'escalier les autres s'en furent au large avec leur pirogue. Ce vieillard avait un air vénérable, nous lui fímes beaucoup d'amitiés et de présents, il était vêtu d'un manteau qu'on lui tira, pour l'habiller à notre façon; cet homme était tout tremblant et si étonné de ce qu'il voyait, qu'il fut quelque temps sans proférer un seul mot. Cependant lorsqu'il fut habillé et qu'il vit qu'on lui faisait beaucoup d'amitiés, il fit quelques questions, ensuite il parut désirer de parler à ses camarades, on le mena dans la galerie d'oú il leur fit signe de monter en leur faisant voir ce qu'on lui avait donné, ils vinrent aussitôt à bord, on leur fit aussi des présents, puis ils demandèrent à s'en aller, on les laissa les maîtres.
Quant ils furent dans leur pirogue, ils cachèrent avec soin tout ce qu'ils avaient reçu et ils se revêtirent de leurs manteaux, vraisemblablement pour n'être pas obligés de partager avec les autres pirogues. En s'en allant ils parlèrent à toutes celles qu'ils rencontrèrent. Ces dernières vinrent avec une grande vitesse à bord de notre vaisseau. On donna quelques bagatelles à quelques uns d'entre eux, car ils étaient venus au nombre de deux cent cinquante; on avait pris la précaution de tenir des soldats armés sur la dunette, au cas que nos nouvelles connoissances eussent voulu entreprendre quelque chose, et on avait fait cacher les armes pour qu'ils ne s'aperçussent de rien, quant à eux ils n'avaient aucune espèce d'armes; ils apporterent beaucoup de poisson qu'ils nous donnérent ainsi
armed with blunderbusses and muskets, to explore this neighbourhood. The officer who was sent in charge was ordered to keep on the defensive. It was almost calm, so we were unable to approach as near to the shore as we wished.
The square-shaped cape appeared to us to form a peninsula easily recognizable by its height and by the two inlets on the east and west of it. We stood off and on in front of this latter inlet, when there suddenly appeared a canoe, which came out from the cape. This canoe contained eight men. It set off at once in the direction of our ship, and shortly afterwards we saw several others in the interior of the bay.
When the first canoe arrived within musket-shot of the ship it stopped. We immediately lay to, in order to induce the natives to approach. We hoisted the flag, but the people in the canoe showed signs of great fear. Nevertheless, they came a little closer. We then made signals of peace to them, and held up several articles for them to see. They then came up quite close, and we threw the objects into the canoe, to induce them to come on board. At length, after we had greatly pressed them to do so, one old man was brave enough to come on board. As soon as he was on the companion ladder the others made off with their canoe. This old man was of a venerable appearance. We showed him every sign of friendship, and made him some presents. He was dressed in a cloak, which was taken off, in order to dress him after our fashion. The man was trembling, and was so astonished that it was some time before he spoke a single word. When, however, he was dressed, and he saw that we were very friendly towards him, he asked several questions, after which he seemed desirous of speaking to his comrades. We took him to the stern gallery, whence he made signs to the crew of the canoe, letting them see what we had given him. They then came on board at once. We gave them presents also, and they then asked to go, and we allowed them to do so.
When they were back in their canoe they carefully concealed everything we had given them, and put on their own cloaks again, apparently so as not to be obliged to share the gifts of clothes with the men in the other canoes. In going away, they called out something to all the canoes they met. These latter now came alongside our ship at a very great rate. We gave a few trifles to some of the crews, for they now numbered quite two hundred and fifty men. We had taken the precaution to post some soldiers on the poop, in case our new acquaintances might take it into their heads to make some attack, and we had kept our arms hidden, so that they could not discover anything. As for them, they had no arms of any kind with them. They brought us a quantity of fish, which they gave us as well as some
que de très bonnes patates, d'oú nous conclumos qu'ils cultivaient la terre.
Ces naturels étaient si surpris de tout ce qu'ils voyaient qu'ils s'arrêtaient a chaque choses, ils virent de la peinture rouge, ils marquèrent la plus vive joie et beaucoup d'envie d'en avoir. Il n'était pas difficile de juger que c'était leur couleur favorite, et en effet il y en avait parmi eux qui en avaient les cheveux peints, mais c'était un vilain rouge, c'est pourquoi ils parurent tant désirer d'avoir du notre qui était plus beau.
Nous ne pouvions refuser notre admiration à leur bonne constitution et à leur belle stature, ils se prétèrent avec complaisance à notre curiosité. Nous examinions les figures qui étaient imprimées sur leurs visages aux cuisses et en différents autres endroits du corps, ils tâchaient de nous faire comprendre par signes la façon dont ils se faisaient ces marques; â leur tour ils nous regardaient avec beaucoup d'attention, et considéraient notre blancheur comme quelque chose d'extraordinaire, alors il leur échappait un cri de surprise, ils prenaient plaisir à regarder sous nos vetements si c'était la même couleur, ils restaient en extase, puis ils nous faisaient une infinité de caresses dans lesquelles on appercevait cependant une espèce de férocité, souvent il leur échappait d'appliquer leurs lévres sur nos mains ou sur notre visage lorsqu'on le leur permettait, ils serraient comme s'ils eussent voulu sucer. Ils n'avaient nulle envie de nous quitter, ils se livraient tellement à la joie qu'ils se mirent tous à danser à leur façon, ils faisaient des grimaces affreuses, sautaient en montrant quelque chose de sauvage. Cependant toutes leurs gesticulations se faisaient avec beaucoup de mesure.
Parmi les pirogues il y en avait une qui était très belle, elle avait à chaque extrémite une pièce de bois debout, très bien sculptée à jour en forme de palme et ornée de plumes d'oiseaux. Je remarquais un vieillard qui y était resté, il était couvert d'un manteau qui me parut fort bien fait, il était d'une étoffe faite au métier dans laquelle étaient entrelacés de longs poils de bête, si artistement que nous les prîmes pour la peau d'un fort gros animal; de loin cela ressemblait assez à nos vitchouras. Cet homme avait l'air plus fier et plus distingué que les autres, le respect qui lui témoignaient me fit juger qu'il était un de leurs chefs, je tachais de l'engager à monter à bord, il fit des difficultés; comme il parut avoir beaucoup d'envie de l'habit écarlate que j'avais il me fit d'abord signe de lui donner en troc de son manteau, je lui fis entendre que s'il voulait venir à bord je le lui donnerais, il monta aussitôt, je lui tins parole, il me parut fort satisfait, il se mit ensuite à visiter le vaisseau, ce
excellent sweet potatoes, from which we gathered that they cultivated the soil.
These natives were so astonished at everything they saw that they stopped for some moments before each object. They saw some red paint and displayed the greatest delight at this sight, and much desired to have some. It was easy to see that this is their favourite colour; and, indeed, there were some amongst them who had their hair daubed therewith; but their was a dingy red, and that is why, no doubt, they appeared so desirous of having some of our paint, which is much brighter.
We could not help admiring the fine build and tall stature of these men. They lent themselves with compliance to our curiosity. We examined the various devices which were imprinted on their faces, thighs, and various parts of their bodies. They tried to make us understand by means of signs the way in which they made these marks. In their turn they regarded us with great care and considered the whiteness of our skins as something extraordinary, and forthwith a cry of surprise would escape them. They took great pleasure in looking under our clothes, to see if we were of the same colour underneath. They remained for a few minutes in ecstasy, and then treated us to a great many endearments, in which, however, we noticed a species of underlying ferocity. Frequently they could not refrain from applying their lips to our hands or our faces when we permitted them to do so. They pressed on the skin as if they wished to suck it. They were in no hurry to leave us, and so gave themselves up to their delight that they all began to dance after their own fashion. They made the most frightful grimaces, and jumped about, showing something of the savage. Nevertheless, all their gesticulations were made in regular time.
Amongst the canoes there was one which was very handsome. At each end it had a piece of wood standing upright, with very fine open-work carving, in the form of a palm, and ornamented with birds' feathers. I noticed one old man who had remained seated in the canoe was covered by a cloak which seemed to be very beautifully made. It was of a woven stuff, in which were interlaced long hairs of some animal, so artistically done that we took them for the skin of some wild beast. From a distance this cloak somewhat resembled our fur greatcoats. This man had a prouder and more distinguished appearance than the others, and the respect paid to him induced me to think he was one of their chiefs. I tried to persuade him to come on board, but he made some difficulty about it. As he seemed to greatly covet the scarlet cloak I was wearing, and made signs to me to give it him in exchange for the cloak he was wearing, I made him understand that if he would come on board I would
qu'aucun d'eux n'avait encore fait, chaque chose qu'il voyait lui paraissait très-curieux, il ne put pas comprendre la propriété des canons.
Comme il était l'heure de diner M. Marion le fit mettre à table ainsi qu'un autre chef, ils mangèrent de tout ce qu'on leur présenta excepté de la viande salée qu'ils rejétèrent, pour le vin ils ne voulurent point en boire, ils burent de l'eau avec plaisir, on leur présenta du vin blanc ils en burent croyant que c'était de l'eau, mais après en avoir goûte ils le rejétèrent en faisant signe que l'eau était préférable. On leur demanda s'il y en avait à terre, ils firent entendre que oui, et pour signifier qu'il y en avait beaucoup, ils firent comprendre qu'on y pouvait nager, ils trouvaient excellents notre pain et nos viandes.
Dans la belle pirogue du chef, il y avait quatre femmes jeunes point jolies et assez mal faites, il les fit monter à bord, mais il les renvoya lorsqu'il vit qu'on en faisait peu de cas.
Ces insulaires sont en général d'une grande stature, bien faits, d'une figure agréable, les traits réguliers, paraissant fort agiles, ayant l'air fort et vigoureux. Nous en mesurâmes quelques uns qui nous parurent de la plus grande taille, ils avaient six pieds passant, et étaient bien proportionnés, leur taille ordinaire, autant que j'ai pu voir, de cinq pieds cinq à cinq pieds six pouces, tous bien faits, ils out de beaux yeux, le nez aquilin, la bouche bien ornée mais grande, le menton bien fait, en un mot ils sont d'une très-belle figure.
Le soir M. Marion voulut les renvoyer, le vieux chef ainsi que l'autre proposèrent de rester en nous faisant entendre par signes qu'ils nous conduiraient dans le fonds de la baie. On leur permit de coucher à bord, et ils firent partir tout leur monde qui ne voulaient pas les quitter, mais ils les obligèrent à s'en aller à l'exception de deux qui demandèrent a rester avec leurs chefs, ce qui leur fut accordé et tous les autres s'en furent en faisant beaucoup de cris de joie.
Comme les vents étaient faibles et contraires pour entrer dans la baie, nous louvoyâmes, chaque fois que nous courrions le bord au large, ils marquaient beaucoup d'inquiétude, et faisaient signe d'aller dans la baie, ils s'imaginaient, qu'il était facile de mener un vaisseau comme leurs pirogues, ils ne concevaient pas que le vent était contraire et nous empêchait de faire la route qu'ils eussent désiré, il était aisé de voir qu'ils eussent bien voulu être chez eux, et qu'ils craignaient que nous les eussions emmenés. L'attention que ie portais alors à ce
give him the coat. He came on board at once, and I kept my word. He then went all over the ship, which none of them had done up till then. Everything he saw seemed very curious to him; he could not understand the cleanliness of the guns.
As it was dinner-time, M. Marion had this man placed at the dinner-table, together with another chief. They ate of everything presented to them except the salt meat, which they rejected. As for the wine, they would not touch it; but they drank some water with pleasure. They were given some white wine, of which they drank a little, believing it was water, but having tasted it, they declined drinking it, making signs that they preferred the water. We asked them if they had any fresh water on shore, and they made us understand that they had, and in order to show us that there was plenty they made signs as if they were swimming. They found our bread and our provisions excellent.
In the chief's handsome canoe there were four young women, by no means pretty, and rather badly built. The chief made them come on board, but he sent them away when he saw that we took no great notice of them.
These islanders are generally of tall stature, well propertioned, of a very agreeable figure, with regular features, and seem very agile. They are of a very vigorous appearance. Some, who appeared to be the tallest amongst them, and whom we measured, were all over 6 ft. in height, and well proportioned. The ordinary height of these natives, so far as I can judge, is from 5 ft. to 5 ft. 6 in. They are all well built, and have fine eyes and aquiline noses. Their mouths are large, with fine teeth; the chin is well made; in a word, they are fine men.
In the evening, M. Marion wished to send them away, but the old chief, as well as his companions, suggested that they should stay on board, making signs to the effect that they would conduct us to the end of the bay. They were permitted to sleep on board, and sent away all their followers, who did not wish to leave them; but they made them all go away with the exception of two men who asked that they might remain with their chiefs. This we allowed them to do, and the remainder then all, went away, amidst great cries of delight.
As the winds were light and unfavourable for entering the bay we tacked about. Each time we ran a little way out into the offing the chiefs displayed signs of anxiety, and made signs that we should go further into the bay. They imagined it was as easy to manoeuvre a vessel as it is to direct one of their canoes. They could not understand how the wind could be unfavourable, and prevented the ship taking the direction that they would have desired. It was easy to see that they would have preferred being on shore, and that they feared we might take them
qu'ils parraissaient vouloir nous faire entendre me fit trouver beaucoup de rapport de leur langage avec celui de Taity ou Cythère,
Cook found this out on his arrival through Tupaea.
ce qui renouvela nos regrets de la perte que nous avions faite du pauvre naturel de cette île qui était mort à bord de notre vaisseau de la petite vérole.
Mayoa, the Tahitian, mentioned above, p. 348.
A une heure après minuit nos bateaux arrivèrent, M. Marion avait envoyé le nôtre et celui du Castries pour sonder dans le fond de la baie, le nôtre qui avait été dans l'Est du cap carré, rapporta qu'il y avait une baie
The Bay of Islands.
très profonde qui était habitée, qu'il y avait un village qui paraissait contenir mille cases ou maisons et plus, qu'il y avait vu un grand nombre de pirogues qui même les avaient entourés, dont une entre autres très-belle et très bien sculptée, dans laquelle il y avait quatre vingt ou cent de ces sauvages, et que l'Offcier qui commandait notre bateau, craignant d'être surpris avait fait tirer quelques coups de fusil qui parurent leur causer beaucoup de frayeur. L'autre bateau avait vu dans le fond de la baie oú nous voulions entrer, toutes les apparences d'un port dont-ils n'avaient pas eu le temps de s'assurer, à 5 heures du matin on renvoya les bateaux pour sonder partout, à midi nous fîmes route vers cet enforcement, les vents étaient faibles, mais variables; nos naturels furent très contents de nous y voir aller, on sondait de moment en moment, le brassiage était de quatre vingt dix à cent brasses d'eau fond de sable et vase, à quatre heure et demie nous apercumes nos bateaux qui sortaient d'entre les îles, portant les signaux de bon ancrage, de gens affables et d'eau facile à faire; comme c'était ce que nous cherchions pour rémédier à nos besoins les plus urgents, nous fúmes fort satisfaits et continuâmes notre route. Peu de temps après le canot nous fit signe de venir sur tribord pour éviter une roche qu'ils avaient vue; aussitôt que nous fúmes ancres nous fimes signal au Castries de venir mouiller en ligne derrière nous. Ce bâtiment était resté à plus d'une lieue derrière, nous lui envoyâmes des bateaux pour sonder devant lui. La nuit qui était prête a se fermer nous obligea de laisser tomber l'ancre par dix-neuf brasses d'eau fond de sable fin. Nous étions à l'entrée du port et dans le fond de la baie, le Castries ne put venir mouiller auprès de nous, il a mouillé à près d'une lieue derrière. Au jour on lui fit signal d'appareiller et de venir jeter l'ancre derrière notre vaisseau. Il y avait un petit village par notre travers à portée de mousquet, situé sur une éminence où il était fort difficile de monter; ce village était fortifié, palissadé et entouré de fossés. Sur l'avant du vaisseau à une portée et
away. The care with which I endeavoured to understand what they wished to convey made me discover a great resemblance between their language and that of the Tahiti or Cythera,* and this renewed our regrets at the loss we had sustained in the poor native of that island who had died on board our vessel from the small-pox.†
At 1 o'clock in the morning our boats came back to the ship. M. Marion had sent our cutter and that of the “Castries” to take soundings at the further end of the bay. Our boat, which had sailed to the east of Square Cape, reported that there was in that direction a very deep bay‡, which was inhabited, that there was a village which appeared to contain a thousand or more huts; and that they had seen a large number of canoes, which indeed had surrounded them. One of these canoes was most beautifully carved. In it there, was eighty or a hundred of these savages. The officer who was in command of the boat, fearing being surprised, had fired a few shots, which seemed to frighten these people very much. The other boat had noticed at the farther end of the bay where we wished to enter all the appearances of a harbour, as to which they had not had time to make certain. At 4 in the morning the boats were again sent off to take soundings. At noon we set sail towards this inlet. The winds were light, but changeable. Our natives were very pleased to see us en route. Every now and then we took soundings; the depth was from 90 to 100 fathoms, with a bottom of sand and slime. At half-past 4 we perceived that our boats, which were coming out between the islands, were signalling that there was a good anchorage, that the people were friendly, and that water could be easily procured. As this was what we were looking for to meet our most urgent needs, we were highly satisfied, and kept on our course. Shortly after this the boat signalled to us to go to starboard to avoid a rock which they had seen. Immediately we had anchored we signalled to the “Castries” to come and anchor in line behind us. This latter ship had remained more than a league in the rear. We sent some boats to take soundings in front of her. The darkness which was now about to fall over us, compelled us to let go the anchor in 19 fathoms of water, with a fine sandy bottom. We were at the entrance of the harbour and at the extremity of the bay. The “Castries” could not come and anchor close to us, but anchored about a league behind us. On one side of us was a little village about a musket-shot away, situated on a hill which would be difficult to ascend. This village was fortified, palisaded, and surrounded by moats. Ahead of the vessel, about a musket-shot
demie de mousquet était un autre village situé et fortifié à peu près de même.
Le 5 de grand matin il vint plus de cent pirogues autour du vaisseau, les unes ayant du poisson, et les autres des patates, on traita avec eux, pour un mauvais clou ils en donnaient autant qu'on leur en demandait.
Il était venu dans ces pirogues une grande quantité de femmes qui étaient presque toutes fort laides, petites et mal faites, elles paraissaient fort contentes de nous voir, mais elles eurent bientôt lieu de l'être fort peu, lorsqu'on les empêcha de monter à bord, on ne laissa aussi entrer dans les vaisseaux que peu d'hommes. Les femmes et les jeunes gens étaient presque tous barbouillés de peinture rouge jusque dans les cheveux il n'y a point de doute que ce ne soit leur parure mais cela les rend dégoûtants et hideux. Tous les hommes qui sont un peu considéréd chez eux, sont marqués et en divers dessins sur le visage et sur les cuisses, ils se font des dessins avec des petits outils d'os bien pointus; ils mettent dans les piqures le lait d'une herbe qui nous est inconnue. Cette marque ne peut plus s'effacer; ils portent leurs cheveux et les attachent au sommet de la tête. Ces peuples ont approchant la couleur des Malayos.
L'après-midi je fus avec M. Marion pour visiter le port qui nous parut immense, nous le trouvâmes aussi sûr que beau. Il résolut d'y faire entrer les vaisseaux au premier beau temps, car il y avait apparence de gros vents. Nous le nommâmes le Port Marion.
Already named by Cook, the “Bay of Islands.”
Le 6 nous fûmes encore dans l'intérieur de ce port avec nos bateaux, le Capitaine du Castries vint dans son canot, M. Marion voulut aller à la grande terre, nous n'y fûmes pas plutôt arrivés que nous y fûmes témoins d'un combat entre les gens du pays, a peu de distance du rivage étaient campés duex partis ennemis l'un de l'autre, sur le point de se livrer bataille, un chef d'un des partis vint prendre par la main un de nos Messieurs qui se trouvait le plus prés de lui et le mena à la tête de son parti à côté de lui; ce chef était venu la veille à bord du vaisseau. Aussitôt ils s'avancèrent en bon ordre vers leurs ennemis qui étonnés de voir un homme blanc et bien plus encore de deux coups de fusil lâchées en l'air, prirent la fuite et abandonnèrent le champ de bataille à leurs vainqueurs, qui poussèrent de grands cris de joie, et nous rapportèrent celui des nôtres qu'ils regardaient comme leur libérateur, dans l'endroit on nous étions restés pour les regarder; ce qui me surprit davantage, ce fut l'ordre qu'ils observèrent quant ils marchèrent à leurs ennemis. Le Chef parut donner ses ordres avec sang-froid, ils étaient tous armés de longues lances, de flêches, de massues et d'une espèce
and a half away, was another village, situated and fortified in very much the same manner as the first.
Very early on the morning of the 5th more than a hundred canoes came round the vessel. Some had fish and others brought sweet potatoes. We traded with them; for an old nail they would give anything we asked for.
In these canoes there was a great number of women; almost all very ugly, short, and badly built. They seemed to be very glad to see us, but very soon they were the contrary, for they were not allowed to come on board. Also, only a very few of the men were permitted to come on board. The women and the youths were almost all daubed with red paint right up to their faces. There can be no doubt that red paint is their ornament, but it gives them a disgusting and hideous appearance. All the men of any importance amongst them are tatooed with various designs on the face and on the thighs. They make these designs with little tools made out of bones, which are very sharp. Into the cuts made by these on the skin they put the juice of some plant which we do not know. These marks can never be effaced. They wear their hair tied up on the top of their head. These people are of very nearly the same colour as the Malays.
In the afternoon I went with M. Marion to explore the harbour, which to us seemed immense. We considered it as safe as it is beautiful. M. Marion resolved to take the vessel inside with the first fine weather we got, for there were signs of strong winds. We named the harbour Port Marion.*
On the 6th we again went into the interior of the harbour in our boats. The captain of the “Castries” came in his cutter. M. Marion wished to go to the mainland. We had no sooner arrived than we witnessed a fight between the people of the country. At a little distance from the shore were camped two parties of natives, enemies to each other, and on the point of commencing a battle. A chief of one of the parties came up to one of our officers and took him by the hand and led him to the head of his party. This chief had come on board the vessel the previous evening. They advanced against their enemies at once, and in good order. These latter, who were astonished at the sight of the white men, and even more so at the two musket-shots which were fired in the air, took to flight, and abandoned the field of battle to their victors, who loudly expressed their joy, and who brought back the white man, whom they recognized as their liberator, to the place where we had remained to watch them. What surprised me most was the order in which they marched against their enemies. The chief appeared to give his orders with great coolness. They were all armed with
de sagaie
Short spears, with barbs. A full description of this weapon is to be found in Hamilton's “Maori Art.”—Translator.
à dents et fort aigue, de sorte que lorsqu'on est blessé par cette arme, il est impossible de la retirer à cause de ses dents ou crochets qui sont en sens contraire, on ne le pourrait qu'en coupant ou en déchirant les chairs. Cette arme est faite d'un bois très-dur. Ils ont encore une autre arme qui se met dans la ceinture, et qui est un casse-tête; c'est une pierre de la nature du marbre et faite en forme de Spatule, les deux côtés en sont très-tranchants. Un des chefs me fit entendre qu'ils s'en servaient pour casser la tête, et que d'un coup il était aisé de faire sauter le crâne. La sagaie à dents et le casse-tête sont les plus dangereuses de leurs armes. Tout ce que nous avons vu jusqu'à présent de ces naturels, annonce un peuple brave, courageux, industrieux, et fort intelligent, car ils comprennent très bien ce que nous voulons leur faire entendre.
Le 7 et le 8 les vents furent très-forts du N.E. on mouilla une seconde ancre de crainte que le vaisseau ne chassât.
Le 8, après-midi, le câble de l'abord fut coupé apparemment qu'il y avait sous le sable des rochers ou du corail. On envoya la chaloupe pour lever l'ancre. L'après-midi le ventétait tombé on envoya des bateaux pour sonder la passe du Ouest du Port Marion qui se trouva meilleure et plus practicable que celle devant laquelle nous étions mouillés, qui est celle de l'Est, on résolut de passer par la première, c'est à quoi on se prépara.
Le 9 et le 10 les vents étant au Nord-Nord-Est, nous appareillâmes; on en fit le Signal au Castries, et celui de suivre de près notre vaisseau, à six heures du soir nous étions amarrés à demeure dans le Port Marion, ainsi que le Castries.
Le 11, le ciel était beau, les naturels ne manquérent pas de venir en grand nombre, ils échangèrent leurs poissons pour des clous ou de mauvais morceaux de fer, ils amenèrent encore beaucoup de femmes qui sans prix eussent accordé leurs faveurs sans que ces hommes en parussent jaloux, ils ne faisaient aucune attention à leurs femmes, ils nous en présentèrent et parurent fâchés de ce qu'on les refusait, ils faisaient entendre que c'étaient leurs filles ou leurs femmes propres. Ces hommes ne se lassaient pas d'admirer ce qu'ils voyaient, ils faisaient beaucoup de questions auxquelles nous ne comprenions rien, on voyait combien ils étaient intrigués, fort souvent quelques uns des chefs couchaient à bord, ils étaient fort contents lorsqu'on voulait bien
spears, darts (flèches), clubs, and a sort of sagaie* with a sharp saw-like edge. If a man be wounded by one of these weapons it is almost impossible to pull it out of the flesh, on account of these teeth or hooks, which are placed in opposite directions. It could only be withdrawn by cutting or tearing the flesh. This weapon is made out of very hard wood. They have also another weapon which they carry in their waist-belts, and which is a tomahawk. It is made out of stone of the nature of marble, and is shaped like a spatula. The edges of this weapon is very sharp. One of the chiefs explained to me that they use this weapon for breaking the head of an enemy, and that it was easy to smash open the skull with a single blow. The sagaie and the tomahawk are the most dangerous of their weapons. Everything we have seen of these people up to the present tends to prove that they are a fine, courageous, industrious, and very intelligent race, for they understand very well what we try to explain to them.
On the 7th and 8th the wind blew with great force from the north-east. We put out a second anchor, fearing that the vessel would drag.
On the 8th, in the afternoon, the port cable was cut, apparently by some rocks or coral under the sand. We sent the longboat to lift the anchor. In the afternoon, the wind having moderated, the boats were sent out to take soundings in the western passage of Port Marion, which was found to be better and more practicable than that in front of which we were anchored, which is that of the east. It was decided to enter by the first named—the western passage—and preparations for this were made.
On the 9th and 10th, the wind being north by north-east, we got under weigh, and signalled to the “Castries” to follow close behind our vessel. At 6 o'clock we were permanently anchored in Port Marion; the “Castries” also.
On the 11th the sky was clear, and the natives seized the opportunity to come off in their canoes in great numbers. They exchanged their fish for nails or paltry pieces of iron. They again brought with them a number of women, who would have gratuitously granted their favours without these men appearing jealous. They paid no attention to their women; indeed, they offered them to us, and seemed hurt because we refused them. They explained to us that these were their daughters or their own wives. These men were never tired of admiring what they saw. They asked many questions, of which we understood nothing. We could see that they were greatly puzzled. Very often some of their chiefs slept on board, and
le leur permettre. Nous étions mouillés à proximité d'une île oú était un grand ruisseau d'excellente eau, on choisit cette île pour y mettre nos malades et y déposer tout ce qu'il serait nécessaire de tirer des vaisseaux pour les alléger afin de les raccommoder et de réparer les dommages que le mauvais temps nous à causé depuis le départ du Cap de Bonne Espérance. On nomma cette île, i'Ile Marion, vu qu'elle était une des plus considérable de ce port.
Le 12, on y monta deux tentes, dont une très-grande pour les malades, et la seconde pour les Officiers de garde, on fit aussi un petit corps de garde pour loger les soldats.
Les naturels avaient dans l'anse dont nous nous étions emparés quelques paillotes auprès du ruisseau, ils les abandonnèrent je ne sais pour quelle raison. Car conformément aux volontés de M. Marion on ne leur faisait aucun mal, au contraire nous tâchions de leur inspirer de la confiance par diverses choses qu'on leur donnait, leur accordâmes promptement la nôtre en allant journellement chez eux et même dans leurs villages fortifiés, ils venaient aussi nous visiter dans notre nouvel établissement. Ces naturels sont trés voleurs, ils tâchaient d'attraper tout ce qu'ils trouvaient. On établit aussitôt des factionnaires pour veiller à ce qu'ils n'enlevassent rien, par ce moyen nous étions à l'abri de leurs ruses. Dans la partie du Sud de cette île était un village très considérable et bien fortifié, il était situé sur une pointe qui avançait à la mer, et qui était en forme de presqu'île, ils nous recevaient fort bien dans ce village et nous marquaient beaucoup d'amitiés. Je ne ferai pas ici la description de ce village, attendu qu'ailleurs j'aurai occasion d'en parler plus amplement, je dirai seulement que les magasins étaient pleins d'armes différentes.
Je ne sais ce que pensaient ces naturels de nous voir ainsi nous établir chez eux, je suis persuadé qu'ils croyaient trèsfermement que nous devions y rester toujours, car journellement on descendait des vaisseaux beaucoup d'effets, nous profitâmes même des paillotes qu'ils nous avaient abandonnées, ou y mit du gréement. La curiosité de ceux du village de Tacoury situé à la grande terre vis-à-vis de nos vaisseaux donne lieu d'ajouter foi à cela car ils venaient nous voir très-souvent. Ce village était le plus grand que nous connaissions alors, il était situé à l'extrémité d'une presqu'île, et n'était fortifié que de ce côté; il est vrai que sa position sur le sommet d'une montagne en rendait l'accès difficile, d'ailleurs ses habitants étaient en grand nombre, le nom que nous lui donnâmes était celui de son chef. C'etait un bel home âgé d'environ quarante ans, il paraissait beaucoup plus fin et plus entreprenant que les autres, il avait
were highly pleased when we allowed them to do so. We were anchored in the neighbourhood of an island where was a stream of excellent water. We selected this island to land our sick men upon and to store everything that we had to take out of the ships to lighten them so as to repair the vessels and remedy all the damage done by the gales we had encountered since leaving the Cape of Good Hope. Seeing that it was one of the largest islands in the harbour, we named it Marion Island.
On the 12th we erected two tents—one very large one, for the sick, and another for the officers on guard. We also built a small guard-house for the accommodation of the soldiers.
The natives had a few small huts near the stream which ran into the little creek of which we had taken possession. They abandoned them, for what reason I know not, for, in accordance with the orders of M. Marion, the natives were not in the least molested. On the contrary, we tried to inspire them with confidence by the various articles we gave them. We readily showed our trust in them by daily going into their fortified villages. On their part, they paid us visits in our new camp. These natives are great thieves. They tried to make off with everything they came across. We were obliged to place sentries to watch that they did not carry anything off. By this means we were able to check their little tricks. In the southern part of the island, near which we were anchored, there was a village of considerable size, and well fortified. It was situated on a point of land projecting into the sea, almost in the shape of a peninsula. We were given a hearty welcome in this village, the people of which showed us many kindnesses. I shall not give a description of this village here, as later on I shall have reason to speak of it at greater length. I need only say that the storehouses were full of all kinds of weapons.
I do not know what these natives thought of us when seeing us thus establish ourselves in their midst. I am persuaded that they firmly believed we were going to remain there always, for every day a large quantity of articles were taken ashore from the ships. We even made use of the small huts they had abandoned, where we placed some rigging. The curiosity exhibited by the people of Tacoury's village, which was situated on the mainland opposite the place where we anchored, was another proof of this belief of theirs, for they came to see us very often. This village is the largest we had seen up to then. It was situated at the extremity of a peninsula, and was only fortified on this side. It is true that its position, on the top of a hill, made it very difficult of access, besides which, its inhabitants were very numerous. We named it after its chief. He was a handsome man, of about forty years of age, and seemed
un compagnon nommé Piquioré qui était chef d'un petit village à peu distance du sien, ce dernier nous à été moins conuu. Ce Tacoury dont je viens de parler était regardé comme un des grands chefs de cette contrée presque tous les autres lui rendaient hommage, et étaient en même temps ses ennemis, et lui faisaient souvent la guerre; ils voulaient aussi nous engager à la lui faire. Cet homme venait souvent nous voir sur l'île Marion, et à bord de nos vaisseaux, on s'apercevait qu'il ne perdait rien de ce qu'il voyait, sa grande curiosité, et son air entreprenant nous firent d'abord nous méfier de lui, mais M. Marion le croyait toujours dans la bonne foi. On verra par la suite que cet homme cherchait à connaître tout pour tâcher d'en venir à ses fins. On travaillait à bord des vaisseaux pour les mettre en état d'y faire les réparations nécessaires, on fit descendre des deux vaisseaux les scorbutiques, car nous n'avions pas d'autres maladies. On nomma deux Officiers de garde qui seraient relevés par d'autres, il y eut aussi quinze soldats pour veiller la nuit et le jour à ce que les naturels n'emportassent rien.
Le 16 et le 17 on donna la demi bande aux vaisseaux, M. Marion fit dire à M. du Clesmeur, Capitaine du Castries, de faire préparer sa chaloupe pour aller le lendemain l'accompagner dans l'Ouest de ce port.
En conséquence le 18 à trois heures du matin nous partîmes dans nos chaloupes, M. Marion me dit de l'accompagner avec un autre officier; le but de cette course était de faire en sorte de trouver des bois propres a faire la mâture de la flûte Le Castries. Au jour il s'éleva un gros vent qui ne fut pourtant pas un obstacle à notre course, nous trouvâmes vers une grosse pointe que nous nommâmes pointe des courants, une mer extrèmement grosse, elle l'était encore davantage au large des rochers plats qui sont à la pointe de ce cap. Le vent devint violent, mais comme nous avions une très bonne chaloupe, nous doublâmes ce cap, le Capitaine du Castries n'en pût faire autant dans la sienne, il fut obligé de s'en retourner. Le vent et la mer grossis-saient toujours, te qui nous mettait en danger; enfin les bonnes qualitiés de notre bateau nous tirèrent d'affaire, nous rangeâmes toute la côte qui borne ce port immense dans l'Ouest nous y vîmes de belles anses qui formaient autant de nouveaux ports, nous ne trouvâmes pas d'arbres assez considérables pour faire ce que nous désirions. A midi nous mîmes à terre dans une belle anse où étaient situés deux petits villages; les naturels vinrent nous voir et nous firent présent de poissons, nous trouvâmes d'excellentes huîtres qui nous procurèrent un bon diner. Il vint un chef nous y voir, il était dans une superbe
much shrewder and more daring than the other chiefs. He had a companion named Piquiore, who was the chief of a little village a little distance away from Tacoury's. We had little knowledge of this second village. This Tacoury, of whom I have just spoken, was regarded as one of the greatest chiefs of the district. Almost all the other chiefs paid homage to him, and were at the same time his enemies, often making war upon him. They wished to persuade us to do the same. This man often came to see us at our camp on Marion Island and on board our ships. It was easy to see that he took notice of everything he saw. His inquisitiveness and his boldness of manner made us distrustful of him at first, but M. Marion always believed in him. It will be seen by what follows that this man was trying to get to know everything he could about us in order that he might carry out his designs. On board the ships the crews worked at the necessary repairs. The sufferers from scurvy were landed, We had no other sick. Two officers of the guard were appointed, who were to be relieved by others; there were also fifteen soldiers on watch night and day, to see that the natives made off with nothing.
On the 16th and 17th we half-heeled the vessels, and M. Marion sent word to M. du Clesmeur, captain of the “Castries,” to get ready his longboat to accompany him the next day in a trip to the western part of the harbour.
Accordingly, on the 18th, at 3 o'clock in the morning, we set out in the two longboats. M. Marion ordered me to accompany him, with another officer. The object of the journey was to endeavour to find some suitable timber with which to make new masts for the “Castries.” At daybreak a strong wind sprang up, which, however, did not prove an obstacle to the course we were making. Towards a large point, which we called Currents Point, or Cape of Currents, we found a very heavy sea running. It was heavier still outside the flat rocks which lie at the end of the cape. The wind became violent, but as we had an excellent longboat we doubled the cape safely, but the captain of the “Castries” could not get round in his boat, and had to turn back. The wind and the sea were both increasing, which placed us in some danger, but the staunch qualities of our boat got us out of the difficulty. We sailed along the coast which bounds the western part of the harbour, which is immense. We noticed some fine coves which in themselves form so many fine harbours. We could not find any trees of sufficient size for the purpose for which we required the timber. At noon we landed in a beautiful cove, on the banks of which were situated two little villages. The natives came to meet us, and made us some presents of fish. We found some excellent oysters, and
pirogue faite d'une seule pièce, j'en pris les proportions, elle avait soixante sept pieds de long et six pieds quatre pouces de large elle était bien sculptée et marchait supérieurement bien; il y avait dans cette pirogue quatre vingt dix ou cent hommes.
Ces naturels nous firent beaucoup d'amitiés nous cherchâmes dans les bois, mais inutilement. Le temps était toujours trèsmauvais nous fûmes obligés de louvoyer, nous trouvant à quatre lieues et plus sous le vent de nos vaisseaux; nous arrivâmes à neuf heures du soir à bord; cette course ne nous fut utile qu'en ce qu'elle nous donna occasion de connaître la partie Ouest de ce port, qui est très-belle, cependant environnée de dangers dans quelques endroits. On continuait toujours les travaux à bord des vaisseaux et principalement à bord du nôtre qui avait considérablement souffert dans la partie de l'avant, les jotereaux avaient manqué, la poulaine et les écharpes avaient été emportées, nous avions dans cette partie une voie d'eau assez considérable on réparait ce mal du mieux possible, on occupa aussi plusieurs des bateaux à faire du bois et de l'eau.
Le 20 nous fûmes dans l'Est où il nous avait paru qu'il y avait de beaux arbres. Les naturels y vinrent et nous menèrent dans une ravine, où il nous en fîmes voir qui n'étaient pas encore à peu de chose près de la grandeur qui nous aurait convenu; nous leur fîmes entendre qu'ils n'étaient pas assez longs. Il y en eut un d'eux qui nous promit de nous mener un autre jour ailleurs où il y en avait de plus beaux, en faisant signe que c'était dans l'endroit d'où ils tiraient leurs belles pirogues. De la montagne où nous nous trouvions, on voyait très aisément toute l'étendue du port qui paraissait immense et qui est effectivement un des beaux ports qu'il y ait.
Nous revînmes à bord, et nous y fîmes venir le naturel qui avait promis de nous conduire le lendemain où il y avait de belles mâtures, mais un coup de vent qui se déclara dans la nuit, ne nous permit d'y aller que le 22. Ce naturel nous mena dans le grand enfoncement du Sud, où après une bonne lieue de trajet par terre nous trouvâmes un bois dont les arbres étaient aussi beaux qu'il nous l'avait promis. C'était une espèce de sapin tant pour la forme que pour la qualité, produisant une résine ou une thérébentine fort odoriférantes. Nous y trouvâmes de quoi mâter d'un seul arbre des vaisseaux de soixante quatorze pièces de canon, mais ces pièces de bois qui sont superbes sont aussi d'une grande difficulté à tirer. Cette découverte nous réjouit, et nous nous flattâmes d'en trouver plus près du rivage.
had a good dinner. One of the chiefs who came to see us was in a superb canoe, made out of a single piece of timber. I took note of the proportions of this canoe: it was 67 ft. long and 6 ft. 4 in. in width. It was handsomely carved, and went at a fine speed. There were some ninety to a hundred men in this canoe.
These natives showed us many kindnesses. We searched in the forest (for suitable timber), but without success. The weather continued very rough, and we were obliged to tack about, being about 4 leagues or more from the ships. We got back on board at 9 in the evening. This trip was only useful in that it gave us an opportunity of making ourselves acquainted with the western part of the harbour, which is a very fine expanse of water, not, however, without danger in places. Work was continued on board the ships, principally on our vessel, which had suffered very severely in the forepart. The figurehead and the nightheads had been carried away. There was a considerable leak in this part of the ship; and this damage was repaired as well as possible. Several of the boats were also put into service to bring off wood and fresh water.
On the 20th we went to the eastern part of the harbour, where it had seemed to us there were some tall trees. The natives came down to meet us and took us into a ravine where they showed us some trees which were far from being of the size that we required. We made them understand that these trees were not high enough for our purpose, and one of them promised he would take us another day to another part of the forest where the trees were taller, making signs to us that it was in this direction that they got the timber for their fine canoes. From the hill upon which we were standing we could see with the greatest ease the whole extent of the harbour, which seemed to us to be immense, and which is certainly one of the finest harbours that can be found anywhere.
We returned on board, and made the native come with us who had promised to conduct us the next day to a place where there was some fine mast-timber. A storm, however, came on during the night, and it was not until the 22nd that we could make a start. This native took us to the large inlet in the south, where, after travelling inland for about a league or more, we found a forest where the trees were as fine as he had told us they would be. These trees were of a species of pine in shape and quality of wood, producing a resin or turpentine of a very strong odour. We found there was enough timber in one tree to mast a vessel of 74 guns, but these great masses of wood, which are so superb, are also very difficult to cut out. We rejoiced over the discovery we had made, and flattered ourselves we should find similar
Nous retournâmes à bord bien satisfaits et disposés à revenir au premier beau temps, le mauvais temps qui était très-ordinaire dans cette Saison, ne nous permit d'y retourner que le 25. On fit construire à proximité du bord de la mer quatre paillotes, une pour le corps de garde, une pour les travailleurs, la troisième pour servir de magasin et la quatrième pour les Officiers.
Pendant qu'on se préparait ainsi è cette enterprise, nous essuyâmes deux aventures: la première fut à l'île Marion où étaient quatre esclaves appartenant à M. Marion, dont un noir et trois négresses qu'on y avait envoyé pour blanchir le linge de table; je ne sais quelle raison de mécontentement ils eurent, où si ce fut l'amour de la liberté qui les engagea à déserter dans un pays où il ne paraissait pas qu'ils dussent avoir aucune ressource, enfin ils nous laissèrent ignorer leur sort, jusqu'à ce qu'un de nos Messieurs étant allé sur l'île où on faisait du lest, y trouva une de ces négresses qui le pria de la reprendre, elle raconta que le noir les avait engagées à déserter avec lui, et qu'en conséquence ils s'étaient embarqués dans une très petite pirogue qu'ils trouvèrent; que lorsqu'ils furent à moitié chemin la pirogue ayant été sur le point d'emplir, parce qu'elle était trop chargée, le noir avait assommé une d'elles pour apparemment allégir la dite pirogue, que dans la crainte qu'il n'en voulut faire autant d'elle, elle s'était jetée à la mer pour se sauver et que fort heureusement elle avait abordé sur cette île. Ce récit nous fit craindre que le noir n'indisposât les naturels contre nous, d'autant plus que c'était un très-mauvais sujet, et qui était capable de leur faire naître l'envie d'entreprendre quelque chose contre nous.
Le second évènement se passa à bord de notre vaisseau, un jour qu'il était venu un grand nombre de naturels, l'un d'eux qui était dans la pirogue, ayant apercu par un des Sabords de la Ste. Barbe, un sabre qui lui fit envie, profita d'un instant qu'il crut ne pas être vu, entra dans la Ste. Barbe et enleva le sabre; on l'aperçut qu'il sortait par le Sabord avec cette arme, M. Marion le fit prendre uniquement pour lui faire peur, alors toutes pirogues prirent le large, mais peu après ses compatriotes vinrent demander sa grâce, à leur demande il fut remis en liberté.
Le 29 on commença à couper le mât de beaupré qui quoique le plus facile se trouvait dans un précipice d'ou il fallait le tirer, et l'empêcher en le faisant tomber de descendre plus bas, aussi prit-on les précautions nécessaires pour le retenir par le moyen de bonnes cordes; les appareils furent disposés pour le tirer de
timber nearer the shore. We returned to the ship well satisfied with our journey, and decided to go back on the first fine day; but the bad weather, which is very prevalent at this time of the year, prevented our returning to the forest until the 25th. Close to the beach we had erected four huts—one for the sentry guard, one for the workers, the third served as a store, and the fourth was for the officers.
While we were thus preparing for the work we had two adventures. The first was at Marion Island, where there were four slaves belonging to M. Marion—one a negro and the other three negresses. We had placed them on the island to wash the table-linen of the ship. I do not know what cause they had for discontent, or whether it was the love of liberty which induced them to desert in a country where it would seem they could find no means of living, but they left us in ignorance of their fate until one of our gentlemen, having gone to the island where the men were getting ballast, found one of the negresses, who begged him to take her back. She said that the negro had induced the two women to desert with him, and that, in consequence, they had embarked in a very small canoe which they had found. When they were half-way across to the land, the canoe having been on the point of swamping because it was too heavily laden, the negro had killed one of the women, in order, apparently, to lighten the canoe, and in the fear that he would treat her the same way she had jumped overboard to save herself, and very fortunately she had reached the island. This narrative made us fear that the negro would set the natives against us, especially as he was a very worthless fellow, and quite capable of making them think of plotting some mischievous project against us.
The second event took place on board our vessel one day, when a large number of natives had come off to the ship. One of these men, who was in the canoe, having seen through one of the port-holes of the gunroom a cutlass to which he took a fancy, took advantage of a moment when no one was looking to get into the gun-room and steal the weapon. He was seen with the cutlass as he was getting out of the port-hole, and M. Marion had him arrested simply to frighten him. Thereupon all the canoes made off, but shortly afterwards his countrymen came and begged that he should be pardoned, and at their request he was liberated.
On the 29th a commencement was made with the cutting of a spar for the bowsprit. Although the tree chosen was the most easily accessible, it was situated on the side of a precipice, from which it had to be taken out and prevented, when being felled, from slipping down the slope. The necessary precautions
ce ravin, ce qui était une chose fort difficile; enfin après bien des efforts on le fit venir sur le sommet de la montagne.
Entre ces difficultés il fallait faire tous les matins et soirs, une lieue par un chemin d'autant plus pénible, qu'il était rempli de montagnes et de marais, il y en avait un entre autres où on avait de l'eau jusqu'à la ceinture, il avait environ deux cents pas, il arrivait souvent que ce marais glaçait dans la nuit. A cette incommodité s'en joignait une autre qui était une quantité de moucherons qui piquaient si vivement que plusieurs de nos gens furent hors d'état de travailler durant quelques jours.
Tandis que l'on mettait ce mât sur huit pans, on coupa celui de misaine qui fut pris plus avant dans le bois, ces travaux employèrent les deux tiers de nos équipages, il fallut ensuite de forts appareils pour traîner ces pièces de bois par un chemin aussi montagneux, malheureusement la saison était très pluvieuse par conséquent peu propre à une pareille entreprise, chaque jour j'allais avec M. Marion dans les différents endroits de ce port, ce qui me donnait, ainsi qu'à plusieurs de nos Messieurs, occasion de chasser, et qui était d'autant plus agréable que le gibier y était en abondance, surtout la caille, nous faisions le service chacun à notre tour, tant au camp de la mâture qu'à celui de l'île Marion.
Les naturels venaient très souvent voir de quelle façon nous trainions nos mâts; un jour ils vinrent en si grand nombre qu'on eut pu les soupçonner de quelques mauvais desseins, mais nous avions assez de confiance pour ne pas leur en supposer, il leur arrivait même quelquefois de tirer sur les palans pour aider à nos gens, on se tenait continuellement en garde, pour les empêcher de voler; soit que ce fut curiosité ou quelqu'autre motif, je m'aperçus un jour qu'ils nous compataient, mais comme ils ne s'en cachaient pas nous n'y trouvâmes rien de suspect. M. Marion aimait beaucoup à se promener tous les après-midi, il aimait aussi la pêche et on allait assez souvent prendre le plaisir dans une anse qui est au bas du village de Tacoury. Cette anse n'était point vue des vaisseaux, c'est pourquoi on l'engagea d'avoir toujours un détachment avec lui, il y avait ordinairement deux ou trois officers et plusieurs soldats qui allaient l'accompagner.
Le 4 de Juin nous eûmes au camp de la mâture, la visite d'une chef avec toute sa famille, il nous fit entendre qu'il était venu des terres pour nous voir, c'était un bel homme, et il avait l'air distingué, il fit bien des questions où nous ne comprenions pas
were therefore taken to hold it back by strong ropes. Everything was placed in readiness to drag the tree out of the ravine, which was a difficult task to undertake. However, after many efforts, the men got it up to the top of the hill.
Whilst these difficulties were being surmounted the men had each morning and evening to walk a league by a path which was all the more troublesome in that it went over the hills and through swamps. In one of these swamps the men had to wade for a couple of hundred paces waist deep in water. It frequently happened that this swamp was frozen over in the night, and to this inconvenience was added another in the shape of hosts of gnats, whose bites were so penetrating that several of our men were unable to work for some days.
Whilst the mast was being trimmed to an octagonal shape the foremast was cut further forward in the forest, these occupations keeping two-thirds of our men busy. Strong gear had to be used afterwards to drag these great pieces of timber along such a hilly path, and unfortunately the weather was very wet, and consequently not suited to such an enterprise. Each day I went with M. Marion to different parts of the harbour, and these excursions afforded me and other members of the staff good opportunities for sport. This was all the more agreeable in that there was an abundance of game, especially quail. We all went on duty in turn, either at the mast-making camp or at the camp on Marion Island.
The Natives came very often to see the way in which we were dragging the masts out of the forest. One day they came in such numbers that one might have suspected them of having some evil design, but we had enough confidence in their friendship to acquit them of any such purpose. It even happened some times that they would pull on the tackle falls in order to help our men. We were continually on our guard to prevent them stealing. Whether it was from curiosity or from some other motive, I noticed one day that they were counting our numbers, but as they made no secret of this we saw nothing suspicious in their action. M. Marion was very fond of taking a walk in the afternoon. He also liked fishing, and often went to indulge in this sport in a cove which lies below Tacoury's village. This cove was out of sight of the vessels, and for this reason we persuaded him to always have with him a small detachment. He was therefore generally accompanied by two or three officers and some soldiers.
On the 4th June the masting-camp was visited by a Native chief with all his family. He gave us to understand that he had come from his own district to see us. He was a handsome man, with an air of great distinction. He asked us a number
un mot, il marquait la plus grande envie de tout ce qu'il voyait, nous lui fîmes quelques présents, il en parut satisfait, sa femme etait assez bien, elle avait la figure peinte de rouge, ainsi que les cheveux, elle avait la tête ornée de plumes ainsi que son mari, le rouge et les plumes sont l'ornement ordinaire aux femmes, mais les hommes n'en portent guère que quand ils sont en guerre. Ce chef avait une suite fort nombreuse, et plusieurs jeunes filles qui m'ont paru leur appartenir les suivaients; il y avait aussi d'autres femmes qui portaient les provisions et les hommes portaient les armes. Après avoir satisfait leur curiosité, ils continuèrent leur route vers le village de Tacoury où il nous fit entendre qu'il devait rester quelques jours. La pluie suivant toute apparence ne les empêchait pas de se mettre en marche, il est vrai qu'ils s'en prèservent facilement par le moyen d'un manteau fait d'une espèce de jonc sur lequel l'eau ne fait que glisser et ne pénètre pas, ils ne s'en servent que pour la pluie.
Quoique le mauvais temps continuât on fut aux mâts le 6, on se servit avec succès de deux diables que nous avions fait faire, et qui étaient commodes pour mouvoir ces pièces de bois dans les endroits escarpés, on fut obligé de frayer des chemins; cela ne laissa pas que d'employer beaucoup de monde on faisait marcher les deux mâts ensemble.
L'après-midi j'allais à la chasse sur le bord de la mer à peu de distance de notre camp, j'y fus témoin d'un délogement qui m'étonna beaucoup, qui me parut ne pouvoir avoir été fait qu'en vertu de la loi du plus fort; c'était environ vingt hommes qui habitaient dans huit ou dix cases avec leurs familles; à l'arrivée des quarante autres qui vinrent dans une pirogue, ils délogèrent, et les nouveaux venus s'emparèrent de leurs établissements et ne leur laissèrent presque rien emporter, les traitant avec dureté; ces malheureux furent s'établir à une demi-lieue plus loin où il y avait quelques paillotes abandonnées. Je continuai ma chasse le long du rivage, je trouvais à environ une lieue du camp une superbe pirogue qui était échouée sous les arbres, elle avait soixante dix pieds de long, d'une seule pièce, je crus d'abord que cette pirogue était abandonnée.
Le soir avant de partir pour me rendre à bord, je dis à ceux de nos Messieurs qui étaient à terre, ce que j'avais vu, ils me parurent avoir envie de s'en emparer sous prétexte que cette pirogue serait nécessaire au camp, je leur conseillai de tâcher d'en faire l'achat, si l'on pouvait en traiter avec le propriétaire, leur représentant que ce serait très-mal de s'en rendre maître
of questions, of which we understood nothing. He displayed the greatest delight with everything he saw, and we made him some presents, with which he appeared very pleased. His wife was not bad looking, although her face was painted with red, also her hair. Her head was ornamented with feathers the same as her husband's. This red paint and these feathers are the ordinary ornaments of the women, but are only worn by the men in time of war. This chief had a very numerous retinue; and several young girls, who appeared to belong to his followers, accompanied them. There were also other women, who carried the provisions. The men alone carried arms. After having satisfied their curiosity, they continued their journey towards Tacoury's village, where, so they gave us to understand, they were to remain some days. Rain was, apparently, no obstacle to their march. They keep themselves dry by means of cloaks made out of a sort of rushes. The water runs off these cloaks, and does not penetrate; they are only worn when it rains.
Although the bad weather continued, the masts were finished on the 6th. We made use, with success, of two trucks which had been constructed for the purpose, and which proved useful for moving these great pieces of wood in the steep places, where we were obliged to carve out a path. In spite of these difficulties, by employing a large number of men, we managed to push the two masts along together.
In the afternoon I went on a shooting expedition along the shore a little distance away from our camp. I witnessed there a removal or eviction which surprised me greatly, and which, so it appeared to me, could only have been done by virtue of the law that might is right. There were about twenty men who lived in eight or ten huts with their families. Upon the arrival of forty others who landed from a canoe, the first lot removed at once, and the newcomers took possession of their homes, hardly allowing them to take anything away with them, and treating them very harshly. The unfortunate Natives who were turned out went about half a league further away, where there were some abandoned huts. I continued my shooting along the beach, and found about a league away from the camp a superb canoe which was aground under some trees. This canoe was 70ft. in length, and was made all in one piece. I thought at first it had been abandoned.
In the evening, before leaving to return on board, I told those of our gentlemen who were on shore what I had seen. They seemed to me to be desirous of taking possession of the canoe, under the pretext that it was needed at the camp, but I advised them to try and purchase it, if they could make a bargain with the owners, as I represented to them that it would be very
autrement, d'autant plus que c'était autoriser les naturels à nous voler, si nous leur prenions ainsi leurs biens. J'appris que dès le lendemain ces Messieurs qui étaient de garde au camp, ayant été voir la pirogue, avaient jugé qu'elle était abandonnée, en conséquence ils la firent mettre à l'eau et mener au camp ils trouvèrent des naturels qui ne s'opposèrent pas à leurs idées.
Le 7 je fus avec M. Marion dans l'anse de Tacoury où nous nous amusâmes à pécher et à manger d'excellentes huîtres qui étaient en grande quantité dans cet endroit. C'était ce qui engageait M. Marion à y aller si souvent, parce qu'au plaisir de la pêche il y trouvait aussi celui de la Chasse, il y avait beaucoup de gros oiseaux qui se laissaient approcher facilement.
Le 8 on profita du beau temps et on fit faire un très-bon trajet aux mâts; le soir on y laissa comme à l'ordinaire les appareils, et on dressa comme on le faisait tous les soirs dans l'endroit où restaient les mâts, une tente pour servir de corps de garde à quelques soldats et matelots que l'on laissa pour veiller à la sûreté des effets que l'on ramassait dans cette tente devant laquelle les gardiens faisaient ordinairement du feu. Pendant qu'ils soupaient plusieurs naturels qui étaient restés cachés, profitèrent de ce moment pour se glisser sous la tente d'où en sortant ils furent apperçus par les nôtres qui leur tirèrent un coup de fusil et les poursuivirent de si près qu'ayant tiré un second coup, ils leur firent lâcher un sac de biscuit qu'ils emportaient ainsi qu'une pièce de funin. Comme ils avaient gagnè le bois et qu'ils s'y étaient jetés, les nôtres furent obligés de cesser leur poursuite. A leur retour ils trouvèrent qu'il leur avait été enlevé un fusil, des capotes et quelques autres effets. Peu de temps après il apperçurent auprès des mâts des naturels qu'ils en chassèrent, mais ils n'y trouvèrent plus qu'une partie des appareils, l'ancre qui servait à les frapper avait été emportée; ils se retirèrent une seconde fois dans le bois où ils faisaient grand bruit; les nôtres ne se crurent pas en sùreté, ils se détach-èrent deux pour venir donner avis au camp de ce qui se passait. Celui qui y commandait, fit aussitôt partir un officier et douze hommes armés pour les mettre en état de repousser les attaques qui auraient pu leur être faite et pour empêcher que l'on eût tenté de mettre le feu aux mâts, mais le reste de la nuit les naturels furent tranquilles.
Au jour on entra dans le bois comptant y chercher l'ancre que l'on ne supposait pas qu'ils eussent pu emporter bien loin,
wrong to make themselves masters of it in any other way, especially as, if we were to take their goods in this way, it would be giving the Natives the right to steal from us. I learnt that the next day these gentlemen, who belonged to the camp-guard, having been to see the canoe, came to the conclusion that it had been abandoned, and consequently they had it launched and brought to the camp. Some Natives who were there offered no opposition to this being done.
On the 7th I accompanied M. Marion to Tacoury's Cove, where we amused ourselves by gathering and eating some excellent oysters which were to be found in great quantities in this vicinity. It was this fact which induced M. Marion to go there so frequently, as to the pleasure of fishing he could add that of shooting, there being so many large birds, which allowed us to approach quite close to them.
On the 8th we profited by the fine weather, and got the masts a good long way down towards the shore. In the evening the gear was left on the spot as usual, and, as was done each evening, a tent was erected to serve as a guard-house for some soldiers and sailors whom we left to watch over the safety of the various effects which were gathered together in this tent, in front of which, as a rule, the guard kept a fire burning. Whilst the men were at supper several Natives who had remained in hiding took advantage of this moment to slip under the tent. When they came out they were noticed by our people, who fired a shot at them, and pursued them so closely that a second shot having been fired, they made the Natives drop a bag of biscuits which they were carrying off with a small strand of rope-yarn. As they had reached the forest, and remained hidden, our men were compelled to relinquish the pursuit. Upon their return to the camp they found the Natives had carried off a musket, some greatcoats, and a few other articles. Shortly afterwards the men perceived near the masts some other Natives whom they drove off, but they found only a portion of the gear. The small anchor to which the tackles had been attached had been taken away. The Natives retired a second time into the bush, where they made a great noise. As our men considered they were in a position of some danger they despatched two of their party to the main camp to carry the news of what had happened. The officer in command immediately sent off a detachment of twelve armed men and an officer to repulse any attack which might be made on the workers, and to prevent the Natives from the temptation of setting fire to the masts, but during the remainder of the night the savages were quiet.
At daybreak the forest was explored, with a view to finding the anchor, which, so it was supposed, could not have been carried
mais on ne la trouva pas, on envoya un détachement pour se saisir de deux naturels et les garder prisonniers. On prit un Chef et un jeune homme qu'on amena au camp; ce Chef avait un très-beau manteau, et sur la tête ses plumes de guerre, quelqu'un s'avisa de dire qu'il était à la tête du parti qui avait fait le vol; sans prendre plus de renseignements, l'Officier qui commandait, fit lier ce chef à un poteau, et il envoya le jeune homme sous bonne garde à la mâture, ou on lui fit comprendre ce que l'on cherchait; alors ce jeune homme se déclara complice en montrant de quelle façon on avait déterré l'ancre. Le Chef que l'on tenait lié accusait de ce vol Tacoury et Piquioré.
Le 9 avant midi M. Marion fut informé de tout ce que je viens de raconter, et blâma d'abord beaucoup celui qui avait fait lier ce Chef, d'autant plus qu'il lui avait défendu sous quelque prétexte que ce fut, de ne jamais maltraiter ces naturels, seulement s'il arrivait par hazard que ces gens fussent assez adroits pour dérober quelque chose, il avait ordonné qu'on tâchat de leur faire restituer, mais sans leur faire aucun mal. Ses ordres étaient les mêmes é tous ceux qui se trouvaient commander, soit au camp, soit sur l'île Marion, où dans les bateaux, il les donnait avec d'autant plus de raison, qu'il était persuadé qu'en ne leur faisant pas de mal, ils ne chercheraient jamais à nous en faire. M. Marion envoya aussitôt dire de donner la liberté à ce chef ainsi qu'au jeune homme, et de ne leur faire aucun mal, et il observait en même temps que les gardiens étaient les plus fautifs, parceque s'ils avaient bien veillé, les naturels n'auraient pu rien prendre. On envoya une autre ancre et un renfort de soldats.
Aussitôt après-midi je fus me promener au camp, pour chasser, ces messieurs me dirent qu'on avait donné la liberté au Chef, et qu'ils lui avaient fait quelques présents avant de la lâcher, mais qu'aussitôt que cet homme s'était vu libre, il avait pris la fuite, et que pour mieux courir il avait abandonné son manteau qu'on avait laissé quelque temps dans l'endroit où il avait tombé, dans l'espoir qu'il serait venu le chercher, mais qu'il n'avait plus paru; pour le jeune homme il s'était échappé pendant la nuit.
Je m'en fus chasser seul le long du bois, ayant vu beaucoup de cailles qui y étaient entrées, je voulus les y poursuivre; après en avoir tiré deux, je m'apperçus, que je m'y étais engagé trop avant, de sorte que je ne me reconnaissais plus. Ce qui m'intrigua beaucoup, le ciel était couvert, je ne voyais pas le soleil,
very far away; but it could not be found. A detachment was sent to secure two Natives, and detain them as prisoners. The party secured a chief and a young man, who were taken to the camp. This chief wore a very handsome cloak, and his head was ornamented with the feathers worn in time of war. Some one took it into his head to declare that this chief was in command of the party which had committed the theft. Without making any further inquiry, the officer in command had the chief bound to a stake, and sent the young man under a strong guard to the mast-camp, where they made him understand what they had been looking for. Thereupon the young man declared himself guilty, and showed our people how the thieves had uprooted the anchor. The chief, who was kept bound up, accused Tacoury and Piquiore of this robbery.
On the morning of the 9th M. Marion was informed of everything I have just recounted, and at first severely blamed the officer who had ordered the chief to be bound up, especially as he had given instructions that under no circumstances were these people to be ill-treated, only if it did happen that the Natives were clever enough to steal anything, he had ordered that an attempt should be made to make them restore the pilfered article, but without doing them any harm. These instructions were given to all who were in command, either at the camps, or at Marion Island, or in the boats. Our commander had given these orders, as he was convinced that if we did the Natives no harm they would never try to injure us. M. Marion immediately sent word that the chief and the young man should be set free, and that no harm should be done them, and stated at the same time that the sentries were the most to blame, as if they had maintained a more careful watch the Natives would not have been able to take anything. A new anchor was sent to the mast-camp, and the guard was reinforced.
As soon as it was afternoon I took a walk to the camp to go shooting. The officers informed me that they had set the chief at liberty, and had given him some presents before releasing him. As soon, however, as he was free he made off, and, in order to run more freely, had abandoned his cloak, which they had left at the place where he had dropped it, in the hope that he would come back for it; but he had not returned. As for the young man, he had escaped during the night.
I went off shooting along the edge of the forest, and, having noticed a lot of quail which ran into the woods, I tried to follow them up. After I had shot a couple I noticed that I had gone too far ahead into the forest, so that I could not make out where I was. What baffled me most was that the sky was overcast,
cela augmenta mon embarras. Enfin après avoir marché environ une heure sans trouver personne, je me trouvais sur une montagne d'ou je découvris la mer qui donnait au bas, étant rendu à deux portées de mousquet du rivage, j'apperçus dans une espéce de gorge et assez près de moi, deux naturels qui se battaient, je crus d'abord qu'ils s'amusaient à s'exercer, car très souvent je m'étais amusé a les regarder se lancer des flêches, sagaies, etc. … qu'ils paraient avec une adresse singulière, et dans leurs jeux ils avaient l'air très animé. Cette raison fit que je ne fus point surpris de voir ces deux hommes se battre, enfin j'en étais si persuadé que je rentrai dans le bois pour ne pas les interrompre et pour me dérober à leur vue afin de jouir du plaisir de les voir à mon aise. Ils montraient la plus grande adresse et en même temps une agilité étonnante; il y avait environ six minutes que j'étais spectateur, quand je les vis tout-à-coup jeter récipro-quement leurs armes, et tirer de leur ceinture leur casse-tête, aussitôt ils s'élancrèrent avec fureur à la rencontre l'un de l'autre, et se manquèrent, ils revinrent à la charge; pour lors je fus à eux mais trop tard, car dans ce moment un des deux eut le crâne emporté du coup de casse-tête de son adversaire et tomba mort; ils étaient si animés, que le vainqueur ne me vit que lorsque je lui parlais; il fut si surpris de me voir, qu'il prit la fuite avec une grande vitesse, et me laissa auprès de sa victime. J'examinais ce malheureux, je vis qu'il avait la tête coupée au ras des yeux, comme si c'eût été d'un coup de sabre, la moitié de son crâne était encore tenu par la peau il pendait en arrière, ou du moins il tenait encore à quelque chose, sa cervelle avait rejaillé à trois ou quatre pas plus loin.
Cette catastrophe à laquelle je ne m'attendais nullement, me convainquit que ces naturels se battent en duel et avec beaucoup de bravoure. Je marchais le long du rivage pour trouver mon chemin, lorsque douze ou quinze naturels, que j'avais vu à bord du vaisseau se présentèrent devant moi, je voulus leur expliquer ce que je venais de voir, mais ils ne me comprirent pas; je leur demandais ensuite de me conduire au camp, ils me firent entendre que j'en étais fort éloigné, il y en eût six qui vinrent m'y conduire, je passais dans un petit village où ils m'offrirent à manger du poisson que je trouvais très-bon. Nous continuâmes notre route, comme ils s'apperçurent que j'étais fatigué, ils m'offrirent de me porter, je les remerciai ils vinrent me conduire à la vue du camp; comme ils me firent entendre qu'ils allaient me quitter, je voulus les engager à y venir en leur promettant de leur donner quelque chose, je ne pus y réussir et ils me refusèrent constamment,
and I could not see the sun, which increased my anxiety. At length, after having walked for about an hour without meeting any one, I found myself on a hill, whence I could see the sea below me. I had got within a couple of musket-shots from the beach when I noticed not far away, in a sort of gully, two Natives who were fighting. At first I thought they were merely amusing themselves with some sort of exercise, for very often I had amused myself with watching them throw their darts and spears at each other, which they would dodge with a wonderful agility, and in these games they seemed to get greatly excited. This was why I was so little surprised to see those two men fighting. At last I was so persuaded that they were not in earnest that I returned to the cover of the wood, so as not to interrupt them, and to hide myself from them, so as to enjoy the pleasure of seeing them. They displayed the greatest dexterity, and at the same time the most surprising agility. I had been watching them for about six minutes when all at once I saw each man throw away his weapons and draw his tomahawk from his belt. Immediately they rushed at each other with great fury, but missed each other. They then returned to the charge, whereupon I ran towards them; but it was too late, for in this one moment one of them had had his skull smashed in by a tomahawk stroke given him by his adversary, and had fallen dead on the spot. They were so excited that the victor only noticed me when I spoke to him. He was so astonished that he took flight at a great speed, and left me standing there by the side of his victim. I examined this unfortunate fellow, and saw that his head was cut down to nearly level with his eyes, as if by a single stroke of a cutlass. One-half of his skull hung down behind, and was still held by the skin, or at least it hung on by something. The brains had spurted out to a distance of three or four paces.
This catastrophe, which I had not in the least foreseen, convinced me that these savages fight duels with each other, and with much bravery. I walked along the beach to try and find my path, when twelve or fifteen Natives, whom I had seen on board the ship, presented themselves before me. I tried to explain to them what I had just witnessed, but they did not understand me. I then asked them to show me the way to the camp. They made me understand that I was a very long way from the camp, and six of them went along with me to conduct me there. On the way we passed through a little village, where I was offered some fish to eat, and found it very good. We kept on our way, and as my guides perceived that I was fatigued, they offered to carry me. I thanked them, and they proceeded to conduct me to within sight of the camp. As they made me understand that they were about to leave, I tried to
je n'avais rien qui put leur convenir qu'un mouchoir que je leur donnais, et ils s'en furent.
Ce que j'avais vu dans ma course, me donna lieu de réfléchir sur ces naturels, et ne fit que me confirmer dans l'idée que j'avais depuis longtemps, qu'il était essentiel de se tenir toujours avec eux sur ses gardes, et qu'un peuple qui nous paraissait courageux ne pouvait être que très-entreprenant.
Chaque village considérable a son Chef ou son Roi qui jouit d'une autorité pleine et entière sur ses sujets, ces Chefs m'ont paru indépendants les uns des autres, ils se font la guerre pour très-peu de chose, et des guerres très-meurtrières; ils tirent ordinairement leurs prisonniers. Il m'a paru qu'ils avaient un culte, j'ai remarqué premièrement que chaque fois qu'il couchait de ces naturels à bord du vaisseau ils ne manquaient pas de se lever à une certaine heure de la nuit, et qu'ils se mettaient à prier en marmottant différents mots parmi lesquels ils répétaient celui de Mathé, qui signifie “tuer.” Cette prière durait environ une demi-heure puis ils se couchaient. Secondement, ils ont dans toutes leurs maisons un gros poteau planté dans le milieu, sur lequel est sculpté une figure hideuse, semblable à celles par lesquelles on prétend représenter le Diable. Outre cela chaque Chef et divers autres naturels portent à leur col une pierre verte large comme la main où est gravée cette même figure. Toutes ces choses induisent assez à croire que ce peuple reconnait et adore un être quelconque. Je leur ai vu donner la Sépulture à deux des leurs qui venaient de mourir, j'ai même vu le dernier avant qu'il ne mourût, ses parents étaient autour de lui à le soigner, je n'ai remarqué parmi eux dans cette occasion aucune pratique superstiticuse. Quelques heures après la mort de cet homme, ils le portèrent en terre sans aucune cérémonie. Dans tous les différents endroits que j'ai parcouru de ce pays, je n'y ai vu qu'un peuple industrieux. Ils font leurs outils d'une pierre très dure qui est semblable au marbre, très noire et trèsdure; ils en font des haches et des herminettes; ils se servent des premières pour couper les arbres, mais ce n'est qu'après beaucoup de peine qu'ils y arrivent, pour diminuer le travail que cela leur donne, ils creusent la terre tout autour de l'arbre qu'ils veulent abattre, ils y mettent le feu, ils prennent des précautions pour que la flame ne brûle que le pied; quand ils l'ont ainsi abattu, ils le dégrossissent ensuite avec leurs haches, et polissent avec leurs herminettes; ces outils de pierre coupent assez bien. Leurs ciseaux sont faits d'une pierre verte pareille à celle sur laquelle ils gravent leur divinité. Cette pierre est
induce them to come with me to the camp, promising to give them something. I could not persuade them to do so. As they persisted and I had nothing with me that would be acceptable except a handkerchief, I gave them this, and they then went away.
What I had seen during my expedition gave me cause for reflection, and only confirmed me in the opinion I had held for some time, that it was essential we should always be on our guard against these people, and that a race which appeared to us so courageous must also be extremely daring.
Each village of any importance has its own chief or its king, who exercises a complete and unquestioned authority over his subjects. These chiefs appear to me to be independent of each other. They declare war upon the slightest pretext, which wars are very bloody; they generally kill any prisoners they may capture. It seemed to me that they have a religion. First, I had noticed that each time these natives slept on board the ship they never failed to rise at a certain hour of the night, and commence to pray, muttering various words, amongst which they kept on repeating that of “Mathe” (mate), which signifies “to kill.” This prayer lasted for about half an hour, after which they lay down again. Secondly, they have in all their houses a large stake fixed in the middle, on which is carved a hideous figure resembling those which are said to represent the devil. Besides this, each chief and some others amongst them wear at their necks a green stone as broad as a hand, upon which is engraved this same figure. All these things make me believe that these people recognize and worship some sort of being. I have seen them give burial to two of their comrades who had just died. I have even seen the sick man before death, with his relatives around him, watching over him, but I have never noticed any superstitious rites being performed on such occasions. Some hours after the death of a man they bury the body without any ceremony. Wherever I have gone I have always noticed the industry of the people. They make their tools out of a very hard stone which resembles marble, and which is very black and very hard. Of this they make their hatchets and adzes. The first they use for cutting down trees, but it is only after a good deal of trouble that they succeed. In order to lessen the work which this operation entails, they hollow out the earth all round the tree which they wish to fell, and then set fire to it, taking care at the same time that the flames shall only burn the foot of the tree. When they have thus felled the tree they roughly hew it with their hatchets and smooth it down with their adzes. These stone tools cut fairly well. Their chise's are made out of a green stone similar to that upon which they
extrèmement dure, ils aiguisent bien un des bouts, et emmanchent ce ciseau dans un petit morceau de bois, ils l'attachent de façon qu'il ne bouge point en frappent dessus, ils s'en servent pour sculpter et pour faire des ouvrages délicats. Tous ces outils sont très-bien faits, ils se servent de coquillages pour graver et percer ces pierres qui pour le moins sont aussi dures que l'agathe; ils doivent employer un temps bien considérable pour y graver la figure dont j'ai parlé.
Nous ne leur avons connu aucune espèce de métaux, cependant nous avons trouvé de la mine de fer, mais elle ne m'a pas paru abondante, ce pays parait être très fertile, il est orné de belles plaines dans l'intérieur, les bois y sont de toute beauté, il y en a un grand nombre d'espèces différentes, toutes étrangères à nos climats et diverses sortes qui portent une odeur trèsagréable et dans la couleur est aux uns rouge, et aux autres jaune, &c., ils ne cultivent que des patates qui sont fort bonnes, comme ils ont beaucoup d'intelligence, nous leur avons fait entendre que les plantations que nous avions faites sur l'île Marion comme blé, riz, mais, pommes de terre et divers noyaux, leur pouvait etre d'une grande utilité, toutes ces graines avaient très-bien poussé quoique dans l'hiver. Ils parurent très-satisfaits et nous firent comprendre qu'ils en auraient soin, je ne sais s'ils auront conservé toutes ces graines qui leur seraient d'une ressource d'autant plus grande, qu'ils n'ont que la patate et la racine de fougère, ils font grand usage de cette dernière, voici comment ils la préparent. Après avoir arraché cette plante, ils l'exposent au soleil sur les branches des arbres, aussitôt qu'elle est bien fanée ou desséchée, ils la mettent dans le feu où ils la laissent peu de temps, puis l'en ayant retirée ils la posent sur une pierre large et plate et avec une espèce de massue, ils frappent dessus jusqu'à ce qu'elle soit presque en pâte. C'est cette pâte qu'ils mâchent et après en avoir retiré tout le suc, ils rejettent le marc, j'en ai goûte plusieurs fois et j'ai trouvé le suc de cette racine très agréable. Ils mangent beaucoup de poisson qui est en abondance et d'une excellente qualité.
Ces hommes très-robustes et bien portants, ne se servent d'aucune épicerie, ni de sel, ils font cuire leurs patates dans le feu, quand aux poissons ils l'enveloppent d'une feuille, font un trou dans le brasier et le mettent dedans, il s'y cuit très-bien et ne perd rien de son goût.
Ce que j'ai trouvé de plus surprenant, est le peu de cas qu'ils font des femmes, ils n'en sont nullement jaloux, ce sont elles qui font tous les travaux, les hommes ne s'occupent que de la guerre, ils s'exercent continuellement en se lançant les uns aux
engrave the figure of their divinity; it is extremely hard. One end is made very sharp, and the stone is fastened into a wooden handle, it being fastened in such a way that it does not slip when it is used for striking anything. They use this stone for carving and for doing any fine work. All these tools are very well made. Shells are employed to engrave and pierce these stones, which are at least as hard as agates. Considerable time must have been spent in carving the figure of which I have spoken.
We never saw them make use of any kind of metal. Although we found traces of iron, it did not seem to be abundant. The country is of very fertile appearance. There are some fine plains in the interior, where the timber is of great beauty. There are many different kinds of timber, all strangers to our climate, and several kinds possess a very agreeable odour. In colour some are red and others yellow. Sweet potatoes alone are cultivated, but these are excellent. As the natives are extremely intelligent, we were able to make them understand that the plantations we had made on Marion Island, of wheat, maize, potatoes, and various kinds of nuts, might be very useful to them. All these plants had grown very well, although it was winter. The natives seemed highly pleased, and informed us that they would take care of our cultivations, but I do not know whether they have preserved all these plants, which would be all the more valuable to them seeing that they have only the sweet potato and fern-root. Of the latter they make great use, and this is how they prepare it. Having torn up the fern, they expose it to the heat of the sun on branches of trees, and as soon as it has faded in colour or dried, they place it in a fire, where they leave it for a little time. Then, having taken it out, they place it on a wide flat stone, and beat it with a kind of club until it becomes almost a paste. It is this paste that they chew, and, having extracted all the juice, they reject the skins or residuum. I have often tasted this paste, and always found the juice of the root very pleasant. A great deal of fish is also eaten. Fish is found in great abundance, and is of excellent quality.
The men are very robust and well built, and use no condiments or salt. They cook their sweet potatoes in the fire. As for the fish, they wrap it up in a big leaf, make a hole in the fire when it is bright and clear, and then put the fish inside. It cooks very well in this way and loses none of its flavour.
The most surprising fact with which I became acquainted was the small regard they have for their women. They are not in the least jealous of them. The women have to do all the work, the men only occupying themselves with warlike preparations
autres, des flêches, lances, &c.; les femmes sont toujours occupées, soit à faire des étoffes où à cultiver la terre, soit à faire ou préparer le manger, et quelques fois à la pêche avec de trés grandes seines; cependant j'ai vu plus ordinairement les hommes à faire ce travail. Ces femmes paraissaient entièrement soumises à leurs maris, je ne les ai jamais vu manger avec eux, tout au contraire elles les servent lorsqu'ils mangent. Enfin j'ai vu de ces femmes pousser la complaisance jusqu'à porter le morceau dans la bouche de leur mari; il faut que ce soit un usage parmi eux, car ceux-ci étaient assis et restaient très tranquillement à se faire servir de même en causant avec d'autres hommes sans faire attention à celles qui les servaient. Cela me ferait presque croire que les femmes sont regardées comme des esclaves. Il ne m'a pas été possible de m'éclairer sur ce point. Malgré le mépris qu'ils marquent, pour les femmes, la population est très-nombreuse, il m'a paru qu'ils avaient plusieurs femmes, et ils me l'ont fait entendre. Le poisson qui est un aliment extrèmement chaud, y contribue sans doute beaucoup.
Je ne sais si le mal vénérien est naturel dans ce pays, mais ces peuples en sont très incommodés, deux jours après notre arrivée il y eut des gens de l'équipage qui avaient eu commerce avec les femmes et qui s'en ressentirent dès le lendemain. Cependant il ne se peut guère présumer que cette maladie eut été communiquée par nos matelots, nos chirurgiens nous assurèrent qu'aucun de l'équipage n'en était attaqué, ils avaient tous été guéris depuis cinq mois que nous étions en mer. D'ailleurs nous avons vu des femmes à qui cette maladie avait laissé des traces affreuses. Les hommes n'en paraissaient pas si incommodés que les femmes, je ne sais s'ils connaissaient quelques remèdes pour cette maladie, mais ils ne paraissaient pas en faire cas.
Maintes fois je leur ai demandé pourquoi ils se faisaient si souvent la guerre entre eux, mais je n'ai pu comprendre la raison qu'ils m'en donnaient. Pour ce qu'ils faisaient de leurs prisonniers, ils me l'ont très-bien expliqué, aussitôt qu'ils les ont en leur pouvoir, ils les tuent. Plusieurs démonstrations qu'ils m'ont faites, m'ont donné tout lieu de croire qu'ils étaient antropophages, et qu'ils mangeaient leurs ennemis; plusieurs d'entre nous sont de mon sentiment, mais ce qui m'y a le plus confirmé, est qu'un chef qui comprenait très-bien ce que je lui disais, à ce sujet, me fit entendre qu'après les avoir tués, ils les mettaient dans le feu, et qu'après les y avoir fait cuire, ils les mangeaient, voyant que cela me révoltait et me faisait horreur,
and exercises. They are continually engaged in these exercises, throwing darts and spears at each other. The women are always busy, either in making cloth, or cultivating the soil, or preparing food. Sometimes they even go fishing with very large nets, but, as a rule, the men do this work. These women appear to be completely subject to their husbands. I have never seen them eating with the men; on the contrary, they wait upon them whilst the latter are eating. Indeed, I have even seen them push their servility to such a point as to actually place the food in their husbands' mouths. This custom of the women waiting on the men must be a rule amongst these people, for the men remain seated, and chat away with their fellows, without paying any attention to the women who wait upon them. This almost made me think the women were regarded as slaves. I have been able to get no definite information on this point. Despite the contempt in which the women are held, the population is very numerous. It seemed to me that each man had several wives, and they informed me that such was the case. The consumption of so much fish, which is a very heating food, no doubt contributes very much to this end.
I am not aware whether venereal disease is common to this country, but these people are greatly plagued with it. Two days after our arrival several men amongst the crews were in the company of the native women, and the result made itself manifest the very next day. It must not be presumed, however, that the disease had been communicated to the women by our sailors, for our surgeons assured us that not a single member of either crew was suffering from this disease when we arrived. They had all been cured during the five months we had been at sea, besides which we had seen several native women upon whom this disease had left the most hideous traces. The men did not appear to suffer as much as the women. I do not know whether the natives are acquainted with any remedy for this disease, but they do not appear to attribute much importance to it.
Time after time I have asked them why they so often made war upon each other, but I have never been able to understand the explanations they gave me. As to the way in which they treat their prisoners, they gave me a very clear explanation. As soon as the prisoners are in their power they are killed. From the demonstration they gave us on several occasions, there can be no doubt that they are cannibals, and that they eat their enemies. Several of our officers are of my opinion that this is the case, but what completely confirmed what I say on this subject is the fact that one of the chiefs, who well understood what I asked him, told me that after they had killed their enemies, they put them in a fire, and having cooked the corpses,
il se mit à rire en continuant à m'affirmer ce qu'il venait de me dire.
Ces naturels sont très-caressants, mais ils montrent dans leurs caresses beaucoup de férocité, ils aiment singulièrement à embrasser, et le font avec beaucoup d'action, ils ne pouvaient se lasser s'admirer la blancheur de notre peau, lorsque nous leur permettions d'y poser les lévres, soit sur les mains, soit sur le visage, ils suçaient avec une avidité étonnante; comme ils étaient tous les jours parmi nous, ils s'étaient familiarisés, nous leur avions fait voir à peu près tout ce que nous avions, nous leur en avions expliqué l'usage. Je restais au camp de la mâture jusqu'au 10 que je me rendis le soir à bord des vaisseaux, durant ce jour il s'était passé quelques faits assez singuliers qui méritent d'être rapportés.
On fut le matin comme à l'ordinaire aux mâts, mais à peine fûmes nous partis, que nous vîmes paraître sur le sommet des montagnes voisines quantité de naturels en armes, ce qui nous obligea de nous tenir sur nos gardes. Nous crûmes d'abord que nous allions être attaqués, nous nous préparâmes au combat, ils vinrent assez près de nous, et restèrent sans avancer davantage, cependant nous voulions savoir quels étaient leurs desseins; je proposais d'aller seul à eux, sans armes apparentes, pour leur demander ce qu'ils voulaient, aussitôt qu'ils me virent ainsi avancer, ils vinrent quatre au devant de moi, desquels deux étaient des chefs que je connaissais, et les deux autres étaient de ceux qui m'avaient servi de guides le jour d'auparavant. En m'abordant ils m'embrassèrent en me demandant la paix, du moins j'en jugeais ainsi attendu qu'ils me disaient, “Paye arémaye,” ce qui signifie, donnez-nous la paix. J'avais caché sous mon habit un sabre, je le pris et je ramassais un rameau ensuite je leur présentai l'un et l'autre, ils comprirent très-bien que je voulais qu'ils s'expliquassent, ils prirent le rameau en demandant toujours la paix; ensuite ils m'embrassèrent encore. Je les fis venir à la tente, où on leur fit présent de quelques bagatelles, en leur demandant aussi à traiter avec eux de leur poisson à l'ordinaire, ils réclamèrent la pirogue que l'on avait prise il y avait quelques jours, elle leur fut remise avec les pagaies. Ils promirent de revenir le lendemain apporter du poisson; je fis aussi un présent à mes deux conducteurs de la veille.
Comme tous ces naturels s'étaient ébranlés pour s'approcher aux marques d'amitié que nous avions faites à leurs envoyés,
ate them. Seeing that I was greatly disgusted with what he told me, my informant burst into laughter, and proceeded to reaffirm what he had just told me.
These natives are greatly given to embracing each other, but they display in these caresses a most noticeable ferocity. They are peculiarly fond of kissing each other, and this they do with great intensity. They were never weary of admiring our skins, especially their whiteness, but when we permitted them to place their lips, either upon our hands or our faces, they sucked the flesh with a surprising greediness. As almost every day they came amongst us they got quite accustomed to our ways. We showed them almost everything we had, and explained to them the use of everything. I remained at the masting camp until the 10th, when, in the evening, I returned on board the vessel. During the day there took place certain events of so peculiar a character as to merit being specially recorded.
In the morning we went as usual to work upon the masts, but hardly had we left the canoe when we saw a a number of armed natives appear at the summit of the neighbouring hill, which made us remain on guard. At first we believed we were about to be attacked, and we made preparations for a fight. The natives came up quite close to us, and then stopped for a while, without any further advance. We wished, however, to know what was their design, and I proposed to go up to them alone, without arms, apparently, and ask them what they wanted. As soon as they saw me advancing towards them four of them came right up in front of me. Two of them were chiefs with whom I was acquainted. The other two belonged to the party who had served me as guides the day before. When they came up to me they embraced me asking for peace; at least, that is what I assumed from their saying “Paye aremaye,” which means “Let us have peace.” I had concealed a sword under my coat, and I now took it out and cut off a bough or branch of a small tree. I then offered the one and the other to them. They understood perfectly well that I desired an explanation. They took the bough, again asking that there should be peace, after which they again embraced me. I had them brought to the tent, where they were given a few trifles, they having offered at the same time to supply us with some of their fish, as usual. They asked that the canoe taken a few days previously should be returned to them with the paddles, and it was given back to them. They promised to return the next day, and bring some more fish. I also made a present to my two guides of the previous evening.
All these natives having rushed forward to meet us upon the signs of friendship which we had made to their envoys, the
les chefs eurent l'attention de les arrêter. Je fus à celui des chefs qui me parût être le premier de tous, il me fit amitié, comme ils virent que je n'avais pas d'armes, ils jettèrent les leurs à l'écart.
Ces chefs ont pour seule marque du commandement de trèsbelle plumes d'oiseaux sur la tête et à leurs manteaux, leurs armes sont très bien sculptées; ce paquet de plumes dont ils ornent leurs têtes, les fait aisément distinguer parmi les autres, et leur donne un air de grandeur.
Le Chef et le jeune homme qu'on avait tenus prisonniers n'étaient pas venus chercher leurs manteaux qu'ils avaient laissés, nous les présentâmes à ceux-ci, alors un vieux Chef les prit et demanda si on les avait tués, on leur dit que non, quoique nous fussions très persuadés qu'il savait le contraire de ce qu'il demandait; enfin soit qu'il les crut morts ou non, il mit les deux manteaux en tas, après quoi il récita quelque chose, ensuite prenant un rameau il le jéta avec des excréments de bête dessus le manteau toujours en disant quelques paroles, après cette cérémonie deux jeunes gens prirent ces manteaux et les portèrent au village qui est de l'autre côté de la rivière; ne peut on pas infèrer de là que ces insuliares ont un culte et qu'ils reconnaissent une divinité.
En me rendant à bord, je trouvais M. Marion qui était à faire pêcher dans l'anse de Tacoury où il avait trouvé de fort jolis coquillages que la Seine avait amenés en la tirant de l'eau, je lui racontai tout ce qui m'était arrivé depuis deux jours que j'étais absent, et ce qui s'était passé au camp, il me dit que tout ce que ces naturels avaient fait ne provenait que de ce qu'on avait fait lier un de leurs chefs, et qu'il ne pouvait y avoir que cette raison qui eût pu les décider à prendre les armes et effectivement il ne pouvait y avoir rien autre chose qui les ont aigris contre nous.
De retour à bord M. Marion me dit d'aller prendre la garde sur l'île Marion, vu que l'Officier qui y commandait était incommodé depuis quelques jours. Je m'y rendis a sept heures du soir. On avait tant de confiance en ces insulaires qu'on était sur cette île sans aucune défense; on y avait seulement laissé quatre soldats armés qui faisaient la faction, avec ces quatre soldats il y avait un autre Officier, le Chirurgien-major et moi, ce qui faisait en tout sept personnes bien portantes, tous les malades ne devant être comptés pour rien, car à mesure qu'ils guérissaient, on les rappelait à bord des vaisseaux. Dans le principe on avait envoyé dans ce poste six espingoles pour y être montées sur des chandeliers de bois en forme de pattes d'oie, mais on n'avait même pas pensé à s'en servir, de sorte qu'elles
chiefs took care to prevent them surrounding us. I went up to one of these chiefs, who appeared to be in command of the party. He testified his amity, and as they saw I was not carrying any arms they threw their weapons on one side.
The only signs of leadership which these chiefs possess are some very handsome birds' feathers, worn on their heads and on their cloaks. Their weapons are very finely carved. The bunch of feathers worn on his head by a chief easily distinguishes him from his men, and gives him an air of dignity.
The chief and the young man who had been detained as prisoners had not returned to claim the cloaks they had left behind them, and we gave the garments to this party. Upon this an old chief took the cloaks, and asked if the owners had been killed. We told him that they had not been harmed, although we were convinced that he was quite aware of the truth. However, whether he really believed them dead or not, he put the cloaks in a heap, after which he chanted some words, then taking up a bough, he threw it with some animal excrement on the cloaks, repeating certain words. Two of the younger men then took up the cloaks, and carried them away to the village which lies on the other side of the river. May it not be inferred from this that these islanders have some religion, and that they recognize the existence of a god.
On my way to the ship I met M. Marion, who had been fishing in Tacoury's Creek, where he had found some very beautiful shells, which had been brought up out of the water by the net. I told him all that had happened to me during the two days that I had been absent. He said that everything the natives had done was only the result of tying up one of their chiefs, and this could be the only reason for their taking up arms, and that practically there could be nothing else which could have embittered them against us.
When we had got on board M. Marion asked me to go and take charge of the guard on Marion Island, as the officer who was in command there had been unwell for some days. I went to the island at 7 o'clock in the evening. So much confidence had been placed in the islanders that we were on this island without any defence. There were only four soldiers there who mounted guard; with these soldiers there was another officer, the surgeon-major, and myself—that is, in all, only seven persons in good health. The sick men could not be reckoned on, for as soon as they got well they were recalled to the ships. In theory, there were six blunderbusses at the camp, which were supposed to be mounted on wooden crotches, in the shape of a goosefoot, but no one had ever thought of making use of them, so that
étaient toujours restées dans le sable; tout ce que je venais de voir me fit prendre des précautions, en conséquence je fis nettoyer et mettre en état ces espingoles, on les chargea, je les fis ensuite mettre à la porte de notre tente où se promenait le factionnaire pour qu'elles se trouvassent toutes prêtes en cas d'alarme; depuis cinq ou six nuits les naturels venaient rôder aux environs de nos tentes, mais on était persuadé qu'ils n'avaient pas d'autres desseins que de voler ce qu'ils pourraient.
Le soir avant de me coucher, je recommandais au factionnaire de veiller bien exactement, et s'il voyait des naturels de m'éveiller, à onze heures du soir il vint me dire qu'il venait de voir cinq ou six naturels près de la tente, je sortis et je vis effectivement ces hommes qui fuyaient et qui montaient la montagne trèsvivement, dès ce moment je pensais qu'ils venaient pour espionner et savoir si on faisait bonne garde, et que leurs projets ne se bornerait pas à chercher à nous voler.
Le lendemain matin 11 du mois, M. Marion vint se promener sur cette île, je lui dis ce qui s'était passé durant la nuit, il me répondit que ces gens là n'avaient d'autres desseins que celui de tâcher d'attraper quelquechose, et qu'il était aisé de les en empêcher en faisant bonne garde la nuit, il ajouta, qu'il venait de recevoir des nouvelles du camp de la mâture, d'oũ on lui marquait que ces insulaires avaient encore paru dans la nuit et qu'il y avait envoyé quelques soldats de renfort pour la garde; je lui observais qu'il ne devait pas se livrer à ces gens avec autant de confiance qu'il le faisait, que j'étais persuadé que ces naturels avaient de mauvais desseins, il n'en crût rien et répétait toujours qu'il n'y avait qu'à les traiter avec bonté et qu'ils ne chercheraient jamais à nous faire aucun mal.
Il me raconta à ce sujet une chose qui lui était arrivée il y avait quelques jours; deux Chefs étant venus le chercher à bord du vaisseau il fut dans son canot avec plusieurs de nos Messieurs et accompagnés à l'ordinaire de quelques soldats. Ces chefs l'avaient conduit à terre et engagé de monter sur une montagne voisine du village de Tacoury. Il y avait sur cette montagne beaucoup de peuple, ils l'y firent asseoir ainsi que les Officiers qui étaient avec lui, il reçut beaucoup de caresses d'eux et ensuite ils lui mirent une espèce de couronne de plumes sur la tête en lui montrant tout le pays et lui faisant entendre qu'ils le reconnaissaient pour leur Roi, ils firent plusieurs cérémonies, traitèrent avec beaucoup de respect, et lui firent présent de poisson et d'une pierre où était gravée leur divinité, de son côté il leur fit aussi quelques présents et beaucoup de caresses, et ils le ramenèrent à bord du vaisseau.
they had sunk into the sand. What I had recently witnessed on shore induced me to take every precaution, and I therefore had the blunderbusses cleaned and put into good order. I then had them all loaded and put at the entrance of our tent, where the sentry walked up and down, so that they would be ready in case of an alarm being given. For five or six nights the natives had been hovering round our tents, but our men were convinced that they had no other design than to steal whatever they could lay their hands upon.
In the evening, before lying down, I impressed upon the sentry the necessity for keeping a very strict watch, and if he saw any native about he was to wake me at once. At 11 o'clock in the evening he came to tell me that he had seen five or six natives near the tent. I went out, and sure enough I saw these men, who at once fled, and ascended the hill very rapidly. I came to the conclusion that they had come to spy and see whether we were keeping a good watch, and that their intentions were not merely confined to theft.
The next morning—that is, on the 11th of the month— M. Marion came for a walk on the island. I told him what had passed during the night. He replied that these people had no other design than to try and pilfer something, and that it was easy to prevent them doing so by keeping a strict watch at night. He said he had just received word from the masting camp that the natives had again appeared during the night, and that he had sent some soldiers to reinforce the guard at that place. I told him that he ought not to place so much confidence in these men as he did, and that I was convinced they had some evil design. He would not believe me, and kept on repeating that all we had to do was to treat them with kindness and they would never seek to do us the slightest harm.
On this subject he related an experience which he had had a few days previously. Two chiefs came to see him on board our vessel. He was in his boat at the time with several of our company, and, as usual, there were several soldiers present. The chiefs took him on shore, and persuaded him to ascend a hill in the neighbourhood of Tacoury's village. Upon the hill there were a great many people gathered, who made him sit down with the officers who were with him. He was embraced by many of the natives, and at last they placed a sort of crown on his head, and pointing to the country all around, made him understand that they recognized him as their king. They went through several ceremonies, and treated him with great respect, making him presents of fish and of a stone upon which was engraved the figure of their divinity. On his part he made them several gifts, and made signs of friendship, and they then conducted him back to the ship.
Après ce récit M. Marion me dit: Comment voudriez-vous que j'eusse mauvaise idée d'un peuple qui me témoigne autant d'amitié, comme je ne leur fais que du bien, certainement ils ne me feront point de mal; enfin il me quitta en me disant que j'avais raison de ne tenir sur mes gardes, d'autant plus que toutes les choses utiles étaient en dépôt sur cette île, mais il me recommanda de traiter avec douceur les gens du pays. Il me dit aussi qu'il comptait aller le lendemain se promener dans l'anse de Tacoury où il croyait trouver encore des coquillages.
Dans l'après-midi le Chef du village de l'île Marion vint me voir avec quelques autres naturels, ils m'apportèrent du poisson qui est leur présent ordinaire; ils furent très surpris de voir dans ma tente les espingoles que j'avais fait mettre en état la veille, et qui étaient toutes montées sur leurs chandeliers. Comme ils n'avaient pas encore vu ces espèces d'armes, ce chef me demanda ce que c'était et quel en était l'usage, je lui expliquais le mieux possible et je lui fis mieux comprendre en prenant huit ou dix balles et les mettant dedans, il comprit pour lors très bien ce que je lui disais et il en marqua de la frayeur en me faisant entendre que cela lui paraissait fort dangereux. Il s'en fut quelques temps après, mais je remarquais qu'il regardait et examinait tout avec beaucoup d'attention, il me demanda même à entrer dans la tente des malades. Quoique je començais à suspecter la curiosité qu'il témoignait et le soin qu'il paraissait apporter à prendre connaissance de tout, je l'y conduisis en l'observant bien; il examina encore bien exactement tout ce qui était dans cette tente et me quitta. Tout ceci m'assura que cet homme avait quelques desseins.
Je fus dans l'après-midi à la chasse avec un volontaire, et comme je voulais aller dans le village de ce Chef, nous fûmes de ce côté, d'où nous allâmes sans affectation au village et comme par rencontre; nous y fûmes bien reçus, le chef me fit différentes questions sur la propriété de nos fusils, il m'avait vu tuer des oiseaux, mais il ne croyait pas que l'on put tuer un homme de même. Comme il y a un grand nombre de chiens dans ce pays, il me fit signe de tirer sur un qui passait, je tirai dessus et le tuais, ce qui le dérouta entièrement, il s'en alla examiner avec le plus grand soin ou le chien avait reçu le coup, et vint regarder ensuite avec la même attention le fusil, il voulut faire comme moi en couchant un autre chien en joue, et il souffla sur la platine, il croyait qu'il ne sagissait que de souffler pour faire partir le coup, je ne cherchais pas davantage à l'instruire, et je fus au
After having given me this narrative M. Marion said to me, “How can you expect me to have a bad opinion of a people who show me so much friendship? As I only do good to them, assuredly they will do me no evil.” At length he left me, telling me I was quite right in keeping on my guard, especially as our most necessary articles were stored on the island; but he charged me to treat the people of the country with kindness. He also told me that he intended next day to go fishing in Tacoury's Cove, where he hoped to get some more shells.
During the afternoon the chief of the native village on Marion Island came to see me, accompanied by several other natives. They brought me some fish as a present, as is their custom when paying visits. They were very much astonished to see outside my tent the blunderbusses, which I had had put in good order the previous evening, and which were now all mounted on their carriages. As they had not seen this kind of arm before, the chief asked what they were, and how they were used. I explained the use of the weapons to them as well as I could, and made him better understand by taking eight or ten balls and loading a gun with them. He then understood quite well what I told him, and showed some alarm, making a sign to me that he considered them very dangerous. He went away shortly afterwards, but I noticed he was looking round and examining everything with much attention. He even asked me to let him go into the tent where the invalids were. Although I was beginning to be suspicious of all this inquisitiveness he was displaying, and the care with which he seemed to to be taking stock of everything, I took him into the hospital tent, watching him very closely. He again examined everything in the tent very carefully, and then left me. All this convinced me that this man had some design.
In the afternoon I went shooting with a volunteer, and as I wished to visit this chief's village, we went in this direction, proceeding to the village without any ostentation, and as if by accident. We were very well received. The chief asked me various questions as to the cleaning of our guns. He had seen me kill some birds, but he did not think a man could be killed in the same way. As there are a number of dogs in this country, he made signs to me to shoot one of them that happened to be passing by. I shot at it, and killed it, which completely bewildered the chief. He went and examined the dead animal with the greatest care, so that he could see where the dog had been hit, and then came back to examine the gun with the same minute attention. He then wanted to do what I had done, aiming at another dog, and blew upon the lock of the firearm,
contraire très-satisfaits qu'il ne connut pas de quelle façon nous nous servions de nos armes.
The Natives of this bay had already felt small shot from Cook's guns. (Cook's Journal, p. 165.)
Durant la nuit je fus encore éveillé par le factionnaire qui me dit avoir vu une douzaine d'indigènes qui s'approchaient de nos tentes, en sortant je les vis, apparamment qu'ils nous aperçurent, car ils se sauvèrent en grande vitesse.
Le lendemain 12 du mois, le Chef du village vint me voir de bon matin, je lui demandais pourquoi plusieurs de ses gens venaient toutes les nuits; je lui fis entendre que s'ils venaient davantage, je ferai tirer dessus, il me comprit bien et me dit, “Mona,” qui signifie “bon,” il resta avec moi jusqu'à midi, il montra encore la même curiosité que la veille, mais je me prétais moins à le satisfaire; je sus que M. Marion avait été se promener comme il me l'avait dit la veille dans le même endroit.
Le soir avant de me coucher, je donnai l'ordre au factionnaire de m'éveiller aussitôt qu'il y aurait quelquechose de nouveau et de veiller bien exactement. A une heure après minuit il vint me dire que les naturels descendaient de la montagne en grand nombre. Je fus bien surpris de voir environ quatre cents naturels à peu de distance de nos tentes et qui avançaient à grands pas. Je fis aussitôt prendre les espingoles et en fis faire un carré dans lequel nous entrâmes sept, c'était tout ce que nous étions de bien portants. Comme il faisait beau clair de Lune, ils virent nos armes, et sur le champ ils s'arrêtèrent et se couchèrent dans la fougère. Ils n'étaient pas à plus d'une portée de pistolet de nous, il nous aurait été facile en tirant sur eux d'en tuer beaucoup, mais voyant qu'ils n'avançaient plus, je ne voulais pas les attaquer le premier; d'ailleurs M. Marion m'avait si fort recommandé de ne pas leur faire de mal, que je me décidais à les laisser commencer, mais je me résolus en même temps de leur faire payer bien cher, s'ils osaient prendre ce parti. Nous restâmes environ une demi-heure en présence les uns des autres, ensuite je les vis s'en aller, en se tenant toujours baissés, eux et leurs armes, le plus qu'il leur était possible. Quand ils furent un peu éloignés, ils marchèrent plus doucement et furent à petits pas jusqu'au haut de la Montagne.
Le reste de la nuit nous fîmes bonne garde et j'envoyai une sentinelle à vingt pas de la tente du côté où ils s'étaient retirés afin de les observer, mais ils ne firent aucune tentative. D'après
thinking that this was the right way to discharge the gun. I did not think it necessary to show him the right way to proceed. On the contrary, I was very glad he did not know in what way we made use of our weapons.*
During the night I was again awakened by the sentry, who told me that he had seen a dozen natives, who were approaching our tents. Going outside I saw them, but apparently they noticed us, for they made off as fast as they could.
The next day, the 12th of the month, the chief of this village came to see me early in the morning. I asked him why so many natives were coming round our camp every night. I made him understand that if any more of them came we would shoot them. He understood quite well what I said, and said, “Mona,” which signifies “Good.” He remained with me until noon, and exhibited the same curiosity which we had noticed on the previous evening, but I was less inclined to answer his questions. I learnt from this native that M. Marion had been for a walk in the same neighbourhood as he had told me the night before he had intended to do.
In the evening, before I retired to rest, I gave the sentry numbers of natives appear. orders to wake me up directly anything new happened, and to maintain a very close watch. At 1 o'clock in the morning he came to tell me that the Natives were coming down the hill in great numbers. I was much surprised to see about four hundred Natives at a very short distance from our tents, and that they were advancing very rapidly. I immediately had the blunderbusses got ready, and arranged them in a square, into which seven of us entered. This was all of us who were not sick. As it was a fine moonlight night, the Natives could see our arms, and immediately they ceased to advance, and lay down in the fern. They were not more than a pistol-shot away from us, and, it would have been easy enough, had we discharged our pieces, to have killed a good number; but seeing that they made no further advance, I did not wish to be the first to make attack, especially as M. Marion had particularly ordered me to do them no harm. I decided to let them be the first to begin a fight, but I resolved at the same time to make them pay very dearly if they dared to take this step. We remained for about half an hour facing each other, but eventually I saw them go away, keeping all the time as low down in the fern, men and arms, as was possible. When they had got a little further away they marched more deliberately, and went off slowly to the foot of the hill.
During the rest of the night we kept up a strict watch, and I sent a sentry to about twenty paces from the tent on the side whither they had retreated, so as to watch their movements,
ceci il y avait à présumer que leur intention était de nous surprendre et de nous assassiner tous pour s'emparer de ce qui était sur cette île, si ces naturels avaient foncé sur nous, il leur aurait été bien facile de nous réduire par le grand nombre qu'ils étaient d'autant mieux qu'ils étaint venus fort près de nous, je suis très persuadé que ça a été la crainte qu'ils ont eu des espingoles qui les a fait reculer. Si ces hommes avaient été plus entreprenant, ils nous auraient mis en quelque sorte hors d'état de sortir de leur pays, parceque les gouvernails de nos deux vaisseaux étaient sur cette île, et toutes nos rechanges, comme mâts, vergues, filins, etc. et environ soixante scorbutiques qui ne pouvaient pas marcher.
C'était avec raison que les recherches du Chef de cette île m'avaient inspiré de l'ombrage et que j'avais pris de bonnes mesures pour notre sûreté. Aussitôt que le jour parut nous vîmes les montagnes garnies de naturels armés qui nous entouraient, je m'aperçus qu'ils me faisaient des menaces, je vis ensuite un chef que je connaissais, et qui était de la grande terre s'avancer seul et sans armes apparentes, je fus seul au devant de lui ayant seulement une paire de pistolets dans mes poches au cas ou il voulut m'attaquer là m'abordant je m'aperçus qu'il pleurait en me distant: “Tacoury maté Marion,” ce qui signifiait “Tacoury à tué Marion,” je ne compris pas d'abord ce qu'il me disait parceque j'étais persuadé que M. Marion était à bord du vaisseau, cependant il me répéta les mêmes mots plusieurs fois de sorte que je pensais que ce Chef voulait me prévenir que le dessein de Tacoury était de tuer M. Marion. Un moment après il me quitta brusquement. Sur ce que ceux qui étaient sur la montagne lui crièrent; ils le prévenaient vraisemblablement de se retirer, et qu'il venait un bateau; en descendant la montagne je vis la chaloupe du vaisseau venir avec beaucoup de monde, je m'en fus l'attendre au bord de la mer, il y avait un officier dedans qui me dit que s'étant aperçu du vaisseau que les naturels m'entouraient ou m'envoyait du secours, il m'apprit que M. Marion avait été la veille à deux heures après-midi à terre avec deux ou trois chef qui étaient venus le chercher, et qu'il n'était pas revenu. Il avait dit avant de partir qu'il allait pêcher dans l'anse de Tacoury, on avait fait mettre la Seine dans son canot, cette fois il ne volut jamais que des Soldats l'eussent accompagné, disant qu'ils le génaient dans son canot, il s'était embarqué avec quinze hommes, du nombre desquels étaient deux Officiers, qui avaient leurs fusils ainsi que M. Marion. Comme il ne lui était pas encore arrivé de découcher, on était fort inquiet à bord, on pensait cependant qu'il avait été coucher au camp de la mâture; je me rappelais aussitôt ce que le chef venait de me dire que Tacoury avait tué M. Marion, et je vis avec la plus vive douleur
but they made no further attempt. From all this it became evident that their intention was to surprise us and capture everything we had on the island. If these Natives had rushed upon us it would have been quite easy for them to conquer us by reason of their great numbers, especially as they had succeeded in coming so close up to the camp. I am certain it was only the fear of our blunderbusses that had made them retreat. Had these men been more daring they might have placed us in such a position that we could not have got away from their country, for the rudders of the ships were on the island, as well as our spare pieces, such as masts, yards, cordage, &c., also about sixty men suffering from scurvy, who were unable to walk.
I soon had good justification for the mistrust with which the curiosity of the chiefs had inspired me, and for the careful precautions I had taken to safeguard our position. As soon as day broke we saw the hills surrounding us covered with Natives, who were all armed. I noticed they were making menacing signs. Soon I saw a chief whom I knew, and who belonged to the mainland, advancing by himself, and unarmed. I went up to him with only a pair of pistols in my pockets, in case he made up his mind to attack me. When he came up to me I saw he was weeping, whilst he uttered the words: “Tacoury “mate Marion,” which signifies, “Tacoury has killed Marion.” At first I did not understand what he was saying, because I was certain that M. Marion was on board his ship. However the chief kept on repeating the same words several times, so that I now began to think that the chief wanted to tell me that it was Tacoury's intention to kill M. Marion. A moment afterwards he left me very suddenly, and upon this the Natives on the hill began shouting out to him, presumably warning him to retreat, and that there was a boat coming. Going down the hill, I saw the ship's longboat come ashore with several people in her. I went down to meet them on the beach. There was an officer in the boat, who told me that having seen from the ship that I was surrounded by the Natives he had been sent to my rescue. From this officer I learnt that M. Marion had gone on shore the day before at 2 o'clock in the afternoon with two chiefs who had come to seek him, and that he had not yet returned. M. Marion had said before he left that he was going fishing in Tacoury's Cove. The net had been put in his boat, but on this occasion he had expressed a desire that none of the soldiers should accompany him, as they were in his way in the boat. He had embarked with fifteen men, amongst whom were two officers, who had their guns with them, as also had M. Marion. As this was the first time that M. Marion had not come back on board to sleep, they had become very anxious. It was thought, however, that
que cela ne pouvait être que trop vrai. Trente hommes débarquèrent de la chaloupe avec leurs armes et leurs munitions de guerre, ensuite la chaloupe s'en retourna à bord. Je fis aussitôt la visite des armes qu'on m'avait envoyées. Sur les sept heures et demie du matin, nous vîmes venir le même officier dans un petit bateau, qui m'apprit le funeste évènement par lequel nous avions perdu la veille M. Marion et tous ceux qui l'accompagnaient; voici ce qu'il me raconte à ce sujet.
Le Capitaine du Castries avait envoyé sa chaloupe avant le jour pour faire du bois à feu dans l'anse ou M. Marion allait ordinairement à la pêche, cette chaloupe était armée de douze hommes, y compris le maître du vaisseau et un volontaire. A sept heures on avait vu un homme venir à la nage de la grande terre, qu'on avait aussitôt envoyé un bateau pour le sauver. Il se trouva que c'était un des matelots de la chaloupe du Castries qui avait reçu un coup de lance qui lui perçait le côté, quand il fut à bord voici le rapport qu'il fit. Lorsqu'ils avaient été prêts de mettre à terre dans l'anse, qui est en dedans du village de Tacoury, ils virent des naturels qui étaient tous armés mais en petit nombre, qui les appelaient en leur faisent des signes de mettre à terre. Ce qui se nommait Raux, voyant qu'il y avait de beaux bois y fit mettre malgré les représentations du patron qui craignait les naturels, et alléguait qu'ils étaient armés. Dans le premier moment il parut par le favorable accueil qu'ils firent à nos gens que le maître avait eu raison de ne point se méfier d'eux; ceux-ci étant venus les prendre, et les ayant portés à terre sur leurs épaules, comme nos gens n'eurent aucun lieu de se douter de leur complot, ils se séparèrent chacun de leur côte pour couper du bois, et un nommé Lequay était avec celui qui nous faisait ce rapport et au même arbre ou une douzaine de naturels les entourèrent, à un cri affreux qu'ils firent sans doute pour signal, il en parut un nombre considérable qui les assaillirent incontinent. Le Camarade de Lequay se sentant le côté percé d'une lance, et l'ayant saisie et arrachée donna un coup de sa hache à celui qui l'avait blessé; il demêla parmi les cris horribles des sauvages la voix de Lequay qui l'appelait à son secours et l'ayant apperçu colleté par plusieurs il tâcha de le dégager en leur donnant quelques coups de hache, puis la peur l'ayant pris en pensant combien la partie était inégale, il avait cherché à regagner la chaloupe, qu'il apperçut pleine de naturels, qui assassinaient plusieurs de ses camarades qui ayant eu la même idée que lui avaient cherché à s'y sauver, alors voyant les contorsions horribles des sauvages qui mettaient en pièces nos matelots avec leurs propres haches, et entendant leurs voix
he had gone to stop the night at the masting camp. I immediately recalled what the chief had told me—namely, that Tacoury had killed M. Marion; and with the greatest sorrow I saw that this could only be too true. Thirty men disembarked from the longboat with their arms and ammunition, and the boat then went back to the ship. I then inspected the arms which had been sent me. About half-past 7 in the morning we saw the same officer arrive in a small boat, and he informed me of the disastrous event by which we had lost M. Marion and all his following the evening before. This is his account of the whole affair:—
“The captain of the “Castries” had sent his longboat before daylight to get some firewood in the cove where M. Marion was in the habit of going fishing. This longboat was manned by twelve men, including the captain of the ship and a volunteer. At 7 o'clock a man had been noticed swimming off from the mainland, and a boat had immediately been sent to pick him up. It was then discovered that the swimmer was one of the crew of the “Castries' “longboat, who had received a spearthrust in his side. When he got on board, this was the story he had to tell: When the longboat's company arrived at the landing-place in the cove which runs into Tacoury's village, they perceived some natives who were all armed, but who were in small numbers, and who called out to them, making signs that they were to land. The sailor named Raux, seeing that there was some good wood, steered for the place, notwithstanding the arguments of the master-at-arms, who feared the natives, and who declared they were armed. For a time, at first, it seemed, judging by the favourable reception given by the natives to our people, that the master-at-arms had been wrong in mistrusting them, the natives coming forward to take our men and carry them to the shore on their shoulders. As our men had no reason to suspect any plot on the part of the natives, they separated one from another for the purpose of cutting the firewood. One of the men, named Lequay, was in the company of the sailor who gave us this account, and working at the same tree, when suddenly a dozen natives surrounded them. A hideous yell being given, no doubt as a signal, a considerable number of the savages appeared, and forthwith attacked them. Lequay's comrade, feeling his side pierced by a spear, seized the weapon and pulled it out. He then struck down with his axe the native who had wounded him. Amidst frightful cries from the savages, he distinguished the voice of Lequay, who called to him for help, and having found him seized by several of the savages, tried to get him away by striking them with his axe. Fear having now gained the mastery, and as the struggle was so unequal, he had tried to get back to the longboat, which he
expirantes et plaintives il chercha sa sûreté dans la fuite, sans trop savoir où aller. En fuyant il vit le canot de M. Marion qui était échoué dans le fond de l'anse, ayant traversé un petit bois et le village de Tacoury où une multitude d'enfants par leurs cris augmentèrent sa frayeur et lui firent redoubler ses efforts pour se sauver, il arriva au bord de la mer dans laquelle il se jeta sans balancer dans la crainte que quelques sauvages ne fussent venus le massacrer.
Après ce récit il n'y avait plus à douter que M. Marion n'eut subi le même sort, et que ce chef qui deux heures auparavant me disait que Tacoury avait tué Marion ne m'eut accusé la vérité. Je fus successivement pénétré de sentiments de pitié, d'horreur et de vengeance, mais ne pouvant rien entreprendre pour le moment, je ne pus que m'apesantir sur la considération de l'horrible catastrophe, qui venait de nous enlever un homme que nous avions autant de sujets de regretter, et les braves gens qui avaient partagé son infortune. Nous sentîmes bientôt, la grandeur de la perte, que nous venions de faire, et combien elle était irréparable, c'était un homme tel qui s'en trouve peu pour une mission pareille à celle où nous nous trouvions. Il joignait à toutes les qualitiés d'un premier marin la plus grande douceur, et la plus grande honnêteté, personne n'était plus capable que lui de faire régner la paix et l'union, et d'établir le bon ordre dans son vaisseau. Chaque faute que faisaient ceux qui le remplacaient était autant de nouveaux motifs pour nous de rendre hommage à sa mémoire, après sa mort les fautes devinrent aussi communes qu'elles ayaient été rares de son vivant, on ne faisait plus que sottises sur sottises.
Il y a tout à présumer qu'il fut assassiné en mettant pied à terre, ces malheureux naturels auraient profité du moment qu'il n'était point escorté ni armé pour le massacrer, il est vraisemblable, qu'aucun de ceux qui l'accompagnaient n'ont échappé à la fureur de ces barbares.
L'Officier qui se trouvait commander à bord, me fit dire qu'il faisait armer la chaloupe de quatorze espingoles, quatre pierriers et vingt hommes, pour envoyer donner avis de ce malheureux évènement au Capitaine de Pavillon qui commandait au camp de la mâture, afin de le mettre en état de prendre le parti qui lui semblerait convenir. Aussitôt que les naturels
perceived filled with natives, who were murdering several of his comrades, who, having the same design as himself, had endeavoured to escape. Whereupon seeing the horrible grimaces of the savages, who were cutting our men into pieces with their own hatchets, and hearing their agonized and expiring voices, he sought safety in flight, not knowing very well which way to turn. As he was fleeing, he saw M. Marion's boat, which was aground at the head of the cove. Having crossed through a little wood and Tacoury's village, where a multitude of children by their cries had increased his fright and made him redouble his efforts to escape, he arrived at the beach, and flung himself into the sea, without hesitating, in the fear that some of the savages might come up and murder him.”
After this narrative there could be no doubt that M. Marion had suffered the same fate, and that the chief who two hours before had told me that “Tacoury had killed Marion” had only told the truth. I was overcome in succession with feelings of pity, horror, and revenge; but not being able to undertake anything for the moment, I could only let my thoughts dwell upon the horrible catastrophe which had just robbed us of a gentleman we had so many reasons to deplore, and the brave fellows who had shared his ill fortune. We soon felt the extent of the loss we had experienced, and how, indeed, it was irreparable. M. Marion was a gentleman such as could rarely be found for a mission such as that upon which we were engaged. With all the qualities of a first-rate seaman he combined the greatest gentleness of disposition and the utmost frankness. No one was better fitted than he to bring about a state of peace and harmony, and at the same time to maintain good discipline on his ship. Every mistake committed by those who succeeded him afforded us yet one more reason why we should do homage to his memory. After his death mistakes became as frequent as when he was alive they had been rare; one stupidity succeeded another.
There is every reason to presume that M. Marion was assassinated upon putting foot on the shore. These wretched natives must have taken advantage of the moment when he found himself without an escort or arms to murder him. It may reasonably be surmised that not one of those who accompanied him escaped the fury of these barbarians.
The officer who was in command on board sent me word that he was arming the longboat with fourteen blunderbusses, four swivel guns, and twenty men to send and give the news of this unhappy event to the flag captain, who was in command at the mast camp, so as to prepare him to take such action as he might deem desirable. Immediately the natives perceived that I had
s'apperçurent qu'il m'était venu un renfort du vaisseau ils se retirèrent tout à fait sur le sommet des montagnes.
Je travaillai d'abord à faire un retranchement avec environ soixante pièces de quatre qui étaient pleines d'eau, il y avait dans le milieu de ce retranchement une place assez considérable pour contenir les malades et cinquante combattants. A midi je vis dix à douze pirogues qui venaient de la grande terre et qui abordèrent à notre île, du côté du village, il pouvait y avoir trois ou quatre cents hommes, qui se joignirent aux autres en sorte qu'à une heure ils se trouvaient environ mille ou douze cents qui nous entouraient.
J'avais fait mettre les six espingoles du côte où ils devaient attaquer, qui formaient une petite batterie. Ils commencèrent à nous insulter, en criant qu'ils avaient tué Marion, et qu'ils en feraient autant de nous, pour nous faire comprendre ce qu'ils disaient, ils prenaient leurs casse-têtes en répétant “Marion maté,” et faisaient la démonstration de quelle façon ils l'avaient tué. Les derniers venus s'étaient un peu plus approchés que les autres, ils se trouvaient presque à une portée de mousquet, parmi eux je reconnus l'auteur de ce massacre qui se trouvait à la tête des derniers arrivés, c'était Tacoury. Environ une demie-heure après ce scélèrat feignit de descendre la montagne, il me nomma plusieurs fois par mon nom, et me faisait signe de venir; je lui fis les mêmes signes, il eut l'audace de s'approcher à moins de portée de mousquet avec dix des siens. Le voyant donner dans le piège, je fus à lui avec six soldats qui tiraient bien, je n'eus pas fait vingt pas à sa rencontre qu'il tourna casaque, en remontant la montagne je lui fis aussitôt tirer quelques coups de fusil en recommandant de l'ajuster de préférence aux autres, et je lui lâchais aussi le mien, il fut atteint dans les sept coups que nous tirâmes sur lui, car nous le vîmes tomber, ceux qui l'accompagnaient le prirent et l'emportèrent en criant, nous courûmes à eux, mais ils allaient aussi vite que nous, nous fîmes sur eux une seconde décharge, aussitôt il en vint d'autres à leur secours. Je revins à nos tentes, il parut parmi les insulaires beaucoup d'émeute, je ne sais si ce Tacoury a été blessé à mort, mais il n'a plus paru depuis. A la tête de ces naturels étaient tous les chefs qui venaient journellement parmi nous, et qui nous avaient montré le plus s'amitié. Ces malheureux nous avaient fait croire qu'ils étaient tous en guerre les uns contre les autres; soit qu'ils y fussent ou non ils s'étaient tous réunis dans l'espoir de nous réduire, et de s'emparer de nos vaisseaux comme il sera facile de le voir dans la suite.
received reinforcements from the ship they retired en masse to the tops of the hills.
First of all I set to work to construct an entrenchment. In the centre of this entrenchment there was sufficient room to contain the sick and fifty combatants. At noon I saw ten to twelve canoes, which came off from the mainland, and which landed on our island, on the side of the villages. There must have been from three to four hundred men on board, who joined the others, so that at 1 o'clock there were about a thousand to twelve hundred natives surrounding us.
I had placed the six blunderbusses on the side upon which the natives would have to attack us, and thus formed a little battery. The natives began to shout insults at us, crying out that they had killed Marion, and would serve us the same way. So that we might understand what they said, they took their tomahawks, and showed us by signs how they had killed our commander. The latest arrivals had approached a little closer to us than the others, and amongst them I recognized the author of the massacre, who was at the head of the last comers; it was Tacoury himself. About half an hour later this scoundrel pre-tended to descend the hills. He called me several times by name, and signed to me to approach. I made similar signs to him, and he had the audacity to come within almost a musketshot with ten of his men. Seeing him walk into the trap, I went towards him with six soldiers, who were good shots, but I had not advanced twenty paces in his direction when he turned round and started to ascend the hill. As he was going away, I ordered the soldiers to at once fire a volley, telling them to aim at him in particular, without troubling about the others. I myself fired at him. He was hit by one of the seven shots fired, for we saw him fall, and those who were with him picked him up and carried him off, shouting loudly. We ran after them, but they ran as quickly as we did. We then fired a second volley, when several others went to their assistance. We then returned to our tents. There seemed to be a great turmoil among the islanders. I do not know whether this Tacoury received a mortal wound or not, but he never appeared afterwards. At the head of these natives were all the chiefs who had been in the habit of visiting us daily, and who had exhibited every sign of friendship towards us. These wretches had made us believe that they were all at war with each other; whether they were so or not they had certainly all combined in the hope of defeating us and taking possession of our ships, as will be seen from what follows.
A six heures du soir la chaloupe qui avait été au camp revint avec tous les nôtres. Le Capitaine de Pavillon ayant appris ce qui était arrivé à M. Marion jugea qu'il convenait d'abandonner la mâture, pour porter du secours aux vaisseaux qui restaient avec peu de monde et qu'il y avait lieu de craindre que les naturels ne se proposassent de les attaquer vu la grande quantité de pirogues qu'ils avaient rassemblés dans une anse. M. Croizet, par la mort de M. Marion se trouvait commander le vaisseau m'envoya à son arrivée à bord quelques soldats et volontaires qu'il avait ramenés avec lui. Je lui écrivis que je croyais nécessaire que l'on rembarquât tous les malades, ce qui nous mettrait à lieu de nous débarasser d'une partie de nos tentes qui nous gênaient beaucoup à cause du peu d'espace que nous avions, il fut de mon avis et je fis embarquer les scorbutiques dans la chaloupe, ainsi que les tentes, je me contentais d'en faire une petite pour mettre les armes à couvert au cas de pluie, j'envoyai aussi le signal que je devais faire au cas que les naturels nous eussent attaqués pendant la nuit. Ce signal était pour demander la chaloupe bien armée pour nous apporter du secours si nous eussions eu le dessous; on me fit dire du vaisseau que beaucoup de pirogues pleines d'hommes étaient encore passées sur l'île, mais comme nous étions bien retranché il n'y'avait rien à craindre pour leur nombre. On m'envoya un des Officiers qui arrivait du camp de la mâture pour rester avec moi, il me raconta ce qui suit.
Dans la nuit du 12 au 13 nous fûmes surpris de voir les sauvages s'avancer armés tout près de notre camp, on n'en vit que peu dans le principe, mais au bruit qui se faisait entendre dans les broussailles, nous jugeâmes qu'ils étaient cachés en grand nombre, on tira quelques coups de fusil, et on n'entendit plus rien; on fit bonne garde tout la nuit et ils n'osérent rien entreprendre. Au jour nous vîmes l'accore des montagnes garni de naturels armés, peu de temps aprés ils descendirent en si grand nombre que l'on delibéra si on irait aux mâts. Ces naturels avaient presque tous un paquet de poissons à la main, on fut à eux ils traitèrent leur poisson comme à l'ordinaire; on se décida à partir pour le travail, comme je me trouvais de service avec M. Croizet, je partis avec l'avant-garde pour marcher en ordre afin d'habiteur nos gens à ne pas se débander, on avait laissé suffisamment de monde au camp pour le défendre en cas de quelque entreprise de la part des gens du pays.
At 7 o'clock in the evening, the long boat, which had been sent to the masting camp, came back with all our men. The flag captain, having learnt what had happened to M. Marion, had decided that he ought to abandon the camp in order to afford help to the vessels, which had but few men left on board, and that there was reason to fear the natives would make an attack on them, seeing there was so many canoes which they had gathered together in a cove. M. Croizet, who, by the death of M. Marion, was now in command of the vessel, sent me, directly he got on board, some more soldiers and volunteers, whom he had taken back with him. I wrote to him saying that I considered it necessary to re-embark all the sick men, which would enable us to dispense with several of the tents, which greatly inconvenienced us, owing to lack of space. He was of my opinion in this matter, and I had all the sufferers from scurvy embarked in the longboat, also the tents. I contented myself with putting up one small tent to act as a shelter for our arms, in case of rain. I also sent word as to the signal I should employ in case the natives should attack us during the night. This signal was to ask for the longboat, with a well-armed crew, to bring us assistance if we found we were getting the worst of the fight. From the vessel they sent me word that a great many more canoes, full of natives, had landed on the island, but as we were well entrenched there was no need to be frightened of their numbers. One of the officers who had come from the mast camp was sent to remain with me, and he gave me the following account:—
“During the night of the 12th to the 13th we were surprised to see the natives advancing, all armed, close up to our camp. Only a few could be actually distinguished, but from the noise that we heard in the forest, we considered that they must be concealed there in great numbers. We fired a few gunshots, and nothing more was heard of them. A careful watch was kept all the night, and the natives did not dare to attempt any attack. At daybreak we saw the sides of the hills covered with armed natives, and a little later they came down in such great numbers that we debated whether we should go to the masts. These natives had nearly all a bundle of fish in their hands. We went to meet them, and they traded with us as usual. It was decided that we should go to work as usual, and, as I was on duty with M. Croizet, I left with the advance guard, marching in good order so as to accustom our men to keep together. Sufficient men were left at the camp to defend it in case of attack on the part of the natives.
On travailla à faire marcher les mâts ils étaient déjà trèsavancés et rendus à un tiers de lieue du camp. Les naturels y vinrent en assez grande quantité et ils nous observaient; vers midi on nous dit qu'ils avaient voulu entourer le camp et y entrer, on avait été obligé de faire feu pour les contenir, ils étaient environ cinq ou six cents. On fut obligé de faire escorter les gens qui apportaient le dîner des travailleurs; nos mâts se trouvaient pour lors sur une petite montagne d'où on voyait la mer, nous apperçûmes de dessus cette hauteur la chaloupe qui arrivait au camp, ensuit on vit venir huit à dix hommes avec la plus grande hâte, ce qui nous fit aller au devant d'eux pour savoir ce qui causait leur empressement, nous ne nous attendions pas à apprendre une nouvelle aussi déplorable que celle qu'ils nous apportaient, en nous informant de tout ce qui venait d'arriver, on jugea qu'il n'était plus possible de continuer l'ouvrage que nous avions commencé. Il fut résolu d'aller au secours des vaisseaux, nous défîmes et emportâmes tous nos appareils, et nous abandonnâmes nos mâts. A peine étions nous partis qu'une multitude de naturels furent piller les choses inutiles que nous laissions. Arrivés au camp nous mîmes dans la chaloupe et dans le canot que nous avions, tous nos effets, et nous nous y embarquâmes tous, quoique nous fussions au nombre de plus de cent personnes. Il fut décidé d'abord que nous irions en passant dans l'anse où avait été assassiné M. Marion et ses gens, sue le rapport que venait de nous faire l'Officier qui commandait la chaloupe, lui et l'équipage assurèrent qu'ils avaient vu en passant devant l'anse de Tacoury le canot de M. Marion et la chaloupe du Castries échoués à peu de distance l'un de l'autre, qu'il y avait beaucoup de naturels qui leur avait fait signe de venir en les manaçant et que plusieurs d'entr'eux portaient les vêtements de M. Marion le jour qu'il fut tué et ceux des nôtres qui avaient subi le même sort, ils passèrent assez près pour reconnaître parfaitement bien la veste de velours qu'avait M. Marion, un chef l'avait sur lui et tenait entre ses mains son fusil qui était garni en argent et qu'il affectait de faire voir, d'autres montraient à son imitation les vêtements des deux Officiers qu'ils avaient assassinés avec lui.
A peine eûmes nous poussé au large que les naturels qui s'étaient retirés sur le haut des montagnes voisines, accoururent pour piller ce que nous avions pu laisser, et mirent le feu au camp; on leur tira plusieurs coups de fusil. Nous vîmes en passant
“The work of dragging out the masts went on. They had already been taken a good way out from the bush, and were within a third of a league from the camp. The natives came in fairly large numbers and watched us. Towards noon we were informed that they had tried to surround the camp and get inside. It had been found necessary to fire upon them to drive them back. There was about five or six hundred of them round the camp. An escort had to be provided for the men who brought the labourers their dinner. Our masts were by this time on a little hill, whence we could see the longboat arrive at the camp, and afterwards eight or ten men came up in the greatest haste. We ran to meet them, to know what was causing so much hurry, but we never expected to learn such deplorable news as that which they brought us. Having learnt all that had transpired, we held it no longer possible to continue the work we had commenced. It was decided that we should go to the assistance of the vessels, so we took down all our working-gear and carried it with us, and we abandoned the masts. Scarcely had we set about our journey when a host of natives rushed up to pillage all the useless articles we had left behind us. Arrived at the camp, we put all our belongings into the longboat and the cutter which we had, and the whole of us embarked, notwithstanding that we numbered more than a hundred persons. We determined that we should first go into the cove where M. Marion and his people had been murdered, on the report which had just been made to us by the officer commanding the longboat. He and his crew assured us that they had seen, when passing the mouth of Tacoury's cove, M. Marion's cutter and the longboat of the ‘Castries’ aground a little distance from each other, also that they had seen a number of natives who had made signs to them to approach, at the same time uttering threats. Our informants also alleged that several of these natives were wearing the garments worn by M. Marion the day he was killed, and by the other men of our crews who had suffered the same fate. They had passed quite close enough to the natives to recognize perfectly well the velvet waistcoat worn by M. Marion. A chief was now wearing it, and held in his hands the dead man's gun, which was silver-mounted, and which the savage held up so that it could be seen. Others of the savages imitated his example, exhibiting the uniforms of the two officers whom they had murdered with our commander.
“Hardly had we pushed off into the water when the natives, who had retreated to the tops of the neighbouring hills, rushed down to the camp to carry off what we had been obliged to leave behind us, and set fire to the camp. A few musket-shots
devant l'anse de Tacoury une grande foule de naturels, mais M. Croizet ne fut pas de l'avis d'aller leur enlever nos bateaux disant que la chaloupe était trop embarrassée, et c'était cependant le vrai moment, avec nos espingoles et nos pierriers nous eussions éloignés ces naturels et repris facilement une chose aussi précieuse que l'était l'objet qui nous avait amenés mais il ne fut pas possible de lui faire prendre ce parti; ils eurent encore l'insolence de nous faire voir les tristes dépouilles de leurs malheureuses victimes. En arrivant à bord M. Croizet qui se trouvait commander le vaisseau fit tirer plusieurs coups de canons sur le village de Tacoury, qui furent d'autant plus inutiles qu'à peine les boulets pouvaient y aller. Tel fut le récit qui me fut fait.
Quant à moi je m'occupais à prendre sur l'île Marion les précautions nécessaires pour nous mettre en état de nous défendre en cas d'attaque durant la nuit, je fis poser des sentinelles de tous les côtés par où on pouvait nous attaquer, nous avions une forge à trois cents pas environ de nous, qu'il fallait garder, j'y envoyai un détachement de douze hommes qui pouvaient se retrancher dedans, et s'y défendre facilement, mais nous avions contre nous un très-mauvais temps, il tomba une grosse pluie toute la nuit, de sorte qu'il fallait prendre bien des précautions pour ne pas mouiller nos armes, chaque sentinelle avait un morceau de peau de mouton qui envelloppait la batterie de son fusil.
La petite tente que j'avais fait faire dans notre retranchement nous fut très utile, on se retirait dedans pendant le fort de la pluie, enfin à onze heures du soir, les sauvages firent une fausse attaque à la forge, elle fut très bien défendue, j'y envoyai aussitôt six soldats de renfort, le feu fut vif, un moment après ils s'approchèrent de nous, les sentinelles se reployèrent du côté du retranchement, pour lors nous les apperçumes, nous fîmes feu dessus, et je fis en même temps faire le signal dont j'étais convenu avec M. Croizet au cas d'attaque qui était, un coup d'espingole et deux fusées, après que nous eûmes fait quelques décharges de mousqueterie, ils se retirèrent, ne nous ayant lancé que quelques flêches et de longues lances dont quelques unes tombèrent dans notre retranchement. Ils tinrent plus longtemps à la forge, mais le feu y fut si vif qu'ils prirent aussi la fuite; ils étaient venus fort près, on les vit qui emportaient plusieurs des leurs tant morts que blessés, ils se jetèrent dans le bois qui était tout proche de la forge. La chaloupe arriva, comme elle nous devenait inutile, nous la renvoyâmes à bord, il ne firent aucune tentative le reste de la nuit, au jour je trouvai
were fired at them. Passing in front of Tacoury's Cove we saw a large crowd of natives, but M. Croizet did not favour the project of going into the cove and carrying off our boats, declaring that the longboat was too crowded. Nevertheless, this was the right time to secure the boats, for what with our blunderbusses and our swivel guns we could have driven away the natives, and easily retaken such valuable possessions as our boats, which was the object which had taken us to this cove. However, it was impossible to persuade him to take this course. The natives had now the further insolence to exhibit to us the miserable remnants of their victims' clothes. On arriving on board, M. Croizet, who was now in command, ordered several cannon-shots to be fired at Tacoury's village, which were all the more useless in that the balls could hardly carry so far.” Such was the story told me by this gentleman.
As for me, I was kept busy on Marion Island in taking all the precautions necessary to place us in a proper condition to defend ourselves in case we were attacked during the night. I had sentries posted on all the sides where we could be attacked. There was a forge about 300 paces away from the tent, and this had also to be guarded. I sent a detachment of twelve men to entrench themselves at this point, where they could easily defend themselves, but we had very bad weather to contend with. It rained heavily all the night, so that we had to take every precaution to keep our arms dry. Each sentinel had a piece of sheepskin which he wrapped round the lock of his gun.
The little tent which I had had erected in our entrenchment was most useful. When the rain was very heavy we could retire to this tent. At length, at 11 o'clock in the evening, the savages made a pretence of attacking the forge, but it was too well defended. I at once sent a reinforcement, and the firing was very hot. A moment after the natives approached our entrenchment, the sentinel falling back on the side of the entrenchment. Immediately we saw the savages we opened fire, and at the same time I made the signal which had been agreed upon with M. Croizet in the event of any attack being made—namely a blunderbuss shot and a couple of rockets. After we had fired a few volleys from our muskets the natives retired, having only thrown a few darts and some of their long spears, a few of which fell within the entrenchment. Some of them attacked the forge for a time, but the fire was so brisk that they also took to flight. They had come very close to us, and we could see them carrying away some dead and some wounded. They rushed into the forest, which was quite close to the forge. The longboat arrived, but we did not now require any assistance, and we sent her back
que leur nombre avait considérablement augmenté, ils nous faisaient quelques menaces en nous montrant les vêtements de M. Marion ainsi que son fusil.
Je proposai d'aller les attaquer sur la montagne, et à midi, je reçus l'ordre de le faire, je choisis vingt-six hommes dont je pouvais être sûr, six étaient volontaires, et le reste était des soldats, je leur fis prendre à chacun un fusil, une paire pistolets de ceinture et un sabre, avec quarante coups à tirer, et à une heure je me mis à la tête de mon petit détachement, laissant le camp sous la garde d'un officier et d'environ trente hommes, tant soldats que matelots, aussitôt que les naturels nous virent monter la montagne, ils levèrent leur camp et se retirèrent dans leur village fortifié. Lorsque nous fûmes arrivés sur le haut de la montagne nous vîmes une grande quantité de pirogues qui étaient au bas du village, ou s'embarquaient les femmes, les jeunes gens et les enfants, il paraissait un grand mouvement dans ce village. Il est bon que je donne une idée de sa situation avant d'aller plus loin.
Il est situé sur l'extrémité d'une presqu'île qui s'avance à la mer, et il est inabordable de trois côtés à cause des précipices qui l'environnent, pour le mieux défendre il est encore entouré de trois rangs de palissades, en face était un cavalier qui n'était rien autre chose que quatre longues pièces de bois plantées debout au haut desquelles est établi par des gaulettes affermies sur des traverses une plate forme, ils y montent avec une échelle, et d'où ils combattent avec un avantage considérable, à armes égales, tous leurs villages ont de ces cavaliers, à gauche il y avait un petit sentier où un homme pouvait passer en tirant les palissades d'une main pour ne pas tomber dans le fossé, ce sentier était pratiqué pour se rendre à la porte qui pouvait avoir deux pieds carrés et qui était la seule qu'il y eut pour entrer dans le village, et elle était à l'extrémité la plus éloignée, c'était le seul endroit par lequel on put y pénétrer, la mer battant les trois autres cotés. Comme je connaissais très bien ce village je me décidais promptement et je continuai à marcher, nous n'en étions pas à plus d'une portée et demie de mousquet lorsque nous vîmes deux chefs en sortir, je pensais d'abord qu'ils venaient nous demander la paix, mais tout au contraire ils nous lancérent des flèches à fouet, qui sont des armes
Throughout this narrative the word “flèche” in the original, is translated “dart.” A full description of these darts and the throwing-sticks by which they were propelled is given in Hamilton's “Maori Art,” p. 244. The native terms were kotaha (dart) and kopere (throwing-stick).— Translator.
très peu dangereuses; ils nous donnèrent le temps de les approcher, nous leur tirâmes quelques coups de fusil, dont un des deux eut la cuisse cassée
to the ship. The natives made no further attack during the remainder of the night, but at daybreak I found their numbers had greatly increased. They made menacing signs, showing us M. Marion's clothes and his gun.
I proposed that we should go and attack them on the hill, and at noon I received orders to do so. I chose twenty-six men upon whom I could rely, six were volunteers, the remainder soldiers. I made each man take a musket, a pair of waist-pistols, and a cutlass, with forty rounds of ammunition, and at 1 o'clock I placed myself at the head of my little detachment, leaving the camp under the care of an officer and about thirty men, soldiers and sailors. As soon as the natives saw us ascending the hill they razed their camp and retired into their fortifications. When we got to the top of the hill we saw a large number of canoes which were on the beach at the foot of the hill near the village, and in them were embarking the women, the youths, and the children. There appeared to be a great commotion in the village. It is as well, before proceeding further, that I should describe the situation of this village.
It is situated on the extremity of a peninsula which projects into the sea, and is unapproachable on three sides by reason of the precipices which surround it. For its better defence it has three rows of palisades. There is also a raised platform all round, which is made of long pieces of wood stuck up on their ends with planks on the top, supported by small poles, strengthened by cross-beams. The natives mount this platform by means of ladders, and on this can fight with much in their favour against an enemy armed in the same way as themselves. To the left there was a little path or track, where one man could pass along at a time by holding on to the palisades with one hand, so as not to fall into the moat. This track was so contrived as to lead to the gateway, which would be about 2 ft. square, and which was the only means by which the village could be entered. This gateway was at the far end of the village; there was no other means of entrance, as the other three sides were washed by the sea. As I was well acquainted with this village, I made up my mind very promptly, and we continued our march. We were not more than a musket-shot away when we saw two chiefs come out. I thought at first that they were going to sue for peace, but, on the contrary, they hurled darts from lashes. These are very dangerous weapons.* They gave us time to draw near, and we then fired
et reçu autre coup de fusil, au travers du corps, l'autre rentra bien vite dans le village. Comme ils virent bien que notre intention était de nous rendre maître de leur village et de passer par le sentier, ils se servirent d'une ruse qui nous gèna beaucoup, ils jetèrent sur ce sentier de l'eau afin de nous faire glisser, par ce moyen nous empêcher de passer, la terre qui était déjà très grasse secondait bien leurs désirs. Avant de nous y présenter, je recommandais à mon petit détachement que sitôt que nous serions entrés dans le sentier, ils marchassent le plus promptement qu'il serait possible et qu'ils eussent la plus grande attention de faire un feu roulant, en ajustant de leur mieux pour ne pas tirer inutilement, et qu'ils fissent en sorte de parer les flêches, lances, et autres armes qui pourraient nous être lancées; je leur dis que nous ne nous arrêterions que lorsque nous serions rendus à la porte devant laquelle était un espace, où il pouvait tenir deux hommes de front. Tous ceux qui formaient mon petit détachement étaient des gens sur lesquels je pouvais compter, et qui ne respiraient que la vengeance, aussi je fus fort tranquille de ce côte là. Pour ne pas donner le temps à nos ennemis de se reconnaître je marchai suivi de mes vingt six braves gens; en entrant dans le sentier nous vîmes plusieurs naturels qui montaient sur le cavalier, mais trois ou quatre qui y étaient ayant été tués, cela empêcha les autres de chercher à les remplacer. Les trois cents pas environ qu'il y avait, pour se rendre à la porte furent bientôt faits malgré les lances qu'ils nous envoyaient, ce qui nous gênait le plus était l'eau qu'ils avaient jetée, mais les palissades, que nous eûmes attention de tenir nous empêchèrent de tomber dans le fossé. Nous fûmes assez heureux pour parvenir à la porte sans que personne fut blessé, nous la trouvâmes fermée et défendue par deux chefs, étant vis à vis de cette porte et n'y ayant que des palissades qui nous séparassent de nos ennemis nous commençames à faire un feu très vif. Ces deux chefs furent tués des premiers, ils furent aussitôt remplacés par un autre, je m'apperçus que les palissades nous nuisaient en ce qu'elles arrêtaient nos balles, je recommandais à mon détachement de passer le bout de leurs fusils entre le premier rang des palissades, afin de ne point perdre de coups. Nous avions un avantage bien considérable; lorsqu'ils se mettaient en devoir de nous envoyer leurs lances, flêches, et autres armes, ils se mettaient à découvert et nous les avions plutôt ajustés qu'ils n'avaient mesuré leurs coups. Il n'y avait que leur grand nombre qui pouvait leur donner quelque avantage sur nous. Comme je me trouvais auprés de la porte, je voyais bien à découvert
several shots. One of the chiefs had his thigh broken and received another bullet-wound in the body. The other retreated very quietly into the village. As they saw our intention was to make ourselves masters of their village, and to pass along the path or track of which I have spoken, they made use of a trick which hampered us greatly: they threw water all along this path, so as to prevent us using it. The ground, which was already very muddy, favoured their design. Before setting out, I told our men that as soon as they had entered on the pathway they were to march as quickly as they could, and that they should take great care to carry on a running fire, aiming as well as they could, so as not to waste their shots, and that they were to dodge as smartly as possible the darts, spears, and other weapons which might be thrown at them. I told them we should not stop until we had reached the gateway, in front of which was a small space of ground, where two men could stand abreast. The detachment was composed of men all of whom I could rely upon, and who only breathed vengeance: thus I was quite easy on that score. So as not to give the enemy time for consideration, I marched off at once, followed by my twenty-six gallant fellows. Upon entering the track, we saw several natives, who ascended the raised platform of which I have spoken, but three or four of them who had got up having been shot the others were deterred from seeking to replace their comrades. The 300 paces which, roughly computed, we had to go to reach the gateway were soon traversed despite the spears that were hurled at us. What impeded us most was the water they had thrown on the track, but the palisade, which we took care to hold on by, saved us from slipping into the moat. We were lucky enough to reach the gateway without a single man being wounded, but we found it closed, and defended by two chiefs. Having found ourselves in front of the gateway, and there being only the palisades to separate us from the enemy, we commenced a very sharp fire. First the two chiefs were killed, but another chief immediately took their place. I noticed that the palisades were hampering us by stopping our bullets, so I told our men to pass the ends of their muskets through the first row of palisades so as not to waste any shots. We had one great advantage over the natives, for when they stood up to throw their spears, darts, and other weapons they were obliged to expose themselves to our fire, and no sooner had they got ready to hurl their weapons than we fired at them. It was only their great numbers that could
ces chefs qu'un espèce d'abat-vent
The word in the original is “abat-vent,” the literal translation being “pent-house.” Hamilton in his “Maori Art,” p. 107, gives papatu, a screen for defensive purposes.—Translator.
parait beaucoup, cependant cela n'empêcha pas qu'il n'y en eut cinq de tués. Ces hommes se battaient avec beaucoup de valeur, et ils encourageaient leur peuple, le cinquième qui se présenta montra encore plus de courage que les autres, il approcha avec une longue lance, et en donna un coup assez fort au sergent qui se trouvait à côté de moi, cette arme l'atteignit un peu plus haut que l'œil et peu s'en fallut que ce coup ne le renversât dans le fossé. Ce chef fut presque aussitôt tué, c'était vraisemblablement le dernier, car il n'en parut plus d'autres. Je m'apperçus qu'ils ne faisaient presque plus de résistance, et qu'il ne nous venait que fort peu de lances et de flêches ou de sagaies, je voulus forcer la porte, mais je ne le pus encore; ceux qui étaient à côté de moi la mirent en pièces à coups de crosses de fusils et de coups de pierres. Nous entrâmes aussitôt; il y restait quelques naturels qi se battirent encore pour faciliter l'embarquement des leurs qui avaient pris la fuite, ils se jetèrent dans le rempart qui était du côté opposé, nous fîmes encore feu sur eux, je reçus un coup de lance qui me blessa à la cuisse, dans le même moment un soldat fut aussi blessé au côté,
Du Clesmeur says (p. 467) that only one man was wounded, and also that the Chevalier de Lorimer was in command.
ma blessure ne me fit pas pour lors beaucoup sensible, nous fûmes bientot à la poursuite des fuyards, nous les vîmes se jeter dans leurs pirogues. Il y en avait déjà deux grandes qui étaient au large, pleines de naturels, mais ceux qui s'embarquaient ne nous éechappèrent pas, nous fîmes plusieurs décharges dessus, ce fut dans cet endroit que nous fîmes le plus de carnage, rien ne nous empêchait de bien ajuster. Tous ceux qui se trouvèrent en bas du rempart furent tués ou noyés. Ils avaient défendu l'entrée du village pendant environ quarante minutes et avec beaucoup de sang froid, car on n'entendait parler personne que les chefs, qui donnaient leurs ordres et qui se faisaient toujours voir dans les endroits les plus dangereux, mais aussitôt que les chefs eurent été tués, ces naturels montrèrent autant de frayeur qu'ils avaient montré de courage, tant qu'ils les avaient eu à leur tête et ils prirent la fuite.
Nous trouvant maîtres du village, je fis visiter les magasins et quelques maisons comme celle du chef, etc., mais nous ne trouvâmes rien. Il est vraisemblable qu'ils avaient fait tout emporter par les pirogues qui étaient echappées et même par celles qui avaient emporté les femmes avant le combat,
give them any advantage over us. When I got close up to the gate I had a full view of the chiefs, who were greatly protected by a sort of shelter (abat-vent)*. Nevertheless, this did not prevent five of them from being killed. These men fought with much courage, and kept on encouraging their people. The fifth chief, who came right up to the gate, displayed even greater daring than the others. He rushed up with a long spear, and gave a fierce enough thrust at the sergeant who stood by my side. The weapon caught him just above the eye, and the blow very nearly knocked him over into the moat. The chief was killed on the spot and he was apparently the last of them, for no others came forward. I noticed that the natives were now offering scarcely any resistance, and that very few spears were being thrown. I tried to force open the gate, but could not manage it. The men by my side, however, smashed it into pieces with the butts of their muskets and large stones. We entered the enclosure forthwith, and found only a few natives, who kept on fighting to cover the embarkation of those of their people who had taken flight. They threw themselves into the rampart which was on the opposite side and we again fired at them. I received a spear thrust, which wounded me in the thigh, and at the same moment a soldier was also wounded in the side.† At the time my wound gave me no great pain, and we soon set off in pursuit of the fugitives, who we saw jumping into their canoes. Two large canoes had already been launched, full of natives, but those who were embarking did not escape us, for we poured several volleys into their midst. It was at this place that the most blood was shed, for there was nothing to prevent our men taking good aim, the natives at the foot of the rampart being either shot down or drowned. They had defended the entrance to the village for about forty minutes, and with great coolness, for no one could be heard speaking except the chiefs, who gave their orders, and who were always to be seen in the most dangerous places. But immediately the chiefs had been killed the natives displayed as much fear as they had previously exhibited courage so long as the chiefs were at their head, and they now took to flight.
Finding ourselves masters of the village, I had the storehouses and a few dwellinghouses such as those of the chiefs, searched, but we could find nothing. It is probable that they had had everything carried away by the canoes which had taken away the women before the fight. We could not.
nous ne trouvâmes aucun vestige des nôtres ni dans les magasins ni dont les maisons. Je fus entièrement convaincu que ces peuples n'avaient aucune connaissance antérieure des Européens, et qu'ils étaient conséquemment dans une parfaite ignorance de l'effèt et de la portée de nos armes à feu, en ce qu'ils croyaient par le moyen de leurs manteaux se garantir de nos coups
The cloaks were really thick mats, used as defences; the Maori term is pukupuku (see Hamilton's “Maori Art,” p. 180).—Translator.
ils venaient avec la plus grande confiance se présenter devant nous, et sitôt qu'ils s'appercevaient qu'on les ajustait ils présentèrent leurs manteaux, dans l'espoir de parer par ce faible moyen les coups que nous avions dessein de leur porter, cela pouvait être bon contre l'atteinte d'armes comme les leurs, mais c'était un trop faible obstacle pour nos balles. Je remarquai pendant le combat une vieille femme, la seule qui fut restée dans le village, qui montra beaucoup de hardiesse, elle tenait dans ses bras différentes armes, et les donnait aux hommes, elle fut tuée dès le commencement de l'action. J'estime qu'ils étaient restés environ quatre cent cinquante pour la défense de cette forteresse, de ce nombre il s'en est échappé que deux grandes pirogues pleines dans lesquelles il pouvait y avoir deux cents hommes passant dans les deux, le reste a été tué et noyé, car ils se jetaient à la mer pour se soustraire à nos coups, mais comme il ventait gros frais, et que la mer était très grosse, ils ne purent gagner d'autres terres qui étaient à une demie lieue de l'île. On avait envoyé notre chaloupe bien arméee pour venir se poster au bas du village, mais le vent était si fort, et la mer si agitée que ce bateau ne put jamais s'y rendre malgré les efforts que firent les hommes qui étaient dedans, s'ils eussent pu remplir leur mission, il ne se fut échappé personne. Ces naturels ont dû apprendre par cet échec à ne pas se fier sur leur grand nombre ni sur leurs armes trop faibles pour s'opposer aux nôtres. Je visitai les corps de quelques uns des chefs qui avaient été tués, je trouvais qu'ils avaient jusqu'à trois et quatre coups de fusil tous mortels, il est certain que ces hommes firent une résistance acharnée à laquelle nous nous étions point attendus. Parmi les morts il n'y avait presque pas de jeunes gens, c'étaient tous des hommes faits. Il y a apparence qu'il n'y a que les gens de l'age viril qui aillent à la guerre ou qui soient admis à la défense de leurs villages.
A la mort du dernier de leurs chefs, ces naturels nous ont fait voir qu'ils ne résistaient qu'autant qu'ils sont bien commandés, il y a apparence qu'ils auront pensé qu'il en était de même chez nous, et qu'en tuant M. Marion qu'ils connaissaient pour notre chef, il leur aurait été facile, de nous réduire, cependant ils auraient dû voir qu'après M. Marion les officiers étaient
find a single vestige of our people, either in the store-houses or the dwellings. I am perfectly convinced that these people had no acquaintance with Europeans, and that they were consequently in complete ignorance of the effect and carriage of our firearms, seeing that they imagined they could ward off the bullets by the cloaks they wore.* They would come right in front of us with the greatest confidence, and as soon as they saw we were taking aim they would put up their cloaks, in the hope of warding off, by this feeble means, the blows we intended to give them. This might be well enough against arms such as their own, but it was far too weak an obstacle against our bullets. I noticed during the struggle an old woman, the only one remaining in the village, who displayed the greatest bravery. She carried different weapons in her arm and handed them to the men; she was killed at the commencement of the fight. I estimate that about four hundred and fifty men had remained to defend the fortress. Of this number, only two large canoesful escaped. There would be about two hundred of them who thus got away, the rest had either been killed or had been drowned, for they threw themselves into the sea to escape our fire; but as the wind was blowing very hard, and the sea was very high, they were unable to reach the other shore, which was half a league distant from the island. Our longboat, with a well-armed crew, had been despatched to be in readiness at the foot of the village, but the wind was so strong and the sea so rough that the boat could not reach its destination in spite of the efforts of her crew. If they had fulfilled their mission not one of the natives would have escaped. These natives must have learnt by this reverse that they could not rely upon their great numbers, nor upon their weapons, which were too weak to oppose to our firearms. I inspected the bodies of some of the chiefs who had been killed, and found that they had received as many as three or four musket-shots, all mortal wounds. It is certain that these men made a most desperate resistance, which we had never expected. Amongst the dead there were hardly any -youths; all were full-grown men. It would seem that only the men of virile age go to the wars, or are allowed to take part in the defence of their villages.
When the last of the chiefs was dead the natives made it evident that they only resist so long as they are well led. It would appear that they had thought it was the same with us, and that by killing M. Marion, whom they recognized as our chief, it would have been easy to vanquish us; nevertheless they ought to have seen that after M. Marion the officers were
d'autres chefs, et même ils nous portaient presque autant de respect qu'à M. Marion, au lieu qu'ils n'avaient aucune considération pour les gens de l'équipage, comme jusqu'au moment de la catastrophe ils avaient toujours été parmi nous, ils avaient en lieu de se mettre à peu près au fait de nous usages.
Après avoi fait plusieurs recherches dans ce village, j'y fit mettre le feu du côte d'oû venait le vent, tout fut consommé en moins d'une heure et demie, les rangs de palissades qui se trouvait éloignés des maisons échappèrent au feu, nous les destinâmes pour le bois à feu des vaisseaux. Je fis abattre le cavalier qui avait aussi échappé au feu et nous en tirâmes parti. Après avoir eu tout détruit je revins au camp avec mon petit détachement. Je fus assez heureux pour ne perdre personne, ma première crainte fut que les armes de nos ennemis n'eussent été empoisonnées et cela fondé sur ce que ma cuisse devint très enflée, et que j'y ressentais de vives douleurs, mais ce ne fut que plus de douze heures après, il en fut de même du sergent et du soldat qui avaient été blessés, nous en fûmes quittes pour la peur, et je vis avec plaisir que ces insulaires ne se servent pas de poison et ne le connaissent pas, car ma blessure n'eut d'autres suites fâcheuses, et en huit jours je fus guéri; nous nous tinmes toute la nuit et les suivantes sur nos gardes, mais il ne se passa rien de nouveau.
On travailla dès le lendemain à lever le camp et à tirer tout ce qu'il y avait d'effets. Un officier qui était avec moi, fut, deux jours après cette affaire avec un petit détachement au village pour voir si les naturels étaient venus pendant la nuit, ils ne trouvèrent pas un corps mort aux environs, les naturels étaient revenus pour les enterrer, ceux qui étaient tués, et s'étant aperçus qu'en divers endroits la terre avait été fraichement remuée, et quelques uns de nos soldats ayant fouillé ils trouvèrent des cadavres, ce qui prouve qu'ils donnent la sépulture à leurs morts.
L'impossibilité où nous crûmes nous être mis d'aller chercher les mâts, qu'on avait abandonnés et que l'on jugeait brûlés fit que l'on prit le parti de les faire à bord de nos vaisseaux de plusieurs pièces. Nous fîmes faire le mât de misaine du Castries à bord de notre vaisseau, comme le plus grand, et le mât de beaupré à bord du Castries; celui de misaine fut fait de neuf morceaux, pour celui du beaupré, ce fut un mât de hune avec de fortes jumelles.
chiefs also; and even they were in the habit of showing us as much respect as they showed M. Marion, whereas they took very little notice of the men of the crews. As up to the moment of the catastrophe they had been coming amongst us, they should have been able to make themselves acquainted with our customs.
After having searched the village several times I ordered it to be set on fire on the side whence the wind was blowing, and in less than an hour and a half everything was consumed. The rows of palisades, which were well away from the houses, escaped the fire; we intended to use the wood of which they were constructed as firewood for our vessels. The fighting-platform, which had also escaped the fire, was also demolished, and we took away some of the wood. After having had everything destroyed, I returned to the camp with my little company. I was lucky enough to have not lost a single man. My first anxiety had been that the weapons used by our enemies might have been poisoned. This fear had arisen from the fact that my thigh, where I had been wounded, had become very swollen, and that I felt great pain from it, but it only lasted for about twelve hours. It was the same with the sergeant who had been wounded and the soldier. We all got off with a fright, and I recognized with pleasure that these islanders do not use poison and do not know of such a thing, for my wound had no serious consequences, and in eight days I was quite well again. All that night and the next few nights we kept a strict watch, but nothing ever happened.
The next morning we worked away at breaking up the camp, and taking away everything of any value. An officer who was with me went two days after the fight with a little detachment to the village, to see if the natives had come back there at night. They could find no dead bodies in the neighbourhood; the natives had returned to bury all those who had died. It was noticed that in certain places the earth had recently been disturbed, and some of our soldiers having searched they found some corpses, which proves that these natives give burial to their dead.
As we believed it was impossible to go and drag out the masts which had been abandoned, and which it was believed were burnt, we decided to construct new masts on board the vessels, making them in several pieces. The foremast for the “Castries” was made on our vessel, that being the larger of the two ships, and the bowsprit on board the “Castries.” The foremast was made in nine pieces. As for the bowsprit, it was made from a topmast strongly fished.
On s'occupa à temps à faire le bois à feu et l'eau nécessaire aux deux navires, l'un et l'autre furent pris sur l'île Marion, les palissades du village furent suffisantes pour le premier objet, et l'eau du ruisseau nous fournit le dernier.
Le 28 notre chaloupe ayant été faire de l'eau sur l'île (le camp était levé) l'Officier crût voir, ainsi que l'équipage un de nos bateaux auprés de la grande terre, il fut avec sa chaloupe dans l'Ouest qui était l'endroit où il croyait l'avoir vu, mais il ne trouva que des pirogues, il se mit en devoir de faire enlever un très-beau morceau de bois qu'il vit en cet endroit sur les chantiers. Les naturels étant venus s'y opposer en petit nombre et sans armes, il voulut en faire saisir un vivant afin de nous instruire du sort des nôtres, deux des soldats qui étaient dans la chaloupe en prirent un, mais n'ayant pas prit assez de précautions pour qu'il ne pût leur échapper, cet homme trouva moyen de se dégager et se sauva, ils tirèrent sur lui et le manquèrent. Comme ils se trouvaient à portée de l'endroit où avait été fait le massacre de M. Marion, cet officier voulut aller à la recherche de nos bateaux dans l'anse où ils avaient déjà été vus, il n'y trouva rien autre chose qu'une troupe de naturels du village de Tacoury qui vinrent se présenter; plusieurs d'entr'eux étaient couverts des vêtements des nôtres; on vit aussi entre leurs mains le fusil de M. Marion qui était très reconnaissable, ainsi que je l'ai déjà dit, et qu'ils affectaient de montrer, ainsi que le sabre d'un des Officiers qui avait accompagné M. Marion et toutes les autres dépouilles de leurs malheureux victimes qu'ils n'oublièrent point de montrer. Il leur fut tiré quelques coups de fusil, et nos gens revinrent à bord, sans avoir rien vu que ce que je viens de citer.
Le 29, je fus dans la chaloupe pour faire couper les palissades du village que j'avais détruit le 14 sur l'île Marion. Je postais un factionnaire sur la montagne dans l'endroit où l'on pouvait découvrir le plus de pays, les autres soldats étaient à une petite distance du village afin de protéger les travailleurs.
Le factionnaire apperçut un naturel qui s'était caché dans la fougère il lui tira son coup de fusil, et aussitôt il parut soixante à quatre vingts naturels qui étaient aussi dans l'herbe, et qui se
Some time was taken up in getting the necessary firewood and fresh water for the two ships. Both were to be found close at hand on Marion Island; the palisades of the village supplied the firewood, and the water we got from the stream.
On the 28th, our longboat having been to the island to take in fresh water (the camp having been broken up), the officer in command of the boat thought he saw—and the crew were of the same opinion—one of our boats near the mainland. He went with the longboat towards the west, which was the direction in which he thought he had seen the boat, but only found some canoes. He set about carrying away a very fine piece of timber which he saw in the woodyard at this place. The natives came forward to oppose him; they were few in number, and unarmed. He wished to capture one of them, so as to gain information as to the fate of our lost men, and two of the soldiers in the longboat captured one of the natives, but not having taken sufficient precautions against his escaping, the fellow managed to get free, and ran away. The soldiers fired at him, but missed him. As they found themselves not far away from the spot where M. Marion had been murdered, the officer in command decided to go and search for our boats in the cove where they had previously been seen. He found nothing, however, there, except a band of natives from Tacoury's village, who came towards them. Several of these men were wearing clothes which had belonged to our people, and one of them was seen to be carrying M. Marion's gun, which was easily recognizable, as I have already remarked, by its silver mounting, and which they displayed with ostentation; as well as the sword of one of the officers who had accompanied M. Marion; and other spoils of their unfortunate victims which they did not forget to show. A few shots were fired at them, and our people then returned on board without having seen anything save what I have mentioned.
On the 29th I set out in our longboat to cut down the palisades of the village on Marion Island which I had destroyed on the 14th. I posted sentries on the hill at a spot whence most of the surrounding country could be seen; the other soldiers remained at a short distance from the village, to protect the working party.
The sentinel saw a native who had hidden himself in the fern, and fired at him. Immediately there appeared sixty to eighty natives, who were also concealed in the fern, and who,
voyant découverts se levèrent et prirent la fuite. Nous nous trouvions à peu de distance d'eux, nous les poursuivîmes et leur coupâmes le chemin, par lequel ils cherchaient à regagner leurs pirogues, nous y fûmes assez tôt, pour empêcher à environ vingt cinq de s'embarquer, dont six furent tués à terre les autres se jétèrent à la mer, et y furent tués ou noyés, ceux qui avaient eu le temps de regagner leurs pirogues étaient déjà au large, ils se sauvèrent et se retirèrent dans un village qui est sur une petite île, à peu de distance de l'île Marion, il nous parut qu'il y avait beaucoup de naturels dans ce village, ils étaient venus vraisemblablement pour tâcher de nous surprendre, nous leur enlevâmes deux pirogues.
Le 7 Juillet, on s'avisa mais beaucoup trop tard, de faire une descente en règle au village de Tacoury, pour y faire disait-on la recherche de ce qu'étaient devenus M. Marion et ceux qui l'avaient accompagné, mais comme il y avait vingt-cinq jours d'ecoulés depuis le massacre, dont nous avions si peu lieu de douter, cette recherche fut inutile, on ne trouva rien, ou du moins très peu de choses; les naturels qui nous observaient continuellement nous voyant aller en grand nombre à ce village l'abandonnèrent, et se retirèrent sur les montagnes voisines, et emportaient tout ce qu'ils avaient. Il y a apparence qu'ils craignaient et prévoyaient notre visite, car depuis quelques jours il y avait qui était déjà campé sur les montagnes, enfin nous ne rencontrâmes qu'un vieux naturel que les soldats tuèrent, on vit quelques avirons de nos bateaux qui étaient encore teints de sang et un morceau de l'étrave de la chaloupe du Castries, il y a présumer qu'ils ont démoli cette chaloupe ainsi que le canot pour en tirer le fer. Nous parcourûmes tous les environs de ce village ainsi que l'anse où avaient été assassinés les nôtres, nous n'y trouvâmes rien. Dans la maison de Tacoury, était une tête d'homme au bout d'un poteau planté dans le milieu de la chambre, cette tête avait été cuite, on y voyait des traces qui dénotaient qu'on y avait appliqué les dents. Dans une autre maison à côté, était un os de cuisse qui était encore attaché à une broche de bois, la chair en avait tirée en plusieurs endroits avec les dents, il y en avait encore un peu autour de l'os, qui était cuite et sèche. Il n'y a aucun lieu de douter d'après cela que ces naturels ne soient Antropophages, ni conséquemment quel a dû être le sort de M. Marion et de ses malheureux compagnons d'infortune. Mais ces peuples n'exercent cette barbarie que de vainqueurs à
seeing themselves discovered, rose up and took to flight. We were not far away from them, so we gave chase, and cut them off from the track by which they were trying to reach their canoes. We were quick enough to prevent about twenty-five of them from embarking. Some of these were killed on the shore, the others threw themselves into the sea, where they were either shot or drowned. Those who had time to regain the canoes were already well away from the land. They made off, and retreated to a small village situated on a small island a little distance from Marion Island. It seemed to me there were always a large number of natives in this village. They had evidently come to Marion Island to try and surprise us. We carried off two of the canoes.
On the 7th July it was decided, but far too late, to make a formal descent on Tacoury's village, to make, so it was given out, an attempt to discover what had become of M. Marion and those who had accompanied him; but as twenty-eight days had elapsed since the massacre of which we had so little reason to doubt, the search was useless—nothing could be found or, at least, very little. The natives, who kept a constant watch on our movements, seeing us making for the village, abandoned it, and retreated to the neighbouring hills, carrying off everything they possessed. It would appear that they had feared and foreseen our visit, because for some days past some of them had already gone into camp on the hills, indeed, we only met one old native, whom the soldiers killed. Some of the oars from our lost boats were seen. They were still bloodstained, and there was a piece of the stem of the “Castries” longboat. It is presumable that they broke up this boat as well as the cutter in order to get the iron from them. We marched right through the neighbourhood of this village, as well as exploring the shores of the cove where our people had been murdered, but nothing was gained by our search. In Tacoury's house was a man's head on the end of a stake stuck in the middle of the room. This head had been cooked, and traces of teeth-marks could be distinguished. In another house close by there was a thighbone which was still attached to a wooden spit. The flesh had been torn off in several pieces by teeth, there was still a little flesh adhering to the bone, which was cooked and dried up. There could not be the slightest doubt after this discovery that the natives are cannibals, nor, consequently, could there be any doubt as to the fate of M. Marion and his companions in misfortune.
vaincus, comme je l'ai déjà dit. Nous avons vu plusieurs d'entr'eux, qui portaient pour parure à leur col et à leurs oreilles des dents humaines, quoiqu'il en soit.
Il est sans doute bien fâcheux et révoltant pour l'humanité de ne s'être pas plus tôt porté à cette recherche, on devait s'attendre que c'était pour lors inutile, et qu'il était trop tard. Si nous n'eussions pas eu le bonheur, ainsi que tout porte à le croire, de secourir M. Marion et ceux qui l'accompagnaient, au moins aurait—il pu se faire que nous eussions pu en recueillir quelques uns qui dans les premiers moments auront pu s'échapper, ainsi que le matelot dont j'ai parlé ci-devant. Puisque cet homme dit en avoir vu deux qui s'étaient déjà débarrassés, et avaient gagné la chaloupe, où les gens du pays qui s'en étaient emparés les massacrèrent, s'ils avaient su nager peut-être en auraientils fait autant que lui. Il n'est point contre la vraisemblance qu'il s'en soit sauvé quelques uns soit du canot de M. Marion, soit de la chaloupe, qui auraient pu se cacher dans le bois, avec l'espoir d'être secourus, ou de trouver quelque moyen de revenir à bord du vaisseau. Ils y seront morts de leurs blessures, ou de faim, ou auront été découverts par les naturels qui leur auront ôté le peu de vie qui leur restait. Cela est d'autant plus probable que le matelot qui s'est échappé dit s'être débarrassé de huit naturels armés, dont il a blessé plusieurs à coups de hache.
Dans le nombre de ceux qui étaient avec M. Marion, il y en avait qui n'avaient jamais pu s'empêcher de conserver de la méfiance contre ces naturels, entr'autres le capitaine d'armes de notre vaisseau qui était un serviteur, couvert de blessures dans la dernière guerre. Il y à croire que cet homme aura vendu sa vie bien cher, ainsi qu'une partie de ceux qui se sont trouvés dans cette funeste catastrophe. Il aurait pu se faire que quelques uns de ces infortunés se seraient dégagés et auraient réussi à se sauver. Dans cette incertitude n'aurait-il pas convenu que nous eussions mis tout en œuvre et avec la plus grande célérité pour les arracher à une mort aussi affreuse et aussi désespérante que celle qui aura terminé leurs jours; je fis toutes ces représentations à M. Croizet, et lui dis qu'il n'y avait rien à risquer d'aller prendre le village de Tacoury dès le lendemain de notre expédition au village de l'île Marion, que ces naturels après l'echec qu'ils venaient de recevoir n'auraient fait aucune résistance, d'ailleurs que c'était le moyen de secourir ceux qui auraient
But these people only perpetrate this barbarity as conquerers on the conquered, as I have already said. Many of them whom we have seen wore as ornaments human teeth at their necks and on their ears.
In any case, it is without doubt most regrettable and revolting, for the sake of humanity, that this expedition was not carried out earlier. It might have been expected that it would be useless, and that it was too late. Although we might not have had the happiness, so far as can be seen, to actually rescue M. Marion and those who accompanied him, at least it might have happened that we might have been able to pick up a few men who in the first moments of the massacre might have escaped, as did the sailor of whom I have spoken before. As this man said, he had seen two others who had already got free, and had reached the longboat, where the natives who caught them murdered them; had they been able to swim, they might perhaps have been able to escape as he did. It is by no means improbable that some had escaped, either from M. Marion's cutter or from the longboat, and had been able to conceal themselves in the bush, with the hope of being rescued, or of finding some means of getting back to the vessels. These men must have died from their wounds, or from hunger, or have been discovered by the savages, who would rob them of what little life they had left. This is all the more probable, seeing that the sailor who escaped declared he had beaten off eight armed natives, several of whom he had wounded with his axe.
Amongst those who were with M. Marion were some who had never been able to help being mistrustful of the natives, amongst others the master-at-arms of our vessel, who was a servant, and was covered with wounds from the last war. There is reason to believe that this man sold his life very dearly, as well as others who were victims of this disastrous catastrophe. It might well have happened that some of these unfortunate fellows had got away, and had succeeded in making their escape. In this uncertainty, would it not have been proper that we should have set to work, and with the greatest haste, to save them from a death so frightful as that which must have ended their days. I set all these arguments before M. Croizet, and told him there was nothing to be risked in going and capturing Tacoury's village the day after our expedition to the village on Marion Island; further, that those natives, after the check they had just received, would not have made the slightest resistance; and yet again, that this was the only means to help those who
échappé, mais il ne fut pas de mon avis non plus que le Capitaine du Castries; ces Messieurs dirent qu'il n'était pas prudent de s'exposer davantage; ainsi l'espace de temps qui s'est êcoulé depuis le 12 Juin jusqu'au 7 de Juillet ne permet pas de mettre aucun des nôtres existants. L'expédition que l'on vient de faire était fort inutile et ne nous a donné aucun éclaircissement, on à seulement brûlé le village, et celui de Piquioré, qui en était peu éloigné, voilà le seul fruit qu'on en eut tiré. Du haut des montagnes les sauvages se faisaient voir, et nous montraient les dépouilles des nôtres qu'ils tenaient au bout de perches.
Le 8 on fut encore à ce village pour y enlever quelques pirogues, les naturels restèrent campés sur les montagnes d'ouù ils nous observaient et affectaient de nous montrer les dépouilles des malheureux qu'ils avaient massacrés.
Le 11, nous étions prêts à partir, la flûte le Castries était remâtée, on tint ce même jour conseil sur la route qu'il convenait de faire en sortant de ce port, vu notre situation et nos besoins, nous n'avions trouvé dans les papiers de M. Marion aucun projet, ses instructions ne pouvaient nous guider, puisque Boutaveri ce naturel de Taïti ou de Cythère que nous devions y ramener était mort, de sorte qu'il ne nous restait à choisir, que d'aller au Chili ou a Manille, pour où M. Marion s'était muni d'un passeport de la Cour d'Espagne. Nos pertes en hommes, ancres, câbles, filains, et mâts, et le mauvais état de nos équipages, dont une grande partie était encore attaquée du scorbut nous mettaient dans l'impossibilité de continuer nos découvertes. Tous ces inconvénients firent que nous nous décidâmes à faire route pour Manille, en passant aux îles de Rotterdam et d'Amsterdam d'où nous aurions été chercher la route des galions de Manille pour relâcher à Puaham, la principale des îles Marianne, afin d'y prendre des vivres et un pilote pratique du Détroit des Bernardines.
Le 12 on envoya enterrer une bouteille sur l'île Marion, où étaient renfermées les armes de France et la prise de possession de tout ce pays que nous nommâmes la France-Australe, cette bouteille est à quatre pieds dans la terre, à cinquante sept pas du bord de la mer, à compter de l'endroit où la mer monte le plus, et à dix pas du ruisseau; cette bouteille a été mise avec toutes précautions nécessaires.
Pendant la journée on s'occupa à se préparer pour appareiller; le lendemain au matin, les voiles furent mises en vergues et on se disposa à lever les ancres.
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Pour copie conforme.
L'Archiviste du Service hydrographique de
la Marine.
had escaped. But he was not of my opinion, nor was the captain of the “Castries.” These gentlemen said it would be imprudent to take any further risks; and thus the space of time which had elapsed from the 12th June to the 7th July prevented our finding any of our men alive. The expedition we had just made was quite useless. We only burnt the village, and that of Piquiore, which was a little further away; that was the only good that came of it. The savages could again be seen exhibiting the garments of our men, which they held up at the end of long poles.
On the 8th July we again went to Tacoury's Cove, to carry off some canoes. The natives remained camped on the hills, whence they watched us, and proudly paraded the garments of the unhappy men whom they had murdered.
On the 11th July we were ready to leave. The “Castries” had been remasted, and on this same day we held a council to decide as to what route we should take on quitting this harbour, taking into consideration our position and our needs. We had found in M. Marion's papers not the slightest plan; his instructions were no longer available for our guidance, and as Boutaveri, the Tahitian native, whom we were to take back to his island, had died, the choice only remained of going to Chili or Manilla, for which latter place we were furnished with passports from the Court of Spain. Our losses in men, anchors, cables, rigging, and spars, and the bad health of our crews, of whom a large number were again down with scurvy, made it impossible for us to continue our explorations. All these drawbacks made us decide upon sailing for Manilla, passing by Rotterdam and Amsterdam Islands, whence we could follow the track of the galleons from Manilla, calling in at Puaham, the principal port of the Marianne Islands, to get provisions and a pilot used to the Straits of San Bernardino.
On the 12th July we sent a bottle to be buried on Marion Island, in which were enclosed the arms of France, and a formal statement of the taking possession of all this country, which we named Austral-France. This bottle is 4 ft. under the earth, at 57 paces from the edge of the sea, reckoning from high-water mark, and at ten paces from the little stream. This bottle was buried with all necessary precautions.
During the day we got ready to set sail, and the next morning the sails were bent on the yards, and everything was got ready for weighing anchor.
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A true copy,—
The Archivist of the Hydrographical Service of
the Navy.
Journal de “Le Marquis De Castries”
(Ecrit par Captaine du Clesmeur.)
Relation d'un Voyage dans les Mers Australes et Pacifique commencé en 1771, sous le commandement de M. Marion du Fresne, Capitaine de Brulot, et achevé en 1773, sous celui de M. du Clesmeur, Garde de la Marine.
Le 12e jour après notre départ nous entrâmes dans un lit de marée qui dura 24 heures.
Le 25 Mars nous eûmes la vue d'une très haute montagne en pain de sucre, qui peut se voir au moins de 25 lieues en mer.
Le 28 en étant très près, nous distinguâmes sur son sommet des taches blanches que nous jugeâmes être de la neige.
Le même jour nous observâmes la hauteur du pole de 39″ ce qui nous donna lieu de croire que c'était une des pointes de la baie des assassins qui a environ 30 lieues d'ouverture, de là nous suivîmes la côte qui fuit vers le Nord et à deux lieues du rivage nous eûmes presque toujours la sonde de 25 brasses sur un fond de sable.
J'ajouterai que cette partie est boisée, que la côte parait déserte et sablonneuse, nous vîmes cependant de fumée et en quelques endroits des hommes sur le rivage.
Le 3 avril nous étions à la pointe du Nord de la nouvelle Zélande, et c'était avec bien de la joie que je me voyais toucher au moment d'une relâche depuis longtemps desirée, un orage très violent qui s'éleva dans le N.O. nous obligea de prendre le large et ce ne fut que le 12 Avril que nous pûmes bien reconnaître les prétendues îles des Rois, que nous trouvâmes bien différentes de la description que Abel Tasman en fait.
L'île Conningin, la plus grande, qui a tout au plus 2 lieues de tour, n'est guère qu'une montagne qui parait même inaccessible, dans la partie S.O. Nous vîmes de la fumée sur le sommet et y distinguâmes même des hommes, mais point de rivière n'y d'apparence de mouillage, ce qui détermina M. Marion à s'aller pourvoir à la nouvelle Zélande d'eau et de bois dont nous allions manquer.
JOURNAL OF THE “MARQUIS DE CASTRIES.”
(Written by Captain du Clesmeur.)
[Translation.]An Account of a Voyage in the Austral and Pacific Seas, commenced in 1771, under the Command of M. Marion du Fresne, Captain of Fireship, and completed in 1773, under that of M. du Clesmeur (Gadre de Marine).
On the twelfth day after our departure we entered a tideway, which lasted twenty-four hours.
On the 25th March we sighted a very high mountain in the form of a sugar-loaf, which can be seen at least 25 leagues away at sea.
On the 28th, being very close to it, we made out on its summit some white patches, which we took to be snow.
On the same day we took an observation which placed us in 39°, from which we had reason to believe this mountain was one of the headlands of Murderers' Bay, which has a width at its opening of about 30 leagues. Thence we followed the coast, which falls back towards the north, and at 2 leagues from the shore we almost always got soundings of 25 fathoms, with a sandy bottom.
I should add that the land here is well wooded, and that the coast appears to be wild and sandy. We noticed, however, some smoke, and in some places men were to be seen on the shore.
On the 3rd April we were off the northern point of New Zealand, and it was with the utmost delight that I saw the day, so long desired, now approaching when we could put in somewhere. A very violent storm, which came up from the northwest, compelled us to put out to sea, and it was not until the 12th April that we could well distinguish the so-called King's Islands (the Three Kings), which were found to be very different from the description given of them by Abel Tasman.
Conningin Island, the largest, which is at the most 2 leagues in circumference, is nothing but a mountain, which appeared to us to be inaccessible. In the south-western part of the island we saw some smoke on the summit, and could even make out some men; but there was no river, or any appearance of an anchorage, which caused M. Marion to decide upon going on to New Zealand for the supplies of fresh water and wood, of which we were about to run short.
Le 13 nous prîmes fond à la côte de la Nouvelle Zélande dans une grande anse où nous jugions que l'on trouverait de l'eau. Le lendemain, la brise fut si faible que nous ne pûmes regagner la côte, mais le 15 M. Marion expédia pour la reconnaître. M. Lehoux qui à son retour nous apprit qu'il avait assez bon mouillage dans l'anse, où se jetait une petite rivière d'eau douce, que le pays lui avait paru habité ayant vu des chemins très fréquentés et les ruines d'un village considérable.
Le 16 à 9 heures du matin nous laissâmes tomber l'ancre par 21 brasses d'eau sur un fond de gros gravier et de coquillages, aussitôt M. Marion expédia M. Croizet pour prendre plus ample connaissance de l'aiguade, mais à peine eut-il abordé sur la côte que le vent qui s'éleva avec force du Nord-Est, l'obligea de faire son retour à bord où il ne se rendit qu'avec beaucoup de peine; vers les 5 heures, les vents soufflèrent avec impetuosité, les courants qui jusqu'alors avaient porté contre le vent nous avaient été d'un grand secours; mais l'un et l'autre devenus contraires me firent chasser sur mon ancre et m'obligèrent à en mouiller une seconde. Je fis dépasser le mât de perroquet et tout disposer pour la nuit, en cas d'évènements; ces précautions me furent très salutaires car à 3 heures du matin l'un de mes cables manqua et craignant d'aborder le Mascarin je mouillais une Sème ancre qui ne tint pas longtemps. Enfin voyant que continuais de chasser, et que j'étais prêt à faire côte, je coupais mes cables et appareillais. J'étais tout au plus à ¼ de lieue des roches lorsque je commençais à courir de l'avant. Je fus bientôt assez élevé et mis à la cape. Les vents furent violents et accompagnés de pluie jusqu'à 10 heures du matin, à une heure après midi, le temps s'étant éclairci et le vent beaucoup apaisé nous vîmes les îles des Rois dont nous n'étions pas bien eloignés, et peu après nous découvrîmes du haut des mâts une voile et ne doutâmes plus que ce fut le Mascarin qui avait subi le même sort que nous. M. Marion me rejoignit bientôt et me fit part du danger qu'i avait couru. La mer avait déferlé sur son gaillard d'avant pendant la nuit; à 8 heures du matin voyant l'évidence de faire côte si le temps continuait, il avait filé ses cables. Le calme ne fut pas de durée, vers les 10 heures le vent reprit avec la même force et nous obligea à mettre à la cape, dans la nuit nous eûmes une éclipse totale de Lune, nous ne negligeâmes rien pour en tirer avantage et suivant nos observations nous étions de 10½° plus à l'est que notre estime. Les vaisseaux fatiguèrent beaucoup et surtout le Mascarin, les vents d'ouest et de très grosses mers nous ballotèrent jusqu'au 23 que M. Marion m'envoya en un canot pour me demander un état de mes besoins les plus pressants, il n'ignorait pas que je commençais
On the 13th we found bottom on the coast of New Zealand in a large cove, where we thought we could find some fresh water. The next day the breeze was so weak that we could not regain the coast, but on the 15th M. Marion sent M. Lehoux on a reconnoitring expedition. Upon his return we learnt that there was a fair anchorage in the cove, into which flowed a little stream of fresh water, and that the country seemed to be inhabited, he having seen several paths and the ruins of a village of considerable size.
On the 16th at 9 in the morning, we let fall the anchor in 21 fathoms of water over a bottom of large gravel and shells. M. Marion immediately sent M. Croizet to gain further information as to the watering-place, but hardly had M. Croizet approached the land when the wind, which began to blow strongly from the north, compelled him to return to the ship, which he only managed to reach after much trouble. Towards 5 o'clock the wind was blowing with great violence. The current, which up till then had been against the wind, had been of great assistance to us. Both the one and the other now being contrary made our ship drag its anchor, and compelled me to put out another. I housed my top-gallant mast, and got everything snug for the night, in case anything might happen. These precautions proved salutary, for at 3 in the morning one of our cables parted, and, fearing we might foul the “Mascarin,” I let go a third anchor, which did not hold very long. At length, seeing that we were continuing to drag, and that we were nearly running aground, I cut the cables and made sail. We were then, at the most, a quarter of a league from the rocks when we began to forge ahead. I was soon far enough to windward, and close-hauled. The wind was violent, and accompanied by rain, until 10 o'clock in the morning. At 1 o'clock in the afternoon, the weather having cleared up and the wind gone down a good deal, we sighted the Kings Islands (Three Kings), from which we were not far distant, and shortly afterwards, from the mast-head, a sail was distinguished. We had no doubt this was the “Mascarin,” which had gone through the same experience as ourselves. M. Marion soon rejoined us, and informed me of the danger he had been in. The sea had broken over the forecastle during the night, and at 8 in the morning, seeing that he was bound to run ashore if the bad weather continued, he had cut his cables. The calm did not last long, for towards 10 o'clock the wind sprung up again with the same force, and forced us to clear the cape. During the night there was a total eclipse of the moon. We took every care to profit by this, and, according to our observations, we were 10½° further to the east than we had imagined. The vessels were labouring heavily, especially
à avoir des scorbutiques et que depuis plus d'un mois nous étions réduits à une pinte d'eau par jour. Je lui en rendis un compte exact, sur lequel il se décida à ne pas quitter cette côte que nous n'y eussions fait de l'eau et essayé de repêcher nos ancres dont la perte pouvait occasionner des évènements très préjudiciables à notre mission.
Le 26 au matin rangeant la côte de près, pour nous rendre dans l'anse aux ancres nous aperçûmes un village sur une petite colline. M. Marion envoya un canot le reconnaître; à peine eut-il quitté les vaisseaux qu'il aperçut une pirogue le long de la côte; il voulut la joindre, mais les naturels qui la conduisaient se refugièrent dans une anse et abandonnèrent leur bateau à l'arrivée de notre canot au village, les Zélandais effrayés gagnèrent la hauteur où ils avaient un espèce de fort en palissades. M. Lehoux, chargè de cette expédition, leur ayant fait des signes d'amitié, le plus vieux d'entr'eux s'avança et y répondit en renversant sa sagaye, et jeta dans notre canot un très beau poisson; on lui donna quelques mouchoirs et un couteau, sur le champ le Zélandais témoigna son contentement et sa reconnaissance en donnant encore plusieurs poissons.
Les habitants du village sont de couleur olivâtre, grands, bien faits et vêtus d'une grande pelisse de peau.
Aussitôt que nous eûmes mouillé nous mîmes nos canots et chaloupes à la mer pour draguer nos ancres mais nous ne pûmes retrouver que les deux du Mascarin et l'un de mes cables qui était tellement ragué qu'il devenait inutile. M. Marion en m'envoyant un des siens et une ancre me donna ordre d'être prêt à faire voile dès que le temps le permettrait.
Je profitais du calme pour aller visiter la côte et mis pied à terre dans l'anse de sable à l'embouchure d'une petite rivière dont l'eau se trouva malheureusement saumâtre, je remarquais cependant qu'à un mille de l'embouchure elle était bonne mais trop difficile à faire; sur le bord de cette rivière, je trouvais le village abandonné dont j'ai déjà parlé, et une plaine voisine où nous tuâmes plusieurs cailles qui ne cèdent en rien à celles que l'on connait en Europe, il n'était encore que 3 heures ½ lorsque j'aperçus le signal d'appareiller et le vaisseau de M. Marion était déjà sous voiles quand je rejoignis le mien. Le lendemain nous doublâmes le cap Nord de la Nouvelle Zélande, que M.
the “Mascarin.” The westerly and heavy sea buffeted us about until the 23rd, when M. Marion sent off in his cutter to ask for a statement of my most pressing needs. He was aware that we begun to have scurvy on board, and that for more than a month we had been reduced to one pint of water per head daily. I sent him an exact account of our supplies, upon which he determined not to leave this coast until we had got a supply of fresh water, and endeavoured to get up the anchors, the loss of which might bring about events most prejudicial to our mission.
On the 26th, in the morning, whilst sailing close to the coast to regain the cove where we had lost our anchors, we saw a village on a little hill. M. Marion despatched the cutter to reconnoitre. Scarcely had it left when a canoe was observed coming along the coast. The commander of the cutter tried to overtake it, but the natives who were on board took refuge in the cove, and abandoned their boat upon the arrival of our cutter at the village. The terrified New-Zealanders gained the heights, where they had a sort of fort surrounded by palisades. M. Lehoux, who was in charge of the expedition, having made signs of friendship to them, the oldest amongst them came forward and replied, at the same time reversing his spear and throwing a fine fish into the boat. He was presented with a few handkerchiefs and a knife. The New-Zealander immediately expressed his satisfaction and his gratitude by giving our people several more fish.
The inhabitants of this village are olive-coloured, well made, and clothed with a large pelisse made of skins.
As soon as we had anchored we launched our cutters and “Mascarin's” anchors alone recovered. longboats to dredge for the lost anchors, but we could only recover the two that belonged to the “Mascarin,” and one of our cables, which was so chafed as to be quite useless. M. Marion sent me one of his cables and an anchor, and ordered me to make sail as soon as the weather would permit.
I profited by the calm to go and visit the coast, and landed in the sandy cove at the mouth of a little river, whose water, unfortunately, was brackish. I noticed, however, that at a mile inland from the mouth of this stream the water was sweet, but very difficult to get at. On the banks of this river I found the abandoned village of which I have already spoken, and a neighbouring plain, where we shot some quail, which were in no way inferior to those we know in Europe. It was still only half-past 3 when I perceived the signal go up for setting sail. M. Marion's ship was already under weigh when I got back to my own vessel. The next morning we doubled the North Cape of New Zealand, which M. Marion has named Cape Eolus, the
Marion a nommé cap Eole nom qui lui est acquis par les fréquentes tempêtes que nous y avons essuyées.
Le 3 Mai à huit heures du matin, n'étant qu'à deux milles de la côte, on apperçut une pirogue qui venait à nous, elle s'approcha du vaisseau de M. Marion qui ne parvint à attirer les Zélandais à bord qu'après leur avoir envoyé par le moyen d'une ligne différents présents, il les renvoya tous vêtus d'une chemise et une culotte, mais ils n'eurent par plutôt quitté le vaisseau qu'ils se depouillèrent de ces nouveaux vêtements pour reprendre les leurs, nous ne tardames pas à voir plusieurs autres pirogues attirées par la bonne réception que l'on avait faite à la première.
Enfin nous eûmes à bord des deux vaisseaux au moins cent Zélandais qui chantèrent et dansèrent presque toujours, ce ne fut même qu'avec peine que nous nous en débarrassâmes et encore sous conditions que nous descendrions chez eux; pour nous y engager davantage ils nous firent entendre que leurs femmes étaient jolies espérant nous attirer par ce moyen propre en effet à réunir les nations les plus diffèrentes dans leurs usages, leurs mœurs et leurs coutumes.
Je remarquai dans leur language beaucoup de rapport avec celui des habitants de Cythère j'employais même avec succès les vocabulaires qu'ont rapportés les vaisseaux de M. Bougainville, il n'en fallut pas davantage pour renouveller nos chagrins et nous ressentîmes plus que jamais la perte de l'insulaire Maijaa, tout concourait à nous inspirer la plus grande confiance dans les Zélandais; leur arrivée à bord sans armes, leur peu de surprise en nous abordant, et le nom de Tapon
? Tapu.
qu'ils donnaient à nos fusils nous persuadaient qu'ils avaient déjà vu des Européens sur leurs côtes.
They had seen Cook and De Surville in 1769.
Nous en conçûmes les plus grandes espérances et fîmes sur le champ les dispositions nécessaires pour ancrer au plutôt à une terre où nous nous flattions de trouver tout ce que nous avions besoin pour la réparation de nos vaisseaux et notre approvisionnement d'eau.
Le canot du Mascarin était parti dès le matin pour chercher un ancrage dans la partie Est de l'île et l'après midi le même fut expédié pour reconnaître la baie où s'étaient retirées les pirogues; à 4 heures après minuit ils étaient tous deux de retour, celui de M. Marion avait découvert à 10 lieues des vaisseaux une fort belle baie où l'on pouvait mouiller sur un fond de sable par 15 brasses.
Un grand village sur la côte annonçait dans les environs une rivière ou du moins quelque source d'eau douce. Plusieurs
name being given to this promontory on account of the storms we so frequently encountered there.
On the 3rd May, at 8 o'clock in the morning, being only two miles from the land, a canoe was seen approaching us. It came alongside M. Marion's ship, but he could only succeed in persuading the natives to go on board by handing then some presents at the end of a line. He sent them off again, each with a shirt and a pair of breeches, but they no sooner left the vessel than they took off their new garments to put on their own again. It was not long before we saw several other canoes, attracted by the friendly reception which had been given to the firstcomers.
At last we had on board the two vessels at least a hundred New-Zealanders, who were singing and dancing nearly all the time; and we had some trouble in getting rid of them, and then only on condition that we should visit them on land. As an additional inducement, they gave us to understand that their women were very pretty, hoping to attract us by this inducement, one effective enough to unite races quite different in their manners and customs.
I noticed their language had very much in common with that of Tahiti or Cythera. I made use indeed, with some success, of the vocabularies which were brought away by M. Bougainville's ships. We had now all the more reason to deplore the death of the islander Maijaa (who had been taken from Tahiti, but had died). Everything combined to inspire us with the utmost confidence in the New-Zealanders—their coming on board without weapons, the little astonishment they displayed on coming on board, and the name of Tapon* which they gave to our muskets—all persuaded us that they had seen Europeans on their coast before.†
We conceived the highest hopes of these people, and immediately put in train the necessary preparations for anchoring as soon as possible in a haven where we flattered ourselves we should find everything we needed for our vessels and obtain supplies of fresh water.
The “Mascarin's” cutter had gone early in the morning to search for an anchorage on the eastern side of the island, and in the afternoon the same boat was sent off to reconnoitre the bay to which the canoes had retreated. Four hours after midnight they had both returned. M. Marion's cutter had discovered, some 10 leagues away from the vessels, a very fine bay, where there was anchorage on a sandy bottom at 15 fathoms.
A large village on the shore proved that in the neighbourhood there must be a river, or, at least, some spring of fresh
pirogues ayant entouré le canot nos gens furent contraints de tirer quelques coups de fusil en l'air pour les écarter et les naturels se retirèrent sans commettre aucun acte d'hostilité, mon canot avait aussi trouvé un très bon mouillage dans la baie voisine. Le lendemain M. Marion ayant envoyé de nouveau la reconnaître y donna sans attendre le retour de nos bateaux; à 4 heures du soir nous les apperçûmes qui débouquaient entre les deux îles; nous leur vîmes avec bien de la joie, le signal d'un port et de bonne eau.
Le Mascarin qui m'avait gagné du chemin rejoignit assez tôt son canot pour se rendre au mouillage avant la nuit; à 5 heures ½ le mien se trouva heureusement assez près pour me faire éviter une roche sous l'eau que j'ai nommé écueil Razeline, et sur laquelle je me serais infailliblement perdu.
Le lendemain 5, dès la pointe du jour nous fûmes assaillis de canots qui nous apportèrent beaucoup de poissons et de coquillages que nous traitâmes pour des vieux clous et quelques verroteries.
Il était resté à bord de M. Marion plusieurs naturels, qui furent tres-inquiets lorsqu'ils virent prendre le large, mais dès que nous revirâmes ils se rassurèrent.
L'endroit où nous étions mouillés était encore peu abri, nous ne tardâmes pas à découvrir fort près de nous un très beau port que nous jugeâmes à propos de sonder avec soin avant de nous y engager.
Le même jour au soir j'accompagnais M. Marion avec mon canot, nous étions pilotés par un homme du pays qui nous fit descendre à la grande île au pied d'une montagne où nous trouvâmes un grand nombre de naturels, nous remarquâmes en cet endroit des bois propres aux réparations dont le Mascarin avait besoin. Le lendemain M. Marion y envoya des ouvriers, et un détachement bien armé pour les protéger. Les officiers de cette expédition crurent s'appercevoir de quelques mouvements de la part des naturels qui étaient en grand nombre autour d'eux, ils redoublèrent de précautions et achevèrent leurs travaux sans aucun obstacle, il se passa cependant en cet endroit quelque chose qui mérite d'être rapporté.
Le sergent qui commandait le détachement, s'étant un peu écarté pour tirer quelques oiseaux, vit venir vers lui 20 ou 30 hommes armés, de grandes sagayes et de massues, il fut d'abord inquiet, mais pour le rassurer ils quittèrent leurs armes, et lui faisant signe qu'à quelques pas de là, ils avaient des ennemis, lui demandèrent son appui; le sergent marcha à leur tête et quant il fut à 50 pas du parti contraire il tira en l'air son coup
water. Several canoes having surrounded the cutter, our people had been compelled to fire a few shots in the air to drive them away and send them off without committing any act of hostility. My cutter had also found a very good anchorage in a neighbouring bay. The next day, M. Marion, having again sent a boat to reconnoitre, set sail for there without waiting the return of our boats. At 4 in the evening we saw the vessel disembogue between the two islands. We perceived with great delight from the signals that a harbour and good water had been found.
The “Mascarin,” which had gained upon my ship, soon rejoined her cutter to go to the anchorage before night came on, and at half-past 5 luckily found herself near enough to prevent me striking a sunken rock, which I named the Razeline reef, and upon which, had we struck, the vessel would have certainly been lost.
The next day, the 5th, we were surrounded, as soon as day broke, by canoes, which brought us plenty of fish and shellfish, for which we exchanged old nails and some glass beads.
Several natives had remained on board M. Marion's vessel, and were very uneasy when they saw the vessel put out to sea; but when we turned round their fears were removed.
The spot where we had anchored was not very well sheltered, but we were not long in finding, quite close to us, a very fine haven, in which we considered it wise to take soundings before we took the ship in.
The same day, in the evening, I accompanied M. Marion in my cutter. We were piloted by a native, who took us to a landing-place at the foot of a hill, where we found a large number of natives. We noticed in this neighbourhood some very suitable timber, for the repairs of which the “Mascarin” stood in need. The next day M. Marion sent some workmen there, with a detachment of well-armed men to protect them. The officers of this expedition thought they saw some commotion amongst the natives, who were in great numbers around them. They redoubled their precautions, and the work was completed without the slightest obstacles being offered. Something took place, however, at this place which merits being reported.
The sergeant who was in charge of the detachment, having gone a little distance away to shoot some birds, saw twenty or thirty men approaching him, armed with barbed spears and clubs. At first he was very anxious, but to reassure him they threw down their weapons, and, making him signs that not far away they had some enemies, they asked for his support. The sergeant walked at their head, and when he was about 50 paces
de fusil qui les mit en fuite, ceux-ci reconnaissants accompagnèrent leur protecteur, jusqu'à la chaloupe, en chantant et depuis le nommèrent Tetimon.
Le onze après nous être bien assurés du passage d'un nouveau parti, nous levâmes l'ancre, et le même jour la laissâmes retomber par 14 brasses fond de vase.
A portée de fusil des vaisseaux était une île sur laquelle M. Marion fixa l'aiguade et les tentes pour l'hôpital qu'il fit garder par un caporal et 7 hommes, un grand village fortifié, qui s'y trouvait, fut longtemps d'une grande ressource pour nos malades qui en tiraient journellement du poisson, le seul rafraichissement que nos puissions leur procurer, la plupart étant scorbutiques. L'exercice et le bon air les rendirent bientot convalescents, une espèce de myrthe sauvage qui est fort commun sur la côte, leur fut aussi très salutaire; nos vaisseaux se trouvant dans un port sûr et à l'abri de tous vents, nous ne songeâmes plus qu'à les radoubler; le Mascarin ayant presque tout le côte de l'abord dédoublé, et la partie de l'avant déliée, faisait beaucoup d'eau, le mien n'avait de défectuosités que dans la mâture. Pour la rétablir je fis avec M. Marion et quelquefois séparément des recherches sur toute la côte.
Enfin après bien des peines les naturels desquels nous nous fîmes entendre nous conduisèrent dans une grande anse éloignée de nos vaisseaux d'environ une lieue et demie, ou nous trouvâmes les plus beaux bois. Je n'exagère pas en disant y avoir vu des arbes de plus de 90 pieds de long sans branches et sans nœuds. Il me fut ordonné de faire en cet endroit un établissement.
Le 28 mai je m'y transportait avec la majeure partie de mon équipage, quelques hommes du vaisseau de M. Marion et un détachement de huit soldats, pour protéger nos travailleurs; deux jours ne furent pas trop pour former cet établissement qui devait nous mettre à l'abri des injures de l'hiver pendant un mois au moins.
Notre petite habitation était assez agréablement située, une montagne couronnée d'arbres toujours verts nous mettait à l'abri des vents de mer et le côte du Sud était une vaste plaine marécageuse, à la vérité, mais très abondante en gibier comme cailles, bécassines et canards.
Le jour que nous achevâmes notre établissement M. Marion vint s'y promener et fut curieux de voir par lui-même, les arbres destinés à faire les mâts, ils n'étaient éloignés du rivage que de trois quarts de lieue tout au plus; mais les chemins très-mauvais,
from the opposing party he had fired a shot in the air, which had put them to flight. Those whom he had led recognized him as their protector, and accompanied him to the longboat, singing as they went, and from that time called him “Titimon.”
On the 11th, having first made sure of the safety of the channel leading to the southern part of the bay, we raised the anchor, and the same day let it fall again in 14 fathoms, with a muddy bottom.
At about a musket-shot from the vessel was another island, upon which M. Marion chose a watering-place, and had the hospital tents erected, placing them under the charge of a corporal and seven men. A large fortified village which was on this island was for a long time of great assistance to our invalids, who got daily supplies of fish therefrom. This was the only food we could get for them, as the most part were suffering from scurvy. The exercise and fresh air soon cured them. A species of myrtle is very common on this coast, and did the sick men much good. Our vessels being now in a safe haven, and sheltered from every wind, our first thought now was to refit them. The “Mascarin,” having nearly all her port side stripped and the forepart opened out, was making a good deal of water. My ship had only her masts injured. For the new masts I required I went all up and down the coast searching for suitable timber from which to make them.
At length, after a good deal of trouble, some of the natives, who had been made to understand what we wanted, took us to a large cove about a league and a half distant from where our vessels were lying, and there we found some very fine trees. I do not exaggerate when I say I saw some trees whose trunks were 90 ft. in height, without branches or knots. I was ordered to establish a masting-camp at this place.
On the 28th May I moved to the place I have mentioned with the larger portion of my crew, and some men from M. Marion's ship, and a detachment of eight soldiers to protect our workers. Two days were not too much to devote to the arrangement of the camp, which would have to shelter us from the inclemency of the wintry weather for at least a month.
Our little camp was pleasantly enough situated. A hill, crowned with evergreen trees, provided shelter against the winds coming from the sea; and on the southern side was a vast swampy plain, it is true, but abounding in game, such as quail, snipe, and wild duck.
The day we had finished arranging our camp M. Marion came there for an excursion, and was curious to see for himself the trees from which we proposed to cut the masts. They were only three-quarters of a league away from the beach at the most,
et quoi qu'on ait pu dire à M. Marion, il voulut y aller. Je l'accompagnais avec plusieurs officiers et nous fîmes le premier quart de lieue sans autre incommodité que celle d'un sentier trés glissant. A cette distance était un marais d'environ 80 toises de large dans lequel nous enfonçâmes jusqu'à la ceinture, et M. Marion était si fatigué en arrivant à la forêt qu'il y voulut coucher, nos représentations n'ayant pu lui faire changer de résolution, il fallut se déterminer à passer la nuit en plein bois. Nous choisîmes pour retraite un très gros arbre, sur le bord d'un ruisseau. Nous n'avions pour toute arme qu'un fusil, encore avions nous brûlé les ¾ de notre poudre pour allumer du feu; n'ayant aucune provision de bouche un de nous retourna à l'établissement pour y prendre des vivres et ramener en même temps 3 hommes armés.
La nuit fut conforme à nos desirs; nous eûmes très-beau temps, personne ne nous inquiéta; dès la pointe du jour nous traçâmes le chemin pour faire sortir du bois nos deux arbres. Les travailleurs qui ne tardèrent pas à nous rejoindre se mirent à l'ouvrage, M. Marion ordonna sept hommes pour la garde du chantier. Nous jouissons de la vie la plus douce et la plus heureuse que l'on puisse espérer chez les peuples sauvages. Les naturels traitaient avec nous de la meilleure foi, leur poissons et leur gibier, et nos matelots bien loin de se décourager par les rigueurs de l'hiver, et un travail pénible, nous donnaient tous les jours de nouvelles preuves de leur zèle, de sorte que nous nous flattions d'être bientôt en état de reprendre la mer.
Le travail des mâts n'occupait ordinairement que 2 officiers, il en restait 4 qui par un arrangement avaient 2 jours de repos.
J'en profitais pour faire une course dans l'intérieur du pays. Je pris un naturel pour guide et accompagné de 2 officiers et trois soldats, nous fîmes dès la pointe du jour, toute diligence pour y pénétrer. Après 2 lieues de marche sur des montagnes nous fûmes fort surpris de nous trouver encore dans une grande anse au bord de la mer.
J'enterpris de reconnaître l'étendue de ce bras, nous nous promettions d'ailleurs une chasse fort heureuse, voyant sur les vases qui bordaient le petit golfe une quantité prodigieuse de canards et sarcelles; mais il ne nous fut presque pas possible de les approcher; la vase était si molle qu'un de nous qui s'avança trop s'y enfonca tout à coup jusqu'aux aisselles et sans les prompts secours que nous lui portâmes, il eut sans doute bientôt disparu. En suivant le bord de la mer nous arrivâmes à un très grand village situé sur une presqu'île, le côté de la terre était défendu par des palissades très élevés et des cavaliers; du plus
but the path was very rough, and, notwithstanding anything we could say to M. Marion, he insisted upon going to see the trees. I accompanied him with several officers, and we made the first quarter of a league without encountering any inconvenience other than that caused by a very slippery track. About this point was a swamp about 80 fathoms in width, and into which we waded up to the waist. M. Marion was so tired when he arrived at the forest that he desired to sleep there. As we could not persuade him to alter his decision, we had to make up our minds to pass the night in the open forest. We chose as a retreat a very large tree on the banks of a stream. We had no arms with us except a musket, and we had used three-quarters of the powder in lighting a fire. Having with us nothing to eat, one of the party returned to camp to get some provisions, and brought back at the same time three armed men.
The night was well fitted for our adventure, as the weather was very fine, and no one disturbed us. At daybreak we traced out the path by which we should have to get our two trees out of the forest, and the workmen, who were not long in rejoining us, commenced their task. M. Marion ordered that a work-yard guard should be formed of seven men. We led the quietest and most happy life that could be hoped for amongst a savage people. The natives placed the utmost trust in us, and exchanged their fish and game; and our sailors, far from being downcast by the rigours of the winter and the heavy work, gave each day fresh proofs of their zeal, so we flattered ourselves we should soon be able to put to sea again.
The work on the masts only necessitated, as a rule, two officers being on duty. Four were left, who, by an arrangement we had come to, had two days free at a time.
I profited by this arrangement to make a trip into the interior of the country. I took a native with me as a guide, and, in company with two other officers and three soldiers, we set off inland at daybreak.
I tried to find out the full extent of this arm of the sea, and we promised ourselves at the same time some good shooting, as we had seen on the mudbanks by which the little gulf was surrounded a prodigious quantity of duck and teal. It was almost impossible, however, to get near them. The mud was so soft that one of the party who went in too far ahead sunk in it all at once right up to his armpits, and had it not been for the help which we promptly rendered him he would certainly have disappeared. Following the seashore, we came to a very large village, defended by very high palissades and by raised
loin que le chef nous apperçut, il vint au devant de nous en criant “Ynemaye” (ce qui veut dire “Viens à moi”) et nous fit asseoir à ses côtés après nous avoir embrassés nez sur nez.
Je parus désirer voir le village, il nous y accompagna, mais ayant voulu entrer dans quelques cabanes, il s'y opposa. J'en fus d'autant plus surpris que dans les autres villages, nous avions toujours eu nos entrées libres. Je ne m'arrêtais pas longtemps dans celui-ci; ayant fait entendre que nous voulions traverser le bras de mer, le Zélandais ordonna aussitôt d'armer 3 pirogues, dans lesquelles nous nous embarquâmes. Je l'en remercia en lui donnant une partie de nos provisions. Dans le trajet je apperçus qu'une pirogue restait de l'arrière, je fis arrêter la mienne, et lorsque l'autre nous rejoignit mes compagnons de voyage me dirent que les bateliers avaient voulu renverser la pirogue; mais qu'ayant mis le patron en joue, il fit ramer, je n'y fit pas grande attention, et je continuai mon chemin sans que ceux qui me conduisaient fissent aucun mouvement; cependantil me tardait d'avoir pied à terre; arrivé à l'autre bord, nous suivîmes de nouveau le rivage et fûmes accompagnés quelque temps d'un grand nombre de Zélandais. A quatre heure aprèsmidi, nous fîmes halte au bord d'une rivière, la plus considérable que nous eussions encore vue.
Nous n'étions qu'à moitié chemin, et nous ne pouvions plus espérer de nous rendre avant la nuit, pour comble de malheur nous nous séparâmes de nos soldats, cependant après 5 heures de marche, nous arrivâmes grace à notre guide sains et saufs à l'établissement où nous trouvâmes les soldats qui n'avaient pas fait meilleure chasse que nous; dans toute la journée, nous ne pûmes tuer que 4 canards et quelques pigeons ramiers.
Dans la nuit l'arrivée d'une pirogue nous réveilla, nous fûmes fort étonnes d'y voir M. de Vaudricourt, officier de la Légion, dont voici en peu de mots l'aventure.
Il avait accompagné ce jour-là M. Marion qu'il avait quitté pour chasser dans les bois où il s'égara. La nuit étant venue, et M. Marion après l'avoir envoyé chercher de tous côtés, était retourné fort inquiet à bord de son vaisseau dont il était au moins à 4 lieues, et M. de Vaudricourt se trouvant vers les 8 heures du soir au bord de la mer, apperçut une lueur et y porta ses pas, c'était un petit village où il fut très-bien accueilli, les naturels lui donnèrent à manger et à la clarté d'un flambeau le ramenèrent à notre établissement, nous les payâmes bien au-delà de leurs peines, et le lendemain M. de Vaudricourt de retour à bord, fit
platforms. The chief perceived us coming when we were a long way off. He came to meet us and cried “Ynemaye” (Haeremai), which would seem to signify “Come to me,” and made us be seated by his side, after having embraced us nose to nose.
As I showed that I wished to see the village, he accompanied us to it, but having tried to enter some of the huts, he manifested some opposition. I was all the more surprised at this, in that all the other villages I had visited we were always permitted to enter freely. I did not stop in this village, and, having made the chief understand that we wished to cross the channel, the New-Zealander at once ordered three canoes to be manned, in which we embarked. I thanked him for this, and gave him a part of our provisions. During the crossing I noticed that one canoe was dropping behind the other. I had my canoe stopped, and when the other came up with us my travelling companions told me that their paddlers had wished to turn back, but having presented a musket at the master he made them go on. I paid no great attention to this incident, and we kept on our way without any trouble from the natives. Nevertheless, I was anxious to get to the shore again. When we got to the other side we again followed the beach, and were accompanied for some time by a large number of New-Zealanders. At 4 o'clock in the afternoon we called a halt, on the bank of a river, the largest we had yet seen.
We were only about half-way to the camp, and could no longer hope to reach it before nightfall. To add to our misfortune, we had separated from our soldiers; however, after walking for five hours, we arrived, thanks to our guide, safe and sound at the camp, where we found the soldiers, who had had no more success in their sport than ourselves. During the whole day we could only shoot five ducks and some ring-dove pigeons.
During the night we were awakened by the arrival of a canoe. We were greatly surprised to see in it M. Vaudricourt, officer of the Legion, whose adventures may here be related in a few words.
He had that day accompanied M. Marion, whom he had left to go shooting in the forest, where he had lost his way. Night having come on, and M. Marion, after having sent out men to search for him in every direction, having gone back to the ship, from which he was at least 4 leagues away, M. Vaudricourt, finding himself about 9 in the evening on the seashore saw a light, and went in that direction. It was in a little village, where he was very well received. The natives gave him some food, and brought him back to our camp by the light of a torch. We paid them very handsomely for their trouble, and the next
part de son aventure à M. Marion qui déjà trop prévenu en faveur de ces peuples prit en eux une confiance absolûment aveugle.
Le 6 Juin, je fus aux traveaux, et j'y vis contre l'ordinaire une grande quantité de naturels, il ne me vint pas à l'idée qu'ils eussent mauvaise intention, il est cependant vraisemblable, qu'ils avaient déjà tramé notre perte, et formé le projet de s'emparer de tous nos effets; nous en fûmes convaincus dès la même nuit, un coup de fusil que nous entendîmes à dix heures du soir nous inquiéta d'abord; mais n'en ayant pas entendu d'autres, nous crûmes nous être trompés, bientôt un des soldats qui gardaient le chantier, nous apprit que des Zélandais s'étaient glissés dans le Corps de Garde en avaient enlevé un fusil et quelques effets; que le factionnaire avait tiré dessus et qu'au bruit du coup de fusil on avait entendu beaucoup qui étaient en embuscade. Sur le champ nous y envoyâmes un détachement, mais avant son arrivée ils avaient pris la fuite.
A la pointe du jour on fit une ronde aux environs sans découvrir personne, mais ayant trouvé un village abandonné tout récemment.
M. Aumont, officier du Mascarin, y fit mettre le feu, et s'empara d'un chef qu'il rencontra sur son chemin, lui imputant le vol qui consistait en une petite ancre de 300 livres, un fusil et une capote, M. Crozet voulut tirer l'aveu du Zélandais et y crut réussir en le faisant lier contre un piquet, mais ayant nié constamment que ce fut lui, il accusa, Pyquiore, chef d'un village trés-voisin de nos vaisseaux, et proposa même de lui faire la guerre; je ne fus nullement de cet avis et M. Marion instruit de tout ce qui s'etait passé, ordonna qu'on élargit le prisonnier et qu'on fit dorénavant meilleure garde.
Pendant la détention de cet insulaire, les autres se tinrent éloignés de nous, et toujours armés. Peu de jours après l'élargissement de leur camarade ils revinrent en grand nombre, on imagina de faire un traité de paix avec eux. Nous presentâmes a l'un des chefs une palme et un sabre nu, il prit la palme et embrassa celui qui la lui avait présentée, se retournant ensuite vers ses gens et leur parla longtemps. Ils promirent de nous apporter du poisson le lendemain, et furent de parole; me defiant néanmoins de cette paix, je demandais à M. Marion un supplément d'armes et de munitions qu'il ne parut donner qu'avec regret.
morning M. Vaudricourt, on his return to the ship, told M. Marion all that had happened. Our commander, who was already too much prejudiced in favour of those people, now placed the utmost confidence in them.
On the 6th June I went to the working-place, and there we saw, contrary to custom, a large number of natives. The idea did not occur to me that they had any evil intention, but it is, however, presumable that they had already plotted our destruction, and formed the project of carrying off all our belongings. Of this we became convinced the very same night. A gunshot which we heard at 10 o'clock first made us uneasy, but not having heard any more shots, we believed we had been mistaken. Very soon one of the soldiers who had been on guard at the mast-yard informed us that the natives had slipped into the guard tent, and had carried off a musket and some clothes, that the sentinel had fired at them, and that upon the gun being fired they had heard a lot of natives who were lying hidden in the bush. We sent off a detachment forthwith, but before the men could get to the masting camp, the natives had taken flight.
At daybreak we went the rounds in the neighbourhood without discovering anybody, but a village was found, which had been recently abandoned.
M. Aumont, an officer of the “Mascarin,” set fire to this village, and captured a chief whom he met on the way, charging him with the robbery. A small anchor of 300 lb., a musket, and a greatcoat had been taken. M. Croizet wished to make the native confess, and thought he could succeed in doing so by having the man tied up to a stake; but having kept on denying he was guilty, the chief accused Piquiore, chief of a village very near where our vessels were lying, and even proposed to make war upon him. I was by no means of this opinion, and M. Marion, who had been informed of everything that had taken place, ordered the prisoner to be set free, and that in future a better watch to be kept.
During the detention of this islander, the others kept away from us, and were always armed. A few days after the liberation of their comrade they returned in great numbers, and we made a treaty of peace with them. To one of the chiefs was presented a palm branch and a naked sword. The chief took the palm branch and embraced the man who had given it to him; afterwards, turning to his people, he spoke to them for some time. They promised to bring us some fish the next day, and kept their word. Notwithstanding all this, I placed no trust in this peace. I asked M. Marion for a further supply of arms and ammunition, which he seemed to give with some regret.
Le 12 je fus à bord de M. Marion pour lui rendre compte de tout ce qui s'était passé et lui ayant fait part du peu de droiture que j'avais remarqué' dans les Zélandais il me répondit qu'on devait etre indulgent avec des peuples qui ne connaissent ni le tien ni le mien, ce qui est un vol chez nous n'en étant pas un chez eux, que d'ailleurs il les croyait incapables de tramer contre nous aucun mauvais dessein, et me rapporta comme preuve bien convaincante, que peu de jours avant ayant éé se promener à un village, le chef l'avait accueilli à la tête de tous ses gens, et recu sur des nattes, après lui avoir rendu le fusil volé au corps de garde des mâts; le même jour après-midi M. Marion s'embarqua dans son canot avec M. Lehoux de Vaudricourt et 13 matelots armés de quelques fusils, de sabres, ne l'ayant pas vu revenir à bord le soir, je le crus à l'établissement dans les environs duquel je savais que M. Marion avait dessein d'aller pêcher.
Le lendemain à 6 heures du matin, j'expédiais ma chaloupe pour faire du bois, un volontaire, le maître d'equipage et 10 matelots, s'y embarquèrent; deux heures après nous entendions une voix qui venait du côté de terre et presque au même instant, on appercut un homme qui nageait pour se rendre à bord. Je l'envoyais chercher, c'était un chaloupier qui nous apprit que les Zélandais à leur coutume étaient venus au-devant du canot, et s'étant mis à l'eau avaient porté nos gens à terre, que chaque matelot armé de sa hache et le maître d'un fusil s'étaient rendus au bois, mais à peine étaient-ils à l'ouvrage, qu'ayant entendu un cri affreux, ils furent assaillis de plus de 300 hommes qui les massacrèrent sans qu'ils eussent le temps de se reconnaître, mais que lui heureusement plus avancé dans le bois, ayant été blessé d'un coup de sagaye et ne se voyant attaqué que par 2 de ces barbares, les avait tués à coup de hache et s'était rendu à travers le bois à la vue des vaisseaux, que ne pouvant s'en faire entendre il avait abandonné sa hache pour les regagner à la nage. Cet homme eut à peine fini sa malheureuse aventure, que nous vîmes 5 à 600 sauvages qui allaient attaquer notre hôpital, j'envoyais sur le champ du secours et à l'arrivée de notre bateau ils s'enfuirent presque tous.
J'expédiais de nouveau le même bateau bien armé pour tâcher de découvrir ce qu'était devenu M. Marion et porter du secours à l'établissement des mâts, sur le sort duquel j'étais également inquiet. L'officier qui commandait ette chaloupe vit.
On the 12th I went on board M. Marion's ship, to give him an account of everything that had taken place; and having made him aware of the small degree of honesty that I had noticed amongst the natives, he replied that we ought to be indulgent with people who knew no difference between neum and tuum, and that what is regarded amongst us as a theft is not so considered by them, and that besides, he believed them incapable of hatching any evil enterprise against us. As a most convincing proof of this he informed me that a few days previously, having been for a stroll to a village, the chief had welcomed him at the head of his people, sitting on their mats, and had returned the musket which had been stolen from the guard-tent at the masting cam. The same day, in the afternoon, M. Marion went off in his cutter with M. Lehoux de Vaudricourt and thirteen sailors, armed with muskets, and cutlasses. Not having seen him return on board, I believed him to be at the c& in the neighbourhood of which I knew he had intended to go fishing.
The next day at 6 o'clock in the morning, I sent my longboat to get some firewood. A volunteer, the boatswain, and two sailors went in the boat. Two hours afterwards we heard a cry which came from the landside, and almost at the same moment a man was seen swimming off to the ship. I sent and had him picked up. He was one of the crew of the longboat, and told me that the New Zealanders, according to their custom, had come down to meet the boat, and that having entered the water, they had carried our men ashore, and that each sailor, armed with his axe, and the boatswain, who carried his musket under his arm, had gone into the woods. Hardly, however, had they begun their work than, hearing a hideous cry, they were attacked by more than 300 men, who murdered them before they had time to recover themselves, but that he, very fortunately, having gone further into the forest, and having been wounded by a spear thrust, and seeing himself attacked by only two of these savages, had killed them both with his axe, and then, having got through the woods to a point whence he could see the ships, and not being able to make himself heard on board, had thrown away his axe, in order to swim off to the ship. This man had scarcely finished narrating his unlucky adventure, when we saw from five to six hundred savages who were going to attack our hospital camp. I immediately sent some men to the rescue, and nearly all the natives then took to flight.
I again sent off the same boat, well armed, to try and discover what had become of M. Marion, and to render assistance to the company at the masting camp, as to the safety of which I was greatly anxious. The officer who was in command of this
la mienne échouée dans une petite anse, et un peu plus loin le canot de M. Marion que l'on avait retiré sous un arbre, ces bateaux étaient entourés d'un grand nombre de naturels qui faisaient beaucoup de menaces.
La chaloupe se rendit à l'établissement oû elle arriva fort à propos, tout le monde étant divisé à différents travaux, ce poste presque seul était entouré par plus de 500 hommes armés de sagayes et de massues, du plus loin que les Zélandais apercurent la chaloupe ils ne doutèrent plus qu'ils étaient découverts, ils gagnèrent les montagnes voisines et en s'en allant, ils criaient “Marion Maté” qui signifie tué.
M. Croizet qui était alors occupé à faire trainer les mâts ne pouvant rapparter tous les outils, les fit entrer sous la marquise; cette précaution devint inutile, une centaine de Zélandais qui. étaient en embuscade s'en étant apercus, les enlevèrent à la vue même de nos gens. M. Croizet rendu à l'établissement fit rembarquer tout le monde dans sa chaloupe et mon canot qui suffirent à peine pour les contenir, ils n'eurent pas plutôt quitté le village que les naturels mirent le feu à nos cabanes, on leur tira quelques coups de fusils qui ne les arrêtèrent pas; on remarqua plusieurs naturels revêtus des habits de M. Marion et de ceux de nos matelots, aussi le sabre de M. de Vaudricourt qu'un d'eux portait en bandoulière.
Nous résolûmes M. Croizet et moi d'envoyer toutes nos forces sur l'ile, où les Zélandais paraissaient encore en grand nombre, et nous convînmes d'un signal en cas d'attaque, expédiâmes, sur le champ un détachement que nous l'ayant fait à 7 heures du soir, je renvoyais aussitôt de nouvelles forces dans nos canots qui bientôt de retour nous apprirent que les Zélandais avaient fait une sortie; mais qu'à la première décharge ils s'étaient retirés. J'ai lieu de présumer qu'une volée de coups de canons que je fis tirer des vaisseaux pour appuyer la descente fit un très-bon effet.
Le lendemain 14, les vents soufflant avec force, et l'Officier qui commandait les hôpitaux sur l'ile se voyant encore exposé aux incursions des naturels, résolut de leur donner la chasse, et pour cet effet forma un détachement de 27 hommes qui repoussèrentles Zélandais jusqu'au village fortifié qu'ils avaient sur cette lie et dans lequel ils se refugièrent; nos gens les ayant suivis en forcèrent la palissade et se rendirent maîtres du village après avoir tué 4 des principaux chefs qui en défendaient l'entrée, et
boat saw my own longboat aground in a little cove, and a little further away was M. Marion's cutter, which had been dragged up under a tree. These boats were surrounded by a great number of natives, who were very menacing in their attitude.
The longboat went on to the camp, where she arrived just in the nick of time, the whole of the company being engaged in different work, and the camp, which was almost deserted, was surrounded by more than five hundred men, all armed with spears and clubs. As soon as the New-Zealanders saw the longboat approaching, although a long way off, they recognized at once that they were discovered, and made off for the neighbouring hills. As they ran they shouted “Marion mate,” which signifies “Marion has been killed.”
M. Croizet, who was at that time engaged in superintending the dragging-out of the masts, not being able to remove all his working-gear, had it placed in the large tent. This precaution proved useless, for about one hundred natives, who had been lying in ambuscade, having seen what had been done, carried off the tools right in sight of our men. M. Croizet having got back to the camp, got all his people on board his longboat and my cutter, the two boats barely sufficing to hold them. They had no sooner left the village (? camp) than the natives set fire to our huts. A few shots were fired at them, but this did not stop them. Several natives were noticed whe were wearing clothes belonging to M. Marion and to his sailors, also M. de Vaudricourt's sword, which one of them was carrying in a handolier.
M. Croizet and I resolved to send all our forces to the island, where the New Zealanders were again gathering in large numbers, and we agreed that upon a signal being given in case of attack we should immediately land a detachment. The signal being given at 7 o'clock in the evening, I immediately despatched more men in our cutters. As soon as the boats returned we learnt that the natives had made a sortie, but at the first volley they had retired. I had reason to believe that a cannonading which I had had made by the guns of the ships to support the landing had had a good effect.
The next day, the 14th, the wind blowing with great force, and the officer in command of our hospital on the island seeing himself still exposed to the attacks of the natives, resolved to drive them off, and for this purpose picked out a detachment of twenty-seven men, who drove back the natives to their fortified village, which they possessed on this island, and in which they had taken refuge. Our men having followed them up, broke through the palisade, and made themselves masters of
plus de 500 hommes sans compter les blessés qui se sauvèrent dans les pirogues. Nous voulûmes des vaisseaux nous opposer à leur retraite, mais la brise était si forte, que la chaloupe expédiée pour cette opération, ne put leur couper le chemin.
Enfin nos gens ayant mis le feu au village et n'y voyant plus personne, retournèrent à leur poste, où ils passèrent tranquillement la nuit, nous n'eûmes de blessé que M. le Chevallier de Lorimier, volontaire de la légion et commandant ce détachement.
Le lendemain je fis relever ce poste et continuais à faire de l'eau sur l'ile dont nous restions entièrement les maitres. Après la perte de 27 hommes d'Elite le petit nombre qui nous restait ne suffisant pas pour fournir aux travaux et à la sûreté des vaisseaux, je fus contraint d'abandonner les mâts neufs qui étaient encore fort éloignés de la mer. Ce sacrifice me coûta d'autant plus que mon vaisseau n'avait alors que son grand mât, je parvins cependant à suppléer aux trois autres sans aucun secours de terre.
Nous établîmes une forge à bord du Mascarin et tous nos charpentiers, s'occupèrent de la mâture, le mât de misaine fût composé de 19 pièces, dont la principale était le mât d'artimon, le beaupré et le mât d'artimon furent faits chacuns d'un mât de hune.
Pendant que l'on travaillait à la mâture et au gréement des vaisseaux, le reste des équipages faisait le bois et l'eau, l'un et l'autre se trouvaient sur l'île, de sorte que nous avions moins à craindre de la part des insulaires.
Cependant un jour nos travailleurs furent interrompus par 50 Zélandais, qui pour les surprendre s'étaient cachés dans les fougères, mais ayant été apercus par une des Sentinelles on leur donna la chasse et n'ayant pas eu le temps de rejoindre leur pirogue, ils furent obligés de se réfugier sur un rocher, un peu écarté du village, mais nos gens y étant parvenus pour ainsi dire è la nage, les Zélandais durent se jeter à l'eau pour gagner une ile peu éloignée, on fit alors une décharge qui en tua 7 ou 8. Peu de jours apèes, je fis faire une descente, sur l'ile principale pour mettre le feu au village de Tacoury qui était soupconné de l'assassinat de M. Marion; on n'y trouva qu'un vieillard qui voyant passer près de lui un des nôtres dont il n'avait pas été apercus voulut l'assommer, mais le matelot ayant été manqué le tua d'un coup de fusil.
the village, after having killed four of the principal chiefs, who were defending the gateway, and more than five hundred men, without counting the wounded who escaped in the canoes. We tried from the vessels to oppose their retreat, but the wind was so strong that the longboat despatched to carry out this work could not cut them off.
At length, our people having set fire to the village, and not seeing any more natives, returned to their camp, where they passed the night without disturbance. The only man in the party who was wounded was M. le Chevalier de Lorimier, volunteer of the legion, who was in command of the detachment.
The next day I gave orders that this camp should be broken up, and continued to get in supplies of fresh water from the island, of which we were completely the masters. After the loss of twenty-seven of our best men, the small number who were left not being sufficient to carry on the work and watch over the safety of our vessels, I was obliged to abandon the new masts, which were still a long way from the beach. This sacrifice meant all the more to me as my ship had only its mainmast left. I succeeded, however, in replacing the other three masts without the slightest assistance from land.
We set up a forge on board the “Mascarin,” and all our carpenters set to work to make new masts. The foremast was built of nineteen pieces, of which the principal was a spare mizzenmast. The bowsprit and the mizzenmast were each made out of a spare topmast.
Whilst we were working at the remasting and rigging of our vessels the remainder of the crews got in supplies of fresh water and firewood. Both were procurable from the island, so we had less to fear on the part of the islanders.
One day, however, our workers were disturbed by fifty New Zealanders, who, in order to take our people by surprise, had hidden themselves in the fern, but having been observed by one of the sentries, they were driven off, and not having time to regain their canoes, they were obliged to take refuge on a rock a little away from the village, but our men, having reached it by swimming before they did, the natives had to take to the water to reach an island a little further away. A volley was fired, and seven or eight of them were killed. A few days afterwards I ordered a party to land on the main island and set fire to the village where lived Tacoury, who was suspected of the murder of Marion. Only one old man was found there. Seeing one of our men passing by who had not noticed the native, the latter tried to kill him, but the blow missed the sailor, who shot down his assailant.
Cette expédition nous donna des preuves assez forte de la mort de M. Marion, ayant trouvé dans ce village des ossemeuts humains qui ne s'étaient pas encore séparés de leur chair, ils paraissaient même avoir été passés au feu, dans un autre endroit on vit des intestins d'un homme cachés sous des ordures, et la veste d'un de nos gens criblée de coups de sagaye et teinte de sang. l'on fût aussi sur les lieux où s'était commis l'assassinat mais il n'y avait plus que du débris de nos bateaux.
Enfin désespérant de rien savoir de plus certain sur le sort de M. Marion et nos vaisseaux étant bientôt en état de prendre la mer, il s'agissait de décider oú nous porterions en quittant la Nouvelle-Zélande.
Quoique la mort de M. Marion m'eut laissé la charge et la conduite de l'expédition. Je ne voulus pas m'en raporter è moi seul, et n'ayant trouvé dans les papiers de cet Officier aucun mémoire qui pút me guider en cette occasion, je fis assembler les deux Etats-majors; après avoir raisonné sur nos moyens et les moussons il fut arrêté que nous relâcherions aux îles Mariannes d'oú il serait facile de se rendre aux Manilles; d'ailleurs étant muni d'une recommandation de la Cour d'Espagne pour les Philippines nous nous flattions d'y trouver des secours plus prompts et peut-etre d'y vendre plus avantageusement quelques effets de cargaison pour le compte de M. Marion; cet objet ne me regardait en rien, je ne voulais me mêler d'aucun commerce, mais M. Croizet s'en trouvait chargé, cette seule raison m'aurait déterminé à ne prendre aucun parti sans le consulter.
Description de la Nouvelle-Zélande et de ses
Habitants.
Le port auquel M. Marion a laissé son nom est à la côte du S. de la Nouvelle-Zélande par 35° 16′ de latitude sud. L'ancrage y est bon, et à l'abri de tous les vents. On y jouit d'une température douce et égale, et quoique le pays soit marécageux, l'air y est sain en ce qu'on y est point exposé aux chaleurs excessives, ni au froid. Le sol est noir et parait fertile, on y trouve beaucoup de mines de fer, des terres rouges propres à faire de la poterie, mais les naturels n'en connaissent pas l'usage, quelques personnes prétendent même y avoir vu du charbon de terre. Le pays en général est montagneux, mais ce qui en rend l'aspect moins désagréable et ce qu'on ne doit attribuer qu'à la fécondité du sol, c'est la grande quantité d'arbres, qui, dans cette partie cache la nudité du plus petit rocher; de tous les bois que nous y avons vus, l'espèce la plus avantageuse pour la marine est sans contredit, celle dont nous coupâmes des mâts, l'un de 65 et
This expedition afforded me strong proof of M. Marion's death. Human bones were found in the village from which the flesh had not been long removed. These bones seemed, indeed, to have been cooked at a fire. In another place were seen the intestines of a man concealed under some rubbish, and the waist-coat of one of our men was also found, riddled with spear-holes and covered with blood-stains. We also visited the place where the massacre had taken place, but nothing could be seen there save the ruins of our boats.
At length, despairing of getting any more certain knowledge of M. Marion's fate, and our vessels being ready to put to sea, the question arose as to where we should steer for after leaving New Zealand.
Although M. Marion's death had left me in charge of the expedition and its course, I did not wish to roly solely upon my own judgment, and not having found in M. Marion's papers a single document by which I could be guided, I assembled the officers of the two ships. After having discussed our means and taken into consideration the monsoons, it was decided to put into the Marianne Islands, whence it would be easy to reach Manilla. Besides being furnished with letters from the Court of Spain to the Philippines, we relied upon finding at the latter islands the readiest help, and could there perhaps dispose more advantageously of the various articles of cargo on M. Marion's account. This latter object did not concern me in the least. I did not wish to be mixed up in any trading, but M. Croizet took charge of the business, and this reason alone would have determined me to take no step without consulting that officer.
Description of New Zealand and its Inhabitants.
The harbour to which M. Marion gave his name is on the coast of the south (?) of New Zealand in 35° 16′ southern latitude. Good anchorage is to be found there, sheltered from the winds from all quarters. The temperature is mild and agreeable, and, although the country is swampy, the air there is healthy, in that there is no excessive heat or cold. The soil is black, and appears to be fertile. Many deposits of iron are to be found, also red clay for making pottery, but the natives do not know how to make use of it. Some people contend that they have seen coal there. The country is, generally speaking, hilly, but what makes its aspect less disagreeable, and can only be attributed to the fertility of the soil, is the great quantity of timber to be found there, in this part of the country covering even the nakedness of the smallest rock. Of all the various kinds of timber we have seen, the species most useful to shipping is without doubt that
l'autre de 45 pieds, cet arbre ayant à peu près la feuille du buis, porte un fruit semblable à celui du cyprès, il est extraordinairement élevé, sans être branchu, il produit une gomme ou résine qui répand un parfum très-agréable lorsqu'on en brule, ce bois est presque aussi léger que le sapin et peut être beaucoup meilleur, les autres dont l'espèce ne nous est pas plus connue paraissent propres à la construction, et à toutes sortes d'ouvrages de menuiserie.
L'on voit aussi sur ces côtes un arbrisseau qui mérite un éloge particulier, c'est un excellent anti-scorbutique, nous l'avons nommé myrthe, parce qu'il lui ressemble beaucoup tant par la feuille que par l'odeur, nous n'avons trouvé que très-peu de plantes propres à rafraîchir nos malades, nous mangeames avec plaisir d'un céleri qui est assez commun sur le rivage. Les plantes les plus communes sont: la fougère, le petit et le grand capillaire, le pied de lion, le bee de grue.
Les Habitants.
Les Zélandais sont généralement grands et bien faits, les hommes de six pieds ne sont point rares; chez eux la démarche est noble est fiére, leur premier abord est caressant et insinuant, ils s'apprivoisent aisément, sont robustes, courageux, patients, braves mais traîtres. La couleur générale de ces peuples est olivâtre, leurs cheveux sont longs et attachés sur le sommet de la tête, quelques uns cependant ne les attachent point, je ne sais si c'est une marque de distinction; la plupart se peignent le visage et sur les cuisses un dessin en forme de spirale. Les femmes sont petites et mal faites, et marquées aussi de dessins au visage et sur les jambes.
Habillements.
L'habillement des hommes est une espèce de grande pelisse faite d'un tissus plus ou moins fin de vacoua, et que je crois supérieur à celui de nos collines, cet ajustement est quelquefois garni de poil de chien, et de plumage de différents oiseaux suivant la dignité de celui qui la porte. La pelisse des chefs est ordinairement de peau de chien ce qui leur donne un grand avantage, s'en servant pour parer les sagayes. Le vêtement des femmes est de même étoffe mais différemment fait, c'est une espèce de mantelet qui leur couvre les épaules et descend jusqu'à la ceinture, elle ont un second qui couvre la partie du sexe, elles se peignent ainsi que les hommes, la racine des cheveux en rouge délayé à l'huile de poisson. Nous n'avons remarqué dans leurs vêtements rien qui annoncât le deuil, la seule marque extérieure
from which we cut our masts—one of 65 ft. and the other of 45 ft. This is a tree which has leaves similar to those of the box, and bears a fruit similar to that of the cypress. It grows to an extraordinary height, without any branches projecting. It produces a gum or resin which gives forth a very pleasant odour when it is burnt. This timber is almost as light as that of the pine-tree, and is perhaps much better. The others, the exact species of which were unknown to us, appeared to be suitable for building purposes and for all kinds of joinery-work.
There is also to be found on these shores a shrub which merits special praise. It is an excellent anti-scorbutic. We called it myrtle because it resembles that shrub both in its leaf and its odour. We found but few plants suitable for feeding our sick. We ate with pleasure a celery which is fairly common on the shore. The most common plants are the fern, the small and the large maidenhair, the lion's foot, and the stork-bill.
The Inhabitants.
The New-Zealanders are generally tall and well made; men of 6 ft. high are by no means uncommon. Their carriage is one of proud dignity. At first their manner is fawning and insinuating, but they soon become sociable. They are robust, daring, patient, brave, but treacherous. These people are generally of an olive colour. The hair is worn long, and is fastened up at the top of the head; some, however, do not fasten it at all. I am not aware whether this is a mark of distinction. Most of them paint their faces and thighs with a design of a spiral form. The women are small and ill-made, and are also marked with designs on their faces and legs.
The Dress of the Inhabitants.
The men's dress consists of a sort of pelisse made out of a more or less finely woven fibre, and which I consider superior to that of our colines (“Collines,” evidently a missprint for “colonies”). This garment is sometimes trimmed with dogs' hair, and with the feathers of various birds, according to the rank of him who wears it. The pelisse of the chiefs is usually made of dogs' skin, which gives them a great advantage when they use it to ward off the spears. The women's garment is of the same stuff as the men's, but it is differently made. It is a species of mantle which covers the shoulders, and comes down as far as the waist. The women have a second garment which covers their private parts. They are painted like the men, the roots of the hair being daubed with red paint dissolved in fish-oil.
qu'ai porté l'un et l'autre sexe, sont-des incisions qu'ils se font depuis le milieu du front jusqu'au dessus des oreilles.
Nourriture.
La base de leur nourriture est la racine de fougére séchée au soleil, grillée, ensuite pilée, jusqu'a ce que dépouillée entièrement de son écorce elle devient en pâte, ils la sucent alors en jétant les filaments. J'en ai goûté plusieurs fois, et je n'y trouvé qu'un peu d'amertume, cette nourriture est vraisemblablement fort saine nous l'avons jugée telle, ayant vu beaucoup de vieillards parmi eux. Cette racine néanmoins n'est pas leur seul aliment, indépendamment des patates, et une racine blanche qui ressemble au chiendent; ils se nourrissent encore de poissons et de coquillages cuits d'une manière particulière; après avoir enveloppé d'herbes, ce qui veulent faire cuire, ils l'entourent de pierres rougies au feu dans un trou fait exprés en terre, et le tout étant recouvert de sable, ils l'arrosent de temps en temps avec de l'eau, et par ce moyen parviennent à cuire leurs patates aussi à propos qu'on le pourrait faire à l'eau bouillante dans une chaudière, nous ne leur connaissons aucune liqueur et ils se soucient fort peu des nôtres.
Villages.
Tout annonce que ces peuples sont belliqueux, la position de leur village est toujours avantageuse, ils choisissent pour bâtir des pointes escarpées ou des îles faciles, on ne peut voir sans étonnement à quel point de perfection ils sont parvenus pour les retranchements et leurs fortifications; j'ai vu plusieurs villages dont l'abord était defendu par des fossés de 20 pieds de large sur 10 de profondeur, en dedans desquels il y avait double et triple palissades et dans l'intervalle des espéces de cavaliers d'oú les sagayes se lanpaient avec beaucoup d'avantage.
Il y a ordinairement dans chaque village fortifié, un magasin de racines et de patates; leurs cabanes sont solidement construites mais peu elévées et la porte qui est la seule ouverture à tout au plus 2 pieds ½ de haut, ils n'y font jamais de feu dedans, un auvent en dehors leur sert à apprêter leur nourriture. Tous leurs meubles consistent en une planche couverte de feuilles qui leur sert de lit; quelques calebasses avec des entonnoirs en bois pour y mettre de l'eau et un métier pour faire leurs pagayes; les chefs ont en outre une boucle qui est très-bien sculptee et fermant à coulisse pour serrer des panaches de plumes blanches dont eux seuls ont le droit de se décorer.
We have not noticed anything in their dress which stood for a sign of mourning. The only exterior sign exhibited by either sex were incisions which they made upon their faces, from the centre of the forehead up to above the ears.
Their Food.
Their chief food is the root of the fern dried in the sun, and then roasted and afterwards pounded until, the rind being completely removed, it becomes a paste. This they suck, the thread being thrown away. I have tasted it several times, and have only found it a little bitter. This food must be extremely healthy. We considered it so, as we saw so many old people among them. This root, however, is not their only food. Besides the sweet potatoes and a white root, which resembles couch-grass, they eat fish and shellfish, cooked in a special way. After having wrapped herbage round the food to be cooked, they surround it with stones made red hot in the fire, and place it in a hole dug for this purpose in the ground. They then pour water over it from time to time, and by this means succeed in cooking their sweet potatoes just as well as could be done by boiling water in a large kettle. As far as we know they have no liquors of any kind, and they cared very little for those we had.
Their Villages.
Everything goes to show that these people are warlike. The position of their villages is always carefully chosen. When building their villages they select steep hills, or easily accessible islands. It is quite astonishing to what point of perfection they have arrived in their entrenchments and fortifications. I have seen villages whose approach was defended by moats of 20 ft. in width by 10 ft. in depth, and in which there were double and triple palisades, and, in between, a species of raised platform from which spears could be thrown with great effect.
There is usually in every fortified village a storehouse for the fern-root and sweet potatoes; their huts are solidly built, but very low, and the door, which provides the only opening, is at most 2 ½ ft. in height. They never make fires in their habitations: a shed outside is used to prepare their food in. Their only furniture consists of a plank covered with leaves, which serves them for a bed; a few calabashes with funnels made of wood, to keep water in; and a framework upon which to make their paddles. Besides these articles the chiefs have a species of box, which is very handsomely carved, and which is used to keep the plumes of white feathers which they alone have a right to wear.
Gouvernement.
Nous n'avons remarqué rien de particulier dans la forme de leur gouvernement, nous leur connaissons seulement dans chaque village un Chef distingué comme je l'ai déjà dit par son habillement et ses armes, nous ignorons même l'étendue de son autorité.
Culte.
Nous sommes incertains qu'ils ne connaissent une divinité, il semblerait cependant qu'ils adorent un Esprit malfaisant, leurs idoles ou ce que nous avons jugé tels, ayant la tête d'un monstre, le corps d'un chien, des griffes et la queue d'un poisson.
Mariage.
Il parait je pense qu'ils ignorent absolument toute la cérémonie et lien du mariage tout est commun parmi eux, que les femmes ainsi que les hommes suivent entr'eux cette loi.
Des Armes.
L'usage de la flêche
Curiously enough, the other narrative—that of M. Le St. Jean Roux —continually gives the word fléche. I have translated it throughout as dart.—Translator.
ne leur est point connu ils s'arment comme les madécasses de sagayes dont ils ont plusieurs espèces, les unes longues d'environ 20 pieds leur servent à défendre les palissades, d'autres de 10 pieds qui se lancent à la main, sont plus dangereuses étant dentelées; ils en ont encore de plus petites qu'ils lancent très loin avec un fouet mais maladroitement,
This is the dart thrown with a throwing-stick, of which there are illustrations in Hamilton's “Maori Art”: kotaha, the throwing-stick; and kopere, the darts.—Translator.
ils ont aussi une espèce d'arme faite d'une pierre de touche taillée en ovale avec une poignée, le tout ayant environ 16 á18 pouces; que nous avons nommée casse-tête, parce qu'ils n'en font pas d'autre usage. Les armes des Chefs sont mieux travaillées, mêrne quelques unes ont un grand bêton en forme d'aviron,
This is clearly the taiaha.—Translator.
par un bout et par l'autre, assez bien sculptées.
Cultive.
Dans l'intérieur du port Marion nous avons remarqué des coteaux cultivés avec beaucoup de soin, ils ne produisent cependant que des patates, et des citrouilles même en petite quantité.
L'outil dont ils font usage pour labourer est un gros baton long d'environ 6 pieds. Le gros bout est pointu, à 3 pieds au dessus est un morceau de bois saillant sur lequel ils appuient le pied, de sorte qu'ils en font le même usage que nous d'une bêche, ils cultivent ainsi une espèce de vacoüa
I am unable to trace this term vacoua, but apparently the flax-plant is meant.—Translator.
qui croit dans les endroits marécageux, il a la feuille plus longue ot plus étroite que celui
Government.
We have noticed nothing special in their form of government. We only noticed that in each village there was a chief, distinguished, as I have said before, by his dress and his weapons. We do not even know the extent of his authority.
Religion.
We are not certain whether they recognize a divinity or not. It would seem, however, that they worship an evil spirit. Their idols, or what we have considered as being such, have the head of a monster, the body of a dog, claws, and the tail of a fish.
Marriage.
It appears, so I think, that they absolutely ignore the marriage ceremony and the marriage state. Everything is held in common amongst them, the women as well as the men observing this law.
Their Weapons.
The use of the arrow (fléche)* is unknown to them. They are armed like the Malagasy people, with spears, of which they possess several kinds, some being about 20 ft. in length, and being used in defending their palisades; others of 10 ft., which are thrown by hand, and are frequently barbed, thus being more dangerous. They have also smaller ones still, which they throw to a great distance with a cord, but very awkwardly.† They have also a kind of weapon made out of a very hard stone and carved into an oval shape, with a handle, the whole being 16 to 18 in. in length. This weapon we named the tomahawk (casse-téte), literally a head-breaker, because they put it to no other use. The weapons carried by the chiefs are better made; some of the chiefs bear a large staff in the shape of an oar,‡ and well carved at each end.
Cultivations.
In the country round Port Marion we noticed some slopes which were cultivated with great care. They only produce, however, sweet potatoes, and pumpkins in small quantities.
The tool they use to till the soil with is a large stick of about 6 ft. in length. The thick end is pointed; 3 ft. above this is a piece of wood projecting, upon which they press the foot, so that they use it in the same way that we do a spade. They also cultivate a species of vacoua,§ which grows in the marshy places. Its leaf is longer and straighter than that of our colonies. I consider
de nos colonies, je le crois beaucoup meilleur, les Zélandais ne l'emploient qu'après l'avoir fait rouir comme nous faisons de notre chauvre, et aprête avec des coquilles.
Navigation.
L'art de la marine n'est point ignoré chez eux, il est mêrne assez bien perfectionné relativement à leurs besoins, leurs pirogues ou canots sont de toute beauté, j'en ai mesuré plusieurs de 70 pieds de long sur 8 de large et d'une seule pièce. Elles sont pointues des deux bouts, et le dessous taillè très-avantageusement pour la marche, aussi vont-elles avec toute la vitesse possible, nous ne leur avons vu aucune voile, mais des pagaies très légères; il y en a ordinairement 40 dans chaque pirogue dont la poupe et la proue sont décorées de deux morceaux de Sculpture, celui de poupe a environ 12 pieds de haut sur 2 ½ de large, il est travaillé à jour, et peint en rouge également que la pirogue et pardessus cette planche sculptée une espèce de panache en plumes noires.
L'ornement de proue n'a tout au plus que 2 pieds d'elévation est ègalement orné de plumes. Leurs outils pour leurs constructions sont faits dans le même gout que ceux des habitants de l'ile de Cythère, c'est une espèce d'herminette de pierre de touche adaptée sur un morceau de bois courbé, ils en ont aussi d'une pierre verte transparente dont ils font des ciseaux pour les sculpteurs.
De la Peche.
Le poisson est sur ces côtés en trés grande abondance et excellent, je ne m'arrêterai pas a en détailler les différentes espèces qui sont à peu près les mêmes de nos côtés, on y pêche à l'hamecon et au filet. Les premiers ne différent en rien des hamecons de Taity, ils sont de nacre ou d'une racine à laquelle est artistement lié un morceau d'os; les naturels reconnurent bientôt la supériorité des nôtres que nous changions contre leurs poissons, et leurs filets sont de joncs, et du même noeud que les nótres, ils suppléent au liège par le moyen d'un bois spongieux, et au plomb par des petits cailloux assujetés chacun séparément.
De la Chasse.
La Chasse ne laisse pas de leur donner une grande ressource pour vivre, ils se servent le plus souvent de lacets, mais outre cela ils ont une sagaie de branche de fougère au bout de laquelle est l'arête d'une queue de raie, armés ainsi ils se glissent le plus doucement possible dans les bois et de surprendre l'oiseau sur la branche.
it much superior. The New-Zealanders only use it after having macerated it as we do our hemp, and dressed it with shells.
Navigation.
These people are by no means ignorant of the art of seamanship. They have indeed carried it to perfection, relatively to their needs. Their pirogues or canoes are of great beauty. I have measured some that were 70 ft. in length by 8 ft. in width, and made out of a single piece of timber. They are sharp at each end, and the keel is hewn out in such a way as to insure a good speed. They travel at a very rapid rate. We have seen no sails in any of them, very light paddles being used. There are usually about forty men in each canoe. The stern and the prow are ornamented with two pieces of carving; that on the stern is about 12 ft. in height and 2 ½ in. in width. It is open-worked, and painted red like the canoe itself. Above this board is a sort of plume of black feathers.
The ornament of the prow is not more than 2 ft. in height, and on the top also are feathers. The tools they use for building are made in the same style as those of the natives of the Island of Cythera (Tahiti). It is a sort of adze made of touch-stone, fitted on to a bent piece of wood. Others of their tools are made of a green stone which is transparent, and of which they make tools for their carvers.
Fishing.
Fish is found in great abundance on these coasts, and is of excellent quality. I must not stop to enumerate the various species, which are almost the same as ours. The Natives fish with hooks and lines. The hooks differ in no way from those used in Tahiti. They are made out of mother of pearl, or of a root to which a piece of bone is very skilfully tied. The Natives soon recognized the superiority of ours, which we exchanged for their fish. Their lines are made of rushes, and knotted like ours. Instead of a cork they use a piece of spongy wood; and instead of a lead they use little pebbles, each tied separately.
Hunting.
Game is not wanting to provide them with a source of food. They use bowstrings as a rule, but, besides these, have a short spear made out of a fern-branch, at the end of which a fish-bone from the tail of the ray or skate is fixed. Thus armed, they glide through the forest as quietly as possible and surprise the birds as they sit on the branches of the trees.
Tout le gibier que nous connaissons à la Nouvelle-Zélande est volatif, et consiste en canards sauvages, béeassines, cailles, pigeons ramiers, poulets bleus, et plusieurs autres oiseaux; l'on y voit aussi des perroquets de toutes les couleurs et du gibier de mer abondamment, nous n'avons rencontré aucune bête fauve, pas même d'autres quadrupêdes que des chiens ou des rats; je crois à la Nouvelle Zélande, le précieux avantage de n'avoir aucun animal venimeux.
Instruments de Musique.
Leur musique est aussi monotone que celle des autres Indiens, si elle ne l'est même plus, nous ne leur avons vu que trois instruments, dont l'un est une espèce de trompette qui se fait entendre de três-loin et que je crois ne leur sert que pour annoncer la guerre, ou demander du secours; j'en juge par ce que nous en entendímes le son le jour que nous brülämes le premier village; ils ont aussi une espêce de flüte faite de deux morceaux bien liés ensemble, dans laquelle on souffle par le gros bout, le petit et trois autres trous se bouchent avec les doigts et servent à varier un peu les tons; la 3° est à peu prés pareille, mais beaucoup plus petite et l'on y souffle avec le nez.
De leur Langage.
N'ayant pas eu le temps d'étudier à fond le langage Zélandais, je n'en peux rapporter ici que quelques mots qui sont les seuls dont nous ayons compris la signification.
All the game we saw in New Zealand was winged, and consists of wild duck, snipe, quail, ringdove, pigeons, blue pigeons, and several other kinds of birds. Parrots of every shade of colour are also to be seen, and there is an abundance of sea-fowl. We did not see a single wild animal, nor, indeed, any other quadrupeds except dogs and rats. I can credit New Zealand with possessing the precious advantage of having no venomous animal.
Musical Instruments.
Their music is as monotonous as that of the other Indians, if indeed it is not more so. We have only seen three kinds of musical instruments in this country, of which one is a sort of trumpet which can be heard a very long way off. I can bear witness to this, having heard its sounds the day we burnt down the first village. They have also a species of fiute, made in two pieces, bound well together, into which they blow at the thick end. The smaller end and three little holes are closed with the fingers, and serve to vary the tones a little. The third instrument is almost the same, but is much smaller; into this they blow with their noses.
Their Language.
Not having had time to make a thorough study of their language, I can only set down a few words, the only words of which we have understood the meaning.
New Zealand.French.English.
The English words are supplied by the Translator.
Mattétuékilled.Ycapoissonfish.Tavayde l'eauwater (some water).Caypatatessweet potatoes.Pipicoquillageshellfish.Camméevêtementgarment.Mataohameconfish-hook; hamecon also signifies bait.Ajopodemainto-morrow.Terrala-basdown there; below.Aeneefemmewoman.Toumanouhommeman.Quinosennemithe enemy.Mimypisserto make water; to urinate.Carrecabongood.Mannouoiseaubird.Courrychiendog.
Zealandais.Francais.Cayoréil n'y a pasJoquyleur ciseau de pierre.Yeremayviens à moiAvacPiroguePaysamisTaromangerTaponfusil
Depart de la Nouvelle-Zélande.
Le jour de notre départ arriva enfin et ce fut le 13 Juillet que nous quittâmes la cóté de la Nouvelle-Zélande après avoir pris la possession pour le Roi sous le nom de France-Australe.
Quoique nous eussions des preuves assez fortes de l'assassinat de M. Marion, j'eus désiré emmener un jeune Zélandais duquel on aurait vraisemblablement tiré par lla suite beaucoup d'éclair-cissements qui n'auraient pu devenir qu'avantageux à tous égards; mais il n'a pas été possible d'en saisir aucun.
J'avais oublié de dire que dans le courant du mois de Juin il déserta un noir. et deux négresses appartenant à M. Marion, que peu de jours après les naturels ramenèrent une des négresses qui assura que sa camarade s'était noyée en voulant se sauver dans une pirogue, et qu'arrivée à terre avec le noir il l'avait abandonnée et s'était vraisemblablement réfugié dans quelque village. Plusieurs ont prétendu et peut-être avec raison que ce fuyard avait beaucoup contribué à soulever contre nous les habitants de la Nouvelle-Zélande déjà mal disposés contre M. Marion qui ayant un jour plusieurs naturels à bord en fit mettre aux fers un d'eux qui avait volé un sabre, traitement qui épouvanta ses camarades au point qu'ils se jetérent à la mer et en regagnant leur pirogue à la nage menacéèent M. Marion de se venger.
En quittant la Nouvelle-Zélande nous cinglâmes au N.O. pour nous élever à l'Est des îles Rotterdam et Amsterdam, oü suivant Abel Tasman, nous devions trouver des peuples doux, et des rafraîchissements en abondance, cependants nous n'y comptions pas beaucoup depuis l'infidélité que nous avions reconnue dans sa relation sur les Rois.
Pour copie conforme.
L'Archiviste du Service Hydrographique
de la Marine.
New Zealand.French.English.
The English words are supplied by the Translator.
Cayoreil n'y a pasthere is not; no.Joquyleur ciseau de pierretheir stone chisel.Yeremayviens à moicome here; come to me.Avacpiroguecanoe.Paysamisfriends.Taromangerto eat.Taponfusilgun.
Departure from New Zealand.
The day of our departure arrived at last. It was the 4th of July that we left the coast of New Zealand, after having taken possession of the country for the King under the name of Austral-France.
Although we had strong enough proof of the murder of M. Marion, I should have liked to have carried away a young New Zealander, from whom it is presumable we could have learnt in time much information which could not fail to have been advantageous to us in every way, but we found it impossible to capture a single man.
I had forgotten to say that during the month of June a negro and two negresses, who were on board M. Marion's vessel, had deserted, and that a few days afterwards the natives brought back one of the women, who assured us that her comrade had been drowned whilst trying to escape in a canoe, and that, on arriving on the shore with the negro, he had abandoned her, and had apparently taken refuge in some village. Several of our company have maintained, and probably with reason, that this fugitive had helped to stir up the natives against us. The natives were already evilly disposed against M. Marion, who, having one day several of them on board his ship, had put into irons one of them who had stolen a sword—a treatment which frightened his comrades so much that they threw themselves in the sea and swam off to their canoes, threatening vengeance.
On leaving New Zealand we ran before the wind to the north-west to get up to the east of Rotterdam and Amsterdam Islands, where, according to Abel Tasman, we should find a peaceable race, and provisions in abundance. We did not, however, rely very much on this, in view of the inaccuracy we had discovered in his account of the King's Islands (the Three Kings).
A true copy.
The Keeper of the Records (Archivist) of the
Hydrographical Service of the Navy.
Records Relating to Vancouver's Voyage.
An account of Vancouver's voyage was published in London, three volumes, 4to, in 1798, under the designation “A Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean and round the World,” together with a folio atlas of plates, but a second edition of six volumes, in 8vo, printed in 1801, is the one in common use. A French translation was also published in 1798, in three volumes, 4to, with a folio atlas.
Vancouver was born in 1758, and entered the Navy at thirteen, with the rating of an A.B., on board the “Resolution” with Captain Cook, on his second voyage. From A.B. he rose to be midshipman. On, 19th October, 1780, he passed his examination, and, on 9th December, was appointed lieutenant on board the sloop “Marten.” He died on 10th May, 1798, and his brother John published his work.
Already, in Vol. i, pages 113 to 168, several official documents connected with Vancouver's Expedition have been published, but no journals of the officers were then available. Since that, the editor has found one portion of Menzies' Journal in the British Museum, and another portion in the Petherick Collection in Melbourne; and Mr. A. H. Turnbull, of Wellington, has handed over a copy of a journal kept by Edward Bell, the clerk on board the “Chatham,” which is now in his possession. This gives us the advantage of having one journal from each of the ships in the Expedition.
Archibald Menzies, the writer of the first journal, was the surgeon on board the “Discovery,” and the botanist of the Expedition. He was a very assiduous collector of flowerless plants, and procured many species of Filices, Musci, and He-paticae, most of which are described at length, and beautifully illustrated, in Hooker's “Musci Exotici” and in Hooker and Greville's “Icones Filicum.” For the Expedition Menzies received his instructions from Sir Joseph Banks. His salary was “£150 a year for every charge of salary, men, servants, wages, &c.”
Menzies' Journal.Extract from a M.S. Journal kept by Archibald Menzies on board H.M.S. “Discovery,” while at Dusky in 1791 and after leaving that Port, copied from the Manuscript in the British Museum by the Editor.
On the 2nd of Novt. we had a fresh breeze & still fair with squally & dark hazy weather, which at intervals cleared up, so as to give us in the forenoon an imperfect sight of the land of New Zealand. We were at the same time met by vast flights of very small divers—blue petrels & Seals. At noon our Latitude by a Meridian altitude was 46° 00′ South. We then steerd for Dusky Bay, which we entered about 7 in the evening, with a heavy rolling swell from the westward & light baffling air of wind that obligd us to hoist the boats out to assist in towing the ship into the Bay.
As we passed close to Point five-fingers, which makes the North point of Entrance, our eyes were fixd for some time upon its wild & romantic appearance. It is formed by a group of high peaked insulated Rocks perforated with holes & hideous caverns & furnishd with projecting rocks & steep cliffs that in many places overhung their base yet afforded a scanty nourishment to some trees & bushes which here & there issued from crevices & adornd their craggy sides. A little behind these a very steep rocky shore rose to a moderate height, & was covered towards the summit with trees of different kinds, forming, on the whole, a prospect truly picturesque, & which at this time was certainly heightened by the novelty of our situation — the calm serenity of the evening & the wild hideous noise of a heavy surf dashing incessantly against the rocks & cavernous shore.
About nine the wind dying away entirely we both came to an anchor near the entrance of Facile Harbour, under the western shore, in 40 fathoms — Point five fingers S. 38 W. & the outer point of Anchor Island S. 5 W. — It remained calm during the night & a dark gloomy stillness pervaded the whole place from the high mountains with which we were surrounded.
On the morning of the 3d. of Novr Capt Vancouver, Lt Broughton,
Lieutenant William Robert Broughton, commander of H.M.S. “Chatham.”
& Mr Whidbey
Joseph Whidbey, master of the “Discovery.”
went in the cutter into Facile Harbour in order to pitch upon a good situation for both Vessels. A boat was likewise employed in fishing, & in the course of a few hours
returnd with good success. But towards noon it came on to blow very fresh & squally, which, drove the Discovery off the Bank, nor did the dropping of a second Anchor avail, the depth of water being too great. Guns were fired, which soon brought the party on board from Facile Harbour, & after both anchors were hove up, having drove a good way to leeward, we made sail, & began working up to our former Anchorage, which we were on the point of regaining when at five in the evening the strap of the fore top sail sheet block gave way, & on account of the narrowness of the Channel obligd us to bear up for Anchor Island Harbour, where very soon after we came to an anchor in 26 fathoms, soft muddy bottom, at the entrance of a small cove, & after veering half a cable we were snug in the cove with our stern within 40 yards of the shore in 13 fathoms water. The Ship was further secured by a Hawser run out to each point of the Cove & one over each quarter, which were made fast on shore to large trees, & as the gale seemed increasing the Top Gallant Masts Top Masts & lower yards were struck, which on the whole rendered our situation as snug & secure as possible. In consequence of our hurry & tempestuous blowing weather Lt Broughton was obliged to stay on board the Discovery, & was for a time separated from his vessel, which still held her ground where she first anchored. During the night it continued to blow a very strong gale from North North West, with frequent heavy squalls.
On the morning of the fourth the Gale increased in its fury to a perfect storm with squalls & very heavy falls of rain, which induced us to drop another Anchor under foot — send the Top Gallant Masts down upon deck — strike the mizen top Mast and point the Yards fore & aft. By ten in the forenoon the gale some-what abated & the weather became more moderate & fair. This tempestuous storm had so rarified the atmosphere that vapours were now seen ascending from different parts of the woods on the sides of the Mountains not unlike large columns of Smoke & the Mercury in the Barometer had sunk so low as 29.20.
A little before noon I went on shore with Capt Vancouver, Lt Broughton, and Mr Whidbey. Their object was to find a commodious place for carrying on the business of wooding & watering, while mine was to botanize & examine the natural produce of the country; nor did either of us return disappointed, for abreast of the ship a fine run of fresh water was discoverd, with wood close to the shore sufficient to supply all our wants; there were likewise found large Trees of what has been called New Zealand Spruce, so that the whole business of wooding, watering, brewing, &c, could be carried on here with great eas under the commanding officer's eye from the ship.
They then rowed out to the entrance of the harbour to see if the Chatham had still remained in the same situation after the late storm, which they were happy to find she did, while I made an excursion into the woods & met with a vast variety of Ferns & Mosses I had never before seen. They are two tribes of plants of which I am particularly fond, therefore no one can conceive the pleasure I enjoyed unless placed under similar circumstances. I returned on board in the afternoon loaded with my treasures, & had sufficient to employ me in examining & arranging for the following day, which indeed was very lucky, for in the evening it began to blow again a very hard gale from the same quarter as before, & if possible with more fury the whole night & the greatest part of next day, attended with very heavy falls of rain. I do not remember ever seeing the foaming surface of the sea drifting about in the air in such quantity & and with such violence as during some parts of this storm. The mountains round about us were capt with fresh snow pretty low down.
On the 6th the Weather being now moderate & fair, Lieut. Broughton returned this forenoon on board his vessel, & removd her into Facile Harbour. A party was employed in clearing a place for a large Tent, which was sent on shore & pitchd near the fresh-water run, while others were engagd in the various duties of wooding, watering, fishing, & a party had gone shooting, so that there were very few idlers amongst us. The plant called the New Zealand Tea
Leptospermum scoparium, or manuka.
being wanted as an ingredient for brewing beer, I went in a boat in the afternoon to search for it round the Harbour, but did not meet with any of it near the shore, it was however found next day in abundance higher up in the woods above the Cove in the direction of the fresh-water Rivulet, & it may appear singular that in this excursion I only met with three different plants in flower, though this month corresponds with the Month of May in England. The shores were bound round with rocky perpendicular cliffs covered to their verge with thick wood, so that there were not many places on which we could land without considerable obstruction & difficulty.
The Brewing Utensils were sent on shore on the 7th, & a Brewery established near the Tent, which was superintended by Mr. Orchard. The Carpenters began felling of Timber, which is to be got here in great plenty with very little trouble & good in quality for almost any purpose whatever.
I had another botanical excursion in the woods, but met with nothing different from what I had seen in my last excepting several kinds of Mosses which were in full perfection, particularly Hypna and Jungermanniae.
That the reader may accompany me with more ease through the different parts of this extensive Sound I recommend to his perusal the Chart of it in Cook's Voyage, which we found very accurate.
In the morning of the 8th. a Boat was sent on Board the Chatham. & I embraced the opportunity of going in her with an intent to remain with my friends in Facile Harbour for some days in order to examine the woods & Shore in that neighbourhood. We found the Chatham in a very comfortable situation, hauld into a snug Cove, & Moord by Hawsers to the Trees, & her Commander on shore within a stone's throw of her attending the different duties that were going forward. In the afternoon I accompanied him to Cormorant Cove, where we shot some Ducks & Shags, & found a considerable rivulet emptying itself into the head of it. This day was mostly fair, with a moderate breeze from the Southward.
On the following day I was favord with a Boat, which enabled me to examine several parts of Facile Harbour. I went but a little way from the Vessel when I found on a small Island plenty of the New Zealand Tea which was much wanted at the Brewery, & in this day's excursion I collected a number of Cryptoganic plants I had not before seen, & was not a little pleasd to meet with pretty large trees of the Wintera aromatica & Batula antartica. The former I suspect to be what is called the Pepper plant on Norfolk Island — See Philips Voyage to Botany Bay, page 78.
In the 1789 edition it is p. 92.
We saw a hut in one place near the shore which did not appear to have been inhabited for a long time. It was of an obtuse conic form, about 4 feet high & 6 in diameter at the bottom, composed of slender sticks crossing each other, & fastened together with twigs, closely thatched over all with grass & ferns, with the marks of a fire place before the door of it which faced towards the wood.
On the morning of the 10th Lieutenant Broughton, Messrs Johnstone,
James Johnstone, master of H.M.S. “Chatham.”
Walker, & myself formed a shooting party, & after breakfast set out for Goose Cove, which we reachd in the afternoon, but as it was then low water the boat was of no service to us. We therefore landed, & in order to have better sport, divided into two parties, one on each side of the Cove, &, though we saw a great number of the black Sea Pies, Curlews, & some Ducks, the mud was too deep to suffer us to get near enough to them to make much execution. After going up the Cove about half way we returnd, & met again at the entrance, when it was found that our success fell far short of our expectations.
It was now consulted whether we should relinquish any further attempts & return on board or remain here all night & renew our sport again early in the morning; the latter was agreed upon, & we instantly movd towards a hut which had been observ in the verge of the wood on the east side of the Cove as a place eligibly situated for our encampment.
This hut was the same form & size as the one in Facile Harbour, but it was much fresher, & seemed to have been later inhabited by some of the Natives, perhaps within the last twelve months. There was a fire place before it with a great number of ear shells & limpets scattered round it, the contents of which I dare say had been used as food. There were likewise the remains of two rude baskets formd of the bark of a Tree laying close to it. We immediately set about giving this hut a fresh coat of thatch, & had the bottom of it spread over with a thick layer of Ferns for our beds. We kindled a large fire before the entrance which was kept up by a Centinel all night to keep off the sand-flys, which were very troublesome, & after dressing some of our game, on which we made a hearty Meal, we retird to sleep on our comfortable fern beds, & being pleasantly situated at the foot of high steep romantic mountains clothed with trees the habitation of a numerous variety of birds whose warbling cadence lulled us to rest & in the morning entertained us with their wild heterogeneous concert.
On the 11th. we set out by the dawn of day to put our scheme in execution after leaving orders for the boat to follow us with the returning Tide; we walkd to the head of the Cove which was by no means an easy task, as we were obligd in many places to wade up to our knees in mud, & that too without the pleasure of much sport. From thence we went across a low Istmus of half a mile wide to Hen-Cove where we had no better success. Thus disappointed in our expectations of sport we returnd to the boat much dissatisfied with the scarcity of game, & immediately embarkd for the Vessel.
As Captain Cook had left five Geese in this Cove
On 24th April, 1773. See any edition of “Cook's Voyages” covering that date.
we were in hopes of meeting with some of their offspring, & thereby partaking of the fruits of his benevolence, but as they were left in the autumn, I am apprehensive they did not survive the first winter, for not the least traces of any could be seen at this time about the Cove, & though there was a scarcity of other Birds on account of this being the season of incubation, yet it appears to be the most eligible place in the whole Sound for Game at a proper time of the year.
By the progress of vegetation spring seemed to be further advanced here than any other part we had yet visited, yet I met with nothing different in my botanical pursuits from what I had seen before excepting a small species of Ancistrum & a Lobelia.
Early on the 12th I went with Lieutenant Broughton & Mr Johnstone on board the Discovery, where we were joined by Messrs Mudge & Bader
Zachariah Mudge and (probably) Joseph Baker, Lieutenants on H.M.S. “Discovery.”
& then set out with an intent to try our luck in Duck Cove & encamp there for the night, but as we went up the Sound with a fair breeze, we passed it, & only made this discovery when we were about six miles beyond it. We then shaped our course for Cooper's Island, & found on our way a Shagery in Trees on the Shag Islands, where we killd a few of them with some Parrots, & afterwards went into Sportsmans Cove, an enchanting spot. Here we made a fire, cookd some fish & game & enjoyd a rural repast. While these were getting ready I sauntered into the wood up the side of a large rivulet, where I found some species of Moss, but nothing else in flower that was new. The wood here was thick, but no wise difficult to penetrate.
In the afternoon we row'd back as far as the Front Islands opposite to Resolution Passage, where we encampd for the night, & after kindling a fire we sat cordially round it & drank the usual toast on saturday night in a hearty bumper of Grog, after which we reclind on the soft moss for a bed under the dense foliage of spreading trees for a covering & enjoyed a refreshing sleep, the night remaining mild & calm.
The dawn of the following day mild & serene set us all in motion again, being anxious to get as far as Duck Cove before breakfast. We found this little Island to be inhabited by Wood Hens, which surprisd us not a little, as they seem as capable of swimming as our common domestic fowls, & less so of flying, their wings being so small in proportion to their body that we never once observed them to use them.
After rowing to Duck Cove I am sorry to say we met with very little sport, we therefore put ashore at the entrance of it, & made fire on a small sandy beach, where we cook'd breakfast near the influx of a considerable brook rolling its rapid stream over shelving rocks into the Sea, forming a pleasing & beautiful small cataract.
From this place we rowed over to Indian Island, to see if we could meet with any of the Natives where they were first seen by Captian Cook, but here we were likewise disappointed,
& it may appear singular that we had not yet met with any recent traces of them anywhere in the Sound. From here we were led by the wild & romantic appearance of a beautiful fall of some hundred feet perpendicular into Cascade Cove, where we met Captain Vancouver & Mr Whidbey in the Pinnace accompanied by a large party of the Midshipmen in the Cutter. They had left the Ship early in the Morning, breakfasted in Pickersgill harbour, and dind here before our arrival. Our first object after landing was to dress some fish & game for our dinner, of which we had picked up in the way more than sufficient for our own consumption.
Captain Vancouver now proposed, as it was moderate & pleasant weather, to visit the furthermost branch of the Sound, where Capt Cook left off his Survey, in order to obtain some knowledge of its termination. As this expedition might possibly take some days, we naturally examined our stock of provision, & foresaw we should be at a very short allowance of the most material articles, which were bread & liquor, for the rest of our subsistence we could in some measure depend on the produce of the country, with the assistance of our guns & fishing tackle. We however set out with the other two boats on this expedition with a fluctuating breeze, but for the most part favourable, & leaving Long Island on the right, we passed through Resolution Passage & entered the North Arm in the dusk of the evening; the wind having here headed us, it was late before we rowd about three miles further to reach Beachy Harbour, where we remained for the night, & the other two boats being somewhat astern & the night very dark, our first object was to make a large fire to denote to them our situation, which they soon after found out, & having pitched our tents we found it very necessary to keep a fire burning before each all night as we felt it exceeding cold, the mountains near us being covered with snow pretty low down; our greatest comfort was that the weather remained fair & calm.
In the morning of the 14th. we again embarked in our boats, & passing on the inside of some Island
Entry Island.
which lay off the harbour we proceeded up the Arm leaving on our right hand some steep naked precipices & deep chasms with beautiful cataracts of considerable height, which with the romantic wildness of the country had a very picturesque appearance. By nine in the forenoon we reachd the furthest extent of Capt Cook's Survey, & landed in a small creek opposite to the third Cove near the end of his apparent Island, where we took some refreshment, after which, as the arm here divided into two branches, it was
agreed to separate, & that Capt Vancouver should go up the one to the left
Now called Vancouver Arm.
with the Discovery's two Boats, & we the other in the Chatham's Cutter, appointing a small Island near where we parted as a place of rendezvous in case we should not meet further up.
That which we examined
Now called Broughton Arm.
was about half a mile wide, & ran in a winding direction East North East for about 6 miles, when it terminated in a low circular valley, backed by a solid ridge of Snowy Mountains from which it received two large streams. of fresh water. A little way from the head is another small Valley on the Northern side, faced by a fine sandy beach, the banks of which are broken with beds of torrents & considerable streams of water running through to their conflux & like the other is backed by lofty Mountains whose steep & craggy sides are adorned with evergreens of different kinds, while the summits are enveloped in perpetual snow, affording a lively contrast to a wild & romantic scene. The rest of the Arm is bound in on both sides by a rocky shore arising abruptly into steep rugged mountains, & in some places overhanging precipices of great elevation.
On returning to the place of rendezvous we found Capt Vancouver & his party waiting our arrival on the small island after having finished the Arm they went up, which they said took a North East direction for about six Miles & then took a short turn round to the westward for about two miles further where it ended in low Marshy Land. Thus proving beyond a doubt what Capt Cook had not time to do, that neither of these branches communicate with any to the Northward, and that his apparent Island is only a narrow point of land separating these two small branches & rising steep from the water side to a peaked summit of considerable height.
As the evening was clear & fair we embraced a light favourable breeze down the Arm and reached Sandy Cove near its entrance before dark, where we soon cleared a very eligible spot for the evening's encampment. After kindling a fire & refreshing ourselves on whatever game & fish the day afforded, we drank a cheerful glass to the memory of Capt Cook, whose steps we were now pursuing, & as far as we had opportunity to trace them, we could not help reflecting with peculiar pleasure & admiration on the justness of his observations & the accuracy of his delineations throughout every part of the complicated survey of this extensive Sound, where he had left solittle for us to finish.
As the weather was now so exceeding fine & we observed it to be generally calm at night, in the morning we set off at a very early hour on the 15th. from Sandy Cove in order to get through Resolution passage
Now called the Acheron Passage.
before any breeze made against us, & we rowed on without much obstruction to the entrance of Duck Cove about 12 miles in distance where we landed & refreshed ourselves with our last quarter biscuit of bread each, after which Capt Vancouver returnd to the ship & we stretchd over to Pickersgill's Harbour to view the spot which the Resolution so snugly occupied about 18 years ago.
From 27th March to 29th April, 1773.
Here we visited the eminence on which the Observatory was pitchd, & attentively searchd for the Garden, but could not find the least traces or remains of it; the place facing where the ship lay was indeed clear of large trees, but so thickly covered with Brush wood & tall ferns as to hide the mark of the Axe & Saw in their stumps without a diligent examination, so that there is scarcely anything now remaining that would point out the situation to a stranger had it not been so well recorded. We found a note that had been left for us two days before by Capt Vancouver's party, & returnd on board in the evening, after being out three nights & four days.
In the forenoon of the 16th. I accompanied Lt Puget
Lieutenant Peter Puget, of H.M.S. “Discovery.”
to Facile Harbour, as that neighbourhood seemed more favourable for my researches, & after visiting the Chatham & the adjacent shores we went into Ear-shell Cove, where we made a fire & erected a temporary shelter with the Boats sails for the evening.
A considerable rivulet emptied itself into this Cove, near which we found the remains of two old huts similar in their structure to those already seen, with a number of different kinds of shells scattered round them, particularly Earshells.
Early next morning I made a short excursion up the side of the Mountains along the course of the Rivulet, which I found pretty clear & accessible, & if any attempt is ever made to reach the summits of the mountains in this Country I think the beds of torrents afford the most likely paths for accomplishing it, especially in dry seasons.
About breakfast time we were joined by Lt Broughton in his little boat, & spent the day agreably in visiting places adjacent, for the weather was exceeding fine & favourable for such excursions, & it would seem as if Summer had only now commenced in this Country, for in the day time we felt it very hot, & the flies were become very troublesome. The woods here
are well stocked with Parrots; one of them was wounded with a shot in a tree which made such a hideous noise that it brought several others about it from different parts of the wood, but their sympathising provd fatal to about a dozen of them, which were shot in a short time without stirring from the foot of the same tree, till at last, finding their number decrease so fast, the two or three surviving ones went away with a pitiful noise, seeming to bemoan the fate of their fellow-companions.
In the evening we returned again on board the Discovery, & found preparations were now making for leaving this place. I brought with me live plants of the Wintera aromatica, which were planted in the frame on quarter deck.
Early on the 18th. we weighd anchor, & the wind being scanty, with the assistance of the boats ahead went out of the Harbour, but came to again in 38 fathoms water near Parrot Island to wait for fair wind and the Chatham's joining us. After we came to an anchor Lt Baker was sent with a party of men & three boats to strike the Tent & bring it & the Brewing utensils &c on board. I embracd the same opportunity to bring several live plants, among which was the New Zealand Flax plant, with a view, if they succeeded in the frame on board, to carry them to his Majesty's Gardens.
In the evening a Boat was sent into Facile Harbour, where they found the Chatham preparing to come out & join us, which she attempted to do the following day, but the weather proved so boisterous & squally that she was not able to accomplish it, & was obliged to put back again.
The appearance of the weather on the 20th was nowise favourable, the Sky to the Southward appeared overcast with a rising bank of dark clouds seeming to portend a gale from that quarter, & our situation in that event not being a very eligible one, we were indued to run into Facile Harbour, where we anchord again in 38 fathoms, & for further security steadied the Ship with a Hawser to the trees on shore.
On the 21st Capt Vancouver was employd in Sounding the entrance of the Harbour, which he found very favourable for anchorage in case a Vessel was necessitated to run in for it in a gale of wind. A boat was likewise employd in watering & another in fishing, the latter was not long gone when she returnd with a sufficient quantity of fish for all the Ship's Company. In the afternoon I went on shore, & in a short time shot about a dozen & half of the Poe birds without moving 20 yards from where I landed; these were dressd in a pie next day, & they were allowd by all who tasted to be the most delicate & savoury food we had yet used of the produce of this Country.
Before our departure I will here offer some few observations on the Country & its produce.
The Bay is interspersed with numerous Islands & variou Inlets, affording an easy access into the Country for about 30 miles, & it is almost everywhere bound in by a rocky indented shore forming in some places overhanging precipices of considerable height, & for the most part rising by a steep ascent to form exceeding high mountains whose craggy cliffs & dreary precipices are in great measure hidden from the eye of the beholder by a luxuriant covering of verdant woods even from high water mark to at least three fourths of their elevation. The summits of some appear coverd with a greenish Turf, while others are seen naked barren & rocky, apparently elevated beyond the powers of vegetation, & those inland still more remote & lofty are enveloped in perpetual snow, so that a prospect more wild & romantic than the general appearance of this country is seldom to be met with.
On the sides of these Mountains, the soil is a light blackish mould of a soft spungy texture, evidently formd from decayd vegetables, & every where coverd with a carpet of Mosses that naturally preserves a warmth & moisture more favourable to the luxuriancy of its produce in many places than the depth of the soil, but in the bottom of the vallies & on the low land which in a few places stretches out from the foot of the Mountains the soil is somewhat deeper & is intermixed with a redish friable earth that affords growth & nourishment to a very thick forest of trees & underwood, which would not fail to impede in a considerable degree the progress of cultivation should a settlement ever be thought of in this remote region, as the clearing & preparing the ground would be a work of immense labor, indeed the only inducement I can at present discover to such a design would be the establishing of a plantation of the New Zealand Flax which grows here spontaneous, & the variety of fine timber with which the country abounds, but these objects may no doubt be obtained to greater advantage in a more northerly situation of the Island, where the climate will be more favourable.
Facile Harbour, on account of its easy access, is the most eligible part in the whole Bay, as it is found safe & capacious, & surrounded with more low land than any other part, at the same time possessing the advantage of procuring with little trouble every kind of refreshment which the country affords.
The climate appears temperate & healthy, though often exposed to the visitation of very strong gales of wind & frequently heavy rains, the natural consequences of a mountainous & woody
country. During the latter part of our stay the weather was mild & pleasant, we generally had a gentle breeze of wind from the sea in the daytime & calm at night, & the rise & fall of the Mercury in the Thermometer during the whole period averaged at about 62° of Farenheit's scale, yet it may seem strange that in all our excursions we met with very few plants in flower & only two in seeds, the one was that which has obtaind the name of Supple Jack with red berries, & the other apparently a Juniper with white berries. This evidently shows that the Summer was but just set in, & that the year here is markd only by two seasons, summer & winter, for the Trees & Shrubs are mostly evergreens, & show very little change in their foliage or natural verdure throughout the year.
As this place was found inhabited by several families when Capt Cook was here it may appear singular that we did not meet with any of the Natives in our various excursions. Indeed, I am much afraid that his liberality towards them has been in some measure the cause of this apparent depopulation, by affording a pretext for war to a more powerful tribe, ambitious to possess the riches he left them, which in all probability has ended in their total destruction, for if we except the few old huts we saw in & about Facile Harbour, we met with no other traces of them anywhere in the Sound, & these to all appearance were formd only for temporary shelter, & bore no marks of being very recently inhabited.
In the forenoon of the 22nd. I went on shore & shot another parcel of Poe Birds, which were found equally good & relishing. The fishing boat likewise returnd successfull, & the wind which was light & fluctuating about two in the afternoon settled at North, with which we both weighd anchor, & after running out of the harbour by a narrow passage hoisted in the boats & made all the sail we could out of the Bay to gain a good offing before dark, which by six in the evening we so far effected that the West Cape of New Zealand bore East of us four Leagues, & as it was intended to go round the South end of the Island we now shaped a south course, with all the Sail which a strong gale from the North West sufferd us to make. This gale continued augmenting in its course till it increased to a most violent storm attended with dark hazy weather heavy rain & boisterous sea which broke incessantly over us & kept us wet and uncomfortable the whole night.
The following morning brought no alleviation to our hopes, on the contrary the dawn ushered in with the redoubled fury of a storm that had now reducd us to our foresail & obliged us to scud before it as our only expedient for safety.
At this time we were not a little alarmd at the sudden report of seven feet water in the Hold. The chain pumps were immediately set a going for the first time since we left England, & all hands stood by to take their spell, when it was soon found to our great satisfaction that we gained upon it & in a short time pumpd all out.
As the day advanced we discovered we were separated from our Consort the Chatham, for she was not to be seen any where within our horizon from the Mast head.
They did not meet again until 30th December, at Matawai Bay, Tahiti.
In the forenoon the gale abated, & the weather, which was still dark & gloomy, became more moderate, so that we were able to make Sail again. In some part of this Storm the Barometer was again so low as 29.20. At eleven we saw land about five leagues to the Eastward of us. At this time we had vast flights of Blue Petrels, some Albatrosses, & a few Pintadoe Birds about us & at noon the observed Latitude was 48° 6′ South when the above Land bore N. 60 E. which we now found to be a cluster of seemingly barren Islands & peaked insulated rocks consisting of about 7 or 8 in number, & ranging nearly East & West about nine miles in extent; the largest is near the East end of the group, & may be about two leagues in circumference, & of a Height sufficient to be seen in clear weather eight or nine leagues off. As these were now considered a new discovery, they were called the Snares, a name sufficiently applicable to their lurking situation & appearance, & will we hope induce any vessel bound this way to give them a good birth. They are situated in the Latitude of 48° 3′ S and in the Longitude of 166° 20′ East of Greenwich, so that no part of Capt Cook's tract will be found within ten leagues of them, which will sufficiently account for his not seeing them when he passed round this end of New Zealand. We bore up on the outside of them at the distance of about six Miles, but it was so hazy that we could not distinguish any signs of vegetation upon them, nor is it probable from their appearance there was any except upon the largest — they appeard however to afford secure & inaccessible retreats to vast numbers of Oceanic Birds, Seals, & Penguins with which we were now surrounded.
In the afternoon the breeze still continued fresh & the weather dark & cloudy. At four the Snares bore N. 30 W. six leagues off. From this time we pursued an easterly course for 25 leagues to shun the Traps, a shoal & sunken rocks which lay off the South point of New Zealand.
Journal of the “Chatham.”Extract from a M.S. Journal kept on Board the Armed Tender “Chatham” during Captain Vancouver's Voyage round the World, 1791–94. (Extract, 2nd to 29th November, 1791.)[In the Library of A. H. Turnbull, Esq., Wellington, New Zealand.]
Dusky Bay, New Zealand.
The 2nd November, in the morning, the Land of New Zealand was seen through a thick dirty haze bearing E. b. N. We approach'd it fast with a Fresh Breeze at W.S.W., and about 2 o'clock the Discovery made the Signal “to prepare to anchor.” We therefore supposed (as was the case) that she saw the Entrance of Dusky Bay. We entered it about 6 o'clock in the evening, and as we proceeded lost the wind, which at last became light and variable, and we cou'd not get into Facile Harbour that night, but came to an anchor on the N.W. side of the Bay about 11 o'clock in 60 fams. Water.
Transactions in Dusky Bay.
In the morning the two Captains set out to take a look at Facile Harbour, and as the ships were not to move till their return, a Boat from each Ship went Fishing, and in about an hour caught as many with Hook and line as serv'd both Ships Companies.
The wind, which in the morning blew moderate over the Land from the Nd. & Ed., had by noon freshened to a Gale, and the Discovery, who lay in only 40 fams. water, without us, drove off the Bank, and though she let go another Anchor, she did not bring up, but was obliged to heave them up. By the time this was accomplish'd she had drifted nearly out of the Bay. She fir'd some Guns as Signals to Captn. Vancouver, who was away in the Boat, and we perceived him & Mr. Broughton return to her while she was driving. The wind had increased to a very hard Gale indeed, with heavy Squalls, and she made as much sail as she cou'd possibly bear, endeavouring to work up into her old Anchorage. After beating about some 3 hours without gaining anything considerable, her Fore Topsail Sheet Block gave way, and being then nearly abreast of an opening in which there is a very Snug Harbour call'd by Captn. Cook Anchor Island, she ran into it, and we presently lost sight of her. She was compleatly land locked. We gave our Cable good
scope, and held on very well, but in the Evening, finding the weather still grow more Tempestuous and that we dragg'd our Anchor a little, we let go another Anchor and veer'd away upon both and hoist in the Boats. We had no abatement of the Gale in the night, and the following morning, the 4th, it seem'd to blow with greater violence. The sudden Gusts that came from the high land was amazing, and so quick did they follow each other that we scarcely had an interval of a lull for 5 minutes together. We got our Top Gallant Masts on Deck, struck the Lower Yards & Top Masts, secur'd the Boats, and bent the Storm Staysails, with every other necessary precaution in case of our being driven to Sea. All this day and the night it blew dreadfully, and we expected every minute either to part our cables or drive, but tho' the Squalls were as hard as many on board ever remember'd to have seen, we had but very little sea with them. The morning of the 5th brought no abatement of the Wind till about 9 o'clock, when after some very heavy rain it suddenly fell a perfect Calm, from being the minute before a hard Gale, and we had the water at the same instant as smooth as a Mill Pond. The clouds began now to disperse, and to clear up all round, and about 10 o'clock we had a moderate Breeze at N.N.E. We therefore hove up one Anchor, and hove short on the other. About 11 our Captain came on board from the Discovery, and about 3 we weigh'd and turn'd into Facile Harbour where about 6 o'clock we anchor'd in 5 fatm. water, within a hundred yards of the shore. It was Captn. Vancouver's intention to remain in Anchor Island Harbour (which is about 5 miles from where we were) to compleat his Wood & Water, &c. This we were sorry for, as the distance precluded any intercourse between the young Gentlemen of the Vessels, and in this dreary place their society wou'd have added much to each other's comforts. After we came to anchor a party was sent Fishing that soon return'd with a plentiful supply of excellent Fish. This practice was follow'd every other day, when 2 or 3 people caught as many fish as lasted the Ship's Company two days. The Ship being properly secur'd places were pointed out on shore for carrying on our different operations. The Cooper was sent on shore to sett up the Casks, and a party was sent Brewing Spruce Beer, some were also employ'd Wooding & Watering. On the 7th some of the Officers who had been away shooting return'd with some Birds that proved acceptable, though they were only Wood Hens. They had not met with anything remarkable except seeing three deserted Huts at different places. They were constructed in the same manner as those we saw at King George the 3rds Sound, though with a little more ingenuity, being stronger put together, and less liable to suffer from the inclemency of
the weather. 8th: In the course of this day a Boat came from the Discovery, and brought a Code of Signals to be used respecting our sailing from the Bay to be made with Guns, as we were not to join company till ready for sea, and then in Tempest Roads, for so the place was call'd that we rode out the hard Gale in. We had a good deal of rain since we came into the Port, and the 10th was the first fine day seen since we made the Land. The Captain and a party went shooting in the afternoon. They staid out the night and slept in the Goose Cove in some deserted Huts they found there. In the morning they return'd after having had excellent sport. The Huts they met with seem'd to have been deserted for a considerable time. A few old Baskets that discovered some remains of neat workmanship was the only thing found about them. Having some jobbs to do in the Iron way by the Armourer, the Forge was set up on shore the 12th, and being in want of Plank, the Carpenters set about cutting a tree down for sawing. Our Spruce Beer, which was made after the directions given by Captn. Cook, prov'd excellent, and was served out to the Ship's Company in lieu of Spirits. Those people however who were employ'd on shore were given every morning a dram of Rum with Bark mix'd in it to prevent any illness that might arise from the Rain & damp on shore.
On the 12th the Captain with a party of Gentlemen set out on another shooting expedition, and the next day I went with some of the young Gentlemen to Parrot Island, and returned after having had tolerable success in the shooting way. Mr. Broughton and his party did not return till the 15th. They had visited every part of the Bay, met with good sport, and returned well pleased with their excursion. Here and there they met with an old Hut that afforded them shelter at night. The first day of their setting out they made a considerable addition to their party by meeting two of the Discovery's Boats, with whom they continued till the last day, and Captain Vancouver, who was in one of them, finished the survey of a small arm left open by Captain Cook.
The 18th—being away with a sporting party to Ear Shell Cove—on our return with six brace of Birds we saw the Discovery working out of Anchor Island Harbour into Tempest Roads, where she anchor'd in her old birth, waiting for a wind, and likewise for us to go to sea, and a boat from her came on board shortly after us to inform Mr. Broughton of her situation, and with orders to join him if possible the next day, but if this cou'd not be done, and a fair wind in the meantime offer he shou'd sail without us, appointing Matavai Bay, Otaheite, the Rendezvous. We immediately began removing our things from the shore, and the next day, the 19th, being ready for Sea, we left Facile Harbour and work'd up towards Tempest Roads,
but seeing the Discovery pitching there very heavy, we gave her an opportunity of seeing where we were, and came to an Anchor under Parrot Island, being there as ready to imbrace a fair wind and get to Sea as if we lay in Tempest Roads. In the Evening I went on shore with a Gentleman, and in the space of two hours shot eleven Brace of Parrots, Wood Hens, and Curlews. The way we managed with the Parrots was by at first endeavouring only to wound one, whose noise soon brought numbers to the spot. Had we had more ammunition we might have shot a hundred Parrots in a very little time. The 20th, the wind having freshen'd and a good deal of swell rolling into Tempest Roads, the Discovery came into the place we were lying in, and anchor'd close to us. We were detain'd by a foul wind till Tuesday the 22nd, when having a fresh Breeze at N.N.W. we weigh'd per Sig'l, and in a little time got clear of the Bay.
Dusky Bay, in New Zealand, lies in the Latde. 45.47 S. and the Longde. 166.16 E. New Zealand was first discover'd by the Dutch Navigator Tasman in 1642, and has not since been visited by any one we know of except Captn. Cook, who touch'd at it in all his three Voyages. In his 2nd voyage he was in Dusky Bay a considerable time, and survey'd it accurately. It abounds in Harbours and Snug Coves, shelter'd from all winds, and the greatest inconvenience in many of them is the great depth of water, 20, 30, and 40 fatms. being found close to shore. There are, however, numbers of Harbours that are free from this in convenience, and those the Discovery and Chatham lay in had a moderate depth of water, and were extremely convenient for all we had to do. The water in Facile Harbor came from a beautiful Cascade, and so convenient that the Casks were not moved out of the boat. Whilst we stai'd we visited Pickergill's Harbour, where Captn. Cook lay, and though 18 years had elapsed since that time, yet we easily found out the place where he carried on his operations ashore by the remains of Trees cut and saw'd down and the ground that was clear'd away.
These signs are still visible: “Murihiku” (1909), pages 34 and 35.
The very Tree that he mentions they walk'd from the Ship to the Shore by was yet remaining. We saw no Inhabitants while we lay here, and the appearance of all the Huts discover'd led us to imagine that it was a considerable time since they were inhabited. Marks of Fires were likewise seen, and large quantities of Shells near them, from which it may also be supposed that Shell fish is a great part of their subsistence. When Captain Cook was here he only saw three families of Indians, and they seem'd to be stragglers.
The land about the Bay is very hilly, rising directly from the Water's edge, and completely cover'd with Wood, but further Inland we cou'd see very high Mountains, in some places bare
and craggy and cover'd at the Tops with snow. The soil as much as we could see of it appear'd for the most part to be composed of decay'd rotten Trees, and you cannot proceed ten Yards without being up to your Knee in the trunk of an old Tree. This happens from the thickness of the Woods and the heavy rains washing them down they can get down no further than the place they fell at; this, with the underwood which grows amazingly thick and compos'd chiefly of the Supple Jack, prevents any pleasure you might propose in walking on shore. Many of the Trees are large enough for Masts of Ships, and the grain of the Spruce Tree is very close and durable. The Tea plant we found in plenty and mix'd with the Spruce in Brewing. As to useful vegetables, we found none, nor did we see any tree or plant that produced a Berry. Very few pretty flowers were seen growing, but the Botanist was enrich'd most abundantly with Mosses of different kinds.
We saw some stones and pieces of Rock that had a Mineral appearance, and it is not improbable that some valuable mines might on strict examination be found on this Coast.
We saw no animals here, nor the slightest marks of any, tho' Captn. Cook says there are animals here, and that one of his people saw one, but a Sailor when he goes ashore at a strange place is sure to see more than anyone else can. One of our Carpenters said he saw a Bear at the Wooding place, but on being question'd what it was like said it was White, like a Greenland Bear, which is so very improbable that he found few that wou'd credit his story. Birds of all kinds we found in abundance. The whole time we were in the Harbour we lived on them, and Fish. The best kinds were Ducks, Curlews, a bird very much resembling a Wood Cock, and Sea Pies. Shags, Wood Hens, and Parrots were in great abundance, and the two last were tolerable eating. The Wood Hen very much resembles the Common Barn Door Fowl in England, except in the Beack, which was longer, and the Feet in general were Red. They cou'd not fly. As to Parrots, had they been in great estimation enough might have been procur'd every day for the Ships Companies. Of the smaller kinds of birds there were great variety; many of them were very beautiful in their plumage, and their notes extremely melodious. The principal of these is the Poe Bird, as call'd by Cook. This bird is both beautiful in its plumage and harmonious in its song, which differs very much in the morning and evening, at the latter time greatly resembling the notes of a peal of Bells. Captn. Cook left 5 Geese at a place call'd Goose Cove, but tho' we often visited this place, nothing was seen of them or their progeny. Fish, as I have before mention'd, was in very great plenty, and excellent in their kind. The best are the Cole Fish and Skip Jack. Many of the former
weigh'd 10 to 15 lbs., and were equal in firmness and flavour to Codd. We never caught any Flat Fish, and the only Shell Fish besides small Mussells and Limpets were Cray fish.
We saw nothing of the reptile kind, nor in short did we see any living thing on shore except Birds and a small sand fly, but this annoy'd us more than perhaps fifty animals wou'd, for no sooner did we set our feet on shore than we were covered with these flys, and their sting is as painful as that of a Musquitto, and made us scratch as if he had got the itch; indeed, one of my legs became so much swell'd by this means that I was forced to apply a poultice to it, and was lame for two or three days.
Passage from Dusky Bay to Otaheite; Strange Land discovered on the Passage, part Company with the Discovery in a Gale of Wind.
Tuesday, 22nd Nov: With a fine fresh Breeze at NNW we shap'd our course S, and scarce had we got clear of the Bay but the wind began to freshen with a heavy swell and every indication of an approaching Storm. At 6 o'clock we took in the Top Gallant Sails and double reef'd the Topsails. Cape West bearing E 4 N, 5 Leagues. By 10 o'clock it blew so very hard as to bring us under close reef'd Topsails. At 11 the Discovery bore S b E of us a few miles, but at 12 she was not in sight, nor did we afterwards see her the remainder of the passage to Otaheite. By this time it had increased, as was prognosticated, to a very heavy Gale, and the sea ran so very high that we handed our Topsails and scudded under the Foresail during the night, and the morning brought with it such an encrease of both Wind & Sea as was dreadful to behold. Nothing like it I, nor many others on board ever witness'd. At about 6 o'clock an amazing sea struck us in the stern and dash's the Jolly Boat to shivers, wash'd forward the two men at the Helm, the Booby Hatch, and in short every thing that came before it. The Sea having by 9 o'clock encreas'd to such a tremendous height as to render scudding any longer extremely dangerous we hove too under a single reef'd Trysail & Storm Fore Staysail. About Noon, the Wind & Sea having both abated a little, we bore away under the Foresail & close reef'd Mn. Topsail. At 2 we were surprized to see Land bearing S.S.E. about 5 Leagues distant, on which we immediately haul'd up in order to weather it. As we approach'd this Land we found it to be a cluster of Barren Rocks, which cou'd not be inhabit'd by anything except Sea Fowl of all kinds of which we saw astonishing quantities. About ½ past 5, observing a passage between them, we steer'd for it, and found it a very safe passage. A small Black rock about a third channel being in one with the Rocks on the starboard side
bore S.W. and the centre of the Rocks on the Larboard hand N.E. We sounded close to them, but got no bottom with 80 fathoms of line.
These Rocks be in the Lat. 48.3 S. and the Longitude 166.20 E. As they were never seen by Captn. Cook or any other person we know of, we conceived ourselves to be the first discoverers of them,
Here, however, we were mistaken, for on joining the Discovery at Otaheite we learned that they had seen them on the same day as we did, but early in the morning. Captn. Vancouver therefore nam'd them. He call'd them “The Snares,” and the above Late. and Longe. I have taken from him.
[The above note is in the original journal. Broughton first called the island “Knight's Island,” after Captain Knight, of the Navy.—The Editor.]
and should this passage be ever frequent'd by Ships they may be deem'd a happy Discovery. Had we been so unfortunate as to have got among them the preceding night the consequences might have been fatal, as the night was extremely dark, and it blew so very hard that it was with difficulty we could bear Scudding, much less to have been able to haul upon a wind to weather them, had we even been fortunate enough to have seen them at any distance.
The next morning, the 24th, the wind having become more moderate, and the sea gone down a good deal, we got up our Top Gallt. Masts and Yards & made all sail with a fresh Breeze at West, altering our course to the Northwd., steering ENE and afterwards NE. In the late Gale we labour'd much and shipp'd an immense quantity of Water. There was scarce a man that had a dry Bed to sleep in or a dry Jacket to put on, even the Captain & the Officer's Cabbins were half full of Water. The opportunity of drying their Bedding, Cloathing &c., was not neglected this fine day, and the 'tween Decks were well wash'd & purified.
The Wind continued fresh from the N.W., with which we steer'd N.E. till the night of the 26th, when it suddenly shifted to S.W. and blew extremely hard in Squalls which obliged us to clew up everything except the Foresail, under which we went for the greatest part of the night. We had a very heavy Sea. Towards the morning the wind moderated, and we set the Top Sails close-reef'd. The squalls were still heavy, accompanied with rain. It is an old saying of seamen that a S.W. Gale comes in like a Lion and goes out like a Lamb and a N.E. Gale vice versa, and by the evening it was quite moderate. The wind returnd from the N.W. quarter, and we made all sail, still steering N.E. Our Latitude the 27th was 45.54 S. and Longe. 177 E. The Breeze continued in its favourable quarter with fair pleasant weather, and we saw a great number of Birds, and pass'd some patches of Rock Weed. The morning of the 29th, about 2 o'clock, we were exceedingly surprized at the man who
was looking out forward calling out “Land ahead.” Upon looking we perceived we were close aboard of it, bearing from E.N.E. to N.E. We immediately haul'd our wind. At 3 we sounded in 40 fams. and hove too till daylight. At 4 the Land bore from S.S.E. to E.N.E., and then appear'd of considerable extent. We now bore up and made sail, steering E b N, and between 7 & 8 rounded the Northern point of it, and being about a mile from the shore, had soundings in 14 fathoms. From this point the Land took an E b N direction. The Land was low in general, but some Hills gradually rose up to a very moderate height, whose sides were beautifully cloathed with Wood up to the Tops, and the verdure on the rising grounds was exceedingly gratifying to the view. We ran along the shore about 14 miles, but observed nothing like a Bay or Harbour. The depth of water was moderate & gradual, and the ground good for Anchor-age, being fine sand & shells. We saw smokes in several parts, particularly on the high land, but did not see any Inhabitants till we had run a good way, when a few Indians were observed running along the Beach, who were join'd by more as we proceeded. About 11 we haul'd our wind, and fetching up under the Lee of a point of Land, we anchor'd in 20 fatms. Water at Noon. The East point of this Bay, which afterwards got the name of Skirmish Bay, bore S.E. about a mile, & the N.E. point of the Island which form'd the extreme N. 83E about a League distant. The Cutter was immediately hoisted out and arm'd, and Mr. Broughton, attended by Mr. Johnstone and Mr. Sheriff, one of the Mates, went to Shore. They did not return on board till 5 in the afternoon, when Mr. Johnstone was so obliging as to favour me with the following account of their transactions.
Upon leaving the ship “We pulled in for the Bay where we “had first seen the Natives, who still kept attentively observing “us from the east point of it. At each extremity of this Bay “the rocks project a little out, within which we found smooth “water amongst a good deal of Sea Weed. As we saw no Natives “on the West extremity we made choice of this place for our “first landing, expecting to be able to make some observations “on the productions before either the Hostile disposition or “teasing curiosity of the Inhabitabts might prevent us. Here “we found two canoes, if they may be allow'd that name, for so “little did they resemble anything we knew of that kind that “had they been found Inland instead of on the Sea Beach I “believe we should have thought of various other uses before “we had hit on the one for which they were really intended. “In shape they were not unlike the body of a common Wheel-“barrow, their sides were made of small sticks lash'd tightly “with withs upon one another about 8 or 9 feet long. The “widest end about 3 feet, the other about 2, and narrowing “downwards, left a flat bottom better than a foot broad. Their
“depth was nearly two feet, and compactly filled with sea weed “almost to the top. The Paddles were a rough piece of wood “rudely made into a flat form without the least neatness. The “whole of their construction made it pretty evident that they “could never be employ'd upon any distant embarkation, but “were most probably used merely in the Bays and amongst the “Rocks for fishing. So far, indeed, they appear'd sufficient, nor “did the situation of their owners seem to demand anything “better, for the clearness and levelness of the Island afforded an “easy intercourse without requiring the assistance of water con-“veyance. We saw some fishing Nets that were made of small “two strand line evenly twisted and others that were made from “the simple Fibres of the Plant, apparently without any other “preparation than being made even, after being stripp'd off. “Two of those were Scoop Nets, the others were made somewhat “in the shape of a Bell, the width of the mouth about 6 feet in “diameter, kept open by a large rim or Hoop made of the Supple “Jack, the length from 8 to 10 feet, tapering gradually to the “small end, which was not wider than a foot and close netted. “The Hoop at the wide end had stones fix'd to it as Sinks, “and from the centre attach'd to the rim by Legs was a line “for hauling it up by in fishing. The Trees we saw were but of “small size, straight and free from Branches till near the tops, “where they spread forth in great profusion, and whose foliage “afforded a pleasant shade to the ground below, which was so “free from all kinds of Bush or Underwood as might have led “one to imagine that it had been clear'd by Art; this with the “Trees growing so far apart render'd travelling amongst them “not only easy but pleasant.
“The Natives who had quitted their station as soon as they “saw us land now advanced hastily, and by their threats and “gestures plainly indicated their Hostile intentions, but rather “than oppose their tumult we thought best to retire to the “Boat, where more in safety we might endeavour to engage “their friendship. With the oars we kept her just afloat. They, “without making the least stop, rush'd hastily on, some of them “up to their knees in water, brandishing their Spears & Clubs “with much vociferation. They were only about 40 in number, “which gave reason to conjecture that they were totally ignorant “of the effect of our Fire-Arms, and only reckon'd strength on “the superiority of numbers. For some little time we had us'd “everything we cou'd think of to conciliate their friendship but “without effect. At last their violence somewhat abated, and “they received some presents which we conveyed to them on “the ends of their Spears which they held out for the purpose, “for we did not yet chuse to trust the Boat within their depth. “They now became to all appearances perfectly reconcil'd, and “received ev'rything which we offer'd with avidity, but amongst
“the Articles, which were pieces of Red Cloth, Helmets, Beads, “& Nails, we could not observe that they gave the preference “to any one more than another, and though they wou'd not “consent to make us the least return, yet they made no scruple, “not only in receiving, but in snatching away ev'rything they “cou'd reach at, and it was sometimes not without a little “struggle that we could hold them fast. We had often applied “by signs for something to eat & drink, with a wish to discover “what their food consisted of, but we were not so fortunate as “to succeed. They only answer'd by pointing to the Woods “and to the opposite point of the Bay from whence we at that “time concluded that their habitations were there. Mr. Sheriff “stepp'd on shore to see if he could observe any of their Huts, “but as their behaviour was not altogether to his liking he “soon return'd, tho' they had forcibly detain'd him longer than “he wish'd. But I do not think that this was done with any “other intention than for a longer opportunity of gratifying “their curiosity. As we saw clearly we could have no satis-“faction in landing where we were we pull'd down to ye opposite “point in the hopes of finding less obstruction, but on our “arrival we found that tho' we had changed our situation we “had by no means changed our company, for our new friends “having kept away with our first motion and follow'd us along “the Beach as we row'd down, arrived at the same time. Here “we saw on the Beach the same kind of Canoes & Nets as we “had observed before, but no appearance of any Huts.”
“The disorderly behaviour of the Natives having deterr'd “us from landing at the place we quitted, we had no reason to “expect that it wou'd prove better now, so without entering “into any further parley we quitted them, intending to row on “board, and pull'd up towards the weather point of the Bay, “which they observed with out shewing the least symptoms of “either satisfaction or displeasure, remaining still on the Beach “where they had first sat down. Finding this to be the case we “thought it a favourable opportunity for changing our intention “of going straight on board and landing again at our first situa “tion, which we did, and whilst we were free from molestation “examined the skirts of the Wood, where we found no other “signs of Habitations than a small circle of clear ground, some-“times fenced in by a simple palisade. In the centre of this “circle was the mark of a fire place, and a great number of Fish “Shells lay about, particularly the Earshell. This had no other “covering than the growing branches of the Trees.
“We nailed to one of them a piece of Lead written with the “name of the Vessel and the date of our arrival. We also buried “a Bottle with a paper enclosed written—Navis Britann. “Majest. Chatham, Gulielm, Robertas Broughton, Princeps— “29th of November 1791. It was now call'd Chatham Island,
“the Union Jack was hoisted, and taken possession of in the “name of the King. By the time we had made an end of these “ceremonies a few of the Natives had straggled towards us, “and more were inclining the same way, but they all approach'd “with cautious indifference. That they might place the more “confidence in our friendship our people stay'd behind whilst “we advanced to meet them. At first they were rather shy, “retiring back, but at last halted till I came up, and received me “by saluting noses, the same as at the Sandwich Islands. Having “made them some presents of Nails they were soon perfectly “easy, and were join'd by more, some of our people coming in “at the same time. Most of them were covered with Matts or “Seal Skins hung loosely over the Shoulders, which reach'd “down to about the Hip. They had no other covering except “their privates which was done in the form of the Marro of the “Sandwich Islands, with a small Mat neatly wrought.
“We saw no perforation either in their Ears, Nose, or any “other part of the Body, nor any ornament except some few “who had a small piece of Bone hung round their neck with “several parts of small twisted Hair. They were of a middle “stature, with straight Black Hair, which some wore tied in a “Bunch on the top of their Head, whilst others suffer'd it to “hang down loose in its natural order about long enough just to “reach the shoulders. Amongst them were several Boys, but “we did not see one of the Female Sex.
“Though they took whatever we offer'd, yet so little did “they esteem them that we could not draw from them any “thing in exchange. One spear with a small piece of Rope, “wrought in fashion of French Sinnet, was all that we could “procure. They would at first shew an appearance of making “a return till they got in their hands what was offer'd—then “would run off well pleas'd. The Spear we got was about 6 feet “long, so thick that a man could easily grasp in the middle, “tapering to a sharp point at both ends. But both their Spears “and Clubs were subject to great variety. Some of the Spears “were very long, and pointed only at one end, without much “neatness. Their Clubs were rough pieces of Wood, some as “picked up from the Beach, other as they had been broke from “the Tree, and a very few had two stones lashed on at one end, “which gave them the appearance of a double-headed maul. “With the intention of giving them some idea of the effect of “our Muskets, Captn. Broughton fir'd at some Birds; the first “discharge gave them a good deal of alarm, though it appear'd “to have been the report that produced it more than any thing “else, for after the repetition they observed it with very little “emotion, but often repeated the word ‘Tohaua.’ Whether “this was the name they called it by, or what else, I could not “well determine.
“We had now spent an hour in friendly intercourse, and “nothing had transpired to give us reason to suspect a change “of it. Their number from what it was at first had also greatly “diminished, which we look'd upon as a further security for “their good behaviour. Considering these instances as favour-“able for visiting the East point of the Bay, which different “appearances had before prevented us from, as also to examine “a piece of Water which we had observed to lay within the “Beach about the Centre of the Bay, Mr. Sheriff was directed “with three of the people to pull down along the shore whilst “with the other three I accompanied Captn. Broughton. We “had proceeded but a little way when we first observed the “Natives forming rather hastily in a Bay by the edge of the Wood “abreast of us. I stept towards them to see if I could discover “the cause of the bustle. On my approach they hastened “quickly within the verge of the Wood, and quickly return'd “arm'd with Clubs, preceded by one carrying a Blaze of dry “Brush with which he presently made a great smoke by com-“municating this fire to more wood of the same kind.
“Their intentions were now no longer a mystery, for they “advanced brandishing their Clubs in the most threatening “attitudes. On this we thought proper to stop for the Boat “which had got aground where we left her, but she soon came “up, and having her to pull abreast of us, we went on keeping “close by the water's edge, whilst the Natives, though only 14 “in number, follow'd us with the most menacing gestures, and “often came so near as to oblige us to face about to check their “coming within reach. When we came abreast of the Water, “which we wish'd to examine, we struck up the Beach, and on “tasting found it to be exceeding Brackish, having a brown “Marshy colour. Its surface was very nearly as high as the brink “of the beach, which was about 8 or ten feet above the level of “the Sea. It was foun'd between two ridges of the land that was “pretty high, and broke down rather steeply at this place, and “lay towards the S.W. but in a winding direction, which pre-“vented us from seeing its extent beyond a quarter of a mile. “The Natives who had stopped when we did no sooner saw us “returning towards the sea side than they push'd on, more “violently than they had done before, particularly a Youth “who was the most forward & who appear'd to encourage the “others, whilst he kept swinging his Club over his head and “committing various gestures. It was now but too evident “that they meant to make the attack, therefore the Boat was “call'd to, and Mr. Sheriff desir'd to let go the grapnell and back “in with the Oars while we, in hopes of intimidating them, kept “our Muskets pointed towards them and retreated backwards “to prevent their getting between us and the Boat. They still “resolutely press'd on. Captn. Broughton who had his piece
“loaded with small shot fir'd at one of the most forward but it “did not in the least daunt their advance. Having now reach'd “the Water we were obliged to make a stand when they clos'd “in. The first blow that was made at me I received on the “Musket but with such force that it broke down its level. My “opponent's Club, from its size being rather unwieldly, fell to “the ground at the same time, and gave me time to recover.
“There was no alternative; I was compell'd to fire. A “little before and about the same time two of the people also “fired. They were in a like situation, so I found after, for at “the moment I was too much occupied with those that directly “opposed me to be able to pay attention to any other object. “The whole of them upon this discharge and a Musket that was “fired from the Boat immediately fled. At first we felt the most “pleasing satisfaction not only in finding that we had secur'd “our own lives, but that in doing it we had not injur'd theirs. “This pleasing contemplation was but of short duration, for “before they reach'd the Woods one of them fell on the Beach. “In hopes that some relief might be given to his wounds that “were probably not mortal, with two of the people I went up for “that end, but to my utter grief found him dead. The others “had made a stand by the skirts of the Wood, setting forth loud “cries. As we could not be of any service to the dead man we “immediately quitted the spot, which we had no sooner done “than one of them came up to the corpse, but we did not see “what they did afterwards, & as we were anxious not to give “them any uneasiness by halting to observe, proceeded directly “to the point, where the Boat was desi'd to go also, for she could “not take us in where we were owing to a reef of Rocks that “lay alongshore, and on which her Stern had struck after letting “go the Grapnell. But at the time when this circumstance “rendered our situation more critical we were ignorant of it. “When we arrived we found no other kind of resistance at this “point but what we had observ'd at the other. We saw none “of the Natives, though we were satisfied they were at no great “distance by their cries, which we sometimes heard in the “Woods. Here, as at our first Landing, the Boats came easily “to the shore amongst a good deal of Sea Weed. After leaving “what Trinkets we had remaining in the different Canoes we “quitted the Shore and went on board. After we had gone we “saw one man come to the Canoes, the only one we had seen “since we had left them after the Skirmish.”
The Moriori account of the incident will be found in “The Moriori People of the Chatham Islands” (1911), p. 217.
Chatham Island lies in 43° 49′ So. Latitude and 182° 55′ Et. Longitude. Variation of the Compass, 15° Etly.
Records Relating to Raven's Visits.
Captain Raven, in the “Britannia,” visited Dusky Sound in 1792, and there left the first sealing gang ever placed on the coast of New Zealand. The following year, in company with the “Francis,” he returned and relieved the gang. The “Francis” sailed for Sydney, and the “Britannia” for Nor-folk Island, where she was chartered by Lieut.-Governor King to take that officer and two captured Maoris across to New Zealand. Records published in Vol. i (pages 169 to 194) relate to the same matters.
JOURNAL OF THE “BRITANNIA.”
Extract from the Journal of a Voyage from England to Port Jackson, New So. Wales in the Years 1792, 1793, 1794, and 1795, in the Ship Britannia, Mr. W. Raven, Commr., by Rt. Murry.[Copied from the Original in the Essex Institute, Salem, Mass., U.S.A., by the Editor.]
Sept. 8th. [1792] the ship was hauled out of the cove—and on the 10th we worked her down to Bradley's Pt where we anchored, wind bound. — during our stay here, we were chartered by 10 Officers of the Civil and Military, to proceed to the Cape of Good Hope, by way of Cape Horn and Sta Catherina, leave being granted us, to stop on our way at Duskey Bay in New Zealand, to leave a number of hands to collect Seal skins for the China Markets while we performed our voyage.
At 2 A.M. we made the snowey summits of New Zeeland bearing E. ½ N., 15 or 16 miles distant. We continued to stand on untill 3, when we tacked and stood off 'till 5—at which time we put about and made sail for the Land; at seven it began to blow very hard, and rained excessive heavy, which obliged us to shorten sail and haul off: The entrance of Duskey Bay
then bore N.E. and the So. pt. E.S.E. about 6 Leags from us. At noon Pt. 5 fingers bore N.E. 13 or 14 Miles.
The wind, this afternoon, abated greatly, but the weather became thick and hazy; which did not prevent us from using our utmost efforts to gain the bay, but they proved ineffectual; for at 4 it fell calm and the swell set us directly in for the Land the greatest supposed distance of which was not more than 2 miles; however, at 5 P.M. we got a light air from the South-ward with which we stood out to sea. In the evening the wind freshened, and grew squally. At 7 the entrance of the Bay bore N.E. and Cape Wt. E.N.E., with these bearings we had a remarkable white cliff, to the South of Cape West bearing E.S.E. ¼ S. At 2 in the morning it moderated, when we tacked, made sail, and stood on. We kept plying to windward, in order to gain the bay; but at noon it blew so strong from the N.E. that we again were under the necessity of hauling to the wested. At noon Anchor Id. N.E. b E. 5 Miles.
It continued blowing very strong, and we had to encounter an irregular sea; at 4 P.M. we reefed the Foresail. 12 it moderated, made sail, tack'd, and stood to the eastward. 3 A.M. the wind was excessive strong and came in heavy squalls, we handed the topsails. Six A.M. it was moderate weather and the wind came round from the N.E. to WNW.; we then made sail at noon the white cliff bore Et. distant 6 miles. Our Latd. obsd. 45 56 So.
There were but little hopes, at present, of getting into Port, for we had an incessant rain, with heavy squalls at N.E., and found it necessary, at 2 P.M. to strike Top Gt. Masts. At 4 we had less wind, we then made sail in shore, at 8 we tacked to the westward, and at midnight stood in for the Land. At 1 a breeze blew from the WNW. when we shaped our course for the bay. 4 We made more sail, and steered for Pt. 5 Fingers; which at this time bore N.E. the distance 5 or 6 Le. We had a thick rainy morning, so much so, that it was with difficulty we cou'd keep sight of Pt. 5 fingers, which at 9 we passed, and at 10 moored in the No Cove of Facile Harbour in five fathoms.
After having secured the ship and dined, Capt. Raven went to look at the other parts of the Harbour, and at some of the adjacent Coves. At the head of Cormorant Cove is an awful Cascade which rolls down in very heavy torrents from the mountains, thither they went and shot several ducks. At 6 in the evening they returned on board. Early in the morning he went with the boats to examine the Seal Islands and found the weather so boisterous that he could not explore them equal to his desire.
About three P.M. we made the best of our way for Pickersgill Harbour which we reached at 5, and pulled up a small creek at the head of which is a run of fine water on the starboard side, going into the creek there is a point of land that appears to have been the spot upon which Mr. Wales had his observatory. We found several trees down, which were on the ground, they were on the outside entirely rotten; and in the heart, decayed, tho' hard, there being any part good is a proof that the wood is of great durability. It has lain since the early part of the Year 1773.
From 27th March to 29th April, 1773.
We found some stumps of trees, which appeared to have been newly cut down.
Probably by Vancouver's men (ante pp. 489 and 491).
After dining we pull'd for the ship, and got on board about 7 in the Evening.
In the morning the Chief Mate went to the Seal Ids. the Carpenter was well empd. in falling trees for Spars and plank for the Ships use. This afternoon I went with Capt. Raven to get some altitudes for the Time Keeper, to a bight which lies on the Starbd. side of the entrance of the Cove; We found a considerable spot cleared of trees which had been recently felled.
Probably by the Chatham's men (ante pp. 496 to 500).
In the evening the Mate returned and gave a very good account of the Islands. In the morning the Mates went again to the seal Isles. At 8 A.M. it came on to rain very heavily which continued until the conclusion of the twenty-four hours.
In the evening the mates returned from the Seal Islands and gave Capt. Raven so good an account of them that It henceforth was determined to leave a party here to collect Skins for the China Market.
The weather was very moderate, with a fine breeze from the Southward, we were employed occasionally. In the morning it rained hard, and was attended by the heaviest gusts of wind, from the mountains, I ever recollect to have felt, which put a stop to our different operations.
At one P.M. it fell calm. We weighed our Stream anchor and moored with the two Bowers. In the Morning we set out for Breaksea Island, on our passage we pull'd to the head of Duck Cove, where we breakfasted. I saw only two Ducks who both took wing immediately on the approach of the boat. After leaving the Cove we made the best of our way for Breaksea; but the wind blew right in our teeth, and it rained hard, so that we did not get on equal to our wishes.
At two we put into a Cove, made a large fire, dined, and then proceeded. As we were pulling up the arm, and had nearly opened the Sea Gates we saw a smoke on our left, in pulling in for it, I saw a small hut, at a small distance from the edge of the
water, at this moment one of our people made a noise which roused the inhabitants who issued from their abode and took to the woods. We landed and found the hut had been newly erected every part of the materials of which it was constructed were green; particularly the roof, which was covered, with the leaves of the Flax plant. A fire was at the entrance and within there lay some matts; these appeared to be their bed. Capt. Raven left an Axe & two knives, upon a log of wood, near the Dwelling place, he laid a small green branch upon the things, and left them, expecting they would return, but in this, was disappointed.
We got to Breaksea Isld. in the evening and there saw great numbers of seals. We made the best of our way back for the cove, where we had dined: we arrived late, but the fire was alight, which we soon increased to a large one, and made a very good supper of mussells and biscuit. It rained hard untill day break, we then departed, and arrived on board the Ship at seven in the morning, it was fair weather all this forenoon and we were empd. cutting wood, spars & plank for the Ship.
The afternoon continued fair and the people were empd. as before mentd. at 6 A.M. the Capt, & party set off for Luncheon Cove to build an house for the Sealing party.
Empd. as above, the Captain's gang returned at 7 P.M. and set off early the following morning.
From this time untill Saturday, Dec. 1st, we were employed building the dwelling and another House and getting the Ship ready for Sea. On this day we unmoored, weighed and warped the ship out of the north Cove, soon after it fell calm, we therefore anchored in 16 fms, under a small Island. After dinner the Captn. took his last trip to Luncheon Cove, and we, during his absence, having a light breeze from the Nd. weighed, and made sail out of Facile Harbour.
What we in the following days work supposed to be a shoal, we afterwards found from our peoples information, was the Shock of an Earthquake, it was felt in a more violent manner by the people at the House, its being felt in the boat strengthens the supposition.
[Tabular matter omitted.—The Editor.]
2 P.M. we got underway and made sail out of Facill
Facile Harbour.
Harbour when in the Sound we saw the boat coming towards us. brot. too untill she came on board, just as the Capt. was on deck the ship having very little headway touched upon a rock or shoal, but so lightly as to be hardly perceived, the other boat
in which was the mate, just came up and they said a tremor similar to what we had felt had but that inst. been felt in the boat. What this may arise from it is hard to conjecture, there was a considerable swell setting in to the bay—if this had been a shoal we must have felt it more sensibly than we did—the ship instead of striking as on a rock—trembled to a violent degree—this water looked as in deep water.
N.B. five fingers pt. 45. 42 S. 166 9.
3rd. 4 P.M. Saw Land. S.E. ¼ I 8 or 9 L. 8 P.M. the Isles which we suppose to be a new discovery bore from E b S b S.E. b E. dist. 5 Leagues. we called them Sunday they are in Lattd. 48.7 S. Long. 166 20′ E. not a tree to be seen on them, the height of the northern one about as high as the Lizard.
The same Isles were seen by Capt. Vancover H.M.S. Discovery, prior to our discovery, he named them the Snares and makes their Long. the same as us, but differ'd to us in Latt.
[This latter paragraph was inserted in the journal at a later date, as the writing, when examined, shows. This ends the first visit of the “Britannia” to Dusky.
On the return of the “Britannia” from the Cape of Good Hope to Sydney the journal is again continued, on 25th June, 1793, when Raven is helping to launch the “Francis,” which was afterwards to accompany the “Britannia” to Dusky, to relieve the sealing gang left there.—The Editor.]
During our stay at Port Jackson we have been employed delivering the cargo and rigging and refitting the ship.
A schooner which had been on the stocks a long time, was now ready to launch, and the whole strength of the colony being insufficient, the Comr. of the Britannia was ordered to compass this mighty point, we therefore slipped our cable and warped over to the Hospital Wharf, where we made the ship fast, rove a luff takle purchase and hove her off at highwater. She was called the Francis, in honor of the Major's Son. — and his honor, gave the ships company an hog of 232lbs. weight for the trouble thay had been at with her. Captn. Raven was then ordered to superintend the fitting her for sea which he did, and when he gave his report of her readiness, &c., He was ordered to take her under his care to Duskey Bay; in New Zeeland to send by her, accts. of the productions of that country, from New Zeeland he was ordered to proceed to Calcutta for a cargo of Salt Provisions for the use of the Colony —and was allowed 14/6 pr Ton pr Month for 300 Tons.—untill he arrived at Port Jackson again.
6 a.m. Unmoored. 7. weighed and made sail. Empd turning down the Harbour—the Francis, in company.”
[Table taken from the Log, from 8th to 24th September, 1793, showing the daily position of the “Britannia,” with comments upon the “Francis.” The lat. is in all cases S. and long. E.—The Editor.]
8th. “Francis in Company.”Lat. 35° 12′ Long.153° 10′9th.34° 42′153° 10′10th. “The Schooner in Company.'34° 7′154° 35′11th. “At dawn the francis could only be seen from the mast head, 9. veered to westwd. Noon bore up and ran to leward to join the Schooner.”34° 35′155° 50′12th.36° 7′157° 22′13th. “Francis in Company.”37° 47158° 18′14th. “Francis astern.”38° 7′159° 16′15th. “Schooner in Company.”38° 25′159° 36′16th. “Francis in Company.”40° 27′160° 40′17th. “Francis in Company.”42° 3′161° 17′18th. “Francis in Company.”42° 37′161° 17′19th. “Schooner in Company.”43° 48′162° 3′20th. “Francis in Company.”45° 38′163° 15′21st. “Francis in company. Shortened sail for the schooner.”45° 49′165° 43′22nd. “Francis astern.”45° 49′165° 48′23rd. “4 P.M. Sch to Westwd “5 P.M. the schooner was about 3 miles to leward—veered to join her—8 P.M. no sight of the schooner.” “A.M. 11. The Schooner was not seen from the mast Head.”46° 17′165° 48′24th.
The journal then proceeds:—
4 P.M. the So Extr. of Duskey Bay N.E. 7 or 8 Legs.
5 A.M. Pt. five fingers E N E 6 Ls.
10 A.M. we were off Pt. Five Fingers, we then fired six Guns. We kept standing on for Anchor Island Harbour, and we were impatiently looking out for the boat, which at 11 we
saw pulling round the So. pt. of Anchor Isld. at Noon brot up in Anchor Isld Harbour.—Mr. Leith
The second mate left in charg of the sealing party at Luncheon Cove the previous year.
and five others came on board—who informed us that all the rest were well—which gave us no small satisfaction.
Remarks &c. Duskey Bay New Zealand.
Soon after furling the sails—The Captain went with Mr. Leith to Luncheon Cove, in the Evening they returned to Supper, not an individual was left at the dwelling place, we had killed a Goat (the only remainder of our live stock) on the occasion, and I will venture to assert that a more pleasant sensation than this afforded had never been felt by any of the persons who composed this entertainment.
The informations we received were not equal to our expectations but the satisfactory intelligence of their safety exceeded them they had now been Ten Months on a Desolate (and to them) and an Uninhabited Island, without communication of any sort, and without any kind of refreshment than what we left them. They had built a Vessell of Sixty or Seventy Tons and had proceeded so far in her as to have been able to have left the place in 3 Months from the time of our arrival. Circumstances however prevented us from carrying this into execution, the time limited us by our Charter to stay at Duskey Bay was 14 Days beyond that time we were not to be considered in the service of Government nor should we receive Pay untill the time of our departure if we exceeded it.—it therefore became necessary to prepare for an early departure.
The following Morning was accordingly spent in getting a part of the Stores &c. which we had left, with a quantity of Plank intended for the Ships Decks, they being in a wretched condition. We found the weather in general unfavourable for our purpose, blowing chiefly very hard from the Nod, and being attended with very heavy rains.
Every opportunity was made use of for getting on board the above mentioned articles, which was done, the rigging repaired and every necessary completed on Wednesday October 9th. and on Thursday we unmored and warped out of the Harbour into an Inlet between One of the Parrot Islands and the Pt. of Anchor Island, we found the swell setting very heavily into the Bay and so little wind that attempting to get was impossible. We got 3 or 4 Boats load of wood and spent the remainder of the day, which was a fine one, in pleasant excursion.
This morning we had a light breeze at S.S.E., we immediately weighed and stood into the Sound—we now found the wind increase and the swell setting so violently into the Bay that the Ship would not work, we Bore up and run into Facill Harbour in the North Cove of which we anchored in the afternoon.
Employed scraping and greasing the Masts—One Boat with Cns Raven and Nepean set off on a party to Goose Cove. I went with them we arrived in the entrance at about 10 A.M. The weather was very unfavourable blowing heavily from the Southward. we landed on the Beach opposite to a Sandy low point which runs off a considerable distance from the Shore. The purpose of our landing was to look at a Hutt which we saw from the Boat. It was Built about 10 Yards from the High Water mark—in the entrance of the Woods. The materials of which it was constructed were chiefly the Flax plant and a few Sticks stuck in an Upright position, it appeared nearly circular; but wanted a segment of ⅓ of its circumference which was the entrance a man might sit upright, but I think it impossible for one to stand upright in it. They must creep on all fours to enter it—and a family of 5 or 6 persons must lie very warm, the whole reminds me of necessary buildings I have seen at Port Jackson built by the Convicts and designed for the accommodation of a Sow and a litter of Pigs, with the Shelter they receive (for neither land nor Sea wind can reach them) they may serve the purpose to those whom Nature has destined to endure those hardships which to them seem trifles, but to a European unused to the scenes would be astonishing. No inhabitant was seen nor had any Been in it some time. Our People had once visited this Cove since our leaving them when they had seen a fire in the hut but the Natives had fled before their approach, every inducement of theirs had been found insufficient to persuade them to return to the habitation before they departed. They had left a few nails and other baubles which they found afterwards untouched, the Natives had left their Habitation in consequence of this discovery of theirs. We found that all the Huts in Goose Cove and those at the Head of it and in Wood Hen Cove were deserted. at the Head of Goose Cove we found Celery and some Ducks but they had now become so shy that on the approach of the Boat they immediately took flight. We shot about 6—the last of which was a Painted one.
The paradise duck, Casarca variegata, or putangitangi.
it had 10 Ducklings, with a great deal of trouble they caught 6 of them, 2 were killed in catching, and the other four were taken on Board,
where, notwithstanding every care was taken to preserve them; they died in a week—The Mother being shot. it was with great difficulty we were able to pull the boat ahead round the point which we at last accomplished and in the Evening returned on Board.
Nothing has been said of the Schooner, which from the inclemency of the weather both when she Parted and since that time, we all concluded was lost. A very odd circumstance occurred which gave us the greatest and the most pleasant surprize. It happened that the last Boat when was at Luncheon had forgot a Cat which was out of the House. A boat was now sent to fetch that Cat—in her I went, and on pulling into the entrance we saw to our surprize the Schooner at anchor—we learned that she had arrived on the day before after having been driven to leeward as far as the Sundays Islands, Supposed to have been discov. in our last Voyage.
She now wanted every assistance, they had not been able to make her stay she wanted repairs which they were unable to give her, and without which it would have been impossible to have ventured to Sea again. We returned on board in the evening, and 2 Boats were dispatched to bring her to Facill
Facile Harbour.
Harbour where she arrived the day after. We were now all hands Empd. in wooding and watering her. The Carpenters were empd. in making a Bowsprit and repairing her rudder and Sawyers were cutting plank for Her. On Sunday 20th. of October we had completely fitted her to proceed on her voyage we got under way and made sail out of the Sound with the Francis in Company. After a stay of 1 Mo. more than we were directed by Charter Party for which the reasons were given that detained us.
Hoisted our Colours and parted Company with the Francis.
Captain Raven sailed for Norfolk Island and there handed to Lieut.-Governor King, under date 2nd November, 1793, a report of his visit to Dusky Sound (Vol. i, pp. 177 to 179).
Made and shortened sail occasionally.
Swell from N.N.W.
Records Relating to Bampton's Visit
Captain Bampton commanded the “Endeavour,” which visited Sydney in 1795, and while there, Mr. Robert Murry, fourth officer on board the “Britannia,” which was lying at the Sydney wharves at the same time, accepted service under him. The “Endeavour” shortly afterwards sailed for New Zealand, and left her bones in Facile Cove, Dusky Sound—the first recorded wreck on the New Zealand coast. Records dealing with this celebrated craft will be found in Vol. i, pp. 197 to 205, 219, 242, and 245. In addition, her story is on record in “A Short History of New South Wales,” by Collins; “Derelict Ship in Facile Harbour, Dusky Sound,” by Hocken (Trans. of N.Z. Inst., Vol. xx, p. 422); “Murihiku and the Southern Islands,” by McNab (pp. 57 to 68, and 329 to 349); and “Murihiku,” by the same author (pp. 111 to 123).
Murry's manuscript Journal, which is here reproduced so far as it relates to Bampton's visit, was found by the Editor when searching the Manuscript Department of the Essex Institute, Salem, Mass., U.S.A. This officer took with him his Journal when he left the “Britannia,” and, when he was afterwards put in charge of the “Providence” (which was built at Dusky), adopted the same procedure, with the result that his Journals on board all three vessels are in one volume.
Murry's Journal.Kept by Mr. Robert Murry, fourth officer, while on board the “Endeavour” at Dusky Sound, 1795.(Extract copied from the original in the Essex Institute, Salem, Mass., U.S.A., by the Editor.)
On June 2d Captn. Raven asked me, if I should wish to go with Captain B as fourth Officer.
The vessels “Britannia” (Raven) and “Endeavour” (Bampton) were lying near one another in Sydney Cove, Port Jackson, New South Wales, when this portion of the log commences.
I told him I should not wish to leave him untill he returned to England. He wished me to embrace the opportunity adding,—“I know pretty well
from a short acquaintance whether a man is possessed of any stock of sensibility, my acquaintance convinces me that Capt. Bampton is a Gentleman with whom I can trust you, he has promised to take care of you, to protect you, and while you continue to deserve I am confident, will be your friend. I know your nature so much as to be convinced that you feel some regret at leaving me, but you must in this case, consider yourself. If you return to England your friends at most cannot raise you higher than this in an Indiaman, that trade is now at an Ebb, and India is, I think the best place in which, under such a Commander as Ct. B. You must meet preferment.” Such was the advice I received from this truly good and generous man. I did not hesitate long in determining; the day following he introduced me to Cn. B. as the Young Man he committed to his care & protection, there was something so solemn in this introduction, that I am sure I was considerably abashed—and knew not how to make a reply to Captn. Bampton's generous offer, and assurance that he would take care of me. Some persons who read this, may wonder at my suffering myself to be thus (in a manner) delivered up, if they do, it will be a proof that their share of sense is but inconsiderable and would, did they conceive my situation of mind think I had done right.
Soon after (on the 6th June) I went round to the River Hawkesburg with a party of 20 Lascars for the purpose of cutting Timber for the Endeavour, my passage was very unpleasant, it rained hard the greatest part of the time, and I had a very bad boat's crew, so that I did not get on equal to my wish.
When I arrived, I found that the Timber did not run near so large here, as at the parts adjacent to Sydney in Port Jackson. I therefore wrote to Captn. B. and informed him, and he directly sent an order for my immediate return, I directly dispatched the Sawyers and Sea Cunny. On the next day I sent the lascars, I was obliged to pay a man 5 shillings to conduct them in their road; and thinking that they would not fatigue themselves with walking I deferred going myself untill the second day after, when I started with Mr. W. Baker the Superintendant, and arrived at Sydney at 8 in the evening, after the most fatiguing walk I ever experienced.
On the morning following I went on board the ship and commenced my duty as the Fourth or Junior Officer, I was employed in the ship's hold delivering Rice and Dholl for the use of His Majester's Colony.
Having no accommodation, I slept on shore at Mr. Smiths, the Store Keeper, the character of that Gentleman is so well
known by persons who visit Port Jackson, that any tribute I could pay would be superfluous.
To the Officers of the Ship, especially Mr. Weathrall, I am much indebted for the very great attention they paid me, on entering into their society, as it softens in a great degree, my extreme regret at parting from my late worthy Commander and his Officers.
Remarks, &c Thursday, Sep. 17, 1795.
[Omitting tabular matter, and giving latitude and longitude each day.—The Editor.]
Lying moored below Garden Island 12 fms.—Mud.
Wind N.N.E. & variable, rain.
A.M. Do. Wind & Weather.—Fancy, Brig, at anchor astern.
Noon Calm & Cloudy.
Friday 18.
3 P.M. we had a squall of rain—which was followed by a fresh Gale at West & clear Wr. ½ past 3 P.M. the Pilot came on board.
N.B. pt. Five Fingers Duskey Bay. Latt. 45° 42′ So 166° 9′ East.
Pt. Jackson entrance 33° 56′. Long. 151° 30′ Et.
7 A.M. Unmoored weighed and sailed out of the Harbour, in company with the Fancy, Brig Commanded by Capt. E. T. Dell.
Noon entrance of Pt. Jackson bore W.N.W. 8. Leagues.
Lat. 34″ 2′ S. Long. 151° 31′.
Saturday 19th.
We this evening found, that; in spite of all our vigilance, upwards of 40 Men & 1 Woman had found means to secret themselves in the ship,—and had escaped the search.
Up top Gallt Yards. Set T.G. Sails.
Latitude 34° 23′ S Long. 153° 22′
Sunday 20th. Sepr. 1795.
I did yesterday sign a paper which I will not swear to on a future occasion; it was concerning the prisoners there Mentioned.
An high swell from the Sod. caused the Ship to roll much.
The Fancy in company.
Lat. 34° 16′ Long. 153° 12′
Monday 21st Septr.
Of the convicts mentioned on Saturday 4 are Carpenters this may look as if we had conceald them but I am certain it was not the case.
The Fancy ahead.
Lat. 34° 10′. Long. 153° 42′.
Tuesday 22nd.
Lon: at 1 P.M. for Lunars 155° 48′ Et.
Lat. 34° 32′ Long. 155° 34′.
Wednesday 23d Sepr. 1795.
Made a signal for the Fancy to haul up & join us.
Shortened sail for the Fancy.
Set the Mainsail & Driver.
158° 6′ Lunar. Bearing & distance Five Fingers Pt. Duskey B. S. 36 E.
Lat. 36° 49′ Long. 157° 32′
Thursday Sepr. 24th.
Struck top Gallt Yards & Masts. Close Rft. topsails.
An high following sea.
The Fancy in company.
Noon Pt. 5 Fingers bore S 33° 21′ distant 15 ⅓ Leags.
Lat. 39° 23′ Long. 160° 30′.
Friday 25th.
Fancy in company.
Out reefs.
Noon Pt five fingers S 31° 35′ Et 96 ⅓ Ls.
Lat. 41° 36′ Long. 162° 40′.
Saturday 26th. Sept. 1795.
Fancy in company.
Lat, 43° 6′. Long. 164° 4′.
Sunday 27.
The Fancy in company.
Lat, 43° 34′. Lon. 164°.
Monday 28th.
Lat. 43° 28′. Long. 164° 17′.
Tuesday 29th. September 1795.
A long S.E. swell.
The Brig in company.
Lat. 43° 56′. Long. 164° 29′.
Wednesday.
Noon made the signal for the Fancy to alter the course steered one point to Port.
Fancy ahead.
Set the Mainsail.
Hauled the mainsail up for the Brig to come up with us.
Lat. 45°. Lon. 165° 9′.
Thursday October 1st.
Fancy a long dist. to Windward.
Lat. 45° 53′.
Friday October 2nd, 1795.
At 2 P.M. in a sauall we carried away the fore Yard in the slings unbent the sail and got it down. Clued up. Furled the Fore & Mizen topsails. In mainsail.
Down top Gallant Mast.
Brot. roo.
Empd. making a fore Yard out of a sheer Mast.
Lat. 46° 1′.
Saturday 3rd Octr.
The wind continues as fresh as before from the Northward. We veered at 1 P.M. and made all the sail we were able. In the evening we had the fore Yard replaced and the foresail set. At 9 P.M. we set the Fore topsail—and at 12 Handed in again.
In the morning it blew excessive hard, we were employed all hands at the Pumps, the ship having made much water by working.
A heavy and confused sea.
Lat. 46°.
Sunday. 4th.
The pumps going constantly the whole 24 hours. All hands employed stowing the anchors in board to ease the ship forward.
In the morning the Jib boom and Spritsail Yard were got in for the same purpose.
Strong Gales from the Northward.
Lat. 47° 18′.
Monday the fifth.
Strong gales with cloudy weather. The ship still continuing to work very much,—always one, at times, two Pumps going.
Latt South.
[Latitude and longitude not given, and no more entries until the 12th. Two pages are cut out here.—The Editor.]
Transactions, Remarks &c on board the Endeavour at Duskey
Bay, New Zealand.
1795: October 12th, Saturday. On the morning of this day I attended Captains. Bampton and Dell to Luncheon Cove with an intent of seeing the vessel which Capt. Raven's People had built and left there; we arrived at about 9 o'clock and landed at the wharf, which was still standing, but was knocked off the posts which supported it, by the carelessness of the boats crew; we caught a few fish in the entrance of the cove, which we fried, and ate in the house; we afterwards looked at the
vessel and I was a little vexed to hear them express a dislike to almost every part of her. We found in the House, which had, thro' violence of the weather lost a part of its thatch; a number of Casks, among which, was four which appeared full, one also was half full of salt. The Try pot
[Note in Manuscript.] An Iron boiler of 84 gallons.
and steam were as they were left. The plank which had covered the vessell and drying house, had a part blown off, but was sound, and well seasoned. Some of the planks of ye vessell had shrunk and a plank or two on the bows at the wooden ends had rent. We set off for the Seal Islands at 11 and kill'd 15 Seals. We returned in the evening on board.
Sunday, 13th. In the morning we hoisted the long boat out. We were called into the cabin in consequence of a letter which Mr. Bowell had written to Captain Bampton which Capt. Bampton read to us; it requested leave to resign the birth he fill'd of Chief Officer; the Captn. would not consent to a discharge but consented to his resigning his Office which he appointed Mr. Waine to fill. Mr. Weathrall 2nd Officer and Myself third. We were employed sending empty Casks from the fore Hold to send on shore.
Monday 14th. The day was very very well occupied in heaving the ballast out, the weather of this day has been warm and clear, which has been the case since we have been here. Mr. Weathrall with the whole of the Europeans were employed on shore, felling timber for building a store house; on a stoney beach opposite to where the ship lay, and where the Britannia had wooded in 1793.
Tuesday 15th. The Captain with Captain Dell set out on a party to Pickersgile Harbour. Mr. Arms went with Mr. Bowell to the Seal Islands.
Tuesday 15th. We were employed as before, at 8 in the evening the Captain returned from Pickersgile Harbour, he had shot two Redbills and a Duck—and had caught some fish— and appeared very well pleased with the excursion. Messrs Bowell and Arms returned soon after with a few fish, they had not kill'd any seals, being unused to the sport. In the morning we were employed getting plank and sundry other articles on shore, from what I have seen this day, of the condition of the ship I think it will be unsafe, attempting to proceed in her to India. This day has been cloudy, in the night only we had heavy rain. Mr. Arms went to Commorant Cove and shot about a dozen and a half of wild fowl among which was four painted ducks.
Wednesday 16th. This day has exceeded, in warmth, and pleasantness, all I ever before saw, In Duskey Bay; We have
been employed in sending on shore plank, Gun Carriages, and Empty Casks. Mr. Arms went to haul the seine in Goose Cove and returned without a fish. The mess party had good success. Mr. Weathrall and party on shore building a storehouse.
Thursday 17.—We have this day had frequent flurries from the Valley, the sky has been clear and the weather pleasant. We were employed sending plank &c. on shore.
Friday 18th. The night rainy and the succeeding morning cloudy, the forenoon was, however, clear and serene; We were obliged to muster all hands, and threaten to turn them ashore, they having, of late been rather backward in the discharge of their Duty. The greater part of the day was expended in sending on shore the Guns; the remaining part starting some water from the After Hold.
Saturday 19th. This day began with fine weather, in the night we had rain and cloudy wr. in the morning, we got the remainder of the Guns out, two of which were lost by the upsetting of raft. Two anchors were also sent on shore. I forgot to mention that on Thursday last the Carpenter—in below at the breasthooks, prized the lower one 2 inches with his axe— a proof of the very decayed situation of the ship at that part.
Sunday 20th. Cloudy weather succeeded by pleasant and clear. In the morning we were getting out the bowsprit, We were also desired to survey the ship, the following persons were present. Viz: Mr. E. T. Dell, Commander of the Fancy, Snow; Messrs. Dennison & Fell his First and 2nd Officers. Mr. Wm. Bowell, passenger, Mr. Arms Do Messrs Waine & Weathrall and myself attended by the Carpenters of both vessels.
The condition we found her in, justifies what has before been said, from occular demonstration we found, that, all the breast Hooks were loose, they were on the spot prized very easily up with a Crow. Of the lower one the bolts had worked 2 inches out. Her stern was entirely decayed, and the remaining parts, as timbers, plank & lining in so bad a condition that we think it a miracle she held together in the bad weather we experienced.
I afterwards went with the crew of the Pinnace, to cut flax to thatch the House, there being but small quantities and that scattered so wide and obviously that we got but little.
Sunday. After dinner, I took the boat to the head of the Cove in hopes of finding better success, but with little effect to compensate the loss, I went to look at the place, where we, in our last voyage in the Britannia, saw a great fall of water and which, I had some curiosity to see; it was now perfectly dry, about 10 yards up the valley, I heard a very loud noise seeming to proceed from a considerable cascade, I followed it
and found it came from a subterranean passage under a rock which had only one opening, thro which I crept, the hole I was in was dark. I heard the water still louder, but saw none it appeared, by the particular hollow sound to be at some distance below me it is rather remarkable, that though I travelled about 150 Yds. to see if I could discover its source, or the opening into this subterranean passage, I found none.
Monday 21st. Cloudy weather without rain, Empd. getting up shears for the Foremast; I hinted to Ct. Bampton the difficulty of getting flax for thatch and he desired me to rig the Long Boat to get the plank which is cut at Luncheon Cove This has Empd me the greater part of this day.
Tuesday 22nd. At 6 in the Morning I set off for Luncheon Cove and arrived at about 10. We loaded the boat, and Cooked some Victuals for the people, we then set off for the Ship, where we arrived at 5 in the evening, the foremast was out and shears shifted for the Main Mast. The weather all this day has been foggy, a light air from the S.S.W.
Wednesday 23. Very pleasant weather. We this morning discovered that some rascals had broke open the tank in which the Rice was kept, and had stolen a considerable quantity. Instant search was made for obtaining the knowledge of persons so void of sense and honesty, a quantity of rice was found in the possession of Thomas Beadle (one of those whom Capt. Bampton had given a passage) which had been stolen by Carey (a soldier deserted and who had secreted himself in the ship) and, as both were evidently guilty, On. B. delivered them to be punished by the People on shore which was done: It is a common maxim I have adopted, of thinking, that, an Idle worthless fellow is scarcely, if ever, honest, in this, as in all similar cases I daily see it verified.
What we have most to regret is, that our own people are guilty, as well as the Sydnians, several of the Steersmen
[Note in Manuscript.] Seamen appropriated to the uses only of steering, stowing, and repairing the ship sails.
having been seen in the act, we have not, however, as yet, been able to catch them; or they would have been severely punished. If they steal, we cannot expect anything else of the others, who have daily examples set them by those persons who ought, and it must be supposed, would endeavour to detect others, in the commission of crimes so much to the prejudice of the whole.
We sent all our rice, Dholl, Arms & Ammunition on board the Fancy. The remainder of the day we were Empd. unrigging & getting out the Main Mast.
Thursday 24th. The day began with a thick haze and light airs from N.N.W. at 8 A.M. I set off with the long boat for
a dozen casks of water, the falls about Facill Harbour being dry, I went to Earshell Cove, and fill'd the casks at a place, where the water runs from a rock; and where, it appears to be a continual stream. On our return the wind freshened and blew so hard that with twelve butts of water, I could hardly carry the whole sails, we kept them, however, up until we had the misfortune to carry away the bowsprit & Gaff at once; it was with great difficulty we were able to fetch boat passage; which, however, we effected and at 3 in the afternoon arrived on board. The Mizen Mast had been got out & the shears down. 1 this day signed 3 Papers concerning the condition & survey of the Ship.
Friday 25th. Cloudy weather throughout; Employed getting the two New Cables on shore, in the afternoon we unmoored the Ship, and sent one Long Boat-load of rigging on Shore.
Saturday 26th. In the morning, cloudy with showers of rain. At 6 I took the Pinnance & 4 men to look for an empty Bbl. which had drifted from the house on shore, on my way 1 saw two brace of Ducks, they were so tame as to let the boat row almost on them; one of them I struck with the boat's tiller, but not hard enough to disable him, they still kept swimming ahead of the boat, and I regretted I had no Gun. We found the Cask on one of the Parrot Islands full of water. Employed sending ballast from the Main and after Hatch ways. Our boat has daily been sent to fish with a man from each mess, and they have very seldom caught less than a fish a man for this whole Ships Company.
1795. Sunday 27th. Very disagreeable day, as was the preceding night, at 2 in the morning, the ship struck against a rock which caused her to sal'l considerably; at 8 A.M. we sounded on it, and had ½ 1–¼ less 2 and 2 fms. in diffierent parts; it seems to join to that on which the Britannia lay in 1793. The first opportunity I have, I will make a sketch of the Cove. The morning was occupied in shifting our birth and the afternoon getting ballast out. The wind which has blown in heavy gusts, has varied from W.N.W. to NE.
Monday 28th. As disagreeable as the day which proceeded it; rain & wind. It was found necessary for Cn Bampton a second time, to assure the people, as his last and fixed resolution, that they who had refused, to assist in the necessary duty of the Ship, should receive no assistance from him; this, accompanied with a reproof, and gentle admonition, had a very good effect on all, they promised to attend strictly to the discharge of their duty. It is resolved that they are all to live on shore, to be more at hand.
Tuesday 29th. Rain in showers, wind variable. Empd getting ballast out. Nothing remarkable has happened.
Wednesday 30th. Throughout the whole day, we had heavy gusts from the Northward. We were employed sending on board the Fancy, sails & sundry stores.
Thursday 31st. This day has been the most disagreeable we have hitherto had, it has blown with uncommon violence from the Northwd. and has been attended with excessive heavy rain.
Friday 1st Novr. Still rainy, altho' the wind has abated, much of its former violence; We found the Starboard Cable cut entirely thro' by rubbing against the rocks. We slippd the other and hauled the Ship on shore for the purpose of seeing if it was possible to get her high enough to repair her as it was Spring Tide.
[One page torn out here.—The Editor.]
Friday 6th. I went to the upper part of the cove to cut down some trees for plank, the first we fell'd went into the water and sunk, the next we got into the water and, by good luck, it floated. We towed it to the beach and got it upon the Pit, when, deuce take it! it broke down; and our day's labour was lost.
Saturday 7th. Rigging sheers for new saw Pit, we built one on 6 Butts, thus:—
Sunday 8th. In the morning we hoisted the piece of timber on the pit. I afterwards cut another piece, and Brought it to the landing place. We expended the remaining part of the day rigging another pair of sheers for a new pit.
Monday 9th. This morning I hoisted the piece of timber which was cut yesterday on the pit. The weather has been very pleasant these two days.
Tuesday 10th. Rain in showers with a constant Haze. Employed cutting timber for the long Boat.
Wednesday 11th. Having little to do, this day, I accompanied Capt. B. to Luncheon Cove. The weather, which before 8 o'clock in the morning looked threatening, assumed a more inviting appearance. We started at ½ past 8 and arrived at Luncheon Cove at 10—from whence (after performing that
ceremony from which the Cove was named) we pull'd to the Seal Isles to fish &c. The wind freshening at N.W. raised a great surf, which prevented our landing at the outermost Island. We, however, pull'd inwards alongshore, and happening to see a very large seal, I begged of Cn. Bampton to permit me to land which he complied with, hardly had I stepped out of the boat before 3 very heavy surfs came about me, I had no club with me; the boathook, which I had thrown on shore for that purpose had been carried out by the send back of the sea. And had the animal attacked me I was defenceless. My anxiety for the boat was greater than for the event of the Seal. I had however, some wish to kill him, but the heaviness of the surf prevented my moving from the summit of the rock on which I stood, like
“Patience on a monument, smiling at Grief.”
At last, however, the sea went down, they took me in and we made the best of our way for the ship, where we arrived at 7 o'Clock.
Since my writing the above day's work we have by some means lost the day of the week & month. The interval has been occupied in different events & employments, tending chiefly towards the fitting our vessels.
On Friday the 18th Dec. I had an opportunity of getting the distance of the Sun & Moon, by which I learned the real day.
On Saturday 19th—I went on shore and set all hands to work and got a piece of timber on the Saw Pit. Mr. Bowell has been three days indisposed, he is now of opinion that his illness proceeds from an inflammation of the Liver. I for my part, am hearty, the Captain is so, and that is a great blessing to us all.
A quarrel which has been sometime hovering about at last was settled the other day. Mr. Alms, a passenger, had offered his assistance to Capt. B. to catch fish for the ship's Compy and had obtained the small boat for that purpose, Mr. Wain, chief Officer, finding himself hurt, (as the prior application had not been made for the boat to him), denied the Two men which Capt. B. had granted, from going in her, but Mr. A. paid no attention to the denial & took them. From this time the two gentlemen have never been on the most intimate terms,—Mr. A. went to Luncheon with Mr. Weathrall for the purpose of avoiding a quarrel. Mr. W. always wished for one—Necessity brot. Mr. Alms to Facille Harbour and the wind being at S.SW he sailed up. The morning after his arrival I was on the deck with Mr. Alms, and seeing the Yard of his Sail had been cut, I jocosely said—“So Mr. Jonny, I have a reckoning to make with you for spoiling that yard.” He in the same manner
replied “Whoever says that yard is spoilt, knows nothing of it”—Mr. Waine was walking the deck, he came to Mr. Alms, in a very impudent manner, thrust his face near to Mr. A's and said “I said you had spoilt the Yard, I know about it, and you are a S——n Puppy.” Mr. Arms made no answer to so foul an execration. He wished to preserve the utmost quietude untill the Vessels were in the Water. Soon after he came from Luncheon Cove, and wrote a Note to Mr. Waine, which that Gentleman threw overboard, without opening. He then called him into the round House, and begged that I would attend to see what happened. The words were nearly the following.
Mr. Alms to Mr. W. You know, Sir, I suppose what the expression was which I recd. from you. I cannot put it off any longer, but must have an immediate apology or satisfaction.
Mr. W. I do not think I gave any affront which could subject me to such a thing—I decline both.
Mr. A. Mr. Murry, you heard all that passed, give your opinion. Did Mr. Waine give me any provocation to act as I do, or not?
Murry, He gave such provocation as I could not have been silent on.
Mr. A. You hear Mr. Waine? I now desire you to ask my pardon before Mr. Murry, or to give me satisfaction in another manner this instant.
Mr. W. I will not! I cannot think of fighting a man who has been used to practise a Pistol. I don't like to be shot at like a bird.
Mr. Alms. That's nonsense, Sir. here are two pistolls, take your choice of them, load them yourself, you shall have every advantage I can offer, but as you have refused to make attonement for the offence. You must fight me.
Mr. W. I cannot.
Mr. A. Then, Sir, You are a Coward, a Dastardly Coward! Mr. Murry, you hear what I say. I call Mr. Waine a Coward, who would dare to affront a gentleman, and refuse him satisfaction. Mr. W. you are a Coward, I shall publish this in India.
Mr. W. Well, if you call me a Coward I shall act accordingly.
(He then left the Cabin).
Since this the Gentlemen have not spoke to each other.
Sunday 20th. We were employed cutting timber and plank.
Monday 21st. In the same.—Exceeding fine weather.
Tuesday 22nd. Ditto. Schooner Watering.
Wednesday 23rd—Employed variously. In the afternoon I drew up the names of the Crews of each respective vessel, which amounted to 244 Persons, Officers &c. included. Of which 90 go in the Providence. 90 in the Resource. The remaining 64 in the Fancy.
Thursday 24th. Pleasant breezes at N.NW. attended with cloudy weather Employed watering and wooding the Providence and planking the Resource.
Friday 25th. was Christmas day, our situation not permitting us to spare a whole, Captn. Bampton indulged the people with half a day, and gave the artificers, a portion of Mutton or Pork, with some Arrack, each man. Nor were the Ragged gang forgotten. Mr. Alms who had been previously sent to fish, returned in the morning with Seal & fish sufficient for all; to this the Captain added a dram. As for ourselves, we fared sumptuously, and altho' the absent were not toasted, I dare say, they were remembered. I can at least answer for myself.
Saturday 26th. This day our operations were rassumed. I cannot but perceive the very great partiality the Capt. seems to feel for Mr. Weathrall and the vessel which he commands. I think he wants to have vessel ready with the Fancy. The visible attention paid her, and the subsequent want of care in Mr. Waine has thrown the Resource considerably aback. On examination, I cannot accuse myself of a jealous disposition, but, I think that it would displease me exceedingly to have the attention transferred from me to a junior officer.
Sunday 27th. This morning Captn. Bampton asked me, if I would stay behind with the Resource? I willingly replied I would. But I believe I showed some inward uneasiness; I had before said I would not sail in her, I now thought that it was unsafe, and that I should run some risque, in short, I had made up my mind to avoid sailing in her, but had determined to let no one know this resolution untill I had heard the Captain's mind on the subject. His asking me if I would stay, put an entire stop to, shall I? and I made the sacrifize, which I think the least part of my duty to Capt. Bampton. I am only afraid he discovered some inward uneasiness which I endeavoured to conceal, as I know that if he thought any person under him uneasy in their situations he would sooner take it himself than see them unhappy.
Monday, 28th. Rainy disagreeable weather. After having cut two pieces of timber, I went to dinner and recd. Capt. B's order to cut two knees—which I did immediately. The afternoon pleasant weather.
Tuesday 29th. Unsettled weather the wind fresh at N.N.E. attended with showers of Rain. Employed as necessary—I this day cut down 3 pieces of timber and pitted one—
Wednesday, 30th. Fresh gales from the Northward with light showers—After getting 2 pieces of timber pitted. I fell'd a tree for the Rudder and cut three knees for the Vessel.
Thursday 31st. This afternoon Capt. B. made a division of the Stores and provisions.
Friday Jan. 1st, 1796. The day was most gloriously usher'd in by a quarrel, between Capt. Bampton and Mr. Waine, the latter was accused of discontent—Hitherto I have not been attacked by the Bull dogs of party—whenever I meet one I sheer off.
Saturday 2nd. This day was one of the finest that we have had since our arrival—it proved a day of the greatest importance to me. I have as I mentioned before, been rather unhappy at the idea of being left here—I was afraid of hurting Captn. Bampton's feelings on the subject, as I had every reason to think he wished me to stay, and I knew that the attachment of the people to me, wou'd expedite the work, but Capt. Dell this day assured me that it was Capt. B's particular wish that I should accompany him. I therefore complied with his wish, in doing which I did myself a service, as it lessened the painful anxiety which has for sometime past, troubled me.
Sunday 3rd.—Fresh gales of wind from the northward, employed cutting timber for the vessell which was launch'd and pitting pines for the Sawyers.
Thursday 7th. We weighed and sailed out of Facille Harbour, we had a very light breeze from the S.E. and the Providence was in company. At 9 A.M. we were abreast of Pt. Five fingers, the wind chopping suddenly round to the sea, we were obliged to make 3 boards before we could wr. the Point. The Schooner was astern at 10 o'clock, at ½ past 10 we pass'd Pt. five fingers, and ran out into the offing, where, at Noon, we brot. too for the Schooner, and at 1 P.M. veered and stood in for ber, she was then close under the Fingers—at 2 she was without them and we veered upon coming up they informed us that they had narrowly escaped, being lost upon the Point—The vessel had missed stays, and as it fell calm they could not veer her, the tide setting her among the Rocks—A light, air, however, released them from the painful anxiety which they must have felt.
Wherever I have followed our immortal country man. Captn. Cook, I have never been so presuming as to aim at description, he has left very little to be done at any Port, or on any Coast he ever visited, but, for the information of the few friends I have, and as memorandums to myself, should I again visit this part of the world; I think my efforts will not appear altogether blameable; as the observations I make, are such as Captn. Cook, had not an opportunity of knowing, or such as he would have known, had he staid as long, and visited Duskey Bay, as often as I have.
In Captain Cook's description of the Country and the Harbours of Duskey Bay, I find not one error; some things have indeed escaped his notice, which good fortune has pointed out to us, and future Navigators may discover, what we never saw. For an accurate description of Duskey Bay, I should refer to Cooks 2nd Voyage, with the following observations as additions which I presume will be found of some service.
A commander unacquainted with Duskey Bay, having a chart of the Harbours before him, would chuse Facile Harbour as the safest and most commodious. In this however he would choose one of the worst, as I shall endeavour to prove.
At Duskey Bay, the winds blow constantly in the summer months from the northwards; in Winter, as invariably from the S.Wd. I never knew of an instance of a Southerly gale of wind in Summer, or a Northerly one in the winter season. It therefore becomes necessary to chuse Your Harbour according to the season, in this prudence will direct the choice. You will naturally chuse an harbour from which you may with ease get to Sea — in this case, I know of no better Harbour than Cascade Cove in Winter, or the Bason, and little Harbour in Summer, it is necessary to go out, in summer with a northerly wind, as the southerly ones blow too strong and throw too much Sea into the sound to admit of a ship working against it; In settled weather, by weighing very early, and getting into the sound you may, (and as it seldom fails) will, get a land breeze from the S.E—about 9 A.M. sometimes sooner the Sea breeze sets in, and if you are after this time, 'tis fifty to one you do not get out that day.
But in Winter, you may get out of the Son. Harbour with any winds, and run out of the North entrance with a southern gale, which I should prefer, as you may get an offing sooner by running out of the Son. entrance, the land between being a promontory, which projects considerably into the Sea.
The great height of the land about Facile Harbour and the immense depth of the valleys, or rather chasms between the hills. cause the wind to come down in heavy gusts, a ship must have good tackle to ride a Northerly gale out, in Facile Harbour, whereas in Little Harbour and the Bason, the puffs are neither frequent nor heavy, but the winds are more settled and blow more steadily and with less violence. In no other part of Duskey Bay have I felt the gusts of so much violence as in Facile Harbour.
There are several stragling rocks lying on the Eastern Shore of the North Cove which are very dangerous, and the ground in several parts is foul and has considerable over falls. If any persons runs into this Harbour I would advise them to keep close to the west Point and give the other shore a good birth, keeping about ⅔ of the channel over and run well into the bight to the westwd. of the Facile Rock, where you may anchor in
14 fms. soft mud, and if you drive here you will haul the anchor up a mud bank.
When in the offing it is not easy to distinguish Duskey Bay, and I had nearly mistaken it, for we made the land of Cape West, and stood in for the bay untill about two miles from the shore, when I discovered that we had mistaken this for Duskey Bay, it came on to blow hard soon after and we stood out to sea. Mr Malen. the mate of the Britannia had been sent by Captain Raven
During Murry's previous visit in the “Britannia.”
to examine this bay, and reported that it was a very dangerous coast, straggling rocks extending some miles to sea. At the time we veered to stand off we were about 1½ mile from ye shore, and had a small rock, which was the only one we saw, within us, it might be ¾ of a mile from the Shore, in allowing it so great a distance, I make the greatest that can be supposed. The bay seemed to us to have as fair entrance as Duskey Bay, with this difference that in the North entrance there are several rocky Isles, a large Isld lies in the middle, which, with the great similitude this Pt. has to Five Fingers, made me think it Duskey Bay — the South entrance is also much like that of Duskey, but the Seal Isles are further to the Sod. From these circumstances I think it highly worth the trouble to examine this bay, as it may afford shelter to ships who cannot fetch Duskey, with a Northerly wind; but from what I have said I would not wish any person to venture too far with a Ship.
The Officer who went to examine this bay, was not a man of the most enterprising genius, I wonder not therefore that he did not so clearly determine the truth; and I am led to believe that he never went so far to see it at all; I suppose he saw the rock which I mentioned, from the boat and as he kept close along shore, it had the appearance of being at a greater distance than it really is,—but for his account of a reef extending from the No. Pt. across the Bay, I cannot account. We saw not a breaker, but the surf only which runs upon the shore.
The timber which grows here, would answer very well for plank, for the Ship Builder, Joiner or Cabinet Maker, this is the opinion of our Carpenter in the Britannia. He being as well acquainted with its properties as any man of his profession; and the Joiner preferred it to the wood of Port Jackson or the Brazill wood. But I think it would be a task of some trouble, to get a Cargo of spars, sufficiently long for the Masts of Ships.
To procure turpentine, we made several experiments, by tapping, &c. but found no method of extracting any, and I believe that none is to be got from them. In the centre of the large Spruce trees grows a gum of a light colour with streaks of red, this is found to have all the properties of Pitch when melted,
but it is so hard, and grows in such small quantities, that it would be an endles job to extract sufficient for caulking a ship.
In the Pitch Pine trees, there is no gum of any sort but the bark emits a transparent resin which has a most agreeable smell, but it would take a man a week to get a Pound of it and would half of that be wasted thro' the moss which mixes with it, and is inseparable from it.
Capt. Cook has given so good a description of the Spruce Fir, that it is impossible to mistake it. But he has not taken any notice of the Pitch Pine—Birch—And large Myrtle.
The Pitch Pine is remarkable for its black bark, which when cut and rubbed with the finger smells agreeably. It generally grows from 20 to 40 feet without branches, and the wood is much like Norway Pitch Pine, but whiter.
The Birch is only fit for fuel—Its uncommon whiteness would cause it to be preferred for decks, &c. but it splits with the smallest blow, and, of all the woods at Duskey Bay it is the least durable—It grows from a large stump about 50—60 & even 70 feet with branches included. The boughs spread more than any other tree and the bark is generally white, somewhat resembling the hazel in England.
The Myrtle is not so large, it grows near the water, has a red bark, and is known by the smell of its leaf which very much resembles the smell of the leaf from which its takes its name, it is of use for turners or Cabinet makers, makes excellent block Pins, and from its hardness may be converted to many uses with which I am unacquainted. There are many other kinds of wood, which, as they scarcely deserve notice, I have not mentd but the Spruce Pine is the best for Naval Purposes, and the Pitch for small spars.
[In the manuscript the name of one of the passengers is spelt “Arms” in one place, “Alms” in another.
At Norfolk Island Mr Murry went on board the “Providence” on Sunday, 31st January, 1796, and until 17th April, the log is the log of the “Providence,” the first vessel built in Australasia, of Australasian timber. She made the Loyalty Islands on 5th February. An entry from the Journal of the Providence reads thus:—
“It is the intention of Capt. Bampton to leave us, being a bad sailer to ourselves, this day (6th Feb) we have kept ahead of the brig, and, as we have no ballast very little water and few good sails, the present time should I think be embraced for getting these points accomplished that we may proceed on our passage.”
On 10th April the position of the “Providence” was Lat. 1° 22′ S. and 119° 53 'E.—The Editor].
Records Relating to King's Visit. &c.
In the Petherick Collection in Melbourne, is a manuscript Journal of Philip Gidley King while Lieutenaut-Governor of Norfolk Island. The Journal commences with King's arrival at Port Jackson on board H.M.S. “Gorgon,” on 21st September. 1791, and ends on 5th May, 1797, with his return to England. The more detailed references close on 18th October, 1796, at Norfolk Island, when King was ready to embark on board the “Britannia.” The Journal is neatly written by successive clerks, and was revised by King himself, who, with his own hand, inserted revisions and interlineations, and wrote the final portion of the Journal.
A perusal of the manuscript has satisfied the Editor that it was from this Journal that Collins added those many references to King's connection with New Zealand which characterize his great work. The reproduction of the originals here will enable them to be perused by the reader exactly as they were recorded by King.
Dealing with the King Records here referred to, Vol. I of these Records may be consulted as follows: “Treatment of flax by New-Zealanders,” pp. 120, 126, 138, 140, 153, 168, 169, 182, 183, 215; “King's visit to New Zealand,” pp. 169–177, 179, 180, 183–187, 189–194, 201; “Wreck of the ‘Endeavour,’” pp. 203–205; “The ‘Fancy’ at Norfolk Island,” pp. 197 and 198.
King's JournalExtracts from the Journal of Lieut.-Governor King, of
Norfolk Island, 1791–96.
(In the Petherick Collection, Melbourne.)
[The pages given in the margin are those of the Manuscript Journal.]
1791. November 12.
At Phillipsburgh, a small progress has been made in working the Flax Plant, from which a very indifferent, & coarse kind of Canvas has been made; but I do not think, it will arrive at a desirable Perfection before a New Zealander can be brought here, or some Flax Dressers can be sent there, to observe method of preparing it.
From the Authority of Captain Cook and Mr. Foster, I have not a doubt but the Plant is the same, as that growing at New Zealand; and from which, a very fine & strong Flax is procured; That method I do not think we shall ever obtain, without the assistance of a Native of that Country; or some Person being sent there to observe their Method; As the Master of the William & Ann intends to try for Whales on theN.E. Coast of New Zealand, I proposed to him
King had already made the same proposal to Vancouver at the Cape of Good Hope (H.R. of N.Z., Vol. I, p. 191.)
to endeavour by fair means to obtain Two of the Natives from about the Bay of Islands, & Mercury Bay; the first of which Places, is not more than Three Days Sail from hence, with a fair wind; As some Difficulty was made, which could only be obviated by a recompence, I took it upon me to promise on the part of Government to give him One Hundred Pounds, if he succeeded, & brought back Two of the Natives; The Master promised to perform 19th
The 19th referred to here is evidently 19th January, 1792.
what I wished for, & sailed from hence on the 19th with that determination; what made me the more [In margin in King's hand: “The Ship went to Doubtless Bay, but could nor prevail on any of the Inhabitants to go with him.”] anxious to obtain this Information was the Necessity there appeared to me, of rendering this Island as independent as possible, for every Article of Cloathing & Food; to effect the first End. Nature seemed to have Cloathed the Cliffs, & Shores of this Island, (where nothing else will grow,) with such a Quantity of Flax, as will be inexhaustible: When I was last in London, Sir Joseph Banks shewed me a quantity of Flax, which he had obtained from the Natives about the Bay of Island: & the great Quantity which he got, in Exchange for Trifles, is a convincing Proof, that their method of preparing it, must be extremely Expeditious & Simple.
April 30 1793. I was also informed, that the Daedalus Store Ship had arrived at Port Jackson: and that the Agent according to Instructions which he had received from Captain Vancouver, had brought to Port Jackson, Two men Natives of New Zealand, who are sent hither for the purpose of giving such information, as they may possess, respecting the Manufacture of the Flax plant.
I also communicated the New Zealanders method of dressing the Flax; which has a present appearance of being very tedious, perhaps when they have been longer with us, we shall mutually improve. A Flax dresser with Three women, attend them as often as we can prevail on them to Instruct; As yet; it requires entreaty to persuade them to give us the least Information.
May 1793. Soon after the New Zealanders landed here. (but not without a very serious promise of sending them home). I found every information that could be got from them, respecting their Mode of Manufacturing the Flax plant, was obtained in one day, which I think we shall improve upon; I have appointed Two men, one of whom is a Flax Dresser, to superintend Twelve Women, who with the New Zealanders instructions, I hope will make a successful progress.
To prepare our visitors for the Ship's departure, I made them understand, by the help of a coloured General Chart, the situation of this Island from the Place they were taken From on New Zealand [in the margin, in King's handwriting, “Knuckle Point”]; their being taken off that Island by the Daedalus and carried to Port Jackson; being brought from thence here, and that the Ship was going to England; at the same time giving them to understand, that Five or Six months hence (after having learnt the women to prepare the Flax) they should be sent back to New Zealand. After having made them fully acquainted with this Intention, and the distance from hence to that place, I left it to their choice either to go to England in the Hormuzear, or remain with me; they did not hesitate in choosing the latter, but when the Captain and his Wife took their leaves, they were sensibly affected, and cryed bitterly however kind Treatment soon made chearful. It is needless to say that they both live with me, and lye in my house, where every possible care and attention is shewd them.
On the 8 [in the margin “1793 Nov.”] The Two New Zealanders had frequently importuned me to send them Home and were constantly lamenting their separation from their Family and Friends. The promise of their being sent home when they had instructed us in the method of dressing the Flax they now reminded me of; and that this was the second time of their being disappointed; I therefore thought the present a very favourable opportunity
The Britannia, Raven, had arrived from Dusky Sound.
to comply with their wishes; I have always observed that every instruction that they were capable of giving us, in Manufacturing the Flax plant, was acquired in an Hour; The manner in which they were taken away from their Familys and Friends; and their great uneasiness to get back again; These reasons with the probable advantage which may arise to these Colonies, by their again mixing with their Countrymen, the Short distance of their residence from hence, and the wind being unfavourable for the Britannia proceeding on her Voyage, induced me to assume a responsibility in detaining that ship for Ten days, or a Fort-
nightFortnight to return the Two New Zealanders to their Homes. On consulting with the Master we concluded that Ten days, or a Fortnight's detention would make no material difference in her voyage, particularly as the wind was now unfavourable for his proceeding, and a fair wind for Knuckle Point on New Zealand; from which place, I understood that the above two men were taken, which is not more than one hundred and fifty leagues from hence; In consequence of which I gave him an Order to proceed on that Service.
The treatment of the New Zealanders had been such, that I am certain they will ever retain the most greatful remembrance of every person on this Island. I always had a wish to accompany them back, that no unpleasant circumstances, happening in the course of the passage, might make them forget the kind treatment they received here, And as I had taken it upon me to detain the Britannia, a few days for that purpose, I judged it would be advisable to proceed in her myself, in order to prevent any unnecessary delay, or to return immediately, In case of calm and contrary winds. My being absent from the Island at this time for Ten days of a Fortnight did not appear to me to be of any material consequence; as it will be three weeks before the commencement of the Harvest and I had every reason to be assured of the regular and orderly behaviour of the Inhabitants, during the few days I might be absent.
As not more than three Subalterns are on Detachment here, which will not admit of a Regimental Court Martial being held, I did not think myself justifiable in leaving the Command with the Eldest Subaltern, when a Captain belonging to the New South Wales Corps was on the spot; the Service I was going on did not preclude the possibility of Accidents happening to me, I requested Captain Nepean to take the command during my absence. On his ready compliance therewith I signified my intention of proceeding to Knuckle Point to land the two NewZealanders, and of Captain Nepean's Commanding during my intended absence.
It was my intention, if the the wind should enable us to get to our destination the Third day after leaving this; To land and make such cursory observations (on the Soil and Quantity of manufactured Flax, which could be obtained) as I might be able to make in one day. I therefore ordered Two non Commissioned Officers and Twelve privates as a Guard, in case I should land; who with the Chaplain, an Assistant Surgeon, and the Store Keeper (who had Charge of some Articles which were intended for the Natives), with the Two New Zealanders; were embarked in the Afternoon of the 8th, at four in the Afternoon of the 12th we rounded the North Cape of New Zealand; the
winds during the passage altho favourable, were very light, with some Calms of very short duration.
As I have hitherto omitted any mention of the Two New Zealanders, who have been six months with us, I shall state such observations as I have been able to make respecting them, and the Information they have given us respecting their country, &c.
Woodoo
Huru.
Co-oo-tye Towa-ma-howey is five feet eight inches high, of an athletic make, his features are European and very interesting, he is of the district of Teer-a-witte, which by Tooke's (the other New Zealanders) Chart, is another district of that name, but does not lye so far to the Southward as the part of Ea-hei-no-maue so called by Captain Cooke, as we are certain that Tookes residence is about the Bay of Islands (in King's handwriting “since found to be at Doubtless Bay”) and they both agree, that the distance between their dwellings is only two days walk by Land, and one day by water: That part called Teer-a-witte by Captain Cooke is at a very considerable distance from the Bay of Islands.
At Cook Strait.
Woodoo is nearly related to Po-vo-reek, who is the Principal Chief of Teer-a-witte; he has two wives and one child, about whose safely he is very apprehensive, and almost every evening at the close of the day, he, as well as Tookee, lament their separation by crying and singing a song expressive of their grief; which is at all times very affecting.
Tookee
Tuki.
Teter-re-nue Wurri-pe-doe is of the same age as Woodoo; (viz., twenty four years) and is three inches shorter, stout and well made, their colour is olive, with strong black hair, and tattowed on the hips; Tooke's features are rather handsome and interesting, with an aqualine nose and good teeth; he is a native of the district of Ho-do-doe (which is in Doubtles Bay) of which district Tooke's Father is the Etang-a-roak, or Chief priest, and to that office, the son succeeds on his father's death; Besides his father, who is a very old man, he has left a wife and child all of whom he is very anxious and uneasy about, as well as the Chief (Moodewye) who he represents as a very worthy Character. Tooke has a decided preference to Woodoo, both in disposition and manners; altho the latter is not wanting in a certain degree of good nature, but he can at times be very much of the Savage; Woodoo, like a true patriot thinks there is no Country, People, or Customs, equal to his own; which makes him less curious in what he sees about him, than his companion Tooke, who has the happy Art of Ingratiating himself into every person's esteem; except when he is lamenting
the absence of his Family and Friends he is cheerful, often facetious and very intelligent. And was it not for the different disposition of Woodoo, we should form the more favourable opinion of the New Zealanders in General; I do not mean to say, that if Tooke was not here, that we should form an indifferent opinion of Woodoo, On the Contrary, the manners and disposition of the latter are far more pleasing that I ever expected to find in a Native of that country.
At the time they were taken from New Zealand, Tooke was on a visit to Woodoo, the method of their being taken was thus related by them: The Daedalus appeared in sight of Woodoo's habitation in the Afternoon; and was seen the next morning, but at a great distance from the Main Land; altho' she was near Two Islands which are inhabited, and which Tooke, in his Chart calls Ko-mootu-Kowa and Opanake, Curosity and the hopes of getting some Iron, induced Povoreek the Chief, Tookee, & Woodoo, with his Brother, and One of his wives, with the priest; to launch their canoes; they first went to the largest of the Two Islands, where they were joined by Tee-ah-wer-raok, the Chief of the Island, Komootukowa who is Woodoo's Father in Law, & by the son of that Chief, who governs the smaller Island, called Opanake; they were some time about the ship before the canoe in which Tooke & Woodoo were ventured alongside, when a number of Iron Tools and other Articles were given into the Canoe; the Agent Lieutenant Hanson (of whose kindness to them they speak in the highest terms) invited and pressed them, to go on Board, which
Note.—Although the Editor has made most careful search, he has been unable to find any trace of the Journals kept on board H.M.S. “Daedalus” when the New Zealanders were taken away to Sydney. The nearest approach to a record of the transaction from the European side is contained in the M.S. Journal of the “Chatham,” now in the possession of Mr. A. H. Turnbull, of Wellington, a portion of which forms pp. 496 to 508 of this volume. Under date 25th October, 1793, the writer describes the return of the H.M.S. “Daedalus” to the Expedition, after she had left the New Zealanders at Sydney, and states that Mr. Paget that evening dined on board the “Discovery” with Lieutenant Hanson, and, on his return to the “Chatham,” gave the following account of the movements of the “Daedalus” on the New Zealand Coast: “At New Zealand they did not anchor, their business at this place was to endeavour to get two or three of the Natives to go with them to Botany Bay, for the purpose of cultivating the Flax plant, but as the Natives came off to the vessel in great numbers, and knowing them to have the character of a very troublesome, daring, insolent people, Lieut. Hanson did not think it prudent to stop to make a strict scrutiny into the abilities of any particular people, more especially as the crew of the Daedalus, at all times weak, but then were much more so, from a number of sick among them, he therefore by presents inveigled two young men out of a Canoe, and taking them below, under pretence of giving them something more, he instantly made all sail; Victuals were given to these poor fellows, and different methods used to keep their attention alive below for a couple of hours, when going on Deck, instead of finding themselves in the same place as when they Came on board, and their canoe alongside, into which they were ready to jump— to their inexpressible grief and astonishment they found themselves some Leagues from the Land, and no Canoe to get on shore in; In a little time they appeared contented.”
The writer of the Journal adds this criticism upon the news Paget had brought: “Though this method of enriching the new Colony of Botany Bay, with the only people who understand the culture &c. of the Flax plant, which grows in such abundance there, and which may thro' these means be render'd of great utility; I say tho' this method may not perfectly coincide with the feelings of these people, who as I have once before mentiond Philosophise by the Fireside, yet were they in the same situation, it is most probable they would act in the same manner. A large ship, valuably laden, poorly manned, and with the best part of the crew sick, must act with prudence, and it is some degree of satisfaction to know, that these two men, though they at first very naturally wished to be in their Native Country, at last, when they got to Port Jackson, seem'd to discover no regret at the alteration in their residence, and they were treated in the Mndest manner.”
On the margin, written in pencil, are the words: “I don't think so now 1815, I am 20 years older.”
Tooke and Woodoo were anxious to do immediately, but were prevented by the persuasion of their countrymen; at length they went on Board, and according to their Expression, they were blinded by the curious things they saw, Lieutenant Hanson prevailed on them to go below, where they eat some meat; at this time the ship made sail. One of them saw the canoes astern, and perceiving the ship was leaving them, they both became frantic with Grief, and broke the Cabin windows [In the margin in King's handwriting “Lieut Hanson very fully corroborated this narrative”] with an intention of leaping over Board, but were prevented. Whilst the Canoes were in hearing they advised Povoreck to make the best of his way home for fear of his being taken also [see note at foot of pp. 540–41].
They did not remain more than Two days at Port Jackson; when the Shah Hormuzear was coming here they were sent by Lieutenant Governor Grose to give us what instruction they were able in the method of manufacturing the Flax plant.
Since their arrival they have lived with me and eat at my table, and every pains has been successfully used to attach them to us. Thus with the kind and attentive behaviour of the officers, and every other description of people, cannot fail of impressing them and their countrymen; with the liveliest gratitude, and which I am certain neither of our Two Friends will forget. For sometime after their arrival here, they were often sullen, and as anxiously avoided giving any information respecting the Flax, as we were desirous of obtaining it. The apprehension of being
obliged to work at it, I have since found was a principal reason for their not meeting our wishes so readily as we expected. By kind treatment, and leaving them to their own inclinations, they soon began to be more sociable, and interesting, and soon after by making them understand the situation, and short distance of New Zealand from this as I explained in page 78, and that as soon as they had taught the women here to “Emou-ka-Ea-ra-ka-ke (i.e.) “To work the Flax”; that then, they should be sent home again, on which promise they readily consented to give us all the Instruction and Information which they possessed, and which turned out to be very little. This operation being the peculiar province of the women, and as Woodoo is a warrior, and Tooke a priest, they gave us to understand that dressing of Flax never made any part of their studies, but the little Information which they did give, was sufficient for us to improve upon, both in Quality and Quantity.
Some time after their arrival here, Tooke drew a Chart of Ea-he-no-maui, and Poe-nam-moo, i.e. the Northen and Southern Islands of New Zealand, at that time I had no copy of Capt. Cook's Voyages, to compare with Tookes Chart, but on the Brittanias arrival, the master of that ship favoured me with Cook's first voyage, in which is a Chart of New Zealand; and on a comparison, the similitude of Took's Chart to Captain Cook's is very striking; particularly the East side of Ea-hei-no-maue, where Tooke lives. According to this Chart and Tooke's information Ea-hei-no-maue, or the Northern Island of New Zealand, is divided into Eight districts the principal of which is Pt. Souducky the Inhabitants of which are in a constant state of warfare with the other tribes, and in which they are joined to the people of Moodoo, Whenua, Sottua, Whoodoo, and Wangaroa; but according to Tooke those Tribes are often united with those of Chike-han-ga Teer-a-witte and Ho-de-doe against P. Souduckey (the bounds of which district I am inclined to think is from about Captain Cook's Mount Egmont to Cape Runaway for a reason which I shall soon give). Tooke says they are not without long intervals of peace; at which times they visit and traffic for Flax and the Green Talc Stone, of which they make Axes and Ornaments. He obstinately denies that the whole of New Zealand are Cannibals, it was not without much difficulty that we could persuade him to enter on the subject, or to pay the least attention to it; and whenever an Enquiry was made, he expressed the greatest horror at the Idea. In the course of a few weeks, he owned that all the Inhabitants of Poo-nam-moo (i.e. the Southern Island) and those of P. Souducky eat their enemies taken in battle, which Woodoo corroborated. As his father was killed and eaten by the P. Souducky people. Notwithstanding the pro-
bityprobity of our visitors, particularly Tooke, yet I am inclined to think that horrible banquet is general through both Islands.
Tooke describes a large fresh water River on the West side of Ea-hei-no-maue, but he says it is a Bar River; and not navigable for larger vessels, than the small war canoes, the River and district around it, is called Cho-ke-han-ga. The Chief, whose name is To-ko-ha, lives about half way up, on the North side of the River; he describes the Country to be covered with pine trees; of an immense size; I have before observed, at the time Tooke drew his Chart we did not possess any of Captain Cookes Voyages; but when I obtained his first Voyage, from the master of the Brittania, I made Tooke observe that Captain Cooke did not notice any River on the West side; altho' he coasted along very near the shore, on which he asked with much earnestness if Captain Cooke had seen an Island covered with Birds; on pointing out Gannet Island he immediately fixed on Albatross Point, as the situation of the River, which Captain Cooke's account seems to favour, who says “On the North side of this point (Albatross) The Shoar forms a Bay, in which there appears to be anchorage and Shelter for Shipping.” The probable situation of his River, (if there is one) being thus far ascertained; leads me to suppose, that the district of T' Souduckey extends from Cape Runaway on the East side, to Cape Egmont on the West, and bounded by Cooke's Streight on the South side, which is nearly one half of the Northern Island—of the River Thames, I could not obtain any satisfactory account, but I have great reason to suppose, that the River he has marked in the District of Wonga-roak is the Thames. Tooke's residence appears to be on the North side of the Bay of Islands, in the district called by him Ho-do-do, which he says contains about a Thousand Fighting Men and are subject to the following Chiefs, i.e. Teray-te-wye, Wyte-ah. Moode-wye, Wa-way, So-moco-moco, Pock-a-roe, and Tee-hoo-ra, the latter of which is the principal Chief's son. The subordinate distinction of persons at New Zealand, are as follows, and we are told that the inferior classes are perfectly subordinate to their superiors.
Etanga teda Etiketica. A principal Chief, or Man in very great authority; his Superior Consequence is signified by a repetition of the word Etiketica. This Title appears hereditary.
Etanga roak, or Eta-honga. A priest whose Authority in many cases is equal, and in some Superior to the Etiketica.
Etanga teda Epodi. A subordinate Chief or Gentleman.
Ta Ane Emoki. A labouring man.
The dead are buried in graves; and they believe that the Third day after the interment; the Heart separates itself from the Corpse. This separation is announced by a Gentle air of
wind, which warns an inferior Ea-tooa (or Divinity) hovering over the Grave of its approach, and carries it to the Clouds. In Tooke's Chart he has marked an imaginary road which goes the length ways of Ea-kei-no-maue, viz. from Cook's Streight to the North Cape which Tooke calls Terry-inga; whilst the soul is received by the good Eatooa; an evil spirit is also in readiness to carry the impure part of the Corpse to the above road, along which it is carried to Terry-inga from whence it is precipitated into the Sea. Suicide is very common among the New Zealanders, which Act, they often commit on the slightest occasions by hanging themselves. The mode of putting an end to their existence, both our Visitors seemed to be perfect adepts in, having often threatened to hang themselves on very slight occasions, and some times made very serious promises of putting it into execution if they were not sent to their own Country. As these threats were used in their gloomy moments they were soon laughed out of them. I could not discover that they have any other division of time than the revolution of the Moon, until the number amounts to one hundred, which they term “Takie Etow” i.e. One Etwo, or Hundred Moons, it is this they count their age, and all other events. They both agree that a great quantity of manufactured flax might be obtained for trifles such as axes, chizzles, &c. They say that in most places the flax grows naturally in great quantitys. In other parts it is cultivated by separating the roots and planting them out, three in one hole, at the distance of a foot from each other. They give a decided preference to the flax plant that grows here, both for quality and size.
Preparing the Flax from the Plant, weaving it into cloath or making fishing lines; it is all performed by the women; When the leaves are gathered, the hard stalk which runs through the centre is taken out with the thumb and nail, the red edges of the leaf are also stripped off; the two parts are then separated in the middle, making four slips of about three quarters of an inch wide, and the length of the leaf, which on this Island is about three feet long. Two of these slips are put one over the other, holding them in the centre with the thumb of the left hand, resting on the upper slip; the sharp edge of a muscle shell is then drawn across them, so as to cut through the vegetable covering, but not to touch, or divide, the Fibres (which is the Flax), The slips thus prepared, are taken up singly, the left thumb resting on the upper part of the slip, just above the cut. The muscle shell which is held in the right hand is then placed on the upper part of the slip, just below the cut, with the thumb resting on the upper part; The muscle shell is then drawn to the end of the slip, which effectually seperates the vegetable covering from the flaxen filaments, the slip is
then turned, and the same operation is performed on the remaining part, which leaves the flax entire: After procuring the Flax by this simple method, if it is designed for fishing lines or any other course work, nothing more is done to it, but if designed to make Eka-kuow or fine cloth, it is beat a considerable time in a clear stream, and when dried, twisted into such sized thread as the work requires, which finishes the process; until it is wove, which is performed in the same manner as fringe work is made: I have before observed that our visitors knew very little about the Flax or its preparation, but from what little they did know, and communicated to us, considerable improvements have been made. Instead of working it as soon as gathered, we find it better to place several bundles in a close room, for seven days before it is used; which softens the leaf and makes it easier to work—we also find it easier and more expeditious, to separate the vegetable covering from the fibres, which is done with three strokes of the knife—when it is twisted together, and put into a tub of water, where it remains until the days work is finished. It is then washed, and beat in running water, and after it is dried, needs no other preparation until it is hackled and spun. The following is a statement of the number who are now employed at this work:—
By whose weekly labour, twenty yards of canvas of the size of No. 7 is made; At first view this may appear a small quantity for the number employed, but it must be remembered that the women, and most of the men who are employed at that work, could be of no other service; The labour of manuring and cultivating the ground, loss of other crops, the many different processes used with the European flax, and the accident it is liable to, during its growth; is by using this flax avoided, as it needs no cultivation, and grows sufficiently abundant on the Cliffs of the Island, where nothing else can grow, to give constant employment to six hundred people. The only Loom there is on the Island, is a very bad one, nor is there a weavers tool of any kind; Had we Ilays or Reeds, and other tools proper for different kinds of linnen, some progress might be
made in weaving, but at present, a canvas rather finer than Number Seven is the finest we can accomplish.
It may be expected that after a six months acquaintance, that we should not be ignorant of each others Language Myself and some of the Officers, (who were so kind as to communicate the information they obtained from our visitors) could make our ideas known, and tolerable well understood by them; They, by intermixing what English words they knew, with what we knew of their language could make themselves sufficiently understood by us; During the time they were here, I did not possess any of Captain Cooks Voyages; but since their departure, I find from his Second Voyage, that it has a great similitude, to the general language spoken in those seas. The Vocabulary which I have added to this Journal, [This vocabulary is not in the manuscript—The Editor] was collected by myself and the Surgeon, and is, I believe, very correct, particularly the Numerals. Much other information was given us by our two friends, but as it may be liable to great error I forbear repeating it.
12th [November]. Having rounded the North Cape of New Zealand, the fourth day after leaving Norfolk Island: we saw a number of houses and small hippah, on an Island which lies off the North Cape, called by Tooke, Moode Mookoo, soon after we opened a considerable hippah, or fortified place, situated on a high rounded hill just within the Cape, from whence six large canoes were seen coming towards the ship; as soon as they came within hail, Tooke was known by those in the Canoes, which were soon increased to seven, with upwards of twenty men in each, they came alongside without any intreaty, and those who came on board were much rejoiced to meet with Tooke; whose first and earnest enquirys were after his family and Chief; on those heads he got the most satisfactory intelligence, from a woman, who he informed us is a near relative of his mother. His father and Chief, were still inconsolable for his loss; the latter (who Tooke always mentioned in the most respectful manner) was, absent a fortnight past, on a visit to the Chief of the hippah above mentioned, where he remained four days; and Tewy-te-wye, the principal Chief of Tooke's district, was daily expected. With this information he was much pleased. It was remarked, that altho there were upwards of One hundred New Zealanders on board, and along side; yet Tooke confined his caresses and conversation to his Mothers relation, and one or two Chiefs, who were distinguished by the marks (Amoko) on their face, and by the respectful deference which was shewn them by the Emokies (i.e., the working men) that paddled the canoes, who at times were beat most unmerciful
by the Chiefs. To those, who Tooke informed me were epodes (subaltern Chiefs) and well known to him, I gave some chizzles, hand axes, and other articles equally acceptable; A traffic soon commenced, pieces of old iron hoop, were given in exchange for abundance of manufactured flax cloth, patoo-patoos, spears, talc ornaments, paddles, fish hooks, and lines; At seven in the evening they left us; having made sail, with a light breeze at West intending to run for the Bay of Islands, (which we understood is Tookes residence) from whence we were twenty-four leagues distance; At nine o'clock, a canoe, with four men came along side, and came on board without any fear; The Master of Britannia being desirous to obtain their Canoe, the bargain was soon made (with Tookes assistance), and concluded much to the satisfaction of the proprietors; who did not discover the least reluctance at sleeping on board, and being carried to a distance from their homes: Our new guests very satisfactorily corroborated all that Tooke had heard before. After supper, Tooke and Woodoo asked the strangers for the news of their country, since they had been taken away; this was comply'd with by the four strangers, who began a song in which each of them took a part, sometimes using fierce and savage gestures, and at other times sunk their voices, according to the different passages or events they were relating: Woodoo who was paying great attention to the subject of their song, suddenly burst into tears, occasioned by an account they were giving of the T. Souducky tribe having made an irruption on Teer-a-witte, (Woodoo's district), and killed the Chiefs son, with thirty warriors; he was to much affected to hear more, but retired into a corner of the cabin; where he gave vent to his grief, which was only interrupted by his threats of revenge.
Owing to calm weather, but little progress was made during the night, At daylight (13th) a number of canoes were seen coming from the hippah, in the largest of which was thirty six men, and a Chief, who was standing up making signals, with great earnestness; On Coming along side Tooke recognized the Chief to be Ko-to-ko-ke, who is the Etiketika, or principal Chief of the hippah, from whence the boats had come the preceding evening: The old Chief who appeared to be about seventy years of age, had not a visible feature, the whole of his face being covered with spiral lines; on his coming on board he embraced Tooke with great affection; after which Tooke introduced me to him, and after the ceremony of Ehonge (i.e., joining noses), he took off his how, how, or mantle, and put it on my shoulders; In return I gave him a similar mantle made of green baize decorated with broad arrows. Soon after, seven
other canoes with upwards of twenty men and women in each, came along side; At Tookes desire the poop was “Etaboo,” i.e., all access to it forbidden by any other than the Old Chief. Not long before Ke-to-ke-ka came on board, I asked Tooke and Woodoo if they would return to Norfolk Island or land at Moodee Whenua in case the calm continued, or the wind came from the Southward, which there was an appearance of; Tooke was much averse to either; his reason for not returning to Norfolk was the natural wish to see his family and Chief. Nor did he like the idea of being landed at Moodee-Whenua as notwithstanding what he had heard respecting the good understanding there was between his district and that of Moode Whenua, yet the information might not be strictly true: Nothing more was said about it and it was my intention to land them nearer to their houses if it could be done in the course of the day, altho it is now a perfect calm. Soon after the Chief came on board, they told me with tears of joy that they would go with Ko-te-ko-ke, who had fully confirmed all they had heard before, and had promised to take them to Tookes residence the next morning; where they would arrive by night. To wait the event of the calm, or the wind coming from the Northward, might have detained the ship some days longer—Could I have reached the place were Tooke lives in four days from leaving Norfolk, I certainly should have landed him there, but that not being the case (as this is the fifth day) I did not consider myself justifiable in detaining the ship longer that was absolutely necessary, to land them in a place of safety, and from whence they could get to their homes. Notwithstanding the information Tooke had received, and the confidence he placed in the Chief, yet I felt much anxiety about our Two Friends, and expressed my apprehension to Tooke, that what he had heard might be an invention of Ko-to-ko-ke's and his people to get them and their effects into their power; I added that as the ship could not be detained longer I would rather take them back than leave them in the hands of suspicious people. To this Tookee replied with an honest confidence that “Etiketica no Eteka” i.e., that a Chief never deceives, I then took the Chief into the Cabbin, and explained to him with Tooke's help (who was present with Woodoo), how much I was interested in their getting to Ho-do-do, and added that in two or three moons I should return to Ho-do-do: If I found Tookee and Woodoo were safe arrived with their effects; I should then return to Moodo Whenua, and make him some very considerable presents In addition to those which I should now give him, and his people for their trouble in carrying our Two Friends to their home. I was so well convinced of the Old Mans sincerity that I considered it
injurious to threaten him with punishment for failing in his engagements, The only answers Ko-to-ko-ke made, was by putting both his hands to the sides of my head, making me perform the same ceremony, and joining our noses; in which position we remained three minutes, The Old Chief muttering what I did not understand—after which he went thro the same ceremony with Our Two Friends, which ended with a dance, when the two latter joined noses with me, and said “That Ko-to-ko-ke was now become their father and would in person conduct them to Ho-do-doe” [In King's writing in margin: “which was faithfully performed”] whilst I was preparing what I meant to give them, Tooke (who I am now convinced is a priest) had made a circle of the New Zealanders round him, in the center of which was the Oldest Chief, and recounted what he had seen during his absence—at many passages they gave a shout of admiration, On telling them it was only three days sail from Norfolk to Moodoo Whenua, whether his veracity was doubted, or that he was not contented with the assertion alone, I cannot tell, but with much presence of mind, he ran upon the poop, and carried a cabbage to them, which he informed them was cut five days before in my garden. This convincing proof produced a general shout of surprise. Every thing being now arranged, and ready for their departure, Our two friends requested that Ho-to-ko-ka might see the soldiers exercise, and fire; This I could have no objection to, as the request came from them, but I took that opportunity of explaining to the Chief, (with Tooke's help) that he might see by our treatment of him and his two countrymen, that it was our intention and wish to be good neighbours and friends, with all Eaheino-maue; and that these weapons were never used, but when we were injured, which I hoped would never happen, and that no other consideration, than satisfying his curosity, could induce me to show what these instruments were intended for. About 150 of the New Zealanders were seated on the larboard side of the deck, and the detachment paraded on the opposite side; after going thro the manual and firing three Volleys, two great guns were fired. One of which was loaded with a single ball, and the other with grape shot, which surprised them greatly, as I made the Chief observe the distance the shot fell from the ship. The wind had now the appearance of coming from the Southward, as that wind throws a great surf on the shore, they were anxious to get away; Tooke and Woodoo took an affectionate leave of every person on board, and made me remember my promise of visiting them again when they would return to Norfolk Island, with their fami ies. The venerable Chief, after having taken great pains to pronounce my name, and made me well acquainted
with his, got into his canoe, and left us; On putting off from the ship, they were saluted with three cheers, which they returned as well as they could, by Tooke's directions: It was now seven in the morning, (13th) at nine a breeze came from the North; with which we stood the eastward; after a passage of five days from New Zealand, (having had light winds), and ten days absence from Norfolk Island, I landed at 3 o'clock in the afternoon of the 10th, and resumed the Government, when I had the satisfaction to find, that every thing had been conducted with the greatest propriety during my absence The little intercourse I had with the New Zealanders (as I was only eighteen hours off that Island, twelve of which was in the night) does not enable me to say much respecting them; or to form any opinion of them; As much of our friendly proceedings, in the slight interview, might be owing to our connection with Tooke and Woodoo, and their being with us. These two worthy savages, (if the term may be allowed) will, I am confident, ever retain the most grateful remembrance [In the margin, “1793, Nov 19th”] of the Kindness they received on Norfolk Island; and if the greater part of the Countrymen have but a small portion of the amiable disposition of Tooke and Woodoo, they certainly are a people, with whom a good understanding may be cultivated, with common prudence and precaution; I regret very much that the service which, the Britannia was ordered on, did not permit me to detain her longer, when in a few days with the help of our Two Friends, much useful information might have been obtained, respecting the quantity of manufactured flax, that might be procured, which I think would be of very great consequence, if better known; the great quantity that was procured in exchange for small pieces of iron hoop, is a probable proof, that an abundance of this valuable article might be easily obtained.
The articles I gave Tooke and Woodoo consisted of hand axes; a small assortment of carpenters tools; six spades; some hoes; with a few knives, scissors, and razers; two bushels of maize, one of wheat, two of pease, and a quantity of garden seeds. The master of the Britannia furnished me with One hundred looking glasses at 6d. each and one hundred pounds of biscuits, which was given to the New Zealanders who came on board, also ten young sows, and two boars; which Tooke and the Chief faithfully promised me should be preserved for breeding; which I am inclined to think they will observe. As time did not permit me to embark any provisions for the use of those I took with me, we were supplied by the Master of the Britannia. Payment was made by a Bill on His Majesty's Treasury for One hundred and forty seven pounds two shillings; which included one hundred and ten pounds as a part of the
Storekeeper, Superintendants, and Master Carpenters Salaries; to enable them to send for some articles which they and their families were very much distressed for. The remaining thirty seven pounds was in payment for the provisions and other articles furnished by the master of the Britannia at New Zealand, two females, and one he goat, which were intended for Tooke, unfortunately died on the passage.
* * * *
1795. February. On the 20th the Fancy arrived here in forty-seven hours from the North Cape of New Zealand, which she made on her passage hither, from the River Thames, on that Island: I received a letter from the master, informing me that he was much distress'd for provisions, not having more than six days meat on board, at a reduced allowance, and requested being supplied with salt provisions, and some sugar, for his sick, to last him to Port Jackson, where he expected to receive a supply: The Deputy Commissary was directed to supply him with two tierces of beef, and two of pork; with twenty pounds of sugar and 22 yards of Island cloth, to repair his sails; all which he promised to return to the Commisiary at Port Jackson, to whom his receipts were forwarded. After having procured what he wanted from Individuals, he sailed for Port Jackson on the 5th.
1795. March. The Master of the Fancy informed me, that he arrived of the North Cape of New Zealand in 57 hours after leaving this Island (last November 5th)—That he went into Doubtless Bay, where he found Tookee, who stayed on board some time with his wife and family; but would not consent to return here until I went for him; he had not forgot his English, and he informed Mr. Dell the Master, that he had one pig left, and some of the seeds were growing; Doubtless Bay (which is the place of Tookes residence, and not the Bay of Islands) being very rocky, and unsafe to stay in, the Fancy left it two days after her arrival; At Tookes recommendation two Natives went on board the Fancy, with an intention of coming hither, but the wind not permitting the vessel to get out: they left her on her return to the anchoring place, and being sea sick, declined going. This circumstance I cannot help regretting very much, as those lads might have remained here some time, and I think would have been very useful. After leaving Doubtless Bay the Fancy went to the River Thames; where she lay three months, moored on the Fours and outrigged. Captain Dell describes the navigation of this River as very good, and that any ship may lay at the Head of the large river in perfect safety. The Fancy lay some miles
up the small fresh, water river.
The Waihou at the head of the Firth of Thames.
They in general kept on very good terms with the Natives, who on many occasions assisted them very much; but they found it necessary to be on their guard. During the Fancy's stay here they cut 213 spars fit for masting ships of any size the timber is light, with turpentine in its heart, and grows in the greatest abundance in many places, close to the banks of the river; which abounds in salmon, flounders, bream, soles, and many other fish; also great quantities of crabs, clams &c Close to the place where the Fancy lay, some thousand acres of the flax plant were growing in a very luxuriant manner: The Fancy's running rigging was mostly made from the flax: On her departure, the Natives regretted their seperation, and promised very faithfully to take care of the spars they had cut. from the specimen of the pine I saw, it bears no resemblance to the pine of this Island, but is not unlike the White pine; and its having the turpentine in the wood is certainly a very great thing in its favour, which the pine of this Island has not. Chalk and flint stones also abound there.
* * * *
1796. January 19th. Early this morning, a brig and schooner were seen close in. On the return of the boat, I found the vessels were the Fancy and a small schooner called the Providence; ten days from Dusky Bay in New Zealand having on board the officers and part of the Endeavours crew. I received a letter from Mr. Bampton informing me that the endeavour and the Fancy snow had sailed from Port Jackson in September last, for Dusky Bay in New Zealand; where it was proposed to load both these vessels, as well as a small vessel, left at that place, (but not launched) by the Master of the Britannia [page 515] with spars and plank for India: which would have been a very profitable undertaking. In getting to the Southward they met with continual heavy gales of wind, which disabled the so much, that it was determined to run her on shore, at the first place they could make. A fortunate change of wind enabled them to reach Duskey Bay, when the ship was condemned as unfit to proceed and laid on shore in Facile Harbour. The crew of the Endeavour consisted of 230 persons; including several convicts who had secreted themselves on board that ship, and several others who had permission to leave the Colony. Almost the whole of the Endeavours provisions were spoiled; but that loss was not much felt at Dusky Bay where they procured a great number of fish; the Schooner left by the Britannia was finished and launched: this vessel was named the Provi-
denceProvidence, about 50 tons burthen, and the Fancy, were found in-sufficient to take the people away. The Endeavours launch was therefore lengthened and (indistinct) upon and would be about 50 tons burthen, when completed. The Providence and Fancy sailed from Dusky Bay 2 of December leaving the Resource nearly ready for launching; in which the remaining people were to proceed, either to this Island, or Port Jackson, for a supply of provisions to continue their voyage to India. The articles wanted by these vessels, were mostly supplied by individuals, except 1200 lbs of salt beef, two ton and a half of dholl, three pieces and a half of Island Canvas, to make sails for the Schooner, with some nails and iron work: As pork ready salted could not be procured from individuals, I directed the Deputy Commissary to supply 1200 lb. of salt beef from the Stores on receiving sufficient security that an equal quantity of fresh pork should be returned by any individual whom the Master could agree with, to furnish that quantity. Respecting the dholl he was furnished with what he wanted out of the Stores, for one ton of which he exchanged 2500 lb of salt, which we were much in need of: the remaining ton and half with other articles were valued by proper persons at £31 2s. for which sum I became answerable to Government, having been obliged to advance a sum of money to the Master to defray his expenses with the individuals; for flour, stock, and other articles, which amounted to £150. The wants of these vessels being fully relieved, they sailed from hence the — Instant. Previous to their departure, several Lascars and Portuguese seamen, left the Schooner, from an apprehension of its being an unsafe vessel, but I believe extreme hunger, and real misery, was their principal reason; The Master had previously made application to me, to land those objects; to this I agreed, on account of their wretched state, he informed me they were in; which indeed was miserable beyond any human conception. Several settlers having made an offer to take care of these unfortunate men; until they might be fit to gain their livelihood; they were allowed to take them, on condition of their not becoming an incumbrance to the Stores.
Records Relating to the Enderby
Expeditions.
The three Journals comprising these Records consist of—
The Journal of Captain John Biscoe, of the brig “Tula,” 148 tons, with the cutter “Lively,” 49 tons, in company, from 10th October to 22nd December, 1831.
The Journal of Captain John Balleny, of the schooner “Eliza Scott,” 154 tons, with the “Sabrina,” 54 tons, in company, from 2nd December, 1838, to 17th January, 1839.
A Journal supposed to be kept by the chief mate of the “Eliza Scott,” and covering the same period.
The manuscripts of the three Journals are in the possession of the Royal Geographical Society, London, and none of them had been published until permission was given the Editor to do so, in his own works, and in these Records.
The proprietors of these vessels were the Messrs. Enderby of London, who had been engaged in the whaling trade in these waters from the very first. Though small vessels they had more than the usual equipment, and were sent to look for seas and lands in the high altitudes, where perhaps might be found whales and seals as yet undisturbed. The best source of information concerning these Expeditions is the “Antarctic Manual,” published under the auspices of the Royal Geographical Society in 1901, where will be seen the Antarctic exploration-work accomplished by them both. From the point of view of enlarging the fishing and sealing grounds nothing was gained, and the loss of the “Sabrina” with all on board meant a very serious disbursement for the Messrs. Enderby. The second Expedition reached London in time to give Captain Ross, just then setting out for the south, full particulars of its experiences. It was a singular coincidence that the Commander of the second Expedition met in 1839, at Preservation Harbour in Campbell Island, the Commander of the first Expedition of 1831.
BISCOE'S JOURNAL.
Extract from the Journal of John Biscoe of the Brig “Tula,” with the Cutter “Lively” in Company.[Manuscript in the possession of the Royal Geographical Society, London.]
October 10th, 1831.
I intended to have gone through Decastreaux Channel understanding it to be a convenient & safe place for wooding, &c., but the wind coming directly out of the entrance thought it most advisable to save time by anchoring in our old quarters, Bull Bay, and at about 4 p.m. brought up well sheltered by the Point to the S.E. and commenced operations.
On the 12th in the Morning having cut as much wood as could be conveniently stowd away, weighed and stood out to Sea, and being in hopes of falling in with some sperm whale along shore, kept near the Coast for that purpose.
On the 15th it blew a strong gale from the Northward which shifted round W. & W.S.W. until the night of the 17th the Bar appearing to behave very well. I now determined to pass round the North Cape of New Zealand, the Season for sperm whale coming on on that Coast, and not seeing anything here, and besides having a chance of procuring refreshments from that Island, our salt provisions being of the first consequence (should we not succeed in falling in with anything in passing round) for the remainder of our voyage. But from this time until the 30th the Weather has been so very unsettled almost continually blowing too strong to lower a Boat, that had we seen any Fish we could not have taken advantage of it.
October 30th.
Pass'd round the North Cape and shaped a Course for the Mouth of the Bay of Islands. On the 1st A.M. stood in for the Bay intending to stop a short time here for compleating the Water Wood &c. & get refreshments if possible, and likewise to Examine the Cutter's Bowsprit, Mr. Avery having informed me it was sprung and that a sea at the same time had split his Jib a short time since. At 11 A.M. some New Zealanders came alongside in a Canoe, but had nothing with them except a few Cray Fish and two or three young Birds they had picked up off the rocks. Shortly after a Mr. Hansen came on board with 2 of the chiefs, and being told by them that Pigs might be procured at their Village, I determined to go in to Anchor and at 2 p.m.
brought up in a Small well-sheltered Bay in about 5 fathoms water.
November 1st.
It does not appear to me that this Bay has been much used for the purpose of refreshing, but from its advantages in entering from or running out again to Sea, not being more than 4 miles from Point Pocock
Now Cape Wiwiki, the northern head of the Bay of Islands.
and being likewise clear of any danger (with the exception of 2 or 3 sunken rocks which lay close over to a small Rock on the inside of the Bay) I should certainly recommend this strongly to strangers, there being several dangers in the Passage round to Kearadier.
Kororareka, where the township of Russell now is.
Immediately after anchoring Great numbers of the Natives came on board, and as Mr. Hansen had informed me they were quite harmless I did not restrain them; Our trade of course commenced immediately, Muskets, Blankets & To bacco being the Articles most in requisition among them.
November 4th.
On the 3rd and 4th we were busily employed in setting up the rigging Watering Wooding &c. On the morning of this day the 4th the Cutter's Bowsprit being sprung I went over in the Boat to Kearadier to endeavour to procure a spar to make one. I found one 37 feet long for wh I paid 36 lbs. of Brazil Tobacco. Having compleated on the 4th and procured about 28 Pigs some of which were very large, on the 5th We stood out to Sea in the hopes of finding some sperm Whale off the East Cape, before proceeding to the Southward, but strong Gales continuing to blow we saw nothing and if we had; could not have lowered a Boat.
November 8th.
On the 8th at noon our Lat. by observatn. was 36° 48′ S Long. 178°. .07′ East East Cape South about 40 miles, Barometer continuing to act very well being now 29.15 & Blowing a strong Gale from the W.S.W. I was much surprised to hear from Mr. Hansen whilst laying at New Zealand that although there are several Missionaries both of the established church and of the Wesleyan persuasion they refuse to educate the children of the White Settlers, their excuse being that they were sent out to instruct the Heathen only; Mr. H. has a very large family, and if this be strictly true, it is an extremely hard case, but I merely repeat the words of Mr. H. for altho' there were two Missionaries settled at the small village already mentioned,
neither of them had the politeness to hold the least communication with me.
November 9th.
The Gales continuing until 6 A.M. of the 11th. I considered it only a waste of time to remain any longer in this Latitude with the chance of getting Sperm Whale, and as Chatham Island was not out of our Course, and not having heard of any ships having been there lately I determined if the Weather permitted to look at it before going further to the Southward, and desired the Cutter in case of parting to meet me to Leeward of that Island on the 11th at Noon. Our Lat. was 39° 13′ S. Long. 178° 15′ West. The Bar. which had been gradually rising for the last 2 days, now stood at 29.40 The Weather hazy with a moderate Breeze from S.W.
November 12th.
From this time until the 16th we had Gales, Calms, & very unsteady weather on the 13th lost sight of the Cutter. On the night of the 16th stood off & on imagining myself off Chatham Islands.
November 17th.
A.M. Much rain & thick weather. At noon made some rocks & head (4 in number) which are called 44° Rocks and at the same time saw the appearance of Land both to the Eastward & Westward. P.M. The Weather being very thick stood to the Northward. 18th thick Hazy Weather the Barometer low.
November 19th.
A.M. Saw Land. 8 Saw the Cutter to the Southward observed her make all sail steering wide of the point of Land I wished to visit made all sail after her but the Wind falling light from the Northwd She drew away from us. At noon our Lat. Obsern, was 43° 40′ South Long. 176.48. East the extremes of Land from W.B.S. to S.E.B.S. Observed the Cutter shorten Sail and heave too with her head to the Eastward fired a Gun and ran down to her with the Ensign at the Mast Head for her to close, when she was little more than Hull down from the deck. The Weather very clear, I imagined of course she must see us and indeed that she had done so all days altho' she did not answer my signal; which I can't account for, I now haul'd in for the Land, to send the Boats on shore thinking the Cutter would follow, but as she still took no notice I kept on intending to pick her up after the Boats should have return'd. At 5 p.m. the Boats returned bringing with them three Natives who seem'd
willing to remain with us, but having seen no seal and as I did not wish to encumber the vessel with these People who for some time to come could do nothing but consume the provisions I sent them on shore again they were quite naked with the exception of a course Mat over the shoulders which seem'd to be used as a roof to them to turn the water off, as the moment they came on deck they squatted down like so many monkeys and the Mat being stiff, of course stuck out something like the shell of a turtle, Added to this a strap of the same material passed under the crutch compleatly concealed what might otherwise have appear'd indelicate. After the Boat had landed them I steer'd E.N.E. to join the Cutter, the weather having become very thick I had for some time lost sight of her. After steering E.N.E. for some time I haul'd to the Wind, and as she always weather'd on the Tula in laying to, I hoped to see her in the Morning. If Mr. Avery did not see the Tula he kept a very bad look out, and if he did, he having been absent for some days, ought to have joined company immediately, at all events he ought not to have passed the point of Land as he did without examining it, this being the only fine day we had had for some time, I cannot account for it. At 6 p.m. the nearest point of Land bore W .½ N. 7 miles, the Wind gradually veer'd round to the Westward and at Midnight blew a strong Gale with thick weather which continued all the 20th & 21st so that we could only stand off & on under the trysails. On the 22nd the Weather was more moderate, stood to the S.W. and at 6 A.M. of the 23rd made the same rocks we had seen before. As the weather was nearly calm at 1 p.m. sent a Boat to them and at 5 she return'd bringing 7 seal skins of excellent fur, but the rocks being nearly perpendicular it was almost impossible to land on any part of them, and as they had only seen a few seal, it was thought these were only stragglers from some Rookery near at hand: I now determined to make Chatham Island and keep along the East Shore, so as to gain the Rocks to the southward, which by their appearance on the Chart were much larger than those we had overhauled, lay to all night to send both Boats again in the Morning but the Wind coming up from the Northward they could not land and
November 24th.
at 8 A.M. I bore up for Chatham Island, the Weather being very hazy at 11 heave too. At noon the Land was seen bearing from N.N.W. to S.W.B.S. P.M. Hazy Weathr the Wind strong from the N.N.W. stood for under the lee of the Northern most Land. 4. The Weather became very thick, during the
Night sounded from 52 to 70 fathoms, sandy bottom & in some places mixed with shells. At Midnight calm.
November 25th.
Thick weather. The Wind Easterly. Barometer very low (29.15) stood to the Northward, it not being safe to make a lee shore of Chatham Island, there being many reefs laid down on the chart. On the 26th the Weather still continuing thick, Wind S.S.E. I determined to bear up and go round the west side of the Island and look at the Sister Rocks in the Way. The Lat. by D.R. at noon was 43° .34′ S. Longit. calculated from the last bearings of the land 176° ..00′ West No observations worth anything for the chronometers for many days. At 4 p.m. saw the Cutter standing to the Eastward. At 8 the Cutter joined Company. Mr. Avery inform'd me that his Boat had been at some Rocks a few days before where there were many Seals, in consequence of which I hauled to the Eastward. On the 28 we again made the 44° Rocks and found them to be the same Mr. Avery's boat had been at before, but in consequence of the heavy swell they could not now land, and the Weather appearing more favourable. I now stood towards the Cornwallis Islands,
So called because sighted from H.M.S. “Cornwallis” on 16th May, 1807.
but the Weather again became thick with a strong N.W. Wind and obliged me to haul out again to the northward which continued all the 30th.
November 30th.
P.M. At 8 p.m. This day the 44° Rocks S.E.B.E. N.E. point of Chatham Island S.W. much rain, with heavy squalls from all points of the compass. On the 1st December the Wind being S.W. with clear Weather stood again to the Southward. A.M. of the 2nd sent the Boats in shore to Sound & look for Anchorage; being close down upon the largest of the Islands, sounded in from 30 to 10 fathoms. At 3 p.m. brought up in a Bight on the Eastern Side of the largest of the Cornwallis Islands.
December 2nd.
The Wind N.W. and having good shelter from N. to S.B.E. sandy bottom, consequently bad holding ground, & open to all the Easterly Winds, having only a bad shelter from the Small Island which bore S.E. about 4 Miles with Reefs above Water & below in every direction as far as the eye could reach, but as from the Sample we had got from the 44° Rocks there was every appearance of finding Seal I determined to search
well there for them. I immediately sent all the boats away on the small Island, and observed Some Pigs and shot one Sow which in all probability had been brought here from Chatham Island by the Natives, and to my great surprise saw a large Black Cat, I likewise shot some very large white & blue pigeon. Mr. Fell found some Canoes haul'd up on the large Island but we found not a single Seal upon any of the Rocks near these Islands—Altho' no place could be better adapted for their Gathering. On the 3rd and 4th it blew a strong gale from W.N.W. to W.S.W. these Islands abound in Fern root & Flax which grows spontaneously in almost every part of them, But I found great difficulty in procuring a small quantity for the Pigs on account of the heavy Surf which continually breaks on the Beach & Rocks. I found in one of these Excursions the wreck of & small Vessel of about 100 tons built of a Kind Cedar & iron-fastened, and as a vessel from Sidney some years ago was lost here called the Glory
A sealer lost on Pitts Island on 15th January, 1827.
it may very probably be the same. On the 6th being disappointed here—I weighed and made sail to the Northward not thinking it prudent to risk finding a passage to the Southward and had some difficulty in working out, the Weather being thick and the Wind from the Northward we were obliged to keep Chatham Island on board and go chiefly by the Lead.
December 12th.
I again sent the Boats to the Sister Rocks. At 4 p.m. they returned 16 Skins which they procured with great difficulty. Made sail to the Southward, in passing along the Land I observed other dangerous reefs which are not laid down in any of the Charts.
December 13th.
Strong Westerly Gales.
December 15th.
Strong Northerly Winds, thick Weather Lat. by A/-46° 42′ S. Longit. 177° ..43 W. Baromr. 29..20. Cutter in company standing for the Bounty Islands.
December, 16th.
On the 16th & 17th we had strong gales from the W.N.W. & W. P.M. lost sight of the Cutter the Weather very thick;
on the 19th Weather still continuing thick with a brisk Gale from the Eastward and heavy swell—& many Penguins & much Kelp about us I imagined myself close on the Islands: but as I had not had an observation for 3 days, could not be certain of my position. At noon I had run into Lat. & Long, of Bounty Islands, but as no land was in sight, concluded they were not correctly laid down. P.M. The wind strong from the Eastward with a heavy Swell, I haul'd out to the S.E. and at 8 p.m. the Water appearing discoloured I sounded & found bottom about 70 fathoms, sand & shells wore to the Northward the Swell running very high, and the Wind becoming light. So that we made considerable drift, we passed a fatiguing and unpleasant night Sounding in from 100 to 65 fathoms, and not being able to see more than a Cable's length in any direction. On the 20th strong Easterly Gales with much rain & thick Weather. Soundings fm 60 to 100 fathoms carrying a press of Sail to the Eastward as the Bank shoals to the S.W. The Penguins all this time were very thick, and considerable quantities of Kelp about, and as this Bank is of considerable Extent and Soundings regular I was in hopes to find some large Island.
December 21st.
The Wind from the Westward with clearer weather but we had no bottom and nothing in Sight. At 7 A.M. of the
December 22nd.
22nd Saw the Bounty Rocks at 9.30 sent the boats on shore at 11 saw the Cutter to the Southd. at Noon the Centre of the Rocks bore W.B.S. about 1 ½ Miles. They are 8 or 9 in number. Our Lat. 47° 49′ So. Long. 178° 26′ 0″, East by Good observations which places them in 47° 50′ S. Long. 178° ..25′ East (erroneously laid down 47° 35′ S. Long. 179° ..06′ East. At 2 p.m. spoke the Cutter found she had not met with any accident. The Boats returned having seen only 5 seal on one of the Rocks which they could not approach on account of the Swell, but they found on landing on one of the Rocks a Hut the roof of which was formed of the Skins and Wings of Birds, a baking dish, a Water Cask, a Bottle half filled with oil, some pieces of fire wood an Irish (provision) Cask & other things which clearly proved that Europeans had been recently there. The tops of the Rocks were covered with Penguins, Gulls & other Birds. The Weather was now very clear and had any land been within 30 Miles we must have seen it. I now determined to proceed directly to the Southward.
BALLENY'S JOURNAL.
Journal of Messrs. Enderby's Schooner “Eliza Scott,” Captain John Balleny, while at Anchor in Chalky Inlet and after leaving that Port.[Manuscript in the possession of the Royal Geographical Society, London.]
Sunday, December, 2nd, 1838.
The wind this morng is fresh with clear fine sky. Running or rather endeavourg to run on the parallel of yesterday. Lat. at noon this day 45° 57′. P.M. Steady and clear to the end.
December, 3rd.
Steady breeze and cloudy. Unstowed the anchors and bent cables. Lat. at noon 45° 57′. At 4 p.m. saw the land which I took for Port Pickersgill.
Disky Sound, New Zealand.
At 7 abreast of Cape West Blowing hard at N.W. At 8h 30m entered Chalky Bay and beat up with strong wind down and a dirty night; turned past Port Chalky
The port inside Garden Island, Chalky Bay.
in the dark and had to lay to at the head of the Bay till day light. Blowg hard with heavy squalls from the N.W. I am very glad I missed the entrance to Port Chalky† The port inside Garden Island, Chalky Bay. for it is foul and one large rock just visible at high water in the middle.
December, 4th.
At day light morng ran down the Bay into Port Chalky† The port inside Garden Island, Chalky Bay. when I saw with infinite delight the cutter
The “Sabrina,” which had been there three weeks.
all safe and sound. Rounded too and let go the anchor 7 ½ fathoms. Blowg a gale right in, gave the vessel 50 fathoms of cable. At 4 p.m. the wind suddenly shifted and blew from the opposite point and I now found that I had anchored close to a reef of rocks and the first intimation I had was the ship lightly touching as she swung. Run a kedge out, hove up the anchor and shifted her birth. Latter part light winds and heavy rain Sounded the pumps but found she had not injured herself at all.
December, 5th.
At day light weighed and towed the ship up to the head of the harbour and brought up in 13 fathoms. Landed some water casks and gave the people the remainder of the day to wash clothes.
December, 6th.
Dull weather with rain, clearg hold &c. &c.. On the passage out my barometer was broken & I endeavoured to take observations by the mountain barometer, but I do not think it will be of any serv'ce at all at sea as the slightest motion of the vessel causes the quicksilver to jump up and down at such a rate that I was afraid it would break the tube. I was glad to put it away. Yesterday I hung it up again and this morng took the first observation, but even the little motion the vessel has here caused a slight rise and fall in the mercury.
December, 7th.
The weather this morng is showery with sometimes blue sky. The crew occupied in breaking out & restowg the hold.
December, 8th.
Moderate with passing showers. Filld casks with salt. Send 2nd officer
Mr. McNab.
away at day light to catch a few fish to help our beef for on examination I find we have not more beef & pork than will last for 10 months that is 5 months longer; no cask running the weight it ought to do. I find the cutter
Tho “Sabrina.”
in the same predicament.
December, 9th.
This day is fine. Gave the men 4 muskets and let them go into the woods to shoot and stretch their legs. Having no means of obtaining fresh provisions but by the hook and gun Capt Freeman
Of the “Sabrina.”
and myself have generally endeavoured to provide for part of the crew, and I think a run on shore will do the men good, in point of fact the whole crew seem so disappointed in not being able to run as they expected that they are in a state little short of down right mutiny. Therefore I have allowed them to go and ramble in the woods but have always refused the boats unless with an officer.
December, 10th.
This morng Capt Freeman and myself went on shore to take lunar observations, and also to take sights for the chronometers. Mr. Freeman measured the dist. of the O & ☽ and I took the altitudes of the Sun and moon by the artificial horizon. I then measured the distance & Mr. F. took the altitudes of O & ☽ The first gave the place of observation 166° 11′ 45 east. My observed dist. &c. gave 167° 23 00. My chronometer gave the
same taking the mean of seven sights at different times the greatest of which gave 167° 24 and the least 167° 22 45. Another lunar gave 167° 23′ 00. My chronometer gave me the Island of Amsterdam correctly enough but Mr. Mc Cabe's
Query, McNab's.
was out considerably, on making Cape West on 3 inst. at 4 p.m. the long, by chronometer gave the ship 17 miles east of the Cape and we ran nearly due east 32 miles per log, which, if my chronometer was correct, would give Cape West in about 167° 13 (42. miles to a degree of long.). Port Chalky bears about true N.W. from Cape West dist. abt. 10 miles which 10 miles of dist gives in lat. 46° about 10 miles of diff. long. making Port Chalky 167° 23′ or if the Cape be rightly laid down then is my chronometer so much too far eastward. Capt. Washington of the Royal Navy requested me to give the height of a mountain on Cape West and also one on Point Civil;
In Chalky Bay.
there is not a mountain on either. Cape West is low and runs with a gradual ascent into the mountains many miles back. I suppose 40 or 50 miles so that I cannot comply with Capt W's request. The Northern Port is by far the best of the two being completely land-locked but in the present state of the country I should think it would be seldom used as it is further up the bay and unless for the purpose of getting supplies (which is out of the question there being neither natives nor settlers) Port Chalky is high enough. I do not think either natives or settlers could live any great time in this part from the myriads of poisonous flies in the summer and the cold in the winter. We have seen some marks of visitors but whether natives or whites for the bay fishery (I should suppose the latter) I do not know. I do not think the land or any part of it in this neighbourhood deserves exactly the name of mountains but are high hills & so close together and so abrupt the rise that it makes them look higher than they would do if scattered over the face of the country and the ascent more gradual.
December, 11th.
We have the crew employed in restowg the hold &c. &c. but scarce a day passes without rain so that it impedes our progress greatly.
December, 12th.
Still stowg the hold. The hold full of flies and the whole of us much distressed by them, they fasten on us with such fury and fly into the nose mouth and ears; the itching they leave is positively enough to drive one mad.
December, 13th.
Crew busy stowg water & went with a couple of hands to catch fish but had bad luck.
December, 14th.
This morning took the boat and sailed up “Edwardson's Arm”
Called after Captain Edwardson who explored it in the “Snapper” in 1822.
to the source at the top it forms two of the finest harbours in the world, the first or outer harbour being completely land locked from the Bay and the inner harbour land locked or nearly so from the outer harbour fine beaches and plenty of fresh water, but flies innumerable Shot 15 birds of size large enough to supply the two cabins for 3 days.
December, 15th.
This morg is rainy and windy so that we can get nothing done; it is a perfect deluge.
December, 16th.
The fore part of this day was fine. People employed watering and stwg &c. &c. Latter part rainy.
December, 17th.
Monday morg commences with cloudy rainy weather, with light and variable winds; In the afternoon saw a whale boat sailg up the harbour for which I was extremely sorry as it will afford an opportunity for the men to run, it proved to be a boat from the settlement
Jones' whaling-station.
in Preservation Bay.
December. 18th.
This morning being fine cut some spars and in the afternoon Mr. Freeman and myself went round to Preservation Bay and took a cask for oil, both vessels being out of that article. We could not find the settlement but found an old one deserted. This eveng I desired Mr. Freeman to keep my boat alongside of the cutter
The “Sabrina.”
as I considered her safer there, the crew of the cutter being apparently perfectly contented and a good watch being kept at about midnight all was right and safe. I did not sleep before that hour.
December, 19th.
This morg at daylight I awoke and on going on deck missed the whale boat from the cutter, and I then found that 5 men
belonging to the Eliza Scott had gone to the cutter, and evidently with the connivance of the watch on board the cutter, stolen the boat and made off. Thinking they might make for the Settlement in Preservation Bay Capt Freeman and self again started to find it; we were successful as far as getting a supply of oil &c from the party but could hear nothing of the crew. This is a serious loss but as the rest of the crew seem perfectly content and willing to try their luck I still do not despair, indeed the remaining crew seem glad these people have gone and they all say they will now be comfortable. Two of these men were certainly two of the greatest blackguards I ever had on board a ship and I had a great deal of trouble with them on the passage out; more mutinous rascals could not be, & they have, I think, seduced two of the others from their duty. As for the 3rd. he had been much in Sydney and perhaps was the ringleader of the whole. I deplore now more than ever my long passage out as I might perchance have saved them altho' I am aware it was their intention to run when they shipped, but I could not carry sail on the schooner and on unstowing the vessel here I found a sufficient reason. The ground tier of casks which should have been filled with water were perfectly empty and it becomes no longer a matter of wonder the ship would not bear her canvass, but a matter of wonder she got here at all; On enquiry into the cause of the casks being empty the mate says he thinks they were not filled in London and lays all blame on Capt Shuttleworth with what truth I know not as all this was done before I gained the schooner,
The “Eliza Scott.”
when the mate informed me that the ground tier consisted of oily casks filled with water out of the canal.
December, 20th.
This morg is tolerably fine. People employed middle stitching the mainsail, wooding &c. &c. carpenter & cooper cutting spars for topsail yard and main topmast, & in getting ready for sea.
December, 21st.
The whole of this day the weather has been squally with showers. People employed in repairing sails.
December, 22nd.
The weather this morng is showery employed in mending sails & wooding and watering.
December, 23rd.
This morng is fine Capt Freeman went round with boat to Preservation Bay for some articles we want. At noon a strong breeze, at 7 Mr. Freeman returned, the night is setting in for heavy rain.
December, 24th.
The morg blowg strong ship drove, let go 2nd anchor. At noon more moderate, hove up the anchors and warped further off shore.
December, 25th.
This is Christmas Day & blowg hard. I dined this day with Mr. Freeman on board the cutter & gave his mates leave to dine on board the schooner. I told Mr. Moore, my chief mate, that I laid no embargo on his grog drinking on this day only to remember and keep within the bounds of moderation. At 10 I returned on board and the only one sober was my 2nd mate Mr. McNab. About 2 o'clock it blew so hard that both vessels drove & had to let go the 2nd anchor. The mate still that stupid that I could not get him out of his bed.
December, 26th.
Still blowg a gale of wind with heavy rain. Getting the sails bent for sea. The mate appears not to have gotten the better of his intemperance and has been exceedg impertinent so much so that I am inclined to turn him forward.
This is not the first time or act of intemperance and impudence. It is now become almost time to put an end to it. From his conduct I am more than ever convinced he was accessory to the departure of the men and boat & is, I think, endeavourg to sow the seeds of dissention amongst the people.
The mountain barometer is of no use when there is any motion. The mercury flies up and down the tube according to the motion of the ship. It is perfectly fast and steady against the bulkhead but the slightest motion of the vessel precludes taking observations with it at such times. Consequently at sea where the motion is constant the quicksilver also is in constant motion. I am sorry for this for I wished to gratify Capt Washington, if in my power.
December, 27th.
This morning the gale continues unabated with heavy rain. All ready for sea.
December, 28th.
Still blowg so hard that one cannot get under weigh. Crew employed in various ways.
December, 29th.
Still blowing hard. Everything ready for weighing as soon as it lulls a little. We must ride close to the shore on account of the water & consequently are too near to get the anchor with the wind on the land. Tide flows 11 o'clock full & change of ☽ & rises about 6 ft.
December, 30th.
At daylight warped the Sabrina into a fair way. At 10 a.m. got under weigh and turned out of Port Chalky. At 4 p.m. came to an anchor in Preservation Bay. Got more, wood, water, & boat from Settlement.
Jones' whaling-station.
December, 31st.
Blowg hard squalls so as to render it imprudent to proceed.
January, 1st. 1839.
No wind, ship all ready for sea.
January, 2nd.
At daylight blowg hard & fair wind with heavy rain weighed from preservation Bay at 11 a.m. Solanders Island abeam of us at 9 p.m. came to an anchor in Pattersons River,
Stewart Island.
blowg hard from the S.W. I anchored here in order to get the clothes of the people I shipped in Preservation.
January, 3rd.
It has blown a perfect hurricane ever since we anchored and still continues.
January, 4th.
This morg blowg and raing very hard. Signals of distress flying on board the cutter;
Stewart Island.
went on board & found 3 men had deserted. Went on shore and took steps for their recovery. At 8 p.m. got them on board and all ready for sea.
January, 5th.
Blowg a perfect drift of wind all day.
January, 6th.
At daylight attempted to weigh but it blew so hard we had 1839 January. to abandon the attempt.
January, 7th.
Light wind and shifted to N.E. Got under weigh and turned out from the Islands. At noon running to the S.E. Blowing hard. At 4 p.m. doubled reefed. Lat.
January, 8th.
Rainy & moderate. Wind flew round to S.W. At noon lat. observed 49° 28′ S. long. 169° 22′ E.
January, 9th.
This morning commences with strong winds and clear. At 8 double reefed. At noon lat. observed 51° 16′ South. P.M. squally with heavy cross sea. At 4 p.m. long. in 168° 56 30.
January, 10th.
Light winds and clear. Saw the Island of Campbell's at 8 a.m., long. 168 55 45, noon Lat. 52° 26′ South. At 2 p.m. Mr. Freeman pulled to the land to try for a few skins, found none, but found 4 men
These were 3 men and 1 woman. See p. 577.
who had been left 4 years ago in a most wretched plight. At 7 Mr. Freeman returned. Stood off. At midnight strong winds with rain and thick.
January, 11th.
Still dirty weather. At 8 a.m. cleared off, saw the land, bearing S. by W. At noon lat. observed 52° 30′. At 7 p.m. came to an anchor in Preservation Harbour.
January, 12th.
At daylight sent a boat from each vessel to see what they could pick up. Capt. Freeman & myself went on shore and spoke to the people. It appears they have, in 4 years only obtained about 170 skins. I have agreed to take them off the Island on condition that the skins are the property of the owners of the vessels, to be delivered up to them in London on receiving ten shillings a piece for good prime skins and others in proportion. I have further agreed to give the 180 lay to these men for whatever may hereafter be obtained but no wages. In doing this I have been guided by a wish to relieve the wretched and to attend to the interest of my employers at the same time, and I trust the transaction may be viewed in this light. At
7 p.m. boat returned, got nothing. Filled up water and all ready for sea.
January, 13th.
Blowing hard from the Eastward:—
Copy of Agreement for the skins obtained on Campbells Island.
It is hereby agreed between on the one part and John Balleny of the schooner Eliza Scott on behalf of his owners on the other part that on condition of removg from Campbells Island and paying to them in London ten shillings for every prime skin delivered and others in proportion they abandon all claim to the skins now on board in favour of Messrs. Enderby and others owners of the schooner Eliza Scott & tender Sabrina. It is further agreed that for the cargo yet to be obtained that the sd. shall have the one hundred and eightyith share without any monthly wages and it is further agreed that Messrs Enderby shall deduct from the price of skins the amt of all slops &c. advanced by Capt. Balleny to
Preservation Harbour
Campbell Island Jany 14th 1839.
January, 14th.
S.E. (wind) Blowing a perfect gale so that we are better here than outside.
January, 15th.
Variable (wind) Blowing hard, the cutter got under weigh but could make nothing of it and brought up again.
January, 16th.
Variable. Blowed hard with heavy rain and thick weather P.M. more moderate, saw a boat, the boat belonged to the Emma of Sidney Capt. Biscoe.
The commander of the former Enderby Expedition, 1831, and whose journal of that Expedition is to be found on pp. 555 to 561 hereof.
This is rather a curious rencontre. Went on board the Emma & I find Capt Bscoe is in search of land as well as ourselves.
January, 17th.
This morg weighed and made sail from Preservation Harbour. The Emma could not get under weigh it blew so hard and riding with 2 anchors at noon. Lat. 52° 46′ S. Dark and cloudy to the end. Either Cape West is laid down wrong or Campbells Island. My chronometer by the old rate from Greenh. gives the long. of Campbells Island very nearly and is rather east of the assigned long. whereas the rate given the chronometer by me in Port Chalky taking it for granted that Cape West is right, gives the centre of Campbells Island 168° 58 which is 34′ West of the given longitude.
BALLENY'S MATE'S JOURNAL.
Extract from the Log of the Schooner “Eliza Scott,” Captain John Balleny, on her way from London Towards New Zealand (supposed to have been kept by the Chief Mate).(Manuscript in possession of the Royal Geographical Society, London.)[The pages of the corresponding entries in Balleny's Journal are given in the margin at the top of the page.]
Monday, December 3rd, 1838.
Steady breezes and cloudy: Longe by Chror. 164° .49′ .0″ E Got the Anchors unstowed and bent the Cables: Latit Obs 45° 57 South, at 4 P.M. Saw the land: at 7 abreast of Cape West: at 8 Rounded Chalky Island point and beat up to the Cascade and hove too for Daylight.
December, 4th.
At Daylight wore Ship, at 8 Came to an anchor in port Chalky in 15 fathoms, when we found the Cutter who had been in 3 Weeks.
December 5th.
Strong Gales with rain, struck foretop mast and sent down topsail and foreyards, Got under weigh and towed up to the head of the port.
December 6th.
Moderate (wind S.E.). Dryed sails and towed some Empty water Casks on Shore, got the Derrick up &c. This morning Joe and Davy, being Drunk got fighting together which stoped the work going on as it should do. Davy did no duty the whole day. Tom likewise did no duty. found out the Ships Comp, had broken open the Captains porter Cask and stole 15 bottles, the whole of the Crew in a complete state of Mutiny and insubordination
December 7th.
Squalls with flying showers Enpld [? Employed] Unstowing the hold towing water Casks on Shore filling Salt in the Ground tier casks & carpenter empd Caulking the Schooner round the bows the Cooper very Mutinous Daming the Capt. and Mates Eyes and very abusefull
December 8th.
Squalls with flying showers Unbent the Jib, Carpenter & People Employed as Yesterday.
Sunday, December 9th.
Light winds and fair weather. Cleansed the Schooner and allowed people to go on Shore
December 10th.
Fair Weather throughout. Employed drying Sails & Restowing the hold
December 11th.
Employed filling water and restowing the hold. Carpenter & Cooper about their own work the Crew refused their Beef as being too little altho' they had exactly the same as the Cutters crew. The Cooper in a most Mutinous Manner declared he had not sufficient to eat and with respect to Grog he said he considered it as much his as mine and that everyone in the ship had a right to an equal share.
December 12th.
This Morng Smith the Yarmouth fisherman as he calls himself brought up the Bread Barge so heaped up as to run the risk of scattering the Contents and on my simply requesting him to be careful he was exceedingly Insolent and when he went forward the Carpenter exclaimed in loud voice that he was saucy and Independant and did not care a damn. It appears to me that the whole Crew are in a state of Mutiny or at least are endea vouring to make a Disturbance so as to Compell me to go to the Northward instead of Southward when I am perfectly convinced they all would leave. I have therefore complied with their Demand at present rather than ruin the Voyage.
December 13th.
Light winds and fair weather. Employed filling salt, Carpenter cutting spars, Cooper variously.
December 14th.
Strong breezes. Employed as yesterday Carpenter making a tiller. Cooper making tubs &c
December 15th.
With constant heavy rain Employed watering &c
December 16th.
Employed cleaning ship & Constant heavy rain & squally.
December 17th.
The forepart dry and fair in the afternoon heavy rain at 4 Saw a Boat coming round Garden Island point fired a Gun & Shewed our Colours. The boat came on board which proved to be a Skinning partys boat on the lookout for Skins—and seeing the Vessells—came in to the harbour at dusk they went away again.
December 18th.
Fair weather throughout Employed wood & watering Stowing the hold. Got the foreyard & topmast up & Dryed Sails, Carpenter making topsail Yard.
The two Captains went round to preservation Bay for oil, but could not find the store house out. left the boat that side and walked across to the Vessells it being late left the boat alongside the Cutter all night in readyness to start Early
December 19th.
Strong breeze and clear weather. Employed painting ship at 4 O'Clock Missed the Jolly boat and on looking round saw her along the Cutter and the Whale boat taken away with two Muskets and five men—David Hellon Henry Long Tom Rosarie Doderick McPeal Dennis Driscoll, Sent Mr. Paterson across the land to Secure the other boat, and in an hours time both Captains and a boats crew followed—in the Evening they came back with boat they had left having seen nothing of the Runaway—
December 20th.
Strong breezes unbent the Msail and began middle stitching it. Sent the Stay foresail (2d one) on board the Cutter to be converted into a Jib the old one not being worth repairing. Sent the foretop mast down on deck & Undone all the Gear and sowed the fore Yard Cutter fashion—Carpenter & Cooper Cutting spars. this day found out that the Bale of Slopes had been cut open during the night and a Considerable quantity stolen. by the runaways besides Pork bread Tea and Cheeses out of the Store room.
December 21st.
Squally with flying showers. Employed Repairing sails &c
December 22nd.
Employed about the rigging & Sails wooding &c Showery
December 23rd.
Flying Showers with Cloudy Wr the boat gone over to preservation Bay for a few articles we stand in need of—at noon it blowing hard we let go the Second anchor.
December 24th.
Do Weather. at daylight hove up the anchors and warped further out and brought up the best Bower with 45-Fathom chain
December 25th.
Strong winds & Cloudy weather. This being Christmas day, no duty was done on board—all hands enjoyed themselves.
December 26th.
Strong Gales, at daylight let go the Second Anchor—Em ployed variously about the Rigging &c.
* N.B. at 3 the Captn struck the Mate before all hands on the Quarter deck for nothing.
[In a different handwriting: * N.B.—The above remark is “lie.” Capt. Balleny took the Mate by the collar for being exceedingly Drunk on Christmas day and exceedingly insolent the day following & told him, he would bundle him forward but did not strike him as the Mate states.]
December 27th.
Strong breezes. bent Mainsail and Jib, fitted Gear of the fore yd Jackstay &c. and filled a cask of water
December 28th.
Strong Gales. Employed lashing the Spars Cutting wood and preparing for Sea. this Morning a boat came Round from preservation bay.
December 29th.
Do Wr Preparing for Sea. Getting wood off & Got up the new warp ready to heave out if the wind should lull—Shipped two hands from the boat to go the voyage.
December 30th.
at Daylight hove short up to the 2d Anchor and warped the Cutter to a fair way birth, at 10 A.M. Got under weigh and worked out of the harbour at 4 P.M. Came to anchor in pre-
servationpreservation bay—this day William Smith refused to do his duty, Strong breezes with hail &c.
December 31st.
Squally weather with flying showers. Employed cutting firewood Wm Smith went to his work this day
January 1st, 1839.
Fair weather throughout, filled a cask of water, got a boat load of wood Got the Whale boat from the Settlement and gave them the Jolly boat, hoisted the boats in and prepared for Sea.
January 2nd.
Strong breezes with Rain the forepart of the day, at 6 A.M. weighed and made sail from preservation bay at 11 abreast of Solanders Island at 3.30 P.M. Abreast of passage Island at 9 Came to an anchor in Patterson River in 20 fathom water and 60 fathom chain—
January 3rd.
Strong Gales with flying showers. Employed variously
January 4th.
Strong breezes with flying showers, took in two boat loads of wood and put in down aft to trim ship. in the Morning got a boat out and went on board the Cutter in answer to the Signal found that three men had deserted during the night. in the Morning they were brought back and sent on board the Cutter Shipped three hands and hoisted the boat in and secured her in readyness to go Sea.
January 5th.
Strong Gales with flying showers. Got the boat out to go for the peoples cloathes. Got the close-reefed points Sewed in the Sails and at 7, hoisted the boat in.
January 6th.
Strong gales & Endeaved to get under weigh but finding it to blow to hard desisted, in the Eg Capt Freeman on board, it still blowing hard with showers of hail & rain at intervals.
January 7th.
at 6 A.M. Weighed and made all possibl sail in Company with the Cutter an (? at) noon Fresh breeze took in 1s Reef sails,
Southern port bearing W.S.W, Distant about 9 Leagues. at 8 P.M. Squally—took in 2 Reefsails at midnight Do Weather. Cutter on the Lee bow
January 8th.
Squalls with flying showers; at 6 A.M. set the square sail; at 8 spoke the Cutter; longitude by chror 169° 8′ E. took in Square sail and Set the Fore & aft sails; at noon out all reefs &c
Latt Obs, 49° 28′ South.
Light airs & clear weather with a heavy swell from the N.W.
at 4 P.M. Longe in 169° .22′ .0″ E.
at Midnight Do Wr.
January 9th.
2 A.M. Strong breezes and clear Weather. took in one reefsails; at 8 in 2nd Reef—do—do.
Longe by Chronomr 168° .58′ .0″ E
at noon more moderate, out one reef Mnsail foresail & f Sy sail.
Lattitude obsd, 51° 16′ South
Squally with a heavy cross Sea running.
at Longe in 168° .56′ .30″ E at Midnight Moderate, out all Reefs.
January 10th.
Light winds and clear Wr
at 3 A M Saw the land; at 6 Calm; at 8 Long. by chror 168° .55′ .45″ E
at 9 Captn Freeman came on board. Light airs & clear Wr
Lattd by Obsn 52° 26′ South
at 1 P.M. Capn Freeman went on Shore and saw the men that was left on shore here 4 years Since by the New Zealander;
On 11th March, 1835, the “New Zealander” reached Sydney from “a speculative trip of five months amongst the Eastern Islands.” Campbell Island was evidently one of the places she called at, and she must have left the 3 men and 1 woman there on that voyage.
at 7 Capt Freeman returned.
Fair weather. Stood off to the N.W.
at Midnight strongwinds with rain and thick Wr
Wore ship and Stood to the Eastward.
January 11th.
took in two reefs of the Sails
at 8 A.M. it clearing off Saw the land bearing S. by W about 10 Leagues hauled up for the Island and spoke the Cutter at noon Steady breezes and clear out all reefs &c
Lattd Obs—52° 30′ South
at 7 P.M. Came to an anchor in perseverance harbour in 9 fathom, Steady breezes and Clear Weather.
January 12th.
at Daylight Got the boats out and sent one from each Vessell to see what they could Get, Got the peoples Skins on board and filled our water up & 32 Green Skins 133 Dryed Skins—in the Evening the Boats returned with one hair Skin
January 13th.
Strong Gales and clear Wr. finished filling our water up and prepared for Sea
at noon came on to rain with thick foggy weather.
January 14th.
Strong Gales with Constant rain & thick weater took three men and one woman of the Island. Sent two on board of the Cutter, hoisted the boat and prepared for Sea
January 15th.
Strong gales with thick fog & heavy rain hove short and Double reefed the Sails the Cutter weighed first and bore up if [? it] blowing so very hard and such a tremendous Sea running. Stowed the Sails and held all in readyness to weigh should the wind lull or the fog clear off. Got the 2d Anchor clear & Secured the Boats and cleared the decks up.
January 16th.
Heavy gales with thick fog. Close reefed the Sails and hove short, but not being able to purchase Anchor, gave her more chain and furled Sails this day the Cooper refused his duty, in the Evening he returned to his work
January 17th.
at 6 weighed and made Sail, weather moderate & hazy
at 8.30 Spoke the Brig Emma
Commanded by Captain Biscoe of the former Enderby Expedition. 19—Vol. ii.
Lying in the Entrance of the port—at noon the centre of the Island W N W about 5 Leagues. Latt Obsd. 52° .46′ .17″ South the wind worked round to the Southd at 8 P.M. Centre of Cambells Island W N W 10 Leagues
Records Relating to the Brig “Elizabeth.”
The story of Captain Stewart and the brig “Elizabeth” has often been told, and, amongst a long list of brutalities inflicted by sea captains upon the Natives of New Zealand, has always been given pride of place for brutality.
The “Elizabeth” was a brig of 236 tons, and was commanded by John Stewart, of Southtown in Suffolk, one of her owners. On 19th August, 1830, she sailed from Sydney, and put into Whangaroa before making for Kapiti Island, the Headquarters of Te Rauparaha and Te Hiko. On her arrival she was chartered by the former, and sailed on 29th October, with a party of his fighting men, to wage war against Tamaiharanui, the Akaroa chief who had slain Te Pehi Kupe, the father of Te Hiko, when associated with Te Rauparaha in a former Expedition.
The papers published herein deal with the events which followed the arrival of the “Elizabeth” at Akaroa, and they were found by the Editor amongst the New South Wales Papers of 1831 and 1832 in the Record Office in London.
Magisterial Report to Governor Darling.
Police Office Sydney7th February, 1831.Sir,—
We have the honour to report to you for the information of His Excellency the Governor that having been apprized that transaction of a criminal character had taken place at New Zealand in which the Captain of the Elizabeth Brig, John Stewart, and some other persons in that vessel took a prominent part. We have taken the examinations of several witnesses (and more evidence in confirmation can be procured) which we have the honor to transmit herewith.
From a perusal of these Documents it will appear that a Native Chief of New Zealand has been received on board the Elizabeth Brig, and in a treacherous manner given up certain other natives, his enemies, by whom he was put to death. That such conduct as is detailed in the evidence taken, would generally ental a capital punishment on the parties implicated, there
can be no doubt; but as there is some doubt existing as to the extent of the Criminal Jurisdiction given by the Act of 9 George 4th, Cap: 83 as applicable to this case.
We have the honor to request that the opinon of the Crown Officers may be taken upon the question of how far the Magistrates are justified in proceeding with a view of putting the apparent criminals on their trails for murder. As the vessel is on the eve of departure we beg to suggest that an immediate answer may be given.
We have &c.F. Rossi J.P.F. Hely J.P.
The Honble
Colonial Secretary.
[Enclosure.]Depositions of G. D. Browne.
Gordon Davies Browne, of Sydney, being duly sworn, on his oath saith.
I have been informed and believe that the Brig Elizabeth, Stewart, Master, was chartered by Mr. Thomas Street to proceed to New Zealand for flax with Mr. Cowell as interpreter.
They were for some time unsuccessful, but on arriving at Entry Island (Kafute) in Cook's Straits, they entered into the following agreement with one of the principal chiefs, called the Rauparaha, of that place, for a cargo. That they should convey the Rauparaha and a party of his warriors to Banks Peninsula on the east side of the Middle Island, for the purpose of capturing the chief called the Maitraranui,
Tamaiharanui.
of that District, bring them back to Entry Island, when they would receive a quantity of flax in payment.
The Rauparaha and his men embarked accordingly. On arriving at Bank's Peninsula they lay concealed in the hold of the vessel until the Matraranui (the chief they were in search of) and a number of his tribe had come on board unarmed, as is usual with them when visiting European vessels for the purpose of trade. They then rushed out upon these unsuspecting and defenceless visitors, and seized upon the Matraranui and several others, the rest escaping to the shore.
The Elizabeth carried them back to Entry Island, where the prisoners were taken on shore and shot. She then received her payment and has returned with it to this port.
Gordon D. Browne.
Sworn this 5th February, 1831
beforeF. Rossi J.P.
P. Superintend of Police.
Deponent further, on his oath saith:
I have been informed and believe that J. B. Montefiore Esq. and Arthur Kemmis Esq. were passengers on board the said Brig Elizabeth on her return from Entry Island.
Gordon D. Browne.
Sworn the 6th February, 1831
before.F. Rossi J.P.
P. Superintend of Police.Fredk. A. Hely J.P.
[Enclosure.]Depositions of J. B. Montefiore.Joseph Barrow Montefiore, Esq., being sworn, on his oath
Sydney, N.S. Wales, To Wit.
I am a merchant, residing in Sydney. I came from New Zealand, and arrived here on the 14th January last, on board the Elizabeth, of which John Stewart is Master. I went on board the Elizabeth at Entry Island, in New Zealand on the 23rd or 25th December last; that was about three or four days after my arrival at Entry Island, where the Elizabeth then was. Capt. Stewart was on board and also the First Mate, Mr. Clementson. I had heard that there was a New Zealand Chief on board from Bank's Peninsula, named Mara Nui. I saw him on board the Elizabeth on deck. I saw him afterwards several times. I think he was in chains. He was kept down in the forecabin. About 10 or 14 days before the Elizabeth sailed he was liberated. I was down below when he was liberated, and, on my going on deck, Mara Nui was in a canoe which was then about half way off between the ship and the Island. The canoe returned from Entry Island with the same chief in her, when I got on board the same canoe and accompanied the Chief to the mainland, to Otauka, about ten miles distant from the ship. The boat was rowed by natives. Mr. Cowell (the Supercargo) and myself were the only Europeans in the boat. At Otauka I saw the Chief, Mara Nui, land. I can't say if he was then in chains but I think not. I went with him to the place of a native chief called the Rassaraha.
Te Rauparaha.
Rassaraha was in the canoe with us. There was a native boy, who, I understood, came from Banks Peninsula, also on board the Elizabeth. He was not a prisoner. He came to Sydney with us. On the following morning I went to Hacho's Settlement, and, in 5 or 6 hours after, I saw Mara Nui come there, I think in a canoe. They displayed him there.
He looked very grave, and the women were laughing at him. I went away in about 2 or 3 hours and never saw him again. I heard afterwards that he had been eaten. I think I heard it from the Natives. I heard that he was killed by sticking a knife in his throat. I think I heard this from Mr. Harvey, an European who is now on the mainland. I heard also that the wife of Mara Nui had been on board the Elibabeth, and I heard also that she had been eaten. Captn Stewart told me, when he came down to me, that he had got rid of him, or that he was gone—alluding to Mara Nui. I heard him say that Mara Nui was the man who had killed Sai, the father of Hacho. He told me that the Rassaraha, and other chiefs, had gone down with him from Entry Island to Bank's Peninsula. I never talked much with Captn Stewart about it. I understood from some of the Native Chiefs of Entry Island that they had gone down in the Elizabeth, and had a fight and taken Mara Nui prisoner. I did not understand that Captn Stewart had given them any assistance. Mr. Clementson, as I understood, was on board the Elizabeth at Bank's Peninsula. He said the chiefs were armed with muskets, and were down below. I heard that Mara Nui was brought on board in the Elizabeth's boat, but I don't recollect having heard that any fight took place on board the Elizabeth. There was a war between the natives of Bank's Peninsula and Entry Island, and had been for some time. I heard that an Agreement had been made with the principal Chiefs of Entry Island to take them down to Bank's Peninsula. I heard that between one and two hundred men of the Natives went with the Elizabeth to Bank's Peninsula. I heard the Elizabeth was to have a cargo of flax for that service. I was shown by Mr. Harvey the spot where he stated part of the body of Mara Nui had been burnt. This was at a place called Wyeauhi. I heard that the Elizabeth was 8 or 10 days at Bank's Peninsula before the people of Bank's knew that the Entry Island people were on board the Elizabeth. I think Mr. Clementson told me that they threw overboard a basket of arms and legs, which the Entry Island people brought on board the Elizabeth. I heard that the infant child of Mara Nui and his wife was strangled on board the Elizabeth by one of its parents.
J. Barrow Montefiore.
Sworn in the MagistratesPrivate Room at Police
Office, Sydney,5th February,
1831, beforeF. Rossi J.P.
P. Superintend of Police.F. A. Hely J.P.
[Enclosure.]Depositions of Pery.
Mr. Gordon Davies Browne being sworn to interpret truly between the Court and Pery; saith—Pery.
I am a native of Hakaroa at Bank's, and came to Sydney in a ship, the captain of which saw me ashore, and promised to take me to Europe. A vessel had arrived at Bank's, and the Rassar had a chief of Kasiti (Entry Island), who was their enemy, concealed on board, and the natives of Bank's did not know it. I was at Bank's when the vessel arrived there, and was informed by the white people on board that they had plenty of muskets to purchase flax, and Mara Nui (our principal chief) was invited to come on board. He did go on board and the chief mate of the vessel put irons on his wrists and on his legs. He did not suspect any danger. Mara Nui's wife was also taken on board, with a female child of theirs. I saw them on board. I do not know how the child died, but I saw the dead body thrown into the sea by the Chief Mate and other persons. After Mara Nui was put in irons, the Natives of Entry went on shore at Bank's in the ship's boats and destroyed the village where Mara Nui was chief. They burnt all the place, and a great number of people were taken prisoners on board the ship. In the fight that took place I saw the white people of the ship take prisoners many of the Bank's people and hand them over to the natives of Entry. I am the son of Mara Nui's younger brother. I am a slave here, for I have been brought here by force. I did not see the fight that took place on shore, but I was told of it. The people of Entry brought on board a great quantity of human flesh in baskets but it was drest on shore, not in the ship. On the ship heaving up the anchor 10 guns were fired. The ship remained about 10 nights at Bank's. We were 5 nights in the passage to Kasiti. On arriving there the prisoners were delivered over to the Rassarhan, and taken ashore in canoes. I was the only one of our tribe who remained on board the ship. I heard that the price of the service was to be paid in flax, and the people of the ship were very angry at not getting the payment. The people of the ship expected the flax would have been a free gift, but they had to pay muskets and powder for it. I heard that the Mara Nui and his wife were taken ashore and killed. The Mara Nui had a cord around his neck and was killed with a knife and cooked. One of the sailors brought two of his fingers aboard the
ship. I ran away from the ship. I came in here for fear, and went aboard another ship.
The mark of X Pery.
Taken before me this 5th February
1831F. Rossi J.P.
P. Superintendent of Police.
[Enclosure.]Depositions of A. Kemmis.
Arthur Kemmis Esquire, being sworn, on his oath saith.
I am a Merchant and at present reside in Sydney, I went hence to New Zealand and arrived at Entry Island in November last. I found there the Elizabeth, Stewart, Master, and went on board her. I saw Captain Stewart and some Natives. I saw a Native Chief sitting on the deck, who, I afterwards understood, was Mara Nui a chief of Bank's Peninsula. I saw him during the 2 days I was on board the Elizabeth, three or four times. I understood he was a prisoner from Bank's Peninsula taken by the chiefs of Entry Island. I understood from the Natives whom I saw as soon as we had cast anchor. I understood from them, before I went on board the Elizabeth, that a number of them had gone down to Bank's Peninsula, in the Elizabeth, and had made a great fight and had taken Mara Nui, who was on board the Elizabeth, prisoner, and who was to be eaten as soon as the Elizabeth quitted Entry Island. I understood the language very imperfectly but that was the substance of what I gathered from them. I understood that they had made war on the Bank's people in revenge of the death of Pai,
Te Pehi Kupe.
and some white people of the Samuel
On 31st July, 1824, the “Samuel,” a Sydney sealer, was in Cook Strait, when Captain Dawson and four of his seamen were massacred and eaten by the Natives.
(a vessel of Mr. Street's), whom Mara Nui had put to death. I heard, I think from the Chief Mate, Clementson, that Mara Nui had been killed and eaten. I understood that Mara Nui had his wife on board, and that she had been at first made a slave, and afterwards had been killed on the main at a place called Ataka. I remember Clementson saying that he had seen a scene at Bank's which he never wished to see again. I understood from the general report of white people and Natives that about 190 of the Natives of Entry Island were taken on board of the Elizabeth, and taken down to Bank's Peninsula, and that Mara Nui either came on
board the Elizabeth or was decoyed there, and afterwards the Natives of Entry Island landed and massacred a great number of the people of Banks. I heard once that Mara Nui was enticed on board by a cook who shipped on board the Elizabeth at New Zealand, and who is now, I believe, at Otaheiti. I never saw any chains upon Maru Nui when I saw him on board the Elizabeth.
Arthur Kemmis.
Sworn in the Magistrates Private RoomPolice Office, Sydney,5th February,
1831, beforeF. Rossi J.P.
P. Superintendent of Police.Fredk. A. Hely J.P.
[Enclosure.]Depositions of W. Brown.
William Brown, being sworn, on his oath saith.
I am a seaman on board the Elizabeth, Stewart, Master. I shipped in England 14 months ago. I have been employed on board the said ship ever since. I was at New Zealand. We first touched at Whangaroa and afterwards at Entry Island. When at the latter place we took on board a number of Natives, I should think about 100. They were armed with muskets and native arms. They came on board in their own canoes and brought their own provisions along with them to Bank's Peninsula. We kept them on board three or four days after our arrival there. They were kept down below, but a number of them appeared on deck. They went ashore in the ship's boats in the evening. They took their arms with them. They went away some few miles from where the ship lay. The next morning they returned on board the Elizabeth in canoes. There was a native woman on board; she was the wife af a chief named Mara Nui. Three or four days after our arrival and before the landing of the natives, the Captain and the Trading Master (Mr. Cowell) went on shore in the boat to shoot. There were four or five men of the ship in the boat unarmed, and on our return we met a canoe with a chief in it; he hailed us, and we pulled slowly till he came up with us; he was very glad to see us; Mr. Cowell spoke to him in the native language, and afterwards the chief came on board the ship—very gladly as it appeared to me. A little girl about 11 years of age, and three or four natives, were with him. The little girl and the chief came on board our boat, and the other boat rowed away. The Chief and the little girl went down into the cabin and they were kept there. The same evening the natives of Entry Island
went ashore, as I have before related. When the Chief was aboard, 2 or 3 canoes came on board and were seized by the natives of Entry Island, and the men put below. The Entry Island natives took the canoes and went on shore with them and a skiff and a whale boat belonging to the ship. In a day or two after, we returned to Entry Island, and all the natives went ashore. I heard that Mara Nui and his wife strangled the little girl. All the men seized at Banks Peninsula and the Chief, Mara Nui, were taken ashore at Entry Island. They went ashore in the native canoes. On our return from Banks Peninsula I picked up two human hands and some other bones which were flung overboard. The natives of Entry Island brought on board at Banks Peninsula several baskets of flesh which they afterwards cooked, and we judged that it was human flesh Mara Nui, when he came on board, was invited, I think, by the Chief Mate to go down below. The Captain was at this time in the boat. The Chief was the first to go out of the boat into the Elizabeth. The Chief Mara Nui, was in irons—leg irons—all the time he was on board. The Chief Mate supplied the irons. The wife of Mara Nui was put in irons after they strangled the child. The Chief, Mara Nui, and his wife were taken on shore at Entry Island. I heard that the ship was to be filled with flax for the service of taking the Entry Island people to Banks Peninsula. That was the general report on board the ship. As soon as the Entry Island people returned on board from Banks Peninsula the Captain desired 10 of the ships guns to be fired. There was no shot in the guns. We heard that the Entry Island people killed a good many people and burned a village while they were ashore. I went ashore with the Captain and Trading Master on the morning after the Entry Island people had landed and four or five of the ship's crew all armed with small arms and swords by order of the Captain. I saw the bodies of 6 or 7 people that had been killed the preceding night, and the village was still in flames. The bodies consisted of men, women, and children. About a dozen of the Entry Island natives were there when we landed. In about half an hour after that we returned on board the Elizabeth. Mr. Cowell, I believe, spoke to the Entry Island natives. One of the females of Banks Peninsula I saw come out of a house which had been set fire to, and she was covered with blood as if wounded. The natives at Entry Island pushed her down the hill and killed her by throwing spears at her. The First Mate, Mr. Clementson, was at this time on board the Elizabeth to take care of Mara Nui. Francis Richardson and George Brown were in the boats. We heard from the Europeans on the main that Mara Nui and his wife were killed. Hacho and
Roberry were names of two of the chiefs of Entry Island that we took in the Elizabeth to Banks Peninsula. Roberry and another great chief landed with us in the ship's boat the morning after the general landing of the Entry Island people. The Chiefs Hacho and Roberry remained on shore. The ship's boat went again in the afternoon and Mr. Cowell or Mr. Richardson had the command. We then landed on the other side of the harbour and saw the natives of Entry cutting up the bodies of persons killed, belonging to the Banks Peninsula. We brought up nine natives of New Zealand to Sydney. One of these is a native of Banks Peninsula. He is now on board. Seven of the natives have run away since our arrival at Sydney.
The mark of
XWilliam Brown.
Sworn the 7th February, 1831
beforeF. Rossi J.P.
P. Superintendent of Police.Fredk. A. Hely J.P.
[Enclosure.]Depositions of J. Swan.
John Swan, being sworn, on his oath saith.
I am a carpenter on board the Brig Elizabeth, Stewart, Master. I shipped on board her at the London Docks, 22 February, 1830. I have been on board ever since. I was on board of her at New Zealand. I was at Entry Island about the month of September last in the Elizabeth. We staid there about three weeks. We took on board there some natives about 100 men. They had muskets and tomahawks. There were chiefs on board. We went afterwards with them to Banks, where, in two or three days after our arrival, the crew were called out, and the skiff and whaleboat were manned with part of the ship's crew, and the natives of Entry were landed on each side of the Harbour, with their arms. This was between 1 and 2 in the morning. On the day before that the Captain was on shore with his boat, and on his return he had a native chief of Banks named Mara Nui with him. Mara Nui came on board and either was invited, or of his own accord went down below in the cabin. The Captain, Richardson, and George Brown were in the boat when the Chief came on deck first. Mr. Clementson was on the deck. I saw him (the Chief) afterwards. He was kept in the fore cabin. He was in irons. His wife was with him, and a little girl, his daughter, that came on board with him. His wife came on board afterwards, on
the same afternoon that he came on board. The natives of Entry who had landed came again on board the following night, and they brought baskets with them, but I do not know of my own knowledge that any human flesh was in them. I saw a human hand after our arrival at Entry. It was brought up out of the hold. Mr. Cowell (the trading master) was on board the boat which brought Mara Nui on board. After the landing of the Entry Island natives I saw the smoke of a fire in the village ashore, and that morning before breakfast I saw the Captain return on board, and after that (after breakfast) a boat from the ship go ashore with two of the Entry Island chiefs, Mr. Cowell and Wm. Brown. The boat's crew had arms in their hands. After Mara Nui was brought on board, two canoes of Banks came on board with six or seven persons, who were seized by the natives of Entry and taken down into the hold. The canoes were kept, and went ashore with the general landing of the Entry Island people. The skiff and whaleboat accompanied. When the natives of Entry returned on board, they brought with them about twenty prisoners who were put down in the hold. I went on shore with the boat after breakfast. On the morning at the general landing, two chiefs, one of them called Rapaura, Richardson, William Brown, George Wall, and Mr. Cowell were in the boat. We were armed with swords and pistols, and we all landed on one side of the harbour. The Chiefs joined some of the natives of Entry Island. There were lying on the ground fifteen or sixteen dead bodies of men, women and children. I saw some of the Entry Island natives, and the two chiefs, cut up some of the bodies and make a fire. In about two hours the Chiefs came to the boat, and we returned on board the Elizabeth. We remained at Banks altogether about five or six days. The vessel then returned to Entry Is and with the natives and their prisoners. The prisoners all landed there except the little girl, the daughter of Mara Nui, who, I heard, was strangled on board by her parents. The irons that were put on Mara Nui were put on by the Chief Mate. I was desired by the Captain to go down with two others to assist him. He made no resistance, but spoke, and seemed, much agitated. On our return all the prisoners were kept down in the hold. The Entry Island natives were down in the hold. The prisoners were landed there. Mara Nui's wife was first landed, and two or three days after, Raparau, the Chief of Entry Island, took Mara Nui away. Francis Richardson brought him up from the fore cabin. Captain Stewart was on board, but I can't say if he was on deck or not. Raparau took away the Chief, Mara Nui, in a canoe manned with natives, and I heard that he was afterwards killed. I heard that the
ship was to have a cargo of flax for the service. We were to have a preference in the trade to any other vessels that might come in. We received there about 16 or 18 tons of flax. We were about six weeks taking it in. It had to be made. At Banks the assistance given by the ship was towing the skiff full of men (natives) on shore. On the return of the Entry Island natives on board after the fight, the guns were fired, with powder only.
John Swan.
Sworn the 7th February, 1831
beforeF. Rossi J.P.
P. Superintendent of Police.Fredk. A. Hely J.P.
Opinion of W. H. Moore.
George Street, Sydney,7th February, 1831.Sir,—
I have read over the depositions respecting the transactions said to have taken place at New Zealand between the Master and Officers of the vessel Elizabeth, and the natives of that place, and I think they do not disclose a sufficient body of facts to warrant a commitment of any of the parties by the Magistrates. I have also very great doubt (notwithstanding the atrocity of conduct of the parties concerned) whether any offence has been committed which is cognizable by the Common Law of England. If there had been, the clause alluded to in the Act of 9 Geo 4th. cap. 83 would certainly reach it.
I have, etc.W. H. Moore.
The Hnble
Colonial Secretary.
9 Geo. IV. Cap. 83, Sec. 4.
This section reads as follows:—
“And be it further enacted, That the said Supreme Court in New South Wales and Van Diemen's Land respectively shal, and may enquire of, hear, and determine all Treasons, Piraciesl Felonies, Robberies, Murders, Conspiracies, and other Offences, of what Nature or Kind soever, committed or that shall be committed … in the Islands of New Zealand,… by the Master or crew of any British Ship or Vessel, or any of them… and that all Persons convicted of any of the Offences so to be enquired of, heard, and determined in the said
Courts respectively, shall be subject and liable to and shall suffer all such and the same Pains, Penalties, and Forfeitures as by any Law or Laws now in force Persons convicted of the same respectively, would be subject and liable to in case the same had been committed and were respectively enquired of, tried, heard, determined, and adjudicated in England: any Law, Statute, or Usage to the contrary notwithstanding.
In acknowledging the receipt of your letter of the 7th instant stating that you entertained great doubt whether any offence has been committed which is cognizable by the Criminal Law of England by the Master and part of the the crew of the brig Elizabeth in their late transactions at New Zealand, I have the honour by direction of His Excellency the Governor to return to you the enclosed Depositions in the case and to request that you will immediately file Criminal Informations against the Master, Mate, Cowell, Richardson, and G. Brown, it being considered highly expedient that the parties concerned in this atrocious case should not go unpunished.
I have &c.Alex. McLeay.
To W. H. Moore Esq.
Crown Solicitor.
Crown Solicitor, Sydney, to Superintendent of Police.
George Street,12th February, 1831.Sir,—
The Depositions in the New Zealand business do not give me the names of the parties. I have prepared everything according to my instructions from the Colonial Office, but I cannot proceed without the proper Christian names. I have sent to Messrs. Lamb and Buchanan and everywhere I can think, but cannot obtain them, and I fear it is now too late to do anything further this evening.
If the vessel should not sail till Monday pray let me know early in the morning in order that I may obtain a Judge's Warrant to apprehend the parties.
Yours &c.W. H. Moore.F. Rossi Esq.
Crown Solicitor, Sydney, to Superintendent of Police.
George Street, Sydney17th February, 1831.Sir,—
Having filed an Information in the Supreme Court against the Master of the brig Elizabeth, and others concerned in the late transactions at New Zealand, I now enclose you the depositions already taken in order that you may take such depositions of other persons as will enable me to lay the case before the Supreme Court at the ensuing Sessions (now the Civil Court has adjourned) I am about to prepare for.
I am &c.W. H. Moore.F. Rossi Esq.
P. Superintendent of Police.
The Depositions were returned to me 23rd February, 1831.W.H.M.
Colonial Secretary to Crown Solicitor, Sydney.
Colonial Secretary's Office,8th April, 1831.Sir,—
Drawing your attention to my letter of the 12th February last. I am directed by His Excellency the Governor to request that you will let me know for his information the present state of the enquiry respecting the conduct of the Master and Crew of the brig Elizabeth at New Zealand.
I have &cAlexr McLeay.H. W. Moore Esq.,
Crown Solicitor.
Crown Solicitor, Sydney, to Colonial Secretary.
Attorney General's Chambers,12th April, 1831.Sir,—
In answer to your letter of 8th instant respecting the conduct of the Master and Crew of the brig Elizabeth at New Zealand, I have the honor to state to you for the information of His Excellency the Governor that in pursuance of the instructions I received from him through your office, I filed an information in the office of the Supreme Court and moved the Court for a Bench Warrant thereon against all the parties named in your letter of 12th February last, which was placed in the hands of the Chief Constable who apprehended the Master of the vessel, Captain Stewart, whom I afterwards admitted to bail to appear before the Supreme Court when called upon for
trial. The other parties I understood from the Chief Constable when I last spoke to him had not been apprehended in consequence of their keeping out of the way. I am given to understand by Mr. Keith, who has been retained by Mr. Gordon Davies Browne on the part of the prosecution, that exertions have been made by some individuals in Sydney to get the last mentioned parties with the most material witnesses to the transaction, out of the Colony, and that Gentleman informs me he is now preparing a statement to lay before the Governor on that head.
I enclose copies of two letters I wrote to the Principal Superintendent of Police on this matter but the Depositions were subsequently returned to me without any fresh evidence having been taken.
I have &cW. H. Moore.
The Honble
The Colonial Secretary.
(Copies of letters of 12th and 17th Feb. encl.)
Colonial Secretary, Sydney, to Superintendent of Police.
Colonial Secretary's Office,13th April, 1831.Sir,—
In transmitting to you the accompanying extract of a letter from Mr. Moore, I am directed by the Governor to request that you will call upon the Chief Constable to account for his not having executed the Warrant put into his hands for the apprehending the parties concerned in the affair of the brig Elizabeth at New Zealand, and that you will express to him His Excellency's desire that he will immediately use all possible diligence to apprehend those parties or to learn how, and by whose means, they, and the witnesses, have been sent out of the Colony, if such is the case.
I have &cAlex McLeay.
The Principal Superintendent of Police.
Colonial Secretary, Sydney, to Crown Solicitor.
Colonial Secretary's Office,13th April, 1831.Sir,—
In acknowledging the receipt of your letter of yesterday's date, I am directed by the Governor to request that you
will let me know for His Excellency's information what measure you took for securing the evidence of the witnesses in the case of the brig Elizabeth at New Zealand.
I have &cAlex McLeayW. H. Moore, Esq.,
Crown Solicitor.
Governor Darling to the Secretary of State.
New South Wales
Government House13th April, 1831.My Lord,—
* * * *
I have to make known to your Lordship the circumstance of an event which is distinguished as an act of premeditated atrocity on the part of the Master and Crew of a British Vessel, the object of which was to obtain a common article of merchandize.
It appears that a Captain Stewart, of the brig Elizabeth, a Trader between this and New Zealand, being desirous of procuring a Cargo of Flax, proceeded for the purpose to Entry Island, which lies in Cooks Straits and there entered into an agreement with a chief name Rauparaha to supply him, on the condition of his conveying Rauparaha and his Tribe to Banks Peninsula, which is on the eastern Coast of the Middle Island, (The Islands of New Zealand consisting of three) in order to their having an opportunity of avenging some act formerly committed by the People of that District.
Captain Stewart received the Chief and his People on board the Elizabeth, who, it is stated, were numerous, exceeding 100, and proceeded with them according to his Agreement.
The following was related to me this morning, by a son of one of the principal Chiefs, who said his father had desired he would come to Sydney and tell the Governor all that happened, that the White People might be punished.
This man who appeared extremely intelligent, stated that the Natives were kept on board the Elizabeth in perfect secrecy, so much so, that it was not known that they had arrived, until some days after, when they landed. It appears that Captain Stewart went on shore, in the meantime, and used every possible artifice by professions of kindness and the offer of arms and ammunition, to induce the Chief of the District, Mara Nui,
Tamaiharanui.
to go
on board of his Brig. He at length succeeded and Mara Nui took his daughter with him, a girl, as described, of 11 or 12 years old.
They were taken into the Cabin and Mara Nui was immediately put in Irons by the Mate named Clementson. Unacquainted with his fate, Mara Nui's wife proceeded on board and several Canoes went off, the people as they arrived being secured by Rauparaha, whose Tribe, as I have stated, remained in concealment on board the Elizabeth.
After securing the Chief, to which it appears some importance was attached (by the exertions used by Captain Stewart to induce him to visit his Vessel) Rauparaha and his people landed the same night, and appear to have indulged their natural erocity to the utmost, by putting everyone to death, without distinction of sex or age, and burning their village to the ground.
It seems they were re-embarked, with the remains of their victims, which were not reserved as mere trophies but also made use of to gratify their inhuman appetites. Mara Nui and his Wife, seeing the fate which awaited them, strangled their child; and, as they appear to have foreboded, they, with the other Prisoners, on the return of the Elizabeth to Entry Island, were landed and put to death in cold blood.
The Native, whom I have mentioned as having related these facts, was accompanied by a fine lad of about fifteen, the nephew of Mara Nui. He was made prisoner at Banks Peninsula, and said that three of Mara Nui's brothers had been killed on that occasion, or afterwards put to death at Entry Island.
The sanguinary proceedings of these Savages could only be equalled by the atrocious conduct of Captain Stewart and his Crew. Rauparaha may, according to his notions, have supposed that he had sufficient cause for acting as he did. Captain Stewart became instrumental to the massacre, (which could not have taken place but for his agency) in order to obtain a supply of flax.
This event was first brought under my notice early in the month of February last, and I lost not a moment in giving orders that it should be immediately proceeded in; the Elizabeth, the Captain, and the Crew, being here at the time. The depositions which were taken before the Magistrates (Copies of which are enclosed for your Lordship's information) were referred to Mr. Moore, the Crown Solicitor, on the 7th of February, the day they were received. But it will be seen by the accompanying copy of Mr. Moore's Letter, that he entertained doubts whether there were sufficient grounds for putting the parties on
their Trial. I, nevertheless, desired that he should proceed, as will be seen by the accompanying correspondence, considering it a case in which the Character of the Nation was implicated and that every possible exertion should be used to bring the offenders to justice. It has, however, lain over to the present time, and there is reason to apprehend, that the parties, with the exception of Captain Stewart, who is admitted to Bail, have all left the Colony, which may render any proceedings in his case ineffectual.
A Mr. Gordon Browne, who resided for some time in New Zealand and who intends to return thither, first brought this matter under notice. I delayed taking any further steps until the result of the legal proceedings should be known. A recent occurrence, however, has induced Mr. Browne again to draw my attention to the subject, which, coupled with the appeal made to me by the New Zealand Chief through his Son, as I have already stated, appears to me to render it necessary that the Government should not, by any supineness on the part of its Officers which it may have the power of counteracting, allow it to be supposed that these proceedings are countenanced or viewed with indifference.…
I have &cR. A. Darling.
Crown Solicitor, Sydney, to Colonial Secretary.
Attorney General's Chambers14th April, 1831.Sir,—
I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of yesterday and beg to state for the information of His Excellency, that I had no means in my power of taking any measures for securing the evidence of witness in the case of the brig Elizabeth at New Zealand.
I forwarded the Depositions that were taken to the Principal Superintendent of Police for the purpose of obtaining further evidence, but that Gentelman returned them to me, on the ground of his want of jurisdiction, which he in the first instance doubted and therefore forwarded the Depositions to the Government instead of sending them to the Attorney General's office, which is the usual mode, and considering that my letter to you of 7th February last substantiated what he was previously in doubt about he was fearful of proceeding any further.
I have &cW. H. Moore.
The Honble
The Colonial Secretary.
The Treasury, London, to the Secretary of State.
Treasury Chambers3rd October, 1831.My Lord,—
I am commanded by the Lords Commissioners of His Majesty's Treasury to acknowledge the receipt of your Lordship's Letter of the 27th Ultimo transmitting the Copy of a Despatch from Lt General Darling, Governor of New South Wales, respecting the misconduct of Captn Stewart and the Crew of the Brig Elizabeth at New Zealand, by whose means atrocities of a most sanguinary nature have been committed by the Natives of one Island against those of another.… My Lords cannot refrain from expressing their strong sense of the importance of all possible means being employed for bringing to justice Captn Stewart of the Elizabeth and any other Persons who may have been principally concerned in the atrocious Crimes of which they are accused. My Lords are surprised that Govr Darling should have been unable to obtain sufficient evidence of all the facts of the Case when the Crew of the Elizabeth were at Sydney for putting the principal portion on their trial, and my Lords cannot but remark on the Governor's Statement that the matter “has lain over to the present time,” from which expression it would appear that every exertion to bring the accused to justice had not been employed. My Lords have, however, no doubt that the Governor has been directed by Viscount Goderich to leave no exertion untried for the purpose of obtaining Evidence, and bringing the Chief offenders to justice, and my Lords will refer Governor Darling's letter to the King's Proctor for any suggestions he may have to offer with a view to the same object, and as it appears by the said letter that other Documents relating to these atrocities have been received at the Secretary of State's Office My Lords will direct the King's Proctor to attend at his Lordship's office for the purpose of inspecting such Papers as Lord Goderich may be pleased to permit him to examine.
I amMy Lord
Your Obedient ServantJ. Stewart.
King's Proctor to the Lords of the Treasury.
To the Right Honourable
The Lords Commissioners
of His Majesty's Treasury.May it please your Lordships
I was duly honored with Mr. Stewart's letter of the 14th October last transmitting by Your Lordships Commands a
letter from Lord Howick dated the 27th of the preceding month of September enclosing the copy of a Despatch from the Governor of New South Wales stating that atrocities of a most sanguinary nature had been committed at New Zealand by certain Natives of one Island against those of another at the instigation of the Crew of a British Merchant Vessel and suggesting certain measures for the protection of the lives and properties of the British subjects residing in New Zealand as well as the very valuable Trade of those Islands. Mr. Stewart also transmits a copy of Your Lordship's Minute thereon of the 30th of the said month of October for my information and guidance. Upon perusal of the Minute it appeared that Your Lordships had been pleased to refer Governor Darling's Letter and Enclosures to me for any suggestions I might have to offer with a view to bringing to Justice Captain Stewart of the Elizabeth and any other person who may have been principally concerned in the atrocious crimes of which they are accused and that it was Your Lordship's pleasure that I should attend at Lord Howick's Office for the purpose of inspecting such other papers relating to these atrocities as Lord Goderich might permit me to examine. And I do most humbly report that having attended at his Lordship's office accordingly I was permitted to peruse the whole of the Papers relating to this subject, the substance of which together with that of the several Documents referred by Your Lordships were stated in a case which I submitted to the consideration of His Majesty's Advocate General and subsequently at his suggestion and with the concurrence of Mr. Stewart to His Majesty's Attorney & Solicitor General. And I have now the honour to transmit for Your Lordship's Information A copy of such case and of the opinion of His Majesty's Advocate and Attorney and Solicitor General thereon.
All of which I do most humbly submit to Your Lordships Wisdom.
Nicholl.
Doctors Commons5 December, 1831.
[Enclosure.]Copy of the Opinion of the King's Advocate and of the Attorney and Solicitor-General on a Case relating to the conduct of Captain Steward of the Merchant Brig Elizabeth engaged in trading between New South Wales and New Zealand.
His Majesty's Advocate and Mr. Attorney and Solicitor General are requested to consider the Facts and Circumstances of the Case as appearing in the papers stated and with reference
to the strong sense expressed by the Lords of the Treasury of the importance of all possible means being employed for bringing to Justice Captain Stewart of the Elizabeth and any other persons who may have been principally concerned in the atrocious crimes of which they are accused. They are further requested to suggest any measures which may occur to them as proper to be adopted for effecting the object which their Lordships have in view.
Opinion of His Majesty's Advocate and Mr. Attorney and
Solicitor-General.
We think it clear that by the Law of England Captain Stewart and Clementson as the Mate are guilty as accomplices before the Fact, to the Murder of Mara Nui and his wife if not to that of the Tribe which was massacred and we think the Fact fully proved by the Witnesses. It is also clear that the 3rd and 4th Sections of the 9th of Geo 4 Cap. 83 give the Court at Van Diemens Land Jurisdiction to try these offences. We therefore lament that measures for securing and bringing them to Trial were not taken at New South Wales. We advise that they should be apprehended as soon as they can be met with and brought to their Trial when the attendance of the Witnesses against them can be procured……
SignedHubert JennerT. DenmanWm. Horne
Doctor Commons2 Dec. 1831
Treasury Minute dated 23rd Dec, 1831.
23477 Read Report from the King's Proctor dated 5 Dec. 1831 enclosing the Copy of a Case which he had submitted for the opinion of the King's Advocate and the Attorney and the Solicitor General on the atrocities committed at New Zealand by the connivance of Captain Stewart of the Brig Elizabeth.
Transmit this Report together with the opinion of the Law Officers of the Crown and all the other papers on the subject to the Solicitor desiring him, after having fully considered the difficulties which may be opposed to bringing the accused persons to trial in this Country; to report what measures in his opinion it would be advisable for My Lords to take in order that the two persons whom the Law Officers consider to be guilty of the atrocious crimes described in these papers should be brought
before the proper Tribunal which My Lords deem it highly important to effect.
Secretary of State, London, to Governor.
Downing Street31st Jan. 1832Sir,—
I have received General Darling's Despatch of the 13th of April last, with its various enclosures, respecting the proceedings of the Master of the Brig Elizabeth with several others of His Majesty's subjects, at the Islands of New Zealand.
It is impossible to read, without shame and indignation, the details which these documents disclose. The unfortunate natives of New Zealand, unless some decisive measure of prevention be adopted, will, I fear, be shortly added to the number of those barbarous tribes, who, in different parts of the Globe, have fallen a sacrifice to their intercourse with civilised men, who bear and disgrace the name of Christians. When, for mercenary purposes, the native of Europe, minister to the passions by which the savages are inflamed against each other, and introduce them to the knowledge of depraved acts and licentious gratifications of the most debased inhabitants of our great cities, the inevitable consequence is, a rapid decline of population preceded by every variety of suffering. Considering what is the character of a large part of the population of New South Wales and Van Diemens Land; what opportunities of settling themselves in New Zealand are afforded them by the extensive intercourse which has recently been established, adverting also to the conduct which has been pursued in these Islands by the Masters and crews of British vessels… I cannot contemplate the too probable results without the deepest anxiety. There can be no more sacred duty than that of using every possible method to rescue the natives of the extensive islands from the further evils which impend over them, and to deliver our own country from the disgrace and crime of having either occasioned or tolerated such enormities.
With these views I need scarcely say that the energy with which General Darling appears to have acted, both for the punishment and prevention of these atrocities, merits my warmest acknowledges.….
It is with much regret that I find that the efforts of General Darling to bring to justice the Master and crew of the brig Elizabeth, were likely to prove unsuccessful. The opinion given by Mr. Moore, the Crown Solicitor, is not very intelligible. I conjecture his meaning to have been that the New Zealand
Tribes, having been engaged in what must be regarded as legitimate warfare, according to the usages of their own country, could not, with justice or propriety, be charged with murder, and, therefore, that the Master and crew could not be charged as accessories to murder, because the guilt of the principal is essential to the guilt of the accessory. Supposing this reason to be just, still the Master and his crew might have been prosecuted under the Foreign Enlistment Act. But, if I rightly understand the case, they were in fact prosecuted for murder. Yet in his letter of the 12th of April Mr Moore states that “he admitted Captain Stewart to bail, to appear before the Supreme Court when called upon for trial.” The statement is quite inexplicable. I can neither understand how the prosecutor himself should assume to act as a magistrate by admitting a prisoner to bail, nor why a prisoner charged with such an offence should have been admitted to bail by any authority whatever. I regret to state that the whole proceeding for the conviction of the offenders appears to me to have been conducted in an inefficient and discreditable manner and you will have the goodness to institute the necessary enquiries to ascertain upon whom the censure justly falls, if, as there is too much reason to apprehend, the prosecution shall prove unsuccessful.
I am &cGoderich
Chas. Bourcher to the Treasury.
Lincolns Inn5 April, 1832
In obedience to My Lords Commands signified by your letter of the 31st ulto directing me to transmit a detailed account of the measures which I have pursued with a view to determine the proper course of proceeding for bringing to trial the Master and Mate of the Ship Elizabeth on a charge of being concerned in atrocious crimes committed in New Zealand as detailed in the papers transmitted to me in your letter of the 24 Dec. last. I beg leave to acquaint you for My Lords information that upon the receipt of your first letter I wrote to the Secretary of the Customs stating that it appeared that the Elizabeth was in the London Docks on the 22nd Feby. 1830, and sailed soon afterwards for Sydney, and requesting that he would it possible afford me any clue by which I might discover where the ship, the Master, the Mate or any of the Crew were as the papers in my hands afforded me no information whatever on these points.
In reply I received a letter from Mr. Walford the Solicitor to the Customs stating that the Elizabeth had not returned to England, that he had been unable to procure the names of her crew, but that he would endeavour to obtain information for me, that he had written to Yarmouth to which port the ship belonged and as soon as any intelligence was received it should be transmitted to me I have since seen Mr. Walford but he has hitherto been unable to supply any further information on the subject except that Mr. Stewart has not for some time been master of the Elizabeth.
I am &cChas Bourcher.
Solicitor Maule to Treasury.
Lincolns Inn23rd April, 1832.Sir,—
With reference to your letter of the 24 Decr last enclosing Copy of Case and opinion of His Majesty's Advocate and Attorney and Solicitor General, on a Letter from Lord Howick and other papers relating to atrocities committed at New Zealand by some of the Natives of one Island against those of another at the instigation of the Master and Crew of the British Merchant Ship Elizabeth, together with the other papers on the subject, and desiring me after having fully considered the difficulties which may be opposed to bringing the accused persons to trial in this Country to report what measures in my opinion it would be adv sable for My Lords to take in order that the two persons whom the Law Officers consider to be guilty of the atrocious crimes described in these papers should be brought before the proper Tribunal which My Lords deem it highly important to effect. I beg leave to acquaint you that the parties accused are amenable to the Jurisdiction of the Supreme Courts of New South Wales and Van Diemens Land under the provisions of the Act 9 Geo. 4, C. 83, S. 4 and to the criminal jurisdiction of this Country under a Commission of Oyer and Terminer to be issued pursuant to the enactment of 9 Geo. 4, C. 31, S. 7.
The difficulties which presented themselves to proceeding against the accused at New South Wales when both they and the witnesses were all present within the Jurisdiction seem to have been the insufficiency in the opinion of those who advised the Government there of the Evidence and possibly there may be some deficiency in the depositions as they now stand in the precise proof which the Law would require of the Murder of the Chief Mara Nui, and his Wife, but it seems probable that this
deficiency if there be any such, might be cured upon a further examination of the Witnesses. The Law Officers of the Crown in this Country are of opinion that the fact is fully proved and advise that the parties should be apprehended as soon as they can be met with and brought to trial when the attendance of the witnesses against them can be procured.
The difficulties which present themselves to any proceedings in this Country at present are the absence both of the accused and witnesses. And with reference to this point and to the advice of the Law Officers above stated I beg leave humbly to call My Lords attention to Mr. Bourchier's report of the 3rd Inst. in answer to your letter of the 31st ulto. shewing the steps which had been taken by him in order to ascertain whether the Brig Elizabeth by which some of the witnesses and the accused might be expected, had returned to this country or any tidings were know of them. I would add to that report that having learnt the names and description of the Owners of the Brig and finding John Stewart (one of the accused as I conceive) to be one I have written to make enquiries after him at Southtown in Suffolk the place of which he is described. I have not thought it advisable to address myself to other owners fearing this might operate as notice to the accused as well as witnesses at their return, and having learned from the Customs that the person who paid the Crew when the Brig left Yarmouth has been applied to but has refused to give the names of the crew.
It is difficult to suggest any measures for bringing these two persons to trial further than the utmost diligence in the lookout for the return of the Brig and her Crew and for the delivery of the witnesses and accused if it shall be found that they form no part of that crew. The Carpenter and a Seaman are material witnesses the others who are material appear to have been Merchants residing at Sydney when their depositions were taken. Another witness, described as a Negro Boy of the name of Perry a Native of Hakaroa Banks Peninsula, can hardly be expected to be now forthcoming and if he were would probably turn out to be an incompetent witness from his want of any religious obligation. It may be that the testimony of the Carpenter and Seaman upon a full examination of them may be thought sufficient, if not other must be sought either from the witnesses at Sydney or other sources and I find from the depositions the names of Francis Richardson, and George Brown, mentioned as part of the crew and of Mr. Cowley as the supercargo and interpreter.
These however may probably be tainted more or less with the character of accomplices. The name of Mr. Harvey is also mentioned as speaking to a material part of this atrocious
scene and he is described as at that time being on the Main Land.
Upon the whole it appears to me that until some tidings can be gained of the Brig and her crew no effectual measures can be suggested for suggested for accomplishing the object stated in your letter of the 24 Decr last so far as regards proceedings in this Country. With respect to proceedings at Sydney I humbly submit that the Governor should be apprised that Captain Stewart is no longer Master of the Brig and should be directed in case he or the mate Clementson should appear at Sydney or in that quarter to take such measures as the evidence at Sydney may enable him to do for apprehending and proceeding against them.
I am
SirYour most obedient humble servantWm. G. MauleThe HonbleJ. Stewart
P.S.—I return the papers.
The Treasury, London, to Secretary of State.
Treasury Chambers10th May, 1832My Lord,—
With reference to your Lordship's Letter of the 27th September last on the subject of certain atrocities of a most sanguinary nature which had been committed at New Zealand by the Natives of one Island against Those of another at the Instigation of the Crew of a British Merchant Vessell; I am commanded by the Lords Commissioners of His Majesty's Treasury to transmit to you for the Information of the Secretary, Lord Goderich, a Copy of the Report of the King's Procter of the 5th December last together with Copy of the Opinion of the King's Advocate and of the Attorney and Solicitor General transmitted therewith, also a Copy of the Minute of this Board of the 23rd Decr last on the King's Proctor's Report and Copies of the Solicitors Letters of the 5th and 23rd April 1832, All on the subject of the abovementioned crimes, and I am also to acquaint your Lordship that it appears to My Lords that great difficulties present themselves in bringing Stewart and Clementson, the Principal Offenders to justice in this country, and that there is greater Probability of the Offenders and Witnesses being collected at Sydney than in England, more particularly as
Stewart, appears to have been held to Bail, and notwithstanding that the Crown Solicitor exprested a Doubt that there was sufficient Evidence to sustain a Prosecution, when all the crew of the Elizabeth were present, yet My Lords trust that when the Governor and the Law Authorities at Sydney are made acquainted with the opinion of the Law Officers of the Crown in England, They will use every effort to obtain Evidence and will not hesitate to bring the Parties to Trial; and, even if they should fail, from want of Evidence, in obtaining a Conviction, yet the Effort of the Colonial Government to bring the Offenders to justice may have a salutary effect on the Proceedings of the Traders with the New Zealand Islands.
At the same Time Their Lordships will not abandon the propect of prosecuting these two men in England if They should be found, and, will for that purpose instruct Their Solicitor to watch for Their Return, and for that of the Principal Witnesses, to this Country.
I am
My LordYour Lordship's Obedient ServantJ. StewartViscount Howick&c., &c., &c.
United States Consular Records.
These Records were copied by the Editor from among the Consular Reports of the Bay of Islands in the Office of the Secretary of State, Washington, U.S.A.
Owing to the immense development of American whaling on the coast of New Zealand, the United States Government, early in 1839, appointed Mr. James R. Clendon, a resident at the Bay of Islands, as United States Consul. His correspondence with the Secretary of State during the early days of the consulate is here given. The outward correspondence, including the correspondence which resulted in the appointment of a consul, is not available.
In copying the Returns some of the material supplied to the American Government has been omitted as not being of special interest from a New Zealand point of view.
The Editor desires to acknowledge the kindness of the Officers of the Secretary of State's Department in permitting the correspondence to be copied.
Clendon to Secretary of State.
Bay of Islands, New Zealand,27th May, 1839.
To the Honble John Forsyth,Secretary of State,Washington.Sir,—
I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your despatch of the 12th Octr. 1838 with Consular documents by Mr. F. C. Sanford
See Sanford Report, p.607.
and beg to observe that as there is no Government Custom House nor P.O. the formalities of the 2nd Article of the General Instructions cannot be observed. Under these circumstances I will act to the best of ability, guided by the General Instructions until I have the honour of hearing from you.
I am, Sir,
Your obedient servant,James R. Clendon.
Clendon to Secretary of State.
Bay of Islands, New Zealand.27th May, 1839.
To the Honourable John Forsyth,Secretary of State,Washington.Sir,—
Agreeable to the General Instructions now before me I find I am to apply to your department for Seal Flag and Archives there being no Minister or Charge d'Affaires to grant them.
I am, Sir,
Your obedient servant.James R. Clendon.
Clendon to Secretary of State.
Consulate of the United States of America,
Bay of Islands, New Zealand, 30th July, 1839.
To the Honourable John Forsyth,
Secretary of State,
Washington.Sir,—
I have the honour to enclose the return of American Vessels that have entered this Port since January 1st as far as the information could be obtained previous to the receipt of my appointment.
I have much pleasure in stating the Native Chiefs have expressed their readiness to render me every assistance I may require and have when applied to apprehended all deserters.
I regret to communicate the loss of the American ship Atlantic,
Of 323 tons, Captain Howland. On 16th June some of “the Atlantic's People signed articles” with Captain Hempleman at his whalingstation at Piraki, Banks Peninsular (Anson, The Piraki Log, p.90).
of Warren, R.I., on the 12th June 1839 off Ackaroa Bay on the S.E. part of this coast. Crew saved. The Master, Officers, and six seamen arrived here on the 23rd July in the ship France of Havre, a French Whaler, (the other seamen found employment on board the ships in Ackaroa Bay), necessary relief and assistance has been rendered. One officer and five seamen I have found employment for on board the ships in Port, the Master, first Mate and one seaman I sent home in the ship General Jackson of Bristol R.I.
James Busby Esq British Resident has communicated to me the intention of the English Government to remove the office of Resident to that of a Consul.
I am Sir
Your obedient ServantJames R. Clendox.
U.S. Consul.
Consular Return of American Vessels arriving and departing from the Bay of Islands, New Zealand, from 1st Jan to 1st July, 1839.
Total number of Ships33Total number of Barks [Lewis and White Oaks]2Total number of Brigs [Atlas and Brilliant]2Total37
Estimated value of cargoes 1,113,310 dollars.
James R. Clendon,
U.S. Consul.
Consulate of the United States of America
for the Bay of Islands.
New Zealand July 1839.
Clendon to Secretary of State.
Consulate of the United States of America
Bay of Islands New Zealand2nd August 1839.
To the Honourable John ForsythSecretary ot StateWashington.Sir,—
I regret having to communicate the loss of the Brig Brilliant of Warren R. I. Smith Master, on the Coast on the 11th day of June, the Crew and part of the Cargo saved.
The Master mate and two seamen arrived here in a coasting vessel, the remainder of the crew were taken by the American Brig Atlas of Warren R.I. under the same owner as the Brilliant.
The Master I send home in the ship General Jackson—the seamen I have provided for on board the Richmond of New Bedford.
I am Sir
Your obedient servantJames R. Clendon
U.S. Consul.
Sanford to Secretary of State.
NantuckerSept 24, 1839
Agreeable to your Instructions of November I delivered the documents to James R. Clendon Esq, at Bay of Islands, New Zealand, and I forward you his acknowledgements of same with this, as we have many opportunities of communicating with New Zealand direct I offer you my services to forward any docu-ment seals flags &c &c that you may desire to send, free of any
charge to our Government. I found when there, that the Native Government was exceedingly loose and far below any of these Islands in the Pacific Ocean, which Mr. Clendon, no doubt has informed you of. Mr. Clendon is a fine man and will do the duties of his office to the full satisfaction of the department.
Please inform me if all be carried and done properly and fully to your satisfaction.
Respectfully Your O'd ServantF. C. Sanford
See page 605.
To Hon John ForsythSecy StateWashington
Clendon to Secretary of State.
Consulate of the United StatesBay of Islands New Zealand26th Oct 1839
Honourable John ForsythSecretary of StateWashingtonSir,—
I regret to inform you the ship Richmond of New Bedford, John Tucker Master after having been partly repaired was surveyed and condemned as unseaworthy on the 11th August 1839, was sold by Public Auction on the 28th of the same month for ($1670) sixteen hundred and seventy dollars. The cargo consisting of 1250 barrels of sperm oil was sold by the Master by private contract.
On the 17th August a party of British subjects made appli-cation to me in consequence of a house belonging to one of them having been destroyed by the crew of an American ship for the particulars I beg to refer you to the accompanying document.
The village of Kororarika is inhabited by a set of lawless fellows, the greater part of whom are convicts escaped from New South Wales and get a livelihood by decoying seamen from their ship—and shipping them at an enormous advance—on board of any other vessel that may have been in like manner distressed.
The respectable inhabitants addressed a letter to Mr. Bennett thanking him for his praiseworthy conduct in destroying one of the greatest sinks of iniquity in the place.
On the 10th July Thomas H. Jenkins of Orland, State of Maine, who had some months previously deserted from the ship Alpha of Nantucket Congdon Master; applied for relief; he was in a most distressing state for want of medical aid, food and clothes. I placed him under the care of Mr. S. H. Ford, Surgeon to the Church Missionaries where he remained until he was so far recovered in health and strength as to enable him to seek employment and in crossing the Bay for that purpose I am sorry to say was drowned on the evening of the 28th September.
I have the honor to remainSirYour Obedient ServantJames R. Clendon
U.S. Consul.
[Enclosure.]Report of Riot at Bay of Islands.
Statement of the circumstances connected with the destruction of a house belonging to a British Subject at Kororarika in the Bay of Islands New Zealand by a party of armed Americans on the 15th August 1839.
In consequence of a house belonging to a British subject residing at Korararika in the Bay of Islands, New Zealand, having been attacked and pulled down by a party of armed Americans, the British Resident and the American Consul proceeded to the spot, and having investigated the circumstances connected with the proceedings have agreed upon the following statement to be transmitted to their respective Governments.
It appears that the American ship Hannibal of Sag Harbour commanded by Lewis L. Bennett came to an anchor in the Bay of Islands on the 6th of the present month of August 1839, that during the following night John Corney and George Jackson two of the crew who were both shipped at Rio de Janeiro as foreigners, absconded carrying with them all their clothes and property. And that an American youth named Benjamin Savage who was under the special charge of Captain Bennett, disappeared at the same time, having been in the same watch on deck with one of the seamen above named—But that part of his clothes were found in his chest, and his cap, one shoe,
and comforter on the deck, the cap much crumpled—That as there were no grounds for supposing that the said Benjamin Savage had any wish to leave the vessel it was feared that he had been unfairly dealt with by the said John Corney and George Jackson and that considerable anxiety was felt for his safety— That on the morning of Thursday the 15th instant Captain Bennett having seen George Jackson at the house of—Chalk a grogseller at Kororarika required him to proceed with him on board ship when George Jackson entered the House and ascended to the oft by means of a ladder;—that Captain Bennett followed him to the foot of the ladder where he was stopped by some men who were standing about the house, and who told him, with much obscene language, that he should not have the man—That he thence proceeded to the other American ships in the Harbour and requested assistance from their respective commanders to recover his men by force— that he returned to Chalks with two boats and twelve men belonging to his own ship, and accompanied by William Sloan Master of the Ship William Hamilton of New Bedford and John Tucker Master of the Ship Richmond of the same place with five boats and officers and men from their own ships and from other ships in the harbour—that the officers of the ships were armed with pistols and cutlasses, and the men with guns, that they unfurled the United States flag in front of the House, and after Captain Bennett had demanded that the deserters and a bag of clothes which he had identified as belonging to the said deserter, should be given up and having been answered that they were not there, and before he got the man and bag he said were his, blood should be spilt, And after waiting a few minutes he gave order to pull down the house—When the men proceeded to pull off all the weather boards from two to three feet upwards from the ground, so that they could see through the house, when the bag above alluded to, was found containing the deserters clothes and some clothes stolen from the crew. That at this stage of the proceedings the Reverend Henry Williams one of the Missionaries of the Church Missionary Society suggested to one of the Captains, that as they had now shown what they could do, it might be well to stop—that orders to that effect were immediately given, and the men desisted— But at this time Chalk the occupier of the house who had been in a state of insensibility from intoxication on Captain Bennetts first visit to the House, appeared and attacked the party with the most abusive language; when orders were given, and the
work of demolition recommenced—But on the Revd Mr. Williams again interfering and representing that Chalk was only the tenant of the House which was the property of another man, they again stopped—But renewed the attack for the third time, on its being found that a part of Benjamin Savage's clothes were in the bag which had been discovered in the House, and did not desist until they had thrown down the front wall and the ends of the House; the roof being only supported by some of the Gable posts. The owner of the house has estimated the damage sustained by him at Fifty pounds—Two casks of spirits belonging to the tenant were also staved, and the liquor spilled out, and it is also alleged that some property, including the clothes of one of the lodgers, was carried away by some of the seamen.
James BusbyBritish Resident at New Zealand.James R. ClendonUnited States Consul
Bay of Islands New Zealand.
Bay of Islands, New Zealand
17th August 1839.
Clendon to Secretary of State.
Consulate of the United StatesBay of Islands New Zealand10th January 1840.
Honble John Forsyth
Secretary of State
Washington.Sir,—
I have the honour to enclose the returns of American vessels that have entered this Port for the half year ending 30th Decr 1839.
I am in receipt of a communication from Thomas Brown Master of the ship Adeline of Newburyport then at anchor at Capiti in Cook Strait stating that a Boat belonging to his ship while towing from the shore to the ship a raft of water had been forcibly taken from the crew by an armed party, consisting of eight Europeans and one native of New Zealand, belonging to a shore whaling party at the Island of Capiti.
As such occurrences are not uncommon and not a season passes, but some of our whaling ships suffer more or less by the lawless wretches in the whaling Bays of Cooks Straits, it is a source of regret to me, that not any of our Ships of War have
yet visited New Zealand—and I fear the Surveying Squadron
The Expedition under Commander Charles Wilkes which visited the Antarctic in 1840. It afterwards called at the Bay of Islands (p.615).
have proceeded Southward from Sydney New South Wales— (as they had completed their refit and were ready for sea on the 20th Dec last) and will not call here.
The accounts for the relief of distressed seamen have been forwarded to the proper quarter and drafts given at 35 day sight for the Amounts.
I have the honor to remainSirYour obedient ServantJames R. Clendon
United States Consul.
Consular Returns of American Vessels arriving at and departing from the Bay of Islands, New Zealand, from the 1st day of July to the 31st day of December.
Date of Arrival.Name.Burthen.Master.Where belonging.Date of Departure.1839.1839.July 11Thos. Williams340Palmer HallStoningtonAug. 22.July 18General Jackson329Stephen R. CrockerBristol, R.I.Aug. 3.July 19Parachute330Hy. F. EasthamNew BedfordAug. 7.July 19Xenophon383Seth HalseySag HarborAug. 20.July 23Acasta286Sylvester SmithSag HarborJuly 27.July 23Harvest262Jas. GodbeeBridgeportAug. 7.July 30France411J. E. HowellSag HarborAug. 3.Aug. 6Hannibal310L. L. BennettSag HarborAug. 20.Aug. 6Wm. Hamilton463Wm. SwainNew BedfordSept. 6.Aug. 6Concordia264J. WoodwardSag HarborAug. 20.Sept. 20Atlas132Wm. MayhewWarren, R. I.Nov. 6.Oct. 7Eliza262Wm. RadcliffeSalemOct. 18.Oct. 7Mercator246Ed. MayhewNew BedfordOct. 26.Oct. 15Franklin333W. P. HowlandNew BedfordOct. 22.Oct. 17Benezet192Mat StetsenFairhavenNov. 9.Oct. 24Triton299Av. F. ParkerNew BedfordNov. 6.Nov. 8Mount Vernon324E. J. SheermanNew BedfordNov. 22.Nov. 20Nat. P. Tallmudge370F. PostPoughkeepsieDec. 2.Dec. 4Concordia264J. WoodwardSag HarborDec. 16.Dec. 17Leonidas231J. H. EaglestonSalemDec. 20.Dec. 23White Oak291Wm. BarneyNew YorkDec. 24Hoogly292Obed. LuceWarren, R. I.Jan. 7.Dec. 26Falcon273Ab. RussellNew BedfordJan. 4.Dec. 27Wiscassett380Seth B. HortonWiscassetJan. 17.
18 Ships
6 Barks
Harvest, Concordia, Eliza, Benezet, Concordia, White Oak.
1 Brig
Atlas.
Amounting to 7603 tons, 612 seamen.
Estimated value of Cargoes, $523,025
James E. Clendon
U.S. Consul
Bay of Islands, New Zealand.
Clendon to Secretary of State.
Consulate of the United StatesBay of Islands New Zealand20th Jany 1840.
To the Honble John Forsyth
Secretary of State
Washington.Sir,—
I have the honour to acknowledge your despatch of the 12th February 1839 with my Consular Commission.
I am Sir
Your Obedient Servant,James R. Clendon.
Clendon to Secretary of State.
Consulate of the United StatesBay of Islands New ZealandFebruary 20, 1840.
To the Honorable John Forsyth
Secretary of State &c &c
WashingtonSir,—
In my Despatch of the 30 July 1839 I had the Honor to inform you of the intention of the British Government to appoint a Consul to this port.
I have now to inform you of the arrival in this Port of H.M.S. Herald conveying Captain Hobson R.N. as Lieut Governor and Consul, with his Staff, a Police Magistrate, Collector of Customs, and Surveyor General.
These documents will appear in another place.
Enclosed are two Proclamations—the one relative to Capt Hobson's appointment—the other to the validity of Titles to land.
I have also forwarded a copy of the Treaty
This document will appear in another place.
entered into with the Chiefs with a translation attached thereto. Many chiefs have signed the treaty and it is expected the whole will do so.
Headquarters to the Government have not yet been fixed upon but it is the intention of the Lieut. Governor to form four Settlements immediately on various parts of the Island.
I have the honor to beSirYour Most Obedient ServantJames R. ClendonU.S. Consul.
(Encloses unofficial translation of the Treaty of Waitangi.)
Clendon to Secretary of State.
Consulate of the United StatesBay of Islands3rd July 1840
To the Honle John Forsyth
Secretary of State &c.Sir,—
I have the honor to enclose returns of American Vessels that have entered this Port for the half year ending 30th June 1840. Also an Official Copy of the Translation of the treaty with the Native Chiefs referred to in my letter No 6 date 20th February 1840
The British Government have formed several settlements on this (Northern) Island and are preparing to put their laws in force. At present they have only a Police Magistrate and a small detachment of troops at each settlement.
I have received from the Government every assistance required for the apprehension of Deserters and the Lt Governor expresses his readiness to aid and assist the American shipping in every possible way and in the case of a boat having been detained by the Natives belonging to the ship Hamilton of Sag Harbour through some misunderstanding (the Lt Governor) ordered the Troops immediately to the spot and had the boat given up. It was however in many cases a great loss of time to the shipping when Desertions occurred for me to have to apply to the Police Magistrate for a warrant for apprehension which loss of time frequently enabled the men to escape either by coasting vessels on the point of sailing or otherwise, and as there are but few seamen in the Port, vessels have been detained many days I may say weeks before they could fill up their crews. In consequence of which I have been induced to hold
a commission of the Peace from the Lt-Governor until I heard from you on the subject which enables me to issue a warrant for apprehension, the men are immediately arrested, put on board the vessel, and are enabled to sail at the appointed time.
The Exploring Squadron under Commodore Wilkes touched at this Port and I am happy to say succeeded in discovering the South Continent some days before the French Expedition. They sailed the latter part of April all well.
I have the honor to beSir
Your Obedient ServantJames R. Clendon.
Consular Returns of American Vessels arriving at and departing from the Bay of Islands New Zealand from the 1st day of Jany to the 30th day of June (inclusive) 1840:—
Date of Arrival.Name.Burthen.Master.Where belonging.Date of Departure.Jan. 3Nantucket350D. N. EdwardsNantucketJan. 7.Jan. 4Levi Starbuck376J. C. LincolnNantucketJan. 13.Jan. 18Tobacco Plant270Sylvanus SwanNew Bedford Feb 11.Feb 11.Jan. 31Lexington398H. Y. DavisNantucketFeb. 11.Feb. 2Atlas126Wm. MayhewWarrenFeb. 11.Feb. 17Jasper359Howland LeavittFairhavenFeb. 24.Feb. 17Thorne298Chas. A. GoodallSag HarbourFeb. 21.Feb. 21La Grange279A. P. TaberFairhavenFeb. 29.Feb. 27Acasta330T. E. SwanStoningtonMar. 7.Stonington350J. P. RiceNew LondonMar. 9.Mar. 3Joseph Maxwell301Ansel StewartFairhavenMar. 19.Mar. 3Selma268Art. WilcoxNew BedfordMar. 20.Mar. 9Thorn298C. A. GoodallSag HarbourMar. 20.Mar. 12Eliza262W. E. RadcliffeSalemMar. 25.Mar. 24Lydia292Chas. RamsdallSalemApril 8.April 2St. Peter.266W. H. MosherNew BedfordApril 13.April 9Parachute330H. F. EasthamNew BedfordApril 25April 18Caledonia445F. HancockStoningtonApril 25.April 26Phocian265E. W. CollinsNew BedfordMay 14.April 27Corinthic503N. B. HeathBristolApril 30.April 29Thomas Dickson454W. S. HavensSag HarbourMay 18.April 30JanusTaberNew BedfordMay 18.May 1Factor330B. L. HowlandPoughkeepsieMay 14.Benezett192M. StetsonFairhavenMay. 18.May 6Hamilton454D. Hand, jun.Sag HarbourJune 18May 7Tread335Isaac CaseGreenportMay 24.Tuscalova379Ed. HalseyCold SpringMay. 21.Fanny390S. W. EdwardsSag HarbourMay. 15.Shylock277C. S. TaberRochesterMay. 26.May 9Endeavour259E. J. StetsonNew BedfordJune 16.May 9Thomas413W. HodgesSag HarbourMay 23.Alex Mansfield330R. L. DouglassHudsonMay 25.Panama465T. E. CrowellSag HarbourJune 1.May 13John Adams296Asa. ColimasNantucketMay 25.May 14Addison426W. E. TowerSag HarbourMay 26.Mary and Martha316J. B. CoffinNew BedfordJune 18.Java295J. R. HollNew BedfordMay 22.May 16Wm. Hamilton463Wm. SwainNew BedfordMay 25.May 22Neptune337S. H. SlateSag HarbourJune 5.Washington340W. OsborneSag HarbourJune 1.June 8Augustus246C. D. MugfordSalemJune 26.June 9Golconda359Abner SmithNew BedfordJune 26.Science388Alex. WhippeyPortlandJuly 10.June 16Luminary432James BriceWarrenJune 26.France411I. E. HowellSag HarbourJune 26.
[A mistake had crept into original list, twentynine names being on one sheet and thirty on the other. The error has been put right by an examination of the shipping news from the Bay given by returned whalers at New Bedford.—The Editor.]
Total of Returns.
39 ships
5 barks
La Grange, Eliza, Benezett, Mary and Martha, Augustus.
1 brig
Atlas.
15,372 tons, 1104 seamen.
1,029,927, value of cargoes.
James R. Clendon.
Bay of Islands, New Zealand,1st July, 1840.
Clendon to Secretary of State.
Consulate of the United StatesBay of Islands New Zealand1st October 1840
To the Hon John Forsyth
Secretary of State, &c &cSir,—
I have the honor to acknowledge receipt of your despatch dated 1st October 1839 accompanied by the Seal, Press, Flag and Arms of the United States
I have the honor to beSir
Your Obedient ServantJames R. Clendon
Clendon to Secretary of StateUnited States Consulate Bay of IslandsNew Zealand11th January 1841
To the Honble John Forsyth
Secretary of State, &c. &c.Sir,—
I have the honor to enclose returns of American Vessels that have entered this Port for the half year ending 30th Dec 1840
The accounts for the relief of distressed seamen are forwarded to the proper quarter and drafts given for the amounts—these ac/are heavier than any preceeding ones, in consequence of the number of sick and the destitute state of the crew of the ship Acasta of Stonnington unfortunately wrecked
I have the honor to beSir
You Obedient ServantJames R. Clendon
Consular Report of American Vessels arriving at and departing from Bay of Islands from the 1st July 1840 to 1st Jany 1841 inclusive.
Date of Arrival.Name.Bur. then.Master.Where belonging.Date of Departure.July 13Ploughboy391Moses BrownNantucketAug. 20.Aug. 1Helvetia332C. B. GardnerNew YorkAug. 17.Aug. 5Thomas Dickason454Wm. HavensSag HarbourSept. 1.Aug. 7St. Peter266Wm. H. MosherNew BedfordSept. 7.Aug. 10Franklin333W. P. HowlandNew BedfordSept. 7.Aug. 20Fanny390Silas W. EdwardsSag HarbourSept. 20.Aug. 23Columbus381Fred FishFairhavenSept. 19.Aug. 29Omega304H. D. GardnerFairhavenSept. 18.Sept. 7Java291G. F. NeilFairhavenSept. 29.Sept. 16Eliza262W. C. RadcliffeSalemSept. 25.Daniel Webster397E. M. BakerSag HarbourOct. 17.Sept. 30Tybee278J. H. MillettSalemOct. 18.Oct. 4Emigrant178J. C. SmithWarrenOct. 27.Oct. 13Nereus181J. N. ChapmanSalemOct. 24.Dec. 8Herald241Jos. ReynoldsDorchesterDec. 28.
1841.Dec. 21Martha298J. D. TaberNew BedfordJan. 11.
Total Number of Vessels.13 Ships 1 Bark
[This does not correspond with the Report, which gives 3 barks (Eliza, Emigrant, and Nereus —The Editor.]
and 2 Brigs = 16 Vessels
Seamen,—American279Foreigners91370Amount of tonnage4983 tonsEstimated value of cargoes$505,865
James R. Clendon
United States Consulate,
Bay of Islands New Zealand.
11th January, 1841.
Clendon to Secretary of State.
United States ConsulateBay of Islands New ZealandApril 20, 1841.Sir,—
In consequence of my present residence being so distant from the seat of commerce in New Zealand, I find that it will be hereafter impossible for me to give that personal attention to the duties of the Consulate which they require.
I have therefore the honor to request that my resignation of the office may be accepted by the United States Government and to recommend to its consideration William Mayhew Esquire, Whom I have appointed Vice Consul, a Citizen of the United States, and a Merchant of the highest respectability, as a gentleman qualified in every respect to fulfil the duties of Consul.
In offering my resignation I beg to assure you that I feel deeply impressed with the honor conferred on me by the United States Government.
I have the honor to beSirYour Most Obedient ServantJames R. Clendon
To the Honble John Forsyth
Secretary of State &c &c &c
Washington.
Clendon to Secretary of State.
Consulate of the United States of AmericaBay of Islands New ZealandJuly 1st 1841Sir,—
The Accounts of this office for the half year ending on June 30th last have been duly transmitted to the proper officer of the Treasury and I have now the honor to inform you that I have valued on you agreeable to instructions in favor of Mr. William Mayhew for the balance due thereon
I have the honor to beSirYour Most Obedient ServantJames R. Clendon
U.S. Consul
To the Honble John Forsyth
Secretary of State
Washington
Consular Return of American Vessels arriving at and departing from the Bay of Islands New Zealand from 1st January to 30th June 1841 inclusive.
Date of Arrival.Name.Burthen.Master.Where belonging.Date of Departure.Jan. 8Hesper260Holder AlmyFairhavenJan. 13.Jan. 8Chelsea396F. SmithNew LondonJan. 22.Jan. 11Jasper359Howland LeavittFairhavenJan. 24.Jan. 16Emigrant178Howland SmithWarrenFeb. 2.Feb. 1American464W. H. TophamHudsonFeb. 16.Feb. 3Rebecca Sims400Edw. S. RayNew BedfordMar. 2.Feb. 21Alpha345J. CongdonNantucketMar. 2.Feb. 25Luminary432T. BriceNantucketMar. 2.Mar. 1Gambia154B. WallaceSalemMar. 12.Mar. 12Shepherdess274E. B. HooperSalemApril 2.Mar. 19Lydia292W. H. CrossSalemJuly 5.Mar. 29Thule285James ColemanNantucketApril 15.April 4Good Return376J. S. TaberNew BedfordApril 17.April 7Statesman258C. N. CoffinSag HarbourApril 15.April 26Emily Morgan367S. ClarkNew BedfordMay 17.April 26Ann Howard84C. AllisonNew LondonJune 4.May 6Ploughboy391Moses BrownNantucketMay 18.May 7Canova343C. W. SaundersWarrenMay 29.May 29Pleides260A. AllenWarehamJune 30.
Clendon to Secretary of State.
Consulate of the United States of AmericaBay of Islands New ZealandJanuary 1st 1842Sir,—
The Accounts of disbursements and receipts at this office on account of the U.S. Government for the half year ending in December 31st 1841 having been forwarded to the proper officer I have the honor to inform you of my having, agreeable to instructions, given drafts on you in favor of Mr. William Mayhew for the Amount of the balance thereof
I have the honor to beSir
Yours most obedient servantJames R. Clendon
U. S. Consul.
To the Honble John Forsyth
Secretary of State
Washington
Mayhew to Secretary of State.
Consulate of the United StatesBay of Islands N.Z.February 21st 1842Sir,—
I have the honor to transmit to you the Consular Returns of Ships touched at the Port and Fees
These are not given, being matters which do not concern New Zealand.
received at the Consulate from 1st January [? July] to 31st December 1841. The Accounts of monies received and paid at the Consulate on account of the U.S. Government are necessarily postponed in their transmission owing to the Continued absence of J. R. Clendon Esq Consul at the seat of the British Government, distant about 120 miles, of the Legislative Council of which he is a member. The British Government have now assumed the entire Sovereignty of these Islands and have enacted laws and levied Imposts peculiarly harassing to our Citizens and most destructive to their Commercial pursuits, whilst they offer the most marked protection to their own commerce.
Many of our Countrymen are extensively engaged in general mercantile pursuits—some in the valuable Timber trade of the Country and others in that very important branch of our Com-merce the Whale Fishery—for carrying on each of which, lands
have been purchased from the Chiefs and establishments erected at a great outlay of capital but H.B.M. Government here have passed laws which they declare to be now in force, by which they assume to the Queen of Great Britain all lands purchased of Native Chiefs prior to the Treaty with the Natives and during the acknowledged Independance of the Islands of New Zealand, giving to the purchasers only so many acres of land as they may have paid for to the Native Chiefs at the rate of Five Shillings sterling per acre and reserving to itself the right of resuming such portions as it may require; whereas it is too well known that the foresight, talent and industry of our Citizens have given the sole value, as far as it regards the Natives, to the Lands they may have purchased and which the Chiefs to the present time are willing and anxious to confirm to them, declaring (now that they know the intent of the Treaty a copy of which has been forwarded to our Government) that their signatures were obtained without their understanding its purport.
The destructive effect of many of the laws passed here on our Commerce is too general to detail, the duties imposed on produce of the United States varies from Ten to Five Hundred per Centum ad valorem, which our citizens have been and still are compelled to pay even on stocks imported and in hand previous to January 1840 the time of Assumption of Sovereignty by the British Government, a proceeding so manifestly unjust that it is hoped some reparation may be sought for them at the hands of our Government. I must add that after careful examination of the accounts I estimated the loss of one American house alone, on American produce imported previous to any Duties being levied, and depending on the good faith of the acknowledged Independance of these Islands, to be at least $2500 caused by this measure.
Our whaling and shipping interests are deeply affected by the loss of rights and privileges long enjoyed by those engaged in that lucrative undertaking, inasmuch as Establishments on shore exclusively American can no longer exist and numerous Citizens hitherto, fully and profitably employed must either sacrifice their hard earned property or serve where they should be masters — those of our ships which for the last 30 years have frequented the Ports of New Zealand to refresh, refit and whale as being the most central and best adapted to their purposes of the South Sea Islands are now forced to abandon them on account of the prohibition to the disposal of any of their cargo, the assumed possession of all the Timber lands by the British Government, their leaving the repairs of our ships at their mercy and the inferred exclusive right to the Fisheries
within three leagues of the land formerly enjoyed by all Nations.
I am compelled to address you at length regarding the interests of our Countrymen as I find that the Consul has received no instructions from the Government at Washington as to our relative position here with the British Government, and that in his letter he has only cursorily referred to it or to its establishment, which has now been in progressive operation for two years.
I have the honor to beSir
Your most obedient servantWm. Mayhew
Vice Consul.
Consular Returns of American Vessels arriving at and departing from the Bay of Islands New Zealand from 1st June to 31st December 1841.
Date of Arrival.Name.Burthen.Master.Where belonging.Date of Departure.Aug. 6Warren382Hy. ClevelandWarrenAug. 20.Aug. 12Omega304H.D. GardinerFairhavenOct. 13.Sept. 25Wm. Hamilton486Wm. SwainNew BedfordOct. 21.Oct. 8Benezett192M. BosherFairhavenOct. 21.Nov. 1Emerald116C. J. HullBostonNov. 11.Nov. 12Hoogly248J. B. NyelorWarrenNov. 25.Nov. 25Chariott396Geo. LittlefieldWarrenDec. 2.Dec. 3Wm. Hamilton486Wm. SwainNew BedfordIn port.Dec. 4Ploughboy391Moses BrownNantucketDec. 18.Dec. 21La Grange279M. StetsonLa GrangeIn port.
[The Benezett, Hoogly, and La Grange are described as barks, and the Emerald as a schooner.—The Editor.]
Index.
Prepared by Mr. A. B. Thomson, of the General Assembly
Library, Wellington.
Abel Tasman Passage—
Named by Tasman, 24.
Acheron Passage—
SeeResolution Passage.
Agriculture—
Gardens neglected at Ship Cove, 197.
Seeds planted and thrive well at Charlotte Sound (Bayly), 207.
Sweet potatoes at Tolaga Bay (Bayly), 213.
Implements and methods of (de l'Horne), 335.
Sweet potatoes (de l'Horne), 341.
De Surville supplies various seeds, 287, 343.
At Bay of Islands, 399, 475.
Admiralty—
To Captain Cook re complement marines for “Discovery,” 121.
Admiralty Bay—
“Adventure” arrives (Bayly), 201.
Longitude determined, 201.
Maories take prisoners from Charlotte Sound, 221.
“Discovery” off (Edgar), 222.
Admiralty Lords—
To Navy Board, discussing class of vessel for Expedition, 44–45.
Authority to purchase vessel, 45.
To Navy Board, authorizing equipment of “Endeavour,” 45–46.
To Lieutenant Cook: appointment to “Endeavour” and preliminary instructions, 47.
Notify Cook certain passengers for “Endeavour,” 52–53.
Touching treatment of scurvy, 54–55.
Notify Cook increase in ship's complement, 55.
To Lieut. Young, brig “Lyon”: Full instructions re Exploration Baffin's Bay 140–41.
“Adventure,” sloop—
Cook on gun equipment, 86, 87.
Additional carpenter's mate, 87.
Spirits, wine, and marines, 88.
Cook notifies purchase of articles for, 88, 89.
Arrives at Madeira, 106.
Arrives at Spithead, 115.
At Queen Charlotte Sound, 189.
Parts company with Cook, 193.
Massacre of cutter's crew, 197–98.
Parted from “Resolution” 210.
Meets “Resolution” again in Charlotte Sound, 210.
Parted again off New Zealand coast, 210.
Arrived London, 210.
Alcock (Admiralty Office)—
Cook notifies approval Gothiry's appointment, 48.
Alms, Mr., passenger, “Endeavour”—
See Arms, Mr.
Amboina—
SeeJacobsen, 15–16.
America—
Discovery of, 4.
Amsterdam—
SeePickersgill, 191.
Anchor Bay—
SeeSpirits Bay.
Anchor Island Cove—
Vancouver anchors in, 485.
“Chatham” anchors in, 496.
“Britannia” and “Francis” arrive, 514.
Anderson, Robert, gunner—
Recommended for second voyage, 84.
To Cook, 119, 120.
Animals—
Almost absent (Bayly), 206.
None at Tolaga Bay (Bayly), 213.
None at Dusky, 500.
Arms, Mr., passenger, “Endeavour”—
Visits Seal Islands, 523.
Visits Cormorant Cove, 523.
Quarrels with Waine, 528, 529.
Arnoy Island—
SeeJacobsen, 16.
Aroe Island—
SeeArnoy Island.
Arsacides Islands—
Name given by de Surville 257.
Taken possession of by de Surville, 260.
Aru—
SeeJacobsen, 16, 17.
Astronomer Royal—
Cook writes re tides in South Sea, 86.
Atkins, Eneas, boatswain—
Capt. Clerke applies for his appointment to the “Discovery,” 123.
“Atlantic,” American ship—
Clendon reports loss of, 605.
Attorney-General, London—
His opinion re “Elizabeth” case, 597.
Aumont, M., “Mascarin”—
Fires a Maori village, 461.
Babuyannes Islands—
Sighted by de Surville, 240.
Appearance described, 240.
Bachy Islands—
De Surville anchors at, 240.
Named by Dampier, 241.
Described by Monneron, 241–42.
Costumes and houses described, 243.
Chief occupation of inhabitants, 244.
Heavy seas in neighbourhood of, 247.
Balleny, J., Captain, “Eliza Scott”—
Arrives Chalky Bay, 562.
Provisions short, 563.
Difficulties in taking observations, 563–64.
Position of Port Chalky by Balleny, 564.
Appearance of country at Cape West, 564.
Visits Edmondson's Arm, 565.
Boat visits Dusky, 565.
Visits Preservation, 565.
Desertions, 565–66.
Christmas Day in Dusky, 567.
Leaves Chalky, anchors Preservation, 568.
Leaves Preservation, 568.
Arrives Stewart Island, 568.
Leaves Stewart Island, 569.
Rescues four men, Campbell Island, 569.
Returns Preservation, 569.
Agrees to take off Preservation men, 569.
Copy of agreement made, 570.
Meets Captain Biscoe at Preservation, 570.
Sails from Preservation, 570.
Doubtful position of Campbell Island, 570.
Balleny's Mate, “Eliza Scott”—
Anchors in Port Chalky, 571.
Insubordination amongst crew, 571.
Mutinous spirit amongst crew, 572.
Boat visits Chalky, 573.
Captains visit Preservation, 573.
Five men desert, 573.
Deserters steal stores, 573.
Drunkenness on board, 574.
Boat from Preservation visits, 574.
Chalky to Preservation, 574–75.
Preservation, to Stewart Island, 575.
Three men desert from “Sabrina,” 575.
Stewart Island, 575.
Campbell Island, 576.
Rescue of four persons, 576–77.
Returns to Preservation Harbour, 577.
Departure from Preservation, 577.
The brig “Emma,” 577.
Bampton, commander “Endeavour”—
For full particulars of the voyage to Dusky seeMurry's Journal, pp. 518 to 534.
Arrives Norfolk Island, 552–53.
Banda—
SeeJacobsen, 15, 16.
Banks—
Cook writes particulars of voyage to leaving Cape of Good Hope, 113–14.
Banks, Joseph—
Pasenger per “Endeavour,” 52, 53.
Refused permission to land at Rio, 59.
Lands at Rio, 59, 60.
Employs Menzies, botanist, 482.
Banks Peninsula—
Scene of Rauparaha's raid, 579.
Village destroyed, 582.
Bashee Islands—
SeeBachy Islands.
Bass Strait—
Opinions of Furneaux and Bayly, 200.
Batavia—
Natural starting-point for southern discovery, 5.
Bay of Ingely, in the Ganges—
De Surville leaves, 233.
Bay of Islands—
Report on alleged house-burning, 609–11.
Bayly, William, Astronomer—
To go on “Adventure,” duties, &c., 101–2.
To join “Resolution,” third voyage, 135.
Short biography, 200.
His observations published, 200.
Date of his journal and log, 200.
His opinion regarding Bass Strait, 200.
Journal kept Cook's second voyage, 201–18.
Cape Farewell and Cook's Strait 201.
Off Rocky Point, 201.
Sights Mount Egmont, 201.
Determines longitude Admiralty Bay, 202.
Arrives Queen Charlotte Sound, 202.
Observes eclipse of moon, 202.
Maoris visit the “Adventure,” 202.
Observes loose morality of Natives, 203.
General appearance of the Maoris, 204.
No sign of cannibalism, 204.
Maori costume described, 204.
Two kinds of flax described, 205.
Describes Maori fighting-weapons, 205–6.
Observations on New Zealand flora, 206.
Soil fertile, 206.
Observations on fauna, 206–7.
Various seeds sown and thrive, 207.
Cook arrives Charlotte Sound, 208.
Establishes observatory, 207.
Observatory dismantled, 208.
Maori chief visits “Resolution,” 208.
Rubbing noses noticeable, 209.
Describes greenstone, 209.
Ships leave Charlotte Sound, 209.
Obtains good view of Southern Alps, 209.
Off Table Head, 216.
Hawke's Bay and Cape Kidnappers, 210.
Tolaga Bay, 211.
At Cape Palliser Natives come off, 211.
Off Cape Campbell, 211.
Position of Cape Palliser determined, 211.
“Adventure” in danger, 212.
“Adventure” anchors, Tolaga Bay, 212.
Latitude and longitude determined, 212.
“Adventure” leaves the bay, 212.
Lands Tolaga Bay; observations on cultivation, fauna, and flora, 213.
Abreast Gable-head Foreland, 213.
Latitude and longitude determinted, 213.
Off Cape Turnagain, 214.
Off Cape Terawhiti, 214.
Anchors in Ship Cove, 214.
Finds Cook's letter, 214.
Sets up observatory, 214.
Pilfering by Maoris, 214–16.
Dismantles observatory, 217.
Massacre of “Adventure's” sailors, 217–18.
“Adventure” leaves Sound, 218.
Log from 11th February, 1777, to 25th February, 1777, 218–21.
At Charlotte Sound, 218.
“Discovery” in danger, Ship Cove, 219.
Erects observatory, Ship Cove, 219.
Maoris visit “Discovery,” Ship Cove, 219.
Mentions slight trouble with Natives, 220.
Mentions fierce tribal fighting, 221.
“Adventure” visited by splendid young Maoris, 221.
Maoris fond of oil and fat, 221.
Leaves Charlotte Sound, 221.
Bay of Houses—
SeeTom Bowling Bay.
Bay of Islands—
Cook, “Endeavour,” coasting, 151.
Entered by Marion, 373.
Country described, 399, 469.
Iron and hæmatite, 469.
Coal reported at, 469.
Anti-scorbutic herbs, 471.
Biscoe, in “Tula,” anchors, 555.
Shipping. SeeClendon.
Beach, Provinces of—
SeeJacobsen, 16.
Beachy Harbour—
Visited by Vancouver Expedition, 489.
Bell, M., seaman—
Massacred, Grass Cove (Bayly), 218.
Big Hill—
Sighted by de Surville, 249.
Birch—
Found at Dusky, 534.
Birds—
Charlotte Sound (Bayly), 206–7.
At Tolaga Bay (Bayly), 213.
Described by de l'Horne, 341.
Very abundant at Dusky, 500.
Music in Charlotte Sound, 224.
Sweet singers, Dusky, 487.
Biscoe, John, Captain, “Tula”—
Obtains wood in Bull Bay, 555.
Reaches Bay of Islands, 555.
Hansen and Maori chiefs visit, 555.
Refits and trades with Maoris, 556.
Remarks on Kororareka as a port, 556.
Obtains pigs and spars, 556.
Shortcomings of missionaries, 556.
Determines to make for Chathams, 557.
Sights the “Forty-fours” Rocks, 557.
Sights “Lively,” 557.
Gets a few seals at Forty-fours, 557–58.
Arrives Chathams, meets “Lively,” 559.
Returns to Forty-fours, 559.
Stood away for Cornwallis Islands, 559.
Finds pigs on Cornwallis Islands, 560.
No seals, 560.
Wreck of “Glory” seen, 560.
Visits Sister Rocks, 560.
Sights and visits Bounty Islands, 561.
Leaves Bounty Islands for the south, 561.
Meets Balleny at Preservation, 570.
Boddington, J.—
To Cook, re supplies of gunpowder, “Resolution” and “Discovery,” 131.
Botany Bay—
Cook's observations re rise and fall of tides, 86.
Bougainville—
Brought Mayou (Tahitian) to France, 348.
Bounty Islands—
Visited by Biscoe and Avery, 561.
Traces of former visitors, 561.
Bourchier, Charles—
Writes Treasury re search for Captain and crew of “Elizabeth,” 599–600.
Bowell, chief officer, “Endeavour”—
Wishes to resign, 523.
Action of Bampton, 523.
Visits Seal Islands, 523.
Boyador, Cape—
De Surville passes and takes bearings, 240.
Breaksea Island—
Visited by Raven, 511–12.
“Brilliant,” American brig—
Lost with part cargo, 607.
“Britannia”—
For record of first voyage, seeMurry's Journal, 509 to 512.
For record of second voyage, seeMurry's Journal, 514 to 517.
Broughton, Captain, “Chatham”—
Explores Facile Bay, 483.
See various journals, Vancouver Expedition.
Broughton Arm, Dusky Bay—
Vancouver's party explore, 490.
Character of country described, 490.
Brouwer, Henrick—
Dutch chartered East India Company, 2.
Brown, William, seaman, “Elizabeth”—
Evidence, “Elizabeth” raid, 584–86.
Evidence of cannibalism, 585.
Payment to be made Stewart, 585.
Browne, Gordon Davies, Sydney—
Sworn evidence re Stewart's raid at Banks Peninsula, 579.
Bull Bay—
Biscoe, in “Tula,” anchors, 555.
Burney, James, H.M.S. “Discovery”—
To Captain Cook, notifying absence of captain, and asking instructions, 135.
Burney's Journal, 12th February to 27th February, 1777, 197–99.
Arrives Charlotte Sound, 197.
Gardens neglected, 197.
Massacre at Grass Cove, 197–98.
Maori characteristics, trading, &c., 198–99.
Left Queen Charlotte Sound, 199.
Passed through Cook Strait, 199.
Two Maoris accompany Cook, 199.
Ships leave Palliser, 199.
Busby, J., British Resident—
Report on riot at Bay of Islands, 609–11.
Buton Strait—
Tasman sails through, 36.
Byron, Commodore—
At Rio de Janeiro, 59, 66.
Cannibal Cove—
Charlotte Sound, 223.
Cannibalism—
Evidence of, in Ship's Cove, 194.
No evidence of, seen by “Adventure,” 204.
Evidence by Monneron (de Surville), 283.
Asserted by de l'Horne, 319.
Further evidence by de l'Horne, 329.
Undoubted at Bay of Islands, 401.
Governor King's opinion, 542–43.
On board “Elizabeth,” 582.
Brown's evidence, 585.
Canoes—
At Chatham Island, 503–4.
Cape Brett—
Doubled by Marion, 365.
Appearance of, 367.
Maoris visit Marion, 367.
Cape Campbell—
“Resolution” and “Adventure” off (Bayly), 211.
Cape East—
Sighted by “Endeavour,” 145.
Cape Egmont—
Passed by Tasman, 26.
Cape Eolus—
SeeNorth Cape.
Cape Farewell—
Cook's Expedition in vicinity of, 188.
“Adventure” off (Bayly), 201.
“Endeavour” leaves, 182.
Cape Jackson—
“Endeavour” off the Cape, 189.
Cape Kidnappers—
“Resolution” and “Adventure” abreast of (Bayly), 210.
Cape Maria van Diemen—
Passed by Tasman, 28.
De Surville passes, 265.
Sighted by Marion, 353.
Cape of Currents—
In Bay of Islands, 381.
Cape Oriental—
Passed by de Surville, 263.
Observation of currents, 263.
Cape Palliser—
Cook's Expedition off the Cape, 192, 196.
“Resolution” and “Discovery” leave (Burney), 199, 211.
Position determined, 211.
“Adventure” nearly wrecked, 212.
“Discovery” and “Resolution” depart from, 229.
Cape Surville—
SeeNorth Cape.
Cape Terawhiti—
“Adventure” off (Bayly), 214.
Cape Turnagain—
“Adventure” off (Bayly), 214.
Cook's expedition in vicinity, 191.
Cook passes (facsimile log), 166.
Captain Cook's father—
Description of, 88.
Carr, W.—
Appointed by Cook, 107.
Cascade Cove—
Visited by Menzies, 489.
Good winter harbour, 532.
Cavernor, J., seaman—
Massacred, Grass Cove (Bayly), 218.
Ceram—
North coast of, 36.
Chalky Bay—
Examined by Malen of “Britannia,” 533.
Balleny, in “Eliza Scott,” arrives, 562.
Balleny determines position, 564.
Charts—
Maoris at Norfolk Island draw charts, 542.
“Chatham,” armed tender—
New Zealand sighted, 496.
Enters Dusky Bay, 496.
Fish plentiful at Dusky, 496–97.
Refuge at Anchor Island, 496–97.
Anchors in Facile Harbour, 497.
Code of signals agreed upon, 498.
Deserted huts found, 498.
Spruce-beer made, 498.
Shooting at Parrot Island, 498.
Survey of arm of sound, 498.
Leaves Facile Harbour, 499.
Description of Dusky Bay, 499–500.
Facilities for watering at Facile, 499.
Visits Pickersgill's Harbour, 499.
No Maoris seen, 499.
Signs of minerals, 500.
No signs of any animals, 500.
Birds very plentiful, 500.
Poe-bird description, 500.
No signs of Cook's geese, 500.
No reptiles seen, 501.
Leaves New Zealand coast, 501.
Heavy gale experienced, 501.
Sails between the Snares, 501–2.
Bad weather still met with, 502.
Sights the Chathams, 503.
Anchors in Skirmish Bay, 503.
Mr. Broughton and party land, 503.
Johnstone's account of the landing, 503–8.
Chatham Island canoes, 503–4.
Fishing-nets of the Morioris, 504.
Flora at Chatham Island, 504.
Possession taken of Chatham Island, 505–6.
Threatening behaviour of Morioris, 505–7.
Description of Morioris, 506.
Captain Broughton fires on Morioris, 508.
Natives attack, 508.
Position of Chatham Island, 508.
Chathams, The—
Discovered by “Chatham,” 503–8.
Latitude and longitude observed, 508.
Cheramlaeut—
SeeJacobsen, 15.
Chevalier Cove—
In Doubtless Bay, 271.
Chilca—
De Surville arrives at, 293.
Labé fails in attempt at landing, 293.
De Surville is drowned, 293–95.
De Surville's body recovered, 295.
Chili—
SeeJacobsen, 16.
Chillewey, Port—
SeeJacobsen, 16.
Clark, David, “Resolution”—
Appointed by Cook, 107.
Clementson, first mate, “Elizabeth”—
Mentioned by Montefiore, 580.
Converses with Kemmis, 583.
Clendon, James R., American Consul—
Receives consular documents, 604.
Applies for seal, flag, and archives, 605.
Reports, shipping arrivals, 605.
Reports loss of “Atlantic,” 605.
Shipping lists—
January to July, 1839, 606
July to December, 1839, 611–13.
January to July, 1840, 615–16.
July to December, 1840, 678.
January to June, 1841, 619.
Reports loss of brig “Brilliant,” 607.
Disposition of her crew, 607.
Reports “Richmond,” condemned, 608.
Reports house burnt at Kororika, 608.
Report on riot, Bay of Islands, 609–11.
Reports death of Jenkins, 609.
Outrages on American shipping, 611.
Necessity for man-of-war, 611–12.
Receives consular commission, 613.
Notifies arrival of Captain Hobson, 613.
Forwards copy, Treaty of Waitangi, 614, Governor Hobson assists, 614.
Wilkes's Expedition arrives, 614.
Acknowledges receipt seal, flags, &c., 616.
Forwards his resignation, 618.
Recommends Mayhew as successor, 618.
Transmits accounts, 619–20.
Clerk, R. O.—
Cook recommends promotion, 77.
Clerke, CaptainCharles—
Appointed on Gore's promotion, 75.
To Banks, re the “Resolution,” 91, 95, 96.
To Banks, farewells and thanks, 98, 99.
To Banks, reporting return, 116, 117.
Appointment of Atkins and Reynolds, 123.
To Secretary Jackson, re officer's servants, 123.
To Stephens, re exchange of two men, 132.
To Stephens, asking for Naval Instructions and Acts of Parliament, 134.
To Stephens, applying for leave, 134.
To Banks, re financial difficulties, 135–36.
To Banks, asking his good offices, 136–37.
To Stephens, reporting “Discovery” at Plymouth, 137.
To Banks, reporting “Discovery” at Cape, 138, 139.
Climate—
In Dusky Bay, 493–94.
Clothing—
Maoris', described by Bayly, 204.
Bay of Islands described, 471–73.
Coal—
Reported to exist, Bay of Islands, 469.
Co Coah, Maori boy—
Accompanies Tabbarooa, 226.
Coen, John Petersen—
Dutch Chartered East India Company, 2.
Cole Fish—
At Dusky, 500.
Columbus, Christopher—
Discovery of America, 4.
Commissioners of Treasury, London—
Write Secretary of State re “Elizabeth,” 595.
Minute re “Elizabeth” case, 597–98.
Letter to Secretary of State, Sydney, re “Elizabeth,” 602–3.
Compagnie des Indes—
De Surville granted permission to trade to India, 231.
Compasses—
SeeDr. Knight's azimuth compasses.
Conseption, Port—
SeeJacobsen, 16.
Contrariety Island—
Sighted by De Surville, 260.
Fight with Natives, 261–62.
Natives and canoes described, 262.
Cook, Captain—
Appointed to “Endeavour,” 47.
Notifies his appointment to Secretary Stephens, 48.
Notifies approval of appointment of Gathiry, 48.
Forwards statement, state and condition of “Endeavour” to Stephens, 49.
Asks Stephens to obtain more guns, 49.
Asks Stephens for more medical supplies, 50.
Stephens notifies more guns and medical supplies, 50.
Asks Stephens for supply of instruments, 51.
Stephens notifies instruments granted, 51.
Encloses to Stephens an account of stationery, &c., 51.
Stephens notifies grant of twenty cork jackets, 51–2.
Receives notice of passengers for “Endeavour,” 52–3.
Asks Stephens to procure azimuth, 53.
Regarding payment for micrometer, 53.
Asking for pay due, 53, 54.
Stephens notifies azimuth and micrometer granted, 54.
Lords of Admiralty give instructions for treatment of scurvy, 54, 55.
Stephens notifies more guns granted, 55.
Lords of Admiralty notify increased complement, 55.
Notifies Stephens of arrival at Funchal, 56.
Notifies Stephens of treatment at Rio, 56–73.
His memorial sent to Viceroy at Rio, 63–64.
Writes Viceroy, Rio, demanding his boat and crew, 66.
Replies to the Viceroy's memorial to himself, 66, 67.
Writes Viceroy re pendant, 70.
Re evidence as to “Endeavour,” a King's ship, 71.
Reply to Viceroy, Rio, re “Endeavour,” a King's ship, 72, 73.
To Secretary Stephens, notifying his sailing from St. Helena, and the forwarding of journals of his voyage, 73, 74.
Reports loss of twenty-four men from disease, 73, 74.
Reports to Stephens arrival at the Downs, 74.
Encloses journals, &c., to Stephens 74, 75.
To Secretary Stephens, reporting on Dr. Knight's azimuth compasses, malt for scurvy, and general state of his command on return, 75, 76.
To Secretary Stephens, recommending promotions, 77.
Raised to rank of Commander, 77.
To Secretary Stephens, re wheat and oatmeal, 77.
To Secretary Stephens, recommends Forward as a gunner, 78.
To John Walker, account of his voyage, 79–81.
To Secretary Stephens, re cost of victualling at Rio, 81.
To Secreatry Stephens, list of petty officers, 82.
To Secretary Stephens, re victualling sloop “Scorpion,” 83.
To Secretary Stephens, asking leave, 83.
To Secretary Stephens, recommending Grey and Anderson for second voyage, 84.
To Secretary Stephens, re officer's servants, 85.
To Secretary Stephens, re picked men for “Resolution,” 85.
To Astronomer Royal, re South Sea tides, 86.
To Secretary Stephens, re appointment Edward Terrel, 86.
To Stephens, re gun equipment of “Resolution” and “Adventure,” 86, 87.
To Stephens, asking additional carpenter's mates, “Resolution” and “Adventure,” 86, 87.
To Stephens, asking supplies orange and lemon juice, “Resolution” and “Adventure,” 87.
To Stephens, accepting James Maxwell as midshipman, 87.
To Stephens, re spirits and wines for “Resolution” and “Adventure,” 88.
To Stephens, notifying purchase of articles for “Adventure” and “Resolution,” 88, 89.
To Stephens, notifying arrival of “Resolution” at Long Reach, 89.
To Stephens, notifying too many marines on “Resolution,” 89, 90.
To Stephens, asking payment for instruments and stationery for “Resolution,” 90.
To Stephens, re Lieutenant Cooper, in charge “Resolution,” 91.
To Stephens, gives his opinion of cause of “Resolution's” crankiness, 92.
To Stephens, notifying pushing forward alterations to “Resolution,” 92.
To Stephens, denying any sign of fear or desertion in ship's company, 94.
To Stephens, re marines, 94.
To Banks, notifying discharge of his effects, 96, 97.
To Stephens, recommending J. Dodsworth's appointment to “Resolution,” 97.
To Stephens: Alterations to “Resolution” effected, asks week's leave, 98.
To Stephens, notifying names Banks's suite victualled on “Resolution,” 99–100.
To Stephens, asking duplicate order victualling Banks's suite be sent, 100.
To Stephens, reporting on good sea-going qualities “Resolution,” 100.
To Furneaux, re reception of Mr. W. Bayley on board “Adventure,” his duties, treatment, &c., 101, 102.
To Furneaux, notifying that future orders will issue from Cook, 102.
To Stephens, acknowledging instructions and private code, 103.
To Stephens, acknowledges letter re Mr. W. Hodges, 103.
To Lieutenant Cooper, re Mr. W. Wales and his duties, 103–4.
To Furneaux, re Prince of Orange's letter to Dutch East India Company, Cape of Good Hope, 104, 105.
To Furneaux, enclosing orders re scaled instructions from Admiralty, 105.
To Furneaux, noting first rendezvous and instructions, 105.
To Furneaux, noting second rendezvous and instructions, 105.
To Stephens, notifying arrival at Madeira, and vouches for sea-going qualities of “Resolution,” 106.
To Furneaux, re supply of wine for “Adventure,” 106.
To D. Clark, appointing him master-atarms on “Resolution,” 107.
To W. Carr, appointing him master-atarms, “Adventure,” 107.
From Furneaux, re John Rayside, stowaway, 108.
To Furneaux, giving decision re Rayside, 108.
To Stephens, re experiments with inspissated juice of malt in beer-making, 108–9.
To Stephens, notifying departure from Madeira, changes in his officers, and other important matters, 109, 110.
Lieutenant Shank applies to be invalided home, 111.
Asks surgeons for report on Lieutenant Shank, 111.
Surgeons accordingly report, 112.
Writes granting Shank's application, 112.
To Kemp, appointing him First Lieutenant “Adventure,” 112.
To Burney, appointing him Second Lieutenant “Adventure,” 113.
To Banks, giving particulars of voyage to leaving Cape of Good Hope, 113, 114.
To Furneaux, as to rendezvous after leaving Cape of Good Hope, 114.
To Furneaux, authorizing extra rations during cold weather, 115.
To Furneaux, instructions in case of separation, 115.
To Stephens, two days from Cape, all well, 115, 116.
To Stephens, re letters sent by various ships, 116.
To Stephens, notifying “Resolution” at Long Reach, 117.
To Stephens, applies vacancy Greenwich, 127.
To Stephens, re unauthorized accounts of voyage, 119.
To Stephens, re examination of officers, 118.
To Stephens, re extra rations issued, 118–19.
From Anderson, re unauthorized publication of voyage, 119–20.
To Jackson, Secretary, reports on Frazer's application for an appointment, 121.
From Admiralty, re “Discovery's” complement of marines, 121.
To Secretary Jackson, applying command third expedition, 122.
Appointed to command Third Expedition, 122.
To J. Walker, notifying him of Third Expedition, 122.
To Jackson, Secretary, re officer's servants, 123.
To Stephens, Secretary, regarding victualling “Resolution,” 123.
To Stephens, asking portable soup for “Resolution,” and “Discovery,” 124.
To Stephens: Supplies for “Resolution” and “Discovery,” 124.
To Stephens: Detailed list, goods, &c., required “Resolution” and “Discovery,” 124–25.
To Stephens: Tools required “Resolution” and “Discovery,” 125–26.
To Jackson, re supply of wine, 126.
To Jackson, regarding complement of men, 126.
To Stephens: Applies appointment of Mackie as midshipman “Resolution,” 126, 127.
To Sir John Pringle: Measures taken to prevent scurvy, 127–29.
To Sir J. Pringle: Observations on the tides, Endeavour River, 129–30.
To Stephens, re equipment for “Resolution” and “Discovery,” 130.
To Stephens: Applies for boy from Mathematical School, Christ's Hospital, 131.
To Stephens, re supplies of gunpowder, 131.
From Boddington, re supplies of gunpowder, 131.
To Stephens: “Resolution” at Long Reach, 133–134.
To Stephens, acknowledging orders calling at Plymouth, also Mr. Bayly, 134.
To Stephens, re sailing of “Discovery,” 134–35.
From Burney, asking instructions, 135.
To Stephens: Reports “Resolution” at Plymouth, 135.
To Stephens, acknowledging instructions re Mr. Webber and Omai, 135.
To Stephens, reporting arrival Teneriff, 137.
To Stephens: “Discovery” at Cape of Good Hope, 138.
Stephens, reporting “Resolution” and “Discovery” both provisioned thoroughly and ready for sea, 140.
Arrives in “Resolution” Charlotte Sound (Bayly), 208.
Observes transit of Mercury, 147.
“Endeavour” Log, 143–182.
Pickersgill's Log, 183–96.
Burney's Log, 197–99.
Bayly's Journal, 201–21.
Edgar's Log, 222–29.
Cook Records—
Editor's notes on publication of Cook records, 44.
Cook Strait—
Existence suspected by Tasman, 26.
Discovered by Cook, 222–24.
“Discovery” and “Resolution” pass through, 229.
Cooking (Maori)—
Described by Monneron, 281.
Described by de l'Horne, 319.
Coomans, Abraham—
Appointed to Council as Secretary, 12.
Cooper, Lieutenant, “Resolution”—
Cook writes re Wales, 103, 104.
Cooper's Island—
Visited by Menzies, 488.
Coqoa, Maori—
Accompanies Cook, 199.
Coques—
Tasman sails for, 30.
Comorant Cove—
Menzies visits, shooting, 486.
Arms visits, 523.
Cornwallis Islands—
Visited by Biscoe and Avery, 559.
Pigs found on islands, 560.
Court of Aldermen Rocks—
Passed by “Endeavour,” 146.
Cowell, interpreter—
Engaged on board “Elizabeth,” 579–80.
Cramaroo, Cape—
Entrance to Charlotte Sound (Edgar), 222.
Crayfish—
At Dusky, 501.
Crozet—
Took command on Marion's death, 349, 421.
His management questioned by Roux, 441.
Explores the coast, 447.
Takes charge of the “trade,” 469.
“Dædalus”—
Brings two Maoris to Sydney, 536.
Method of obtaining Natives, 540–41.
Dalrymple, Alexander—
Reason for not commanding “Endeavour,” 46.
Dampier—
Names Bachy Islands, 241.
Observations at Bachy Islands, 242.
Darling, Governor—
Despatch to Secretary of State, re “Elizabeth” atrocity, 592–94.
To Lords Commissioners Treasury, 595.
De Bougainville—
Treatment at Rio, 57.
Sighted First Sight Island, 250.
De Bonne Esperance, Cape—
SeeJacobsen, 15.
De Carpentier, Pieter—
Dutch Chartered East India Company, 2.
De Gama, Vasco—
His discoveries, 4.
De l'Horne, First Lieutenant, “Saint Jean Baptiste”—
Journal, 297–347.
Sights New Zealand coast, 297.
Natives friendly, 297.
Obtains wood and water, 297.
Changes in demeanour of Maoris, 299.
Ceremony on de Surville's landing, 299.
De Surville and de l'Horne land, 301.
Chief pays a visit, well received, 303.
De Surville presents pigs, 303.
Sanatorium established, 303.
Boat in great danger all night, 305.
The sick kindly received by Maoris, 307.
“Saint Jean Baptiste” in danger, 309.
De 1′Horne's party return, 309–11, 313.
Account of ship's dangerous time, 311–13.
Visits Refuge Cave, 313.
Cause of rupture with Maoris, 313–15.
Sympathy for captured Maori, 315.
Opinion of Tasman's information, 315.
Description of Maoris, 315–17.
Description of clothing of Maoris, 317–19.
Notices the use of flax, 319.
Kinds of food in use, 319–21.
Cannibalism exists, 319–21.
Method of cooking, 319.
Tattooing described, 321, 323–25.
Greenstone described, 323.
Huts and methods of construction, 325.
Pas (citadels), their use in war-time, 325.
No idea of fortification, 327.
Weapons of war described, 327.
Cannibalism asserted, 329.
Tribal wars frequent, 329.
Ascribes bad qualities to Maoris, 331.
The Chaplain's experience, 331.
Greediments and voracity of Maoris, 333.
Maori tools decribed, 333.
Maori canoes described, 333.
Methods of fishing and tackle, 333–35.
Methods of agriculture, 335.
Maori music and musical instruments, 335.
Religion and images, 335.
Salutations amongst Maoris, 337.
Maoris uncleanly, 337.
Character of soil, 337.
Description of New Zealand flora, 337, 339.
New Zealand herbs on scurvy, 339–41.
Sweet potatoes cultivated, 341.
Dogs and rats only quadrupeds, 341.
Small lizards seen, 341.
Birds enumerated and described, 341.
Kauri-gum seen, 343.
Tobacco unknown, 343.
De Surville gives various seeds, 343.
De Surville gives pigs and poultry, 343.
Bad state of the expedition, 343.
Leaves New Zealand coast, 345.
Arrives Callao, 345.
Particulars of de Surville's death, 345–47.
Salutes exchanged with Callao, 347.
Requiem Mass for de Surville, 347.
Labé takes command, 347.
Deliverance Islands—
Sighted by de Surville, 263.
De Lorimier, Chevalier—
Wounded at attack of pa, 467.
Dell, E. T., Captain brig “Fancy”—
Leaves Port Jackson, in company “Endeavour,” 520.
Visits Luncheon Cove, 522.
Visits Pickersgill Harbour, 523.
Secures Murry as officer, 531.
De Moura, D. Antonio Rolim—
His treatment of and correspondence with Cook at Rio de Janeiro, 56–73.
His answer to Cook's memorial, 65–60.
His reply regarding Lieutenant Hicks, 68.
Memorial in reply to Cook's second, 68–69.
Doubts “Endeavour” being a King's ship, 70, 71, 72.
Denmark—
Report that Danes intended form colony at Nicobar Islands, 233.
Deserters—
From “Eliza Scott,” 566.
From “Sabrina,” 568.
De St. Paul, Captain, Grenadiers—
Joins “Saint Jean Baptiste,” 233.
Desolation Island—
Named by Cook, 110.
De Surville's Voyage—
Editor's notes regarding, 230.
De Surville, Captain—
Arrangements with de Lauriston, 231.
Elected King's Commissary, 231.
Indian trade abandoned, reason, 231–32.
Decides on making for Tahiti, 232.
Sails from Bay of Ingely, 233.
Arrives Yanam, 233.
Arrives Masulepotam, 233.
Arrives Pondicherry, 233.
Anchors at Varela Island, 233.
Arrives and leaves Malacca, 234.
Anchors at Pulotimon, 235.
Anchors Tronganon, 236.
Sails from Tronganon, 240.
Philippine Islands coasted, 240.
Sights Babuyannes Islands, 240.
Lands at Bachy Islands, 241–42.
Good opinion of Bachians, 244.
Carries away three Natives, 246.
Crosses the equator, longitude 145° 32′.
Sends Labé to find anchorage, First Sight Island, 250, 251.
Anchors in Praslin Port, 251.
Hostilities with natives, 253, 254, 255.
Names coast around Port Praslin, 257.
Takes possession of Arsacides, 260.
Sets course for New Zealand, 263.
Sights New Zealand coast, 265.
Off Cape Maria Van Diemen, 256.
Maoris at North Cape visit de Surville, 267.
Seamanship of, saves ship, 273.
Burns canoes and takes a prisoner, 277.
Decides to make for Peru, 279.
Forestalled in New Zealand by Cook, 279.
Gives Maoris pigs and seeds, 287.
Sails from New Zealand for Peru, 287.
Sights Juan Fernandez, 291.
Arrives off Chilca, 293.
Orders Labé to attempt landing, 293.
Attempts himself, and is drowned, 293–94.
See alsoMonneron, 231–95.
See alsoDe l'Horne, 297–347.
Requiem Mass (Calloa), 347.
De Todos los Sanctus. Bay—
SeeJacobsen, 15.
De Velarde, FatherMurillo—
Observations agree with de Surville, 240.
“Discovery,”H.M.S.—
SeeBurney, James, 197–99.
SeeBayly, Astronomer, 218–21.
Dodsworth, John—
Writes Cook, for appointment, 97, 98.
Recommended by Cook, 97.
Dogs, New Zealand—
Bred for provisions (Edgar), 225.
“Dolphin,”ship—
At Rio de Janeiro, 59, 60, 66.
Dongon—
Council of Calcutta want concessions, 238.
Doubtful Harbour—
Cook's Expedition in vicinity, 188.
Doubtless Bay—
Named by Cook, 269.
Named later by de Surville, 269.
De Surville interviews Natives, 271.
De Surville recruits his sick here, 271.
Residence of Tuki, 551.
“Fancy” at, 551.
Drie Coningen Island—
Tasman at anchor, 28, 29.
See alsoThree Kings Island.
Dr. Knight's azimuth compasses—
Report on, by Cook, 75.
Duck Cove—
Visited by Menzies (described), 488.
Ducks—
At Bay of Islands. 479.
Paradise ducks at Dusky, 516.
Paradise ducks at Cormorant Cove, 523.
Du Clesmeur, Chevalier—
Sights Mount Egmont, 445.
Appearance of coast, 445.
Sights Three Kings, description of, 445.
M. Lehoux reconnoitres coast, 447.
Anchors and sends Croizet to explore, 447.
Cuts cables and stands to sea, 447.
Scurvy in ship, 449.
Statement of supplies, 449.
Meets with Maoris, 449.
Shoots quail, 449.
Doubles North Cape, 449.
“Mascarin” visited by Maoris, 451.
Maori language, similar to Tahitian, 451.
Good opinion formed of Maoris, 451.
Anchorage, good, found, 451–53.
Discovers and names the reef Razeline 453.
Sergeant helps Maoris, 453.
Refitting both boats, 455.
Marion and party camp in forest, 457.
Explores the country, 457.
Visits Maori village, 459.
Maoris guide them safely to camp. 459.
M. Vaudricourt's experience, 459.
Suspicious conduct of Natives, 461.
Maori village burnt, 461.
Maori prisoner accuses Piquiore, 461.
Treaty of peace made, 461.
Marion refuses to doubt Maoris, 463.
Learns news of Marion's death, 463.
One man saved, 463.
Goes to rescue sick camp, 465.
Timber camp deserted and pillaged, 465.
Attacks pa, 465–67.
Refit “Mascarins's” masts, 467.
Maoris renewed attempt on camp, 467.
Supplies of wood and water obtained, 467.
Burns Tacoury's village, 467.
Finds evidence of Marion's fate, 469.
Council of officers called, 469.
Decide to make for Manilla, 469.
Croizet takes charge of the “trade” 469.
Description of Bay of Islands, 469.
Appearance and character of Maoris, 471.
Kauri and kauri-gum, 455, 469–71.
Herbs growing, 471.
Clothing of Maoris described, 471–73.
Food of Maoris described, 473.
Method of cooking, 473.
Description of fortifications, 473.
Dwellings and storehouses described, 473.
Furniture and cooking-utensils, 473.
Government by chief, 475.
Religion of Maoris, 475.
Marriage, 475.
Weapons, 475.
Cultivation 475.
Maori spade described, 475.
Description of canoes, 477.
Boat-building tools, 477.
Fish hooks and lines, 477.
Method of hunting, 477.
Game enumerated, 479.
Musical instruments, 479.
Vocabulary, 479–81.
Leave New Zealand coast, 481.
Negro deserts, 481.
Tasman's inaccuracies, 481.
D'Urville Island—
Tasman anchored, at, 25
Dusky Bay—
“Resolution” off; seeks anchorage, 183.
Pickersgill gets plenty fish, 183.
Cook's Expedition leaves, 187.
Vancouver enters, 483.
Described by Menzies, 493.
Vancouver leaves, 494.
“Chatham,” 496, 499.
Raven visits in “Britannia,” 510.
“Britannia” and “Francis,” 514–17.
Difficulty of locating, from the sea, 533.
Dutch Chartered East India Company—
Resolutions regarding Expedition, 2.
Names of Governor and Councillors, 4.
Ear-piercing—
Maori method of wearing ornaments (Edgar), 225.
Earshell Harbour—
Visited by Menzies, 491.
Murry obtains water, 520.
Earthquake—
At Dusky, 512–13.
East Island—
“Endeav our,” first voyage, passes, 145.
Easter Island—
SeePickersgill, 196.
Edgar, Thomas, master, “Discovery”—
Log, 222–29.
Off Admiralty Bay, 222.
Rounds Point Jackson, 222.
At Ship Cove, 222, 227.
Sailing directions, Charlotte Sound, 222.
Description of New Zealand, 222.
Ship Cove described, 222–23.
Cannibal Cove, in Charlotte Sound, 223.
Shinbone Cove, in Charlotte Sound, 223.
Queen Charlotte Sound described, 224.
Quantities of fish, 224.
Singing-birds numerous, 224.
Maoris described, 224–25.
Maori ornamentation, 225.
War-dance described, 225.
Fern-root used as bread, 225
Dogs bred for food, 225.
Account of Tay-we-he-rooa, 225–26.
Account of Grass Cove massacre, 227.
Account of tribal fighting, 228.
Leaves Ship Cove, 228.
Greediness of the Maoris, 229.
Pass through Cook Strait, 229.
Edgeeombe, John, Royal Marines—
Cook recommends promotion, 77.
Receives lieutenant's commission, 77.
Edwardson's Arm, Dusky—
Balleny visits, 565.
Origin of name, 565.
“Elizabeth,”brig (Stewart)—
Brief synopsis of her history, 578.
Chartered by T. Street, 579.
Arrives Entry Island, 579.
Chartered by Rauparaha, 579.
Arrives Banks Peninsula, 579.
Returns Entry Island, 579.
Steps taken to punish offenders, 578–603.
“Eliza Scott,”schooner—
SeeEnderby Expeditions, 554.
SeeBalleny Journals, 562–70.
SeeBalleny's Mate's Journal, 571–77.
“Endeavour,”Captain Bampton—
Murry considers unsafe, 524.
Survey held shows rotten condition, 524.
Dismantling of at Dusky, 523–26.
Bampton reports abandonment of, 552.
“Endeavour,”H.M.S.—
Purchase and fitting out, 45–46.
Number of officers and crew, 47.
Cook's statement re condition, 49.
Repaired at Batavia, 73.
Arrives at Cape and St. Helena, 74.
Arrives in the Downs, 74.
General condition of vessel, 76.
Log, 144–S2.
Doubts as to writer of log of, 143.
Anchors in Tegado Bay, 144.
Obtains wood and water. 144.
Off Gable End Head, 144.
Anchors at Tolaga Bay, 144.
Hostile demonstration by Maoris, 145.
Off Koakhali Island, 146.
Pass Court of Aldermen (rocks), 146.
In Mercury Bay, 147.
Off Cape Colville: hostile Maoris, 148.
In Thames River, 149.
Coasting northward, east coast, 150.
Bay of Islands, 151.
Pass Knuckle Point, 151.
Off North Cape, 152.
Off Three Kings Islands, 154.
Off west coast, North Island, 150.
In Ship Cove, 162.
Leaves Charlotte Sound, 165.
Off Cape Turnagain, 166.
Sights West Cape, 176.
Leave Cape Farewell, 182.
Endeavour River—
Cook reports on rise and fall of tides, 86.
Peculiarity of tides, 129, 130.
Endeavour Straits—
Cook reports on rise and fall of tides, 86.
Enderby Expeditions—
Description of journals, 554.
Biscoe's Journal, 555–61.
Balleny's Journal, 562–70.
Balleny's Mate's Journal, 571–77.
Entry Island—
Vancouver passes, 489.
“Elizabeth” arrives at, 579.
Etanga roak—
A priest, 543.
Etanga teda Epodi—
Gentleman, 543.
Etanga teda Etiketica—
A principal chief, 543.
Evans, Samuel, boatswain—
Appointed on death of Gathrey, 75.
Facile Harbour—
Vancouver anchors at entrance, 483.
Vancouver seeks harbour in, 483.
“Chatham” anchored, 486, 497.
Visited by Menzies, 491.
Its advantages, 493.
Facilities for watering, 499.
“Raven” anchors in, 510.
Raven leaves, 512.
Murry leaves, 531.
Worst harbour at Dusky, 532.
Facy, W., seaman—
Massacred, Grass Cove, 218.
“Fancy,”brig—
Sails in company “Endeavour,” 520.
At Norfolk Island in distress, 551.
At North Cape, 551.
At Doubtless Bay, 551.
At River Thames, 551.
Obtains spars, &c., at Thames, 552.
Arrives Norfolk Island, 552.
Fauna—
Referred to by de l'Horne, 341.
Fern-root—
Takes place of bread (Edgar), 225.
Monneron records its use, 281.
Method of preparation for food, 399.
Used at Bay of Islands, 473.
First Sight Island—
Sighted by de Surville, 249.
Sighted by de Bougainville, 250.
Fish—
Plenty of, in Dusky Bay, 183, 496.
Abundance in Charlotte Sound, 224.
Murry reports plentiful, 526.
List of, observed by Monneron, 281.
Plentiful, Bay of Islands, 477.
Ho flat-fish at Dusky, 501.
Plentiful, River Thames, 552.
Fishing-nets—
Of Morioris, 504.
Five Fingers Point—
Described by Menzies, 483.
“Britannia” and “Francis” off, 514.
Flax—
Two kinds, Queen Charlotte Sound, 204.
De l'Horne notices its use, 319.
Cultivated, Bay of Islands, 475.
Menzies secures live specimens, 492.
King wants Natives for dressing, 535–36.
Great quantities Norfolk Island, 536.
Flax from Bay of Islands in London, 536.
King's remarks on preparing, 536.
Prepared by women, 544.
Maori method of preparation, 544–45.
King's improvements, 545.
Recommendations of, 546.
Abundant at River Thames, 552.
Flies—
Very troublesome at Chalky Bay, 564.
Flora—
Described by Bayly, 206.
Observations at Tolaga Bay (Bayly), 213.
Description of, by de l'Horne, 337–39.
At Chatham Island, 504.
“Flute,”a cargo ship—
Notes on, 350–51.
Food—
Food of Maoris described, 473.
Foreign Enlistment Act—
Applicable in “Elizabeth” case, 599.
Forster, Captain—
English officer in Portuguese service, 63.
Forty-fours Rocks—
Visted by Biscoe and A very, 555–511
Forward, Stephen—
Cook recommends S. Forward as gunner 48.
“Francis,”schooner—
Visits Dusky, relieves sealers, 509.
Launched by Raven at, 513.
Chartered for New Zealand, 513.
Voyage to New Zealand, 514.
Parts company with “Britannia” 514.
Driven to leeward, 517.
Arrives at Luncheon Cove, 517.
Immediately refitted, 517.
Sails in company with “Britannia,” 517.
Parts company from “Britannia,” 517.
Frazer, John, corporal, “Resolution”—
Petition for appointment, 120–21.
Freeman, Captain, “Sabrina”—
With Balleny in Chalky Bay. 562–77.
Front Islands—
Menzies visits and camps, 488.
Furneaux, Captain, “Adventure”—
Notifies Secretary Stephens “Adventure” at Galleon's Reach, 88.
Short biography of, 88.
To Stephens, re distillation of sea-water, &c., 90.
To Stephens, reporting on “Adventure,” 93.
To Stephens, re discharge of Mr. Banks's employees, 99.
To Stephens, sending names of Banks's suite on “Adventure,” 99.
Meets Cook, Queen Charlotte Sound, 189.
His opinion regarding Bass Strait, 200.
Cook writes to, regarding Mr. Bayly, 101–2.
Cook writes, notifying future orders will come from him, 102.
Cook forwards Prince of Orange's letter to Dutch East India Company, Cape of Good Hope, 104, 105.
Cook forwards orders re sealed instructions from Admiralty, 105.
Cook notifies first rendezvous and instructions, 105.
Cook notifies second rendezvous and instructions, 105.
Cook writes re shipping wine on “Adventure,” 106.
Recommends W. Carr to Cook for appointment, 107.
To Cook, re John Rayside, stowaway, 108.
From Cook, re decision Rayside, 108.
From Cook, authorizing extra rations, 115.
From Cook: Instructions in case of separation, 115.
Reports arrival at Spithead, 115.
Gable Head Foreland—
Bayly describes, 213.
Latitude and longitude determined, 213.
“Endeavour” off, 144.
Gathery, John—
Appointed boatswain, 48.
Dies at sea, 73, 75.
George Island, tropical island—
Cook's description of people, &c., 78–79.
George's Island—
SeePickersgill, 191–96.
Gilolo Island—
Tasman passes, 36.
Gilsemans, Jsaack, merchant—
Selected for Tasman's Expedition, 3.
Attempts to land, Golden Bay, 20.
Appointed to Council of Expedition, 12.
“Glory”—
The wreck on Cornwallis Island, 560.
Goose Cove—
No sign of Cook's geese, 500.
Visited by Raven 516.
Maori hut described, 516.
Gore, J., Second Lieutenant—
Appointed on death of Hicks, 75.
Governor-General and Councillors, Batavia—
Resolution on Tasman's return, 35–38.
Rewards given Tasman and crew, 36.
Instructions for further voyage, 36–38.
Grafton Island—
Sighted by de Surville, 247.
Granby, Marquis of—
Notified of purchase of “Endeavour” and her equipment, 47.
Grass Cove—
Massacre, 197, 217–18, 227.
Maoris' account of massacre, 219–20.
Visited by Captains Cook and Clerke, 227.
Green, Charles—
Approved by Admiralty for “Endeavour,” 52.
Observes transit of Mercury, 147.
Dies at sea, 73.
Greenstone—
Its appearance and uses, 209.
De I'Home describes, 323.
Greenstone Ornaments—
Mentioned by Monneron, 283.
Grey, James, boatswain—
Recommended for second voyage, 84.
Grose, Lieutenant-Governor—
Sends Maoris to Norfolk Island, 541.
“Gros Ventre,” French ship—
Discovers land meridian Mauritius, 110.
Guthrey, John—
See Gathiry, John.
Haka—
De Surville witnesses, 283.
Hansen—
Visits Biscoe at Bay of Islands, 555.
Charges against missionaries, 556.
Hawke's Bay—
Passed by “Resolution” and “Adventure” (Bayly), 210.
“Heemskerck,” ship—
Selected for Tasman's Expedition, 3.
Number of crew, 11.
To carry Commander's flag, 12.
Ready for departure, 17.
Arrives at Batavia, 35.
See alsoTasman.
Heeres, J. E.—
Editor of Tasman's Journal, 1.
Hely, F., J.P., Sydney—
Reports Stewart's atrocities, 578–79.
Hematite—
At Bay of Islands, 409.
Hen Cove—
Visited by Menzies, 487.
No sign of Cook's geese, 487.
Henrick, first steersman—
Appointed to Council Expedition, 12.
Herbs—
Anti-scorbutie, Bay of Islands, 471.
Heva—
SeeWar-dance.
Hicks, Lieutenant—
Cook's messenger to Viceroy, 57–61.
Dies on homeward voyage, 74, 75.
Possible author log “Endeavour,” 143.
Hill, T., seaman—
Massacred at Grass Cove (Bayly), 218.
Hippa Island—
SeeBurney's Journal, 198.
Bayly establishes observatory, 207.
Observatory dismantled, 208.
Cook visits, 164.
Hocken, Dr.T. M.—
Paper on Tasman's Journal, 1.
Hodges, W., artist—
To go with Cook in “Resolution,” 103.
Short biography of, 103.
Pictures by Hodges, 111.
Holman, Ide Terexsen, Skipper—
Rescues survivors cockboat, 23.
Hombron, Monsieur—
Editor's notes, 230.
Hoorense Islands—
Tasman sails for, 30.
Huaheine—
SeePickersgill, 191.
Hunting—
Method adopted, Bay of Islands, 477.
Hutchins, Richard, boatswain's mate—
Cook recommends promotion, 77.
Recommended to Admiralty, 84, 85.
Indian Island—
Visited by Menzies, 488.
Iron—
At Bay of Islands, 469.
Jackson, Secretary, Admiralty—
From Cook, reporting on Frazer's application for appointment, 121.
From Cook, applying command third ex pedition, 122.
From Cook, regarding instructions officers' servants, 123.
From Clerke, re officers' servants, 123.
From Cook: Supply of wine to ships, 126.
From Cook, regarding complement of men, 126.
Jacobsen, Franchoijs, Tasman Expedition—
Signs the memoir re procedure of expedition of Tasman, 19.
Attempts to land, Golden Bay, 20.
Jacobsz, Francois, pilot major—
Appointed to Council of Expedition, 12.
Janssen, Gerritt, Skipper—
Selected Tasman Exploring Expedition, 3.
Appointed to Council Expedition, 12.
Johnstone, master “H.M.S. Chatham”—
Visits Goose Cove, 486.
Account of reception of landing-party at Chatham Island, 503–8.
Jones, J., seaman—
Massacred at Grass Cove (Bayly), 218.
Juan Fernandez Islands—
Sighted by de Surville, 291.
Kahoora, Maori—
Visits “Discovery” Cove, 219.
Gives account of massacre, 219–20.
Kakas—
At Dusky Bay, 492.
Karioi, mountain—
Sighted by Tasman, 26
Kauri forest—
Discovered by Marion, 383, 455.
Kauri described, Bay of Islands, 471.
Kauri-gum—
Observed by Monneron, 287.
Referred to (de l'Horne), 343.
Described, Bay of Islands, 471.
Kearadier—
SeeKororareka.
Kelgar, F., Captain “Kronenberg”—
Takes Cook's despatches, 73.
Kemmis, Arthur—
Sworn evidence “Elizabeth” raid, 583–84.
Cause of the raid of Rauparaha, 583.
Kemp, Mr.—
Appointed First Lieutenant “Adventure,” vice Shank invalided home, 110.
Kerguelen Land—
Discovery of, by Kerguelen, 110.
King, P. G., Lieut.-Governor—
Journal, 535–53.
Desire to obtain New Zealand Natives for flax-dressing, 535–36.
Two Maoris in Sydney to give instruction flax-dressing, 536.
Experience with Maoris at Norfolk Island, 537.
Determines to visit New Zealaand, 537.
Treats Natives kindly, 538.
Describes Maoris, 539–40.
The method of securing them, 540–41.
Further experiences with Maoris, 542.
Social divisions amongst Maoris, 543.
After-death beliefs, 543–44.
Maori method of preparing flax, 544–45.
Improves method of preparing flax, 545.
Number of workers at flax, 545.
Bounds North Cape, 546.
Visited by Maoris, 546.
Friendly relations established, 546.
Returns the flax-dressers, 549.
Gives presents, 550.
Presents sows and boars, 550.
Supplies “Fancy” with necessaries, 551.
Bampton arrives Norfolk Island, 552.
Revictuals “Fancy” and “Providence,” 552–53.
Bampton reports re “Resource,” 553.
King's Advocate, London—
Opinion re “Elizabeth” case, 597.
King's Proctor, London—
Submits his opinion re “Elizabeth” case, 595–97.
Knight's Islands—
SeeSnares.
Knuckle Point—
Passed by Cook, 151.
Maoris from there visit Norfolk Island, 537.
Koakhali Island—
“Endeavour” off, 146.
Koamaroo, Cape,—
Cook's Expedition passes, 193.
Burney's Journal, 198.
Kororareka—
Bay on which Russell stands, 556.
“Kronenburg,” Dutch Indiaman—
Carries Cook's letters, 73.
Labe, Monsieur, first officer “Saint Jean Baptiste”—
Searches for landing-place, First Sight Island, 250.
Wounded in battle at Praslin Port, 254.
Fight with natives, Contrariety Island, 261.
Tries to land with letter at Chilca, 293.
Receives clothing, decorations, &c., of Captain de Surville from Chilca, 295.
Editor's notes, 230.
“La Fortune,” French ship—
Discovers land meridian Mauritius, 110.
Lameer, Strait of—
SeeJacobsen, 15.
Lauriston Bay—
SeeDoubtless Bay.
Law, M.—
Arrangements with de Surville, 231.
Object, to trade with India, 231.
Indian trade abandoned: Reason, 231–32.
Sends M. de St. Paul on board “Saint Jean Baptiste,” 233.
Leith, second mate, “Britannia”—
Meets Raven, Anchor Island Harbour, 515.
Le Maire, Strait—
See Jacobsen, 16.
Lija, Cornelis Vander, Hon.—
Instructed to see to provisions and stores of expeditionary vessels, 4.
“Lively,” cutter—
Tender “Tula,” q.v.554.
SeeBiscoe, 555–61.
Live-stock—
Hogs and fowls disappeared from Charlotte Sound, 199.
De Surville gives Maoris pigs and fowls, 287.
De Surville gives pigs and poultry (de l'Horne), 343.
Long Island—
Cook's Expedition anchors at, 196.
Lova Saregua—
Native captured at Port Praslin, 257.
Description of, 257–58.
Luncheon Cove—
Visited by Raven, 512.
Visited by Raven and Leith, 515.
“Francis” reaches safety, 517.
Visited by Bampton, 522.
State of vessel built by sealers, 522.
Visited by Murry, 525.
Visited by Bampton and Murry, 527–28.
Luzon Island—
High mountains and bush, 240.
McLeay, A., Colonial Secretary—
Orders Crown Solicitor to file criminal informations, 589.
Writes for position of inquiry, “Elizabeth” raid, 590.
Letter to, from Crown Solicitor in reply, 590–91.
Calls on Superintendent Police for explanation, 591.
Requests Moore to state what steps taken to secure evidence, 591–92.
Moore replies to, as to evidence, 594.
Letter from Treasury, London, re “Elizabeth” case, 602–3.
Maekie, Robt.—
Cook applies for his appointment, 126–27.
Magellan, Strait—
SeeJacobsen, 16.
Maitraranui, Maori chief—
SeeTamaiharanui.
Malacca—
De Surville arrives at, 234.
Question of Dutch occupation, 238, 239.
Malays—
Attack on Portuguese, Varela Island, 234
Malen, mate of “Britannia”—
Examines Chalky Bay, 533.
Malt—
Report on by Cook, 76.
Manly, Isaae. “Endeavour”—
Cook highly praises, 77.
Manuka—
Found at Dusky, 485–86.
Maoris—
Come out to Tasman's ships, 21.
Description of, by Tasman, 21.
Attack Tasman's boats, 22.
Seen by Pickersgill in Dusky, 183.
Visit Captain Cook's ships in Dusky, 185.
Tribal fighting, 196.
Their contempt for Europeans, 199.
Their keenness in trading, 198.
Visit the “Adventure” and trade 202–3.
General appearance described, 204.
Venereal disease, 204.
Nose-rubbing salutation (Bayly), 209.
Very friendly at Tolaga Bay (Bayly), 213.
Pilfering from Bayly, astronomer, 214–16.
Trade with “Discovery,” Ship Cove, 219.
Young men visit “Discovery,” 221.
Reported fond of oil and fat, 221.
Maoris afraid on board “Discovery”: Reason (Edgar), 224.
Appearance, dress, and weapons, 224–25.
Contempt for Europeans, 228.
Their ravenous greediness (Edgar), 229.
Visit de Surville, 257.
Kindness to de Surville's sick, 277.
Suspected of stealing boat, 277.
Described by Monneron, 279, 281, 283, 285.
Mode of salutation, 285.
Canoes described, 285.
Dwellings described, 285.
Description of, by de l'Horne, 315–17.
Immorality of the women, 317.
Possess many bad qualities, 331.
Greediness and voracity, 333.
Visit Cook, Tegado and Tolago Bays, 144.
Hostile demonstrations, 145, 148.
Visit Marion at Cape Brett, 367–69.
Marion entertains Maori chiefs, 371.
Description of Maoris, Cape Brett, 371.
Character of, at Bay of Islands, 377, 471.
Constant visitors to Marion, 379.
Pilfering at Bay of Islands, 391.
Fight duel at Bay of Islands, 395.
Help de Roux in the bush, 395.
Power of Maori chiefs, 397.
Designs on Marion's Expedition, 407–9.
Chiefs visit sick camp, Marion Island, 409.
Maoris give notice of Marion's death, 413.
Massacre Marion and some of crew, 415–17, 463.
Threaten Marion Island camp, 421.
Great slaughter of Expedition, 427–33.
Cannot fight without leaders, 433.
Bury their dead, 435.
Insulting behaviour, Bay of Islands, 443.
Visit “Mascarin,” 451.
Good opinion of by Marion, 451, 461.
Kind behaviour of Maoris, 459.
Marion's trouble with, commences, 461.
Dress in murdered men's clothes, 465.
Vancouver meets none at Dusky, 488–94.
Seen by Raven at Dusky, 512.
Brought to Sydney re flax-dressing, 536.
Method of preparing flax tedious, 536.
At Norfolk Island, re flax, 537.
Kindly treated by King, 538.
Give King much information, 542–44.
Draw charts, 542.
Social divisions according to Tuki, 543.
After-death Maori beliefs, 543–44.
Computation of time, 544.
Suicide common, 544.
Visit King at North Cape, 547.
Maori Canoes—
Described by de l'Horne, 333.
War-canoe described, 383.
Canoes, Bay of Islands, described, 477.
Maori cooking—
Described by de Roux, 399.
Method of, Bay of Islands, 473.
Cooking utensils enumerated, 473.
Maori dwellings—
Described, 325, 363, 473.
Maori fishing-tackle—
Described by de l'Horne, 333–35.
Described by Roux, 363.
Hooks and lines, Bay of Islands, 477.
Maori fortification—
Maoris no idea of fortification, 327.
Description of, at Island Bay, 473.
Maori Government—
Referred to by Du Clesmeur, 475.
Maori language—
Vocabulary, Bay of Islands, 479.
Similarity noticed to Tahitian, 451.
Maori mats—
Described by Edgar (“Discovery”), 225.
Maori pas—
De l'Horne explains their use, 325.
Position in which placed, 325.
Attack on, described, 427, 429, 431, 433, 467.
Maori religion—
Remarks by de l'Horne, 335.
Guessed at by Roux, 397.
Opinion of du Clesmeur, 475.
Maori salutations—
Described by de l'Horne, 337.
Maori tools—
Described by de l'Horne, 333.
Described by Roux, 397-99.
For cultivation, Bay of Islands, 475.
Those used for boat-building, 477.
Maori uncleanliness—
Remarked upon by l'Horne, 337.
Maori weapons—
Described by de l'Horne, 327.
Described by Roux, 377.
Bay of Islands weapons, 475.
Maori women—
Monneron says grossly immoral, 283.
Their duties and status, 399–401.
Marines—
Number on board “Resolution,” 89.
Marion, Captain—
Short account of his career, 348–49.
Sights Van Diemen's Land, 348.
Follows same route as Tasman, 349.
Sights Mount Egmont, 349–51.
Directions for voyage, 351.
Sights Cape Maria Van Diemen, 353.
Sights Three Kings, 355.
Sights Thumb Mountain, 355.
Off North Cape, 355.
Anchors Spirits Bay, 357.
In Tom Bowling Bay, 361.
Doubles Cape Brett, 365.
Arrives Bay of Islands, 375.
Marion Island, 379.
Explores Bay of Islands, 383.
Establishes relations with Maoris, 395.
Warnings disregarded, 407.
Murdered by Maoris, 413–15.
Marion's character, 417.
SeeRoux, 351–443.
See also du Clesmeur, 445–81.
Marion Island (Bay of Islands)—
Named by Marion, 379.
Expedition establishes a camp, 379.
Defence of camp after massacre, 421–27.
Du Clesmeur goes to assistance, 465.
Marquesas—
SeePickersgill's Log, 196.
“Marquis de Castries”—
Part of Marion's Expedition, 348.
Touches at Madeira, 110.
Consort of the “Mascarin,” 351.
SeeDu Clesmeur.
Marriage—
Among Natives, 475.
“Mascarin,”French ship—
Touched at Madeira, 110.
Part of Marion's Expedition, 348.
Off New Zealand coast, 351.
SeeRoux.
Mascarin Peak—
SeeMount Egmont.
Mataura Island—
Ridge of rocks runs out, 223.
Maule, solicitor—
Opinion re prosecution, parties concerned “Elizabeth” case, 600–2.