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The accompanying historical work is the result of nine years' research by the author into the forgotten past of South New Zealand history. That research first had for its object the early history of Southland, but as the information accumulated its area of operation enlarged to include the islands lying away to the south, and its range extended to cover the very earliest period of European discovery and trade.
As the field developed the author realised that the locality selected had a remarkable early history, commencing with the great discoverers Boyd in 1809, following that up with the landing of
The reader has to be told at this stage that Native history is not touched upon, except so far as it comes into contact with the European visitor. The work is intended to chronicle the progress of discovery and civilized trade. References to Natives are only incidental and occur in cases where sealing gangs came into conflict with the Maoris, or where, as in Captain Edwardson's case, a Maori chief was captured and brought to Sydney, thus coming into contact with men who have handed down to us the valuable material procured by them.
The search for the necessary information has been fairly extensive—much more so perhaps than the reader would imagine from merely glancing over the pages. Very little of the matter was already in book form, and what was so available was hidden away in rare volumes in English, Spanish, French and Russian, the last three without English translations. Malaspina's voyage, containing the account of the Spanish expedition, is in Spanish; Edwardson's information is in French and Bellingshausen's visit to Macquarie Island is in Russian. These are all extremely rare, and no English translation of any of them is known save that made for the author and published herein.
To give the reader an idea of the field covered for material, the places where search had to be made are mentioned. Owing to the early period under review—1770 to 1829—naturally nothing but a few q uotations from very early books could be got in New Zealand. The Hobart Colonial Secretary's Office was visited for information of Van Diemen's Land trade with New Zealand, and in Sydney the magnificent Free Public Library with its files of local papers, from 1803 to the present date, was patiently searched for months. At both places were got, among the general shipping news, information supplied by captains and others, while the events were fresh in their minds, of stirring scenes by land and sea. Sydney supplied the great bulk of this class of information, both from her Historical Records and from her newspaper files. Outside of Australian the trail was followed to the United States. The
Outside of these visits of the author, his research work has involved a fairly wide correspondence. The early days of New Zealand saw many of the European nations strongly represented in voyaging and discovery and in the sealing trade, and records of their visits would naturally be expected to be found in the capitals of their respective countries. In prosecution of the search for this class of information correspondence has been carried on for some years with Madrid and Paris, resulting in the discovery of valuable information for this work, and New Zealand history. Even
Nothing has surprised the author more, during his long search, than the great mass of discovery work found placed upon record in books but never translated into our language, and the number of great explorers, scarcely known to our writers, even by name. With two of these we are brought into contact in the present work—the great Spaniard Malaspina, and the equally great Russian Antarctic explorer,
Three years were spent in patient search before Malaspina's narrative was procured. One Australian historian, after getting on the track of it, abandoned the pursuit, concluding that the proceedings of the voyage had never been published. No copies of the first edition are known to the author, but a second edition, published in Madrid in 1885, can readily be procured. As translated the New Zealand reference is reproduced in Chapter V. Bellingshausen's visit was discovered through mention being made by the captain of a sealing vessel called the Regalia, when she arrived at Hobart Town from Macquarie Island in March 1821, that two Russian vessels had called there for wood and water. Search in the Sydney files of that date revealed the name of the commander and the nature of the expedition, and the catalogue of the British Museum showed where there was to be found a published narrative of the voyage. The translation makes Chapter XVII., and throws more light upon the methods and daily life of the early sea-elephant hunters of the southern seas, than anything written in the English language. It should be mentioned also that Bellingshausen visited the mainland of New Zealand and spent some time in Queen Charlotte Sound.
Reviewing, if the reader will permit of it, some of the work accomplished in the preparation of this book, the
Endeavour, the old Dusky Sound wreck. The mention of American vessels, found while searching the Australian records, suggested a visit to the old whaling ports of the Atlantic States, and in 1906 the opportunity unexpectedly presented itself of realizing this long felt desire. Salem, Mass., was the first of the smaller ports visited, and there, in the magnificent manuscript collection of the Essex Institute, was found in one volume, got, no one knows where, the log of the Britannia when she deposited the first sealing gang on the coast of New Zealand in 1792 and when she subsequently returned there in 1793, of the Endeavour, during her celebrated voyage when she was abandoned in Facile Harbour in 1795, and of the Providence, the first vessel built in Australasia, when she sailed out of the yard in which she was built in Dusky during the same year. This marvellous combination of material was rendered possible by the fact that Mr. Britannia to third of the Endeavour and finally became captain of the Providence, carrying the same log throughout. It is not in every log that much information is found, all depends on the writer, but in this case the officer has fairly revelled in wealth of detail when the glamour of the lovely Sound was upon him. The mystery of Dusky vanished with this find. Probably it will never fall to the lot of the author, no matter how long his research work may be continued, to discover again so remarkable a series of manuscripts.
The steps taken and still being followed up, are necessarily bringing to hand from day to day fresh information relative to our history and the book could be added to considerably even now, if the author were suddenly called upon to re-write it. Eighteen months ago the work was almost ready for the public, and the first portion of an edition of six hundred copies was printed off, when the opportunity already referred to presented itself and the author visited America, where his researches resulted in such an amount of new material relating to
The author has been told that owing to the disconnected nature of the material, it is impossible to write the early history of the south of New Zealand. Perhaps it is so, and perhaps this book will prove the best evidence of it. The material certainty is all that is claimed of it, but every effort has been made to place the facts in chronological order, in groups based upon the relationship of the events, and any abruptness in passing from one chapter to another may be due to the inability of the author or to the inaccessibility of the material. No doubt as new material comes to light wider generalization will render possible a more connected narrative.
With the intention of being explanatory and not apologetic, the object of placing upon record the narrative in such detail as has been done, is here referred to. So far no writer has sought to go with any degree of minuteness into the early trade connection of civilized man with these islands, and the vast amount of information which exists under this heading is unknown to the writer of modern history. Research indicates three great centres of trade in earlier days,—Foveaux Strait, Cook Strait and the Bay of Islands,—and the author thinks that if the most minute detail of the earliest history of these places is brought into the light in the form sought in this work, carefully checked and proved, there will be given to the writer of colonial history generally, material on which to base his work with a proper conception of its significance. Without a knowledge of the past a proper appreciation of the present is, of course, impossible. This book will supply, it is hoped, information up to the year 1829, relating to the southern trade centre.
The year 1829 was the end of the sealing and the beginning of the shore-whaling trade and for this reason was selected as a suitable stopping place when political changes took the author away from his uncompleted work,
The scheme as outlined would indicate that the work could not reasonably be expected to form a popular reading book. To have accomplished this would have required a literary ability, added to a capacity for research, which the author makes no claim to possess. The work has proved a source of great pleasure, whiling away many pleasant hours, cementing almost as many agreeable friendships, and bringing about several interesting visits to distant parts of the earth: and now that the labourer's task is over, he will be satisfied if disappointment with the narrative is accompanied with an admission that the information conveyed justifies its publication and is followed by a feeling that writers, gifted with the power of making history attractive, can gather what stores of information they want, from inside is covers.
The author would not like to conclude his labours without some suitable acknowledgment of the services rendered to him by many gentlemen here and in other lands. To attempt to mention the names of all would be out of the question, but there are many who may be said to have rendered signal service. Mr.
Relief from the responsibility which caused 1829 to be made the stopping place of “Murihiku and the Southern Islands” has brought the author back once more to his former employment, rendered all the more enjoyable by the kindly and appreciative criticism which greeted the appearance of his first publication.
The form in which this work is presented to the public differs from the outline of it contained in the preface to the edition of 1907, and many of the anticipations contained therein have not been realized. When its preparation came to be undertaken it was found that no satisfactory historical arrangement could be made, on the basis of dealing with only the southern portion of the South Island. The bay whaling, which succeeded the sealing, was common to the whole Island, and no treatment of it was complete which
Of the period up to 1829 the added matter is considerable. Chapters have been added giving Tasman's visit, Cook's exploration of the South Island, his five visits to Queen Charlotte Sound, Bellingshausen's visit to Queen Charlotte Sound and D'Urville's exploration of Tasman Bay and discovery of the French Pass. In addition thereto a large quantity of historical matter relating to Otago, the West Coast and Cook Strait, has been woven into the narrative. So far as material is concerned, the Foveaux Strait and southern trade has been found to far exceed that of the remainder of the South Island. On the other hand, the Tables containing the Campbell and Macquarie Island shipping and all the Appendices of the former work have been omitted from this one. Material not taken from its contemporary records has been reduced to a minimum.
The difficulty of discriminating between the northern and southern coast trade of Cook Strait, and of Kapiti and Mana Islands, was overcome by including these places, with the result that, instead of dealing only with the South Island, the Wellington district, the Wellington Harbour and as far north as the 40th parallel, is now within our review.
Even with the extension mentioned, the flax trade cannot be dealt with to the satisfaction of the author. Probably it never will until the whole Dominion is included in the reference. During the time of
The name of the book is no longer descriptive of the area dealt with. Notwithstanding that the title is confined to the extreme south it has not been deemed advisable, on this occasion, to abandon the designation under which a large quantity of the material first appeared. Should, however, an extension of the work see the light of day at any time hereafter, a name more closely associated with the area dealt with will be used as a title to the publication.
The plan followed in the former work of avoiding Native history, except where it impinged on the European, has been continued, but, coming further north as we have done, a modification has had to be made owing to the altered conditions, and native history which is inseparable from the European has been dealt with. Though the author makes no claim to a knowledge of Maori history he hopes that this publication will enable Maori scholars to date the events they are recording with greater accuracy than they have been able to do in the past. With this object in view, Maori movements, in which Europeans played a part, have been chronicled and the dates given. Any extension of the work will require to deal still more with the Maori. The trade with Kapiti cannot be understood without a knowledge of the migration of the Kawhia natives under
The author has not waited until his subject is completed before submitting the results to the public. Fire, disinclination, physical infirmity or death, may, in a moment, prevent the work of years receiving publicity. The first-named has already been experienced by him and the others will come in their appointed course. Publication from time to time of what is available ensures the safety of so much, at any rate, of the work, and gives the public an opportunity, at the earliest possible moment, of sharing in
The intention was to bring this work down to 1840 and let it end with the beginning of British rule, but the amount of material available, combined with the short time at the author's disposal, has rendered that impossible. The carrying out of that scheme must stand over in the meantime.
The author desires to acknowledge his great indebtedness to those correspondents who have called his attention to errors in the former publication, or to sources of information not made use of. Readers are invited to continue the practice in the present work.
Readers will notice what, without explanation, might be considered a want of proportion in the arrangement of the material. Cook's fifth visit may receive no more notice than the voyage of an insignificant sealing craft fifty years later. The reason for this seeming disrespect to the more important event is that Cook's visit is already well recorded in his Voyages and is only inserted here to give a continuous history, while no other source of information regarding the sealer is open to the reader. This book is a first story of a great mass of matter, which must therefore appear in detail, while it only reproduces much well-known matter, to enable the other to be placed in its proper position historically. Even in recording Cook's visits, however, the journals of the officers are drawn on more than the published narrative of the voyage.
Outside of the matter, the form in which it is submitted calls for a word of explanation. A great quantity of the material has never appeared in book form. On that
To enable the reader to be his own judge in disputes regarding accuracy, the more important statements have their authorities given at the end of the narrative. An effort has been made to reduce the mass of authorities by giving no reference in cases where the source of information is obviously a Sydney paper of known date.
The author desires specially to express his obligations to Messrs Frederik Muller & Co., of Amsterdam, for procuring a photograph from a private collection of the priceless manuscript chart of New Zealand made by Visscher, Tasman's pilot-major, in 1642–3. Indebtedness to those gentlemen whose names are mentioned in the preface to the edition of 1907, is again acknowledged. To that list are to be added for this work the names of the Hon. Arahura, Mr.
It should be noted that the opinion given on pp. 8 and 9, that Tasman's second anchorage was at the Rangitoto Islands, is not supported by Visscher's chart, which arrived just as the book was going to the press.
This edition is limited to 515 copies.
p. 109, sixteenth line—for “was” read “were.”
p. 397, in heading of Chapter—for “1833” read “1835,” also consequential alterations of page headings 399, 401, 403, 405 and 407.
IN the year 1642 the South Pacific Ocean was represented upon the map of the World by a vast irregular mass of land with no defined boundaries beyond the outline of York Peninsula on the north, a fairly accurate delineation of the Australian coastline on the west, and the outline of the land as far as the head of the Great Australian Bight on the south. From these known boundaries the imagination of geographers pictured a great continent stretching across the face of the Globe, and appearing to the south of South America as Staten Land.
The nearest centre of civilisation and of commerce to this great unknown region was Batavia, on the island of Java, the commercial headquarters of the Dutch East India Co. The Portuguese, the English, the Spaniards, the French and the Danes, had each, for a time at any rate, to acknowledge the supremacy of the Dutch in the East, and in 1642, the Company, without a rival in sight, held undisputed commercial sway among the islands in the East. This secure position the Dutch leaders wisely used to extend their knowledge of the coastline far and near, and the great stretch of unknown territory lying to the east and south of their possessions, suggested so attractive a picture to these adventurous seamen, that after many proposals, and at least one unsuccessful attempt, there was brought together at Batavia the expedition which was to establish the insularity of Australia and to place the western coastline of New Zealand on the map of the world.
The vessels selected were the Heemskerck and the Zeehaen, and the instructions given to their commanders were to sail round the south-west corner of Australia, proceeding as far south as the fifty-second parallel of latitude, and then to make eastward until past the longitude of New Guinea, and ascertain whether a passage could be found in that direction into the Pacific Ocean. Shortly stated, the expedition was to determine whether the land known to the south was a continent or an island. If the land could be circumnavigated, the Company hoped that it would disclose a short and convenient route to Chili, and enable trade relations to be established with that country.
The voyage was commenced on 14th August, the Mauritius reached on 5th September, and Tasmania (called after the Governor of Batavia, Antony Van Diemen's Land), sighted on 24th November. After some time spent in skirting and surveying its coastline, the expedition, on 5th December, resumed its voyage to the eastward.
Very good time indeed was made in the run across, and on 13th December, about noon, “a large high-lying land” came in sight to the south-east, and the rugged mountain chain along the west coast presented itself to the delighted gaze of the great Dutch explorer. Tasman forthwith bore down upon the newly-discovered land and summoned the officers of the Zeehaen, when it was decided to communicate with the land as quickly as possible, a task not very easy of accomplishment with the sea then running, unless safe land-locked bays could be met with.
Sailing on to within about eight miles of the shore, Tasman followed the coast (which here extended northward), and which, he says, showed a very high double land with the mountain tops lost in the clouds, anchoring at times when the calm threatened to allow the vessels to drift into dangerous proximity to the rocks, and making all sail to the north when favourable winds allowed that to be done. On the fifteenth the “high steep cliffs, resembling steeples or sails,” at Cape Foulwind were noted. On the sixteenth, what is now known as Cape Farewell was reached, when a sitting of the Council with the second mates was convened, and it was decided that the expedition should still follow the land as it stretched to the eastward round the northern portion of the South Island.
As the two vessels sailed along the coast, no trace of natives was observed until the seventeenth, when their presence was revealed by smoke ascending from fires on shore. During the afternoon of that day the two vessels passed close to the sandspit, and in the evening anchored at its extremity, not far from where Cape Farewell lighthouse now stands.
Next day the expedition sailed into Golden Bay, in the direction of Separation Point, and a boat was sent ahead from each ship to look for a fitting anchorage and convenient watering place. At sunset the anchor was cast in fifteen fathoms. About an hour afterwards lights were visible, and four canoes were seen close in shore, two of which came towards the vessels, whereupon the ships' boats returned. So far as we can gather, the vessels were now anchored off Waramanga Beach. The Maoris, whose curiosity prompted them to visit the strange Dutch craft, later in the evening began to shout out, and blow an instrument like a Moorish trumpet. To this the trumpeters on both ships replied, and after an exchange of blasts, the natives, when it grew dark, paddled away. To prevent surprises on board the Dutch vessels, double watches were kept, and arms were held in readiness for instant use.
The nineteenth of December commenced with every prospect of getting into peaceful touch with the natives of the new found land. In the morning there came off from the shore a boat with 13 occupants; it consisted of two long, narrow prows, set side by side, with planks placed across, so that the occupants could look into the water underneath. Their language could not be made out from the vocabularies which had been supplied to the expedition at Batavia, but the Dutchmen noted their rough voices, their strong boned appearance, the colour of their skins, and the Japanese style of tying the hair at the back of the head in a knot surmounted by a large, thick, white feather. Every effort was made to induce them to come on board, and linen, knives, etc., were displayed, but all to no purpose. After a while the Maoris returned to the shore.
Tasman had, on the previous night, summoned a meeting of the Council, and now, in obedience to that summons the officers of the Zeehaen came on board the Heemskerck, when it was decided that as the people appeared to be friendly disposed, and there was good anchoring ground, the vessels should move in closer to the shore. Before this decision was carried into effect, however, the vessels were visited by seven more canoes. Two of the larger of these appeared specially to direct their attention to the Zeehaen, one with 17 men on board, paddled round behind the Zeehaen, while the other, with 13 occupants, came within half a stone's throw of the Heemskerck. As if they contemplated united action of some kind, the natives in the two boats kept calling to one another, and paid no attention to the efforts which were made from the Heems-kerck to divert their attention by a display of goods. At this juncture, while his vessel was evidently the object of close attention by the natives, it was unfortunate that the captain of the Zeehaen was on board the Heemskerck; and the steps he took to put the crew of his vessel on their guard caused a fearful disaster. Why he did not rejoin his ship in the hour of danger cannot be explained; it can only be stated that he sent his quartermaster, with six men, to
When the boat conveying this warning was passing from the one ship to the other, the natives in the canoe alongside contented themselves with merely calling to those in the larger canoe and waving their paddles; the moment, however, the instructions sent to the junior officer of the Zeehaen had been delivered, and the boat was on its return journey, the Maoris in the smaller canoe paddled furiously towards the Dutchmen, the two crafts collided, and in the excitement, one of the occupants, with a long blunt pike-looking instrument, knocked the quartermaster overboard, and the others set upon the Dutchmen with their meres, killing three and mortally wounding a fourth. Three of the sailors, including the quartermaster, plunged or were thrown into the water and swam for the Heemskerck, and were picked up by a boat sent to their aid. The natives had no sooner committed the deed than they took one of the dead bodies into their canoe, threw another overboard, and paddled off without injury, although a heavy fire was directed against them from the ships. Holman, the captain of the Heemskerck, then manned a boat and rowed to the unfortunate craft, which had been turned adrift, there to find one man dead and one mortally wounded.
In “Harris' Voyages,” published in 1744, Tasman is described as being on board the Zeehaen, not on the Heemskerck, and the Maoris are stated to have come on board the latter vessel, whereupon Tasman sent a boat to put the officers upon their guard. Another variation from our narrative is contained in some of the older authorities in the description of the fight, which is stated to have taken place as the boat was making its way from the Heemskerck to the Zeehaen, instead of when returning from that vessel. Of the authorities for the latter, Burney, in his “Voyages and Discoveries,” written in 1813, may be taken as an example.
Horrified at the awful scene of which the two ships' crews had been witnesses, the captains weighed anchor and set sail.
Emboldened by the success of their first venture, no less than eleven canoes, swarming with natives, now approached the Dutch vessels. They were allowed to come close alongside, and were then greeted with a number of shots from the guns, but beyond one man hit by the discharge from the Zeehaen, no one appeared to be injured. The natives were, however, terrified by the volley, and rapidly paddled away for the shore.
At noon another meeting of the Council was held, the awful tragedy was discussed, and the following resolution drawn up: “Seeing that the detestable deed of these natives against four men of the Zeehaen's crew, perpetrated this morning, must teach us to consider the inhabitants of this country as enemies; that, therefore, it will be best to sail eastward along the coast, following the trend of the land, in order to ascertain whether there are any fitting places, where refreshments and water would be obtainable.”
There seems little reason to doubt that the terrible calamity just described could have been averted, had the captain of the Zeehaen rejoined his vessel on the first sign of danger. Possibly the deliberations of the Council were not completed, and Janszoon, his place being still on the Heemskerck, had no alternative but send instructions to the junior officer what course to follow should the natives attempt to come on board, but all experience is against a captain absenting himself from his vessel on such an occasion. The instructions having been given to the officers on the Zeehaen, the boat had to return to the captain on board the Heemskerck, which would not have been necessary had Janszoon rejoined his vessel instead of simply sending a message. The appearance of the boat passing from one ship to another suggested to the natives an attack, the return gave the opportunity. Tasman, while recording with great detail the events connected with the massacre, does not give the names of those killed. Another log, kept by a sailor, gives no information about the attack, but
The name Staten Land was given to the mainland, and that of Murderers Bay to the scene of the disaster.
After a perusal of Tasman's Journal and the charts accompanying it, the scene of this encounter is capable of fairly accurate determination. In coming to a conclusion the author has also had the benefit of the very valuable opinion of Captain Lambert, one of the most experienced navigators on that part of the coast, who has kindly put at his disposal a careful analysis of Tasman's remarks. His anchorage was in Golden Bay, off Wara-manga Beach, and two miles W. by N. ½ N. of Separation Point. This spot is ascertained by taking the error known to be present in his calculations at fixed points on the coastline and applying it to the figures given when recording his anchorage. It also fits in with the position shown in his chart and with native tradition.
Leaving the anchorage, Tasman sailed on a N.E. by N. course, which would take him past Stephens Island and well over to the mainland near the mouth of the Rangitikei River. His first thought was that here he would find a passage into the open South Sea, but as his soundings indicated the near approach of land, he altered his course to the westward.
On the twentieth, land was visible on all sides, and Tasman, who was rather far to the west to get a view of Cook Strait, seeing land ahead, tacked to the north and sailed on until he again picked up the coastline north of the Wanganui River. Beating about to get out of the bay in which he appeared to be, his next southern tack brought him across to the South Island in a direct line with Stephens Island, which he picked up during the
Here the expedition spent several days. The weather, however, proved very unsatisfactory, and as the anchorage was rather exposed, Tasman did not enjoy a very comfortable time. During the second night both ships had to drop second anchors, and the Heemskerck was compelled to strike her tops. Throughout the third day the weather was even more threatening. On the twenty-fourth, during a lull in the storm, Tasman summoned the officers of the Zeehaen on board his ship, and again pointed out to them the evidences of a passage to the south-east, and intimated that it would be well, when the weather moderated, to search for it and see whether fresh water could be got in that direction. On the twenty-fifth the weather moderated, and the vessels were got ready for sea.
Speaking of this anchorage, Tasman says: “We are lying here in 40° 50′ S. Latitude and Longitude 192° 37′.” Counting his errors as present in all his New Zealand reckonings, he must then have been in the same latitude as when anchored in Murderers Bay and 1° 7′ E. of that anchorage. The Rangitoto Islands are in the same latitude as Separation Point and 1° E. of it. If, therefore, the first anchorage was W. of Separation Point, the second must have been just outside the Rangitoto Islands. This position would place Stephens Island N.N.W. as described by Tasman and would also give a limited protection from the westerly winds which prevailed while the expedition was at anchor, and would, at the same time, suggest a removal when the wind shifted round to the east. All these points, added to Tasman's description, “There are many islands and cliffs all around here,” enable us to locate the anchorage from the positions quoted with tolerable certainty.
The sailor's log differs somewhat from Tasman's Journal in giving the twenty-second as the date when the vessels anchored, but its description is generally fully as good as that of the commander's. It says they “came into
Zeehaen and the merchant came on board the Heemskerck as guests of the Commander, two pigs were killed for the crew, and a tankard of wine given to every man “as it was the time of the fair”—the first Christmas celebrations on the coast of New Zealand. While Tasman's journal gives the same, his chart shows a different latitude for the two anchorages. The site marked on the chart would place his second anchorage near the mouth of the Pelorus, which might be read as the “creek” mentioned by the sailor. Under the circumstances the more specific statement of the latitude in the journal must prevail as against the appearance of the chart, though the latter is quite as definite in fixing the locality as is the former.
On the twenty-sixth, easterly weather brought a suitable opportunity of getting away, but when the ships were clear of their anchorage the weather changed to southerly and south-westerly with a stiff gale. Tasman therefore had to abandon the idea of examining whether a passage existed to the south-east, and was compelled to follow the coastline seen stretching away to the northward. So satisfied was he that a passage would be found to the south-east that one of the maps prepared by Visscher contains a break in the coastline at the very spot where 128 years afterwards Cook discovered the strait.
Tasman kept within reach of the western coast until 4th January, 1643, when he found himself off a cape with an island N.W. by N. of him.
A conference of the officers declared for touching at the island for fresh water and vegetables, but on getting nearer, it appeared to hold out little prospect of supplying their needs, and it was decided to take advantage of the favourable weather and run on. The island was called Three Kings, because the expedition came to an anchor there on Twelfth Night Eve, and sailed thence on Twelfth Day.
On the morning of the fifth, the wind being favourable, Tasman steered for the island, and at noon two boats were sent off to look for water, but although water was seen, they could not procure it on account of the surf at several places, which prevented their landing. They found the island inhabited, seeing in all thirty or thirty-five persons, heavily-armed men, who took enormous strides as they walked. That evening the vessel anchored close to the shore. The attempt on the following day was again unsuccessful. It was found impossible to land with the casks, on account of the surf, and the two boats sent out for that purpose were recalled to the ships, the Council was summoned, and the expedition sailed away.
Thus ended Tasman's visit to New Zealand. From 13th December, 1642, to 6th January, 1643, the Dutch expedition was on the coast, and surveyed with wonderful accuracy many hundred miles of it. In all else attempted, however, nothing but the most miserable failure appears to have attended the efforts of the officers. What the real cause of the want of success was, it is hard to say. The Dutch authorities were not at all satisfied with the work accomplished, and, in the memorandum penned on the occasion of the return of the expedition to Batavia, stated that the real situation and nature of the lands would require to be further ascertained. In the instructions, too, given to the subsequent expedition, Van Diemen speaks of Tasman as having been “somewhat remiss in investigating the situation, conformation and nature of the lands discovered, and of the natives inhabiting the same, and as regard to the main point, has left everything to be more closely inquired into by more industrious successors.”
When the previous history of Tasman is taken into consideration, it is difficult to believe that the repeated failures on the New Zealand coast were due to any personal fear on the part of the commander. Rather are they to be traced to the peculiar powers given to the Council, which consisted of six officers associated with Tasman. This Council decided all matters relating to the progress of the
Speaking, before we leave the work of this great man, upon the subject of the retention of the names given by Tasman, the author is compelled to admit that his countrymen have scarcely been fair to the Dutch expedition. Rocky Cape is now Cape Foulwind; Steep Point is Rocks Point; Murderers Bay is Golden Bay; Abel Tasman's Road is now Admiralty Bay; and Zeehaen Bight has no name. None of the names given by Tasman are now found attached to the South Island. Names, it is true, have been given indicative of Tasman's visit. We have, for instance, Abel Head and Tasman Bay, though Tasman never saw the Head, nor did his ships sail into the Bay. Nothing can disguise the fact that we have not acted rightly to the great Dutch navigator who first unfurled a flag of Europe on the coast of New Zealand. It should be mentioned that the name New Zealand was given when
Tradition is always interesting to compare with official record, and is often necessary to identify uncertain spots. Looking to tradition in the case before us, we are unfortunate in having to deal with a part of the country whence the original inhabitants have been driven out by the conqueror. In 1642 the shores of Massacre Bay were occupied by the Ngati-Tu-mata-kokiri tribe, which were driven out in the early portion of the eighteenth century by the Ati-Awa tribes. Some of the conquered remained as slaves to the conquerors, and Mr. 1 The locality mentioned, when compared with Tasman's chart, leaves little doubt that the story of the naval engagement with the Dutch expedition, and the cannibal feast which our knowledge of the Maori tells us must have happened, were so impressed upon the history of that tribe as to live through two centuries of time and survive the effects of war and slavery.
Mr. Te-pu-tere-o-Waraki (‘the drifting stem of Waraki’—a sea-god, a European). This was before the first ship came to the Bay of Islands, in the days when the father of
THE period from 1643 to 1769 seems, as we look back to it, to be a very long one for explorers to sit calmly down and make no effort to clear up the mystery of the South Pacific. Whatever energy was spent elsewhere in geographical exploration, the Australian coastline and the shape of New Zealand were left as Tasman marked them on the map of the world. And it is difficult to say how long that state of things would have continued but for the interest in exploration which was awakened amongst scientists by the approach of the transit of Venus in 1769. A memorial had been presented to the King praying for a thoroughly equipped vessel to be sent out to the South Seas to observe the phenomenon, and the petition contained therein having been granted, Tahiti was selected as the locality, and
Although the object was astronomical, additional instructions were given to Cook. The old idea of Tasman's day of an immense continent in the South Pacific had not been disproved by the discoveries of 1642. All that Tasman had done was to confine the range of the unknown to a smaller portion of the earth's surface. It was still believed that a large area of land must exist somewhere in the south, to compensate for the known area of land in the north, and the New Zealand coastline of Tasman was thought to be the margin of the long looked for territory. To solve this problem, Cook had instructions to proceed to the south, and on the fortieth parallel sail westward until he discovered the New Zealand of Tasman. That country he was to explore thoroughly before he returned home.
Amongst the passengers on board the Endeavour were two men of distinguished attainments—Endeavour made him, for the remainder of his busy and distinguished career, the warmest and perhaps the most useful friend the young countries of Australia and New Zealand have ever possessed.
Cook followed out his instructions to the letter and sighted New Zealand near where Gisborne now stands on 6th October, 1769. Thence he sailed south and then north, passing round the North Cape and down the west coast of the North Island until, on 13th January, 1770, he reached Cape Egmont.
After passing Cape Egmont, Cook continued in a southerly direction, along the coast of the North Island, and at 5.30 a.m. on Sunday, 14th January, 1770, got his first glimpse of the South Island in the form of the high land in the vicinity of Pelorus Sound and, steering his vessel for it, was within 2 leagues of the land by 8 p.m. Looking at Tasman's charts, which were used on the voyage, it was thought that the Endeavour was then in Murderers Bay, and preparations were made for going into one of the inlets visible from the ship. Next morning, however, it was found that the Endeavour had been carried to the eastward during the night, and was opposite the entrance to Queen Charlotte Sound. This Cook entered.
Not much difficulty was experienced in sailing up the Sound, and when the wind fell away or chopped about, the boats were got out and manned, and the Endeavour towed up past the Island of Motuara, and anchored in Ship Cove.
While sailing up the Sound, canoes passed backwards and forwards in front of the Endeavour, and on Motuara the inhabitants of a very populous village greeted the expedition with loud shouts as the vessel swung round the
Endeavour, and though his companions did their best to restrain him, he took advantage of a rope's end thrown him and climbed on deck. Once communication was established, Cook took care that the visitor was well treated, and with a substantial supply of presents, and no jarring note in his reception, the native returned to the canoe and its occupants paddled away.
It should be mentioned that among those on Cook's ship was a young Tahitian named
As the Endeavour was badly in need of cleaning, she was next morning careened, and two days were spent in cleaning her sides. This work was suffered to go on without molestation from the natives, after the first forward ones had received a charge of small shot as a gentle warning to keep their distance.
Naturally, one of the first things inquired after was for any tradition concerning ships having been on the coast before, and the reply of the natives that they had never seen or heard of any vessels but their present visitors, showed that Tasman's vessel was unknown, at any rate to the natives of this part of the country.
During Cook's stay on the coast the question of the cannibal tendencies of the natives came under notice on
When we look at the present deserted appearance of Queen Charlotte Sound in the neighbourhood of Motuara Island, it is difficult to conceive that at the date of Cook's visit the mouth of the Sound had a population of from 300 to 400 souls. The Scenic Reserve at Ship Cove and the few bays where the original forest covering has been preserved, give us, however, an idea of the lovely scene which greeted Cook's eyes when first he sailed up past the island. The dense bush-clad hills supplied sustenance to vast numbers of birds, the sea gave similar supplies to quantities of fish, and the birds and the fish thus provided for were the chief food supplies of the comparatively dense population which inhabited the Sound.
The bird life can be compared with nothing there now, and, probably, with very little else now to be found in the Dominion. The mere protection of a few thousand acres of bush-clad hills will no more save for posterity the native fauna of a country than will a National Park in America preserve herds of bison from extinction. Banks describes the morning melody of the feathered songsters of Queen Charlotte Sound:—
“I was awakened by the singing of the birds ashore, from whence we are distant not a quarter of a mile. Their numbers were certainly very great. They seemed to strain their throats with emulation, and made, perhaps, the most melodious wild music I have ever heard, almost imitating small bells, but
The first arrivals of the New Zealand Company reported the same melody in 1839. The visitor in 1909 listens in vain.
The natives appeared to Cook to group themselves around fortified spots on different islands, from which they sailed out and occupied the little coves and bays on both sides of the Sound. The citadel at Motuara, Cook now visited, apparently without any fear of treachery from the natives. On the first visit he was shown over the stockade “with a good deal of seeming good nature,” though signs were everywhere visible of recent cannibal feasts. A week later, he again visited the spot, to obtain the consent of the chief to the erection of a memento of his visit. On the other hand, when his men visited the locality on their own account, terrified at two canoes paddling towards them, firearms were used, fortunately without loss of life; but it served to show what misfortunes might happen when the directing mind of the commander was absent.
Cook's description of the fortified post at Motuara as “a small island or rock separated by a breach so small that a person could jump across, its steep sides only requiring a slight pallisade and one small fighting stage,” still serves for a description as it is now, covered with dense undergrowth, and giving to the visitor a very different reception to that which it accorded the great explorer, when, in 1770, he sailed past its pallisades lined with wild, shouting cannibals.
Having overhauled the Endeavour, Cook set himself first to provide for the refreshment of his crew, and then to undertake the exploration of the coastline in the vicinity. Empty casks were taken out and filled, timber for firewood
On a later date, accompanied by Banks and
In addition to these records of his visit to the Sound, Cook caused two posts to be prepared giving the day, date and name of his vessel. One of the posts was erected at the watering-place, where it is to-day proposed that Cook's monument shall be located; the other was taken over to Motuara, and, after the consent of the natives had been procured, was carried to the highest point of the island, When it was placed in position there, the flag was hoisted, the inlet was named Queen Charlotte Sound, after the
On Motuara Island, therefore, British sovereignty was, on 31st January, 1770, first declared in the South Island of New Zealand.
In view of our present knowledge of New Zealand, it is worth recording that Cook, on the occasion of hoisting the flag, was told by an old Maori who accompanied him that New Zealand consisted of three islands, of which two were called Te Wai Pounamu, and could be circumnavigated in four days. It was not until 39 years afterwards that geographers proved the old Maori's statement in regard to the number of islands to be correct. The reference to the four days, however, is not easy to understand.
In his explorations of the Sound, Cook sailed a considerable distance towards the head of it, and his published chart gives a very accurate representation of the broken coastline up to and beyond Tory Channel. His plan shows that he must actually have seen the channel though unaware that it communicated with the ocean. As the Sound at the mouth of Tory Channel trends away to the westward, Cook thought that it provided an outlet to the sea in that direction. When making inquiries amongst the natives regarding a channel, he was told that there was none, but this error might have been caused by Cook's idea of a western channel suggesting the form of question, which would, of course, be answered in the negative.
On Monday, 5th February, Cook weighed anchor and left the Cove, but did not get further than Motuara Island, where he was forced to remain until 6 o'clock next morning, when a light breeze enabled him to leave the Sound.
Before getting clear of the land Cook had a very exciting experience off Stephens Island. There the force of the tide is very great, and in a calm he was carried along at a great speed, and only prevented from being dashed against the rocks by letting go his anchor in seventy-five fathoms, and paying out one hundred and fifty fathoms of cable to bring his ship to a standstill, two cables' length from danger. From this perilous position the Endeavour did not get clear until the turn of the tide at midnight,
After sailing through the strait Cook would have passed to the southward, but a discussion having arisen among his officers whether the land to the north was really an island, he decided to put the point beyond doubt, and, steering northward, followed the eastern coastline until a sight of Cape Turnagain put the question beyond doubt.
Having satisfied himself regarding the insularity of the northern land, Cook put about and resumed his southern journey. When off Kaikoura on Tuesday, 14th February, four double canoes, with fifty-seven men on board, came off to visit the Endeavour, but nothing would induce the natives to come on board. “They talked much, put themselves in threatening postures and shook their lances, though all possible means was used we could not get them to venture alongside.”1 The low lying land from which the natives came off appeared like an island, and, from the attitude of the natives, was called Lookers On. It is now known as Kaikoura, and is one of the most beautiful spots along that coast.
At daylight on the Friday following, land appeared to the south, “seemingly detached” from the coast along which Cook was sailing, and the vessel's head was directed towards it. Next morning, at sunrise, “we plainly discovered that the last mentioned land was an Island, by seeing part of the land of Tovypoenammu open to the Westward of it.” This was called Banks Island, and shows how difficult it is from the sea to distinguish peninsula from island. A passenger from Wellington to Lyttelton has only, an hour or so before reaching port, to look towards Christchurch and try to pick up the connection of the peninsula with the mainland to realise the difficulty of making certain whether a peninsula or an island is in view.
As the Endeavour sailed past, Cook saw and noted the clear, bold entrance to Akaroa Harbour.
Almost the only part of New Zealand which Cook allowed himself to get out of sight of, for any length of
Between Timaru and Oamaru climatic conditions were unfavourable, and considerable time was lost before Cape Saunders came in sight on 25th February, 1770. The bays towards Waikouaiti were noted, and at one stage Cook thought of casting anchor within one of them, but his desire to survey the coastline (the extent of which in front of him still remained uncertain), prompted him to go on. Cape Saunders he called after
When in a line with Foveaux Strait the great navigator made an effort to pick up the supposed continent to the south, and sailed in that direction, looking for signs of land. On the twenty-eighth, finding none, he stood away to the north, and on 2nd March was about 68 miles from Cape Saunders. A south-west swell continuing until the third, confirmed his opinion that there was no land near in that direction, and on the fourth he made westward to complete his survey of the mainland. Whales, seals, and a penguin were seen on the fourth, and the fact is recorded that no seals had been seen by him on the whole coast of the North Island. At half-past one land was again visible and before dark they were within 9 or 12 miles of it. The
As Cook sailed on, the mountains of Stewart Island, stretching away to the south, loomed out over the top of Ruapuke, and are thus described: “We could not see this land join to that of the Northward of us, there either being a total separation, a deep Bay, or low land between them.” It is interesting to note that the first appearance of the land at Stewart Island suggested to Cook its insularity. Why he put it down as the mainland will appear later. On this subject 1
During the night of the ninth and morning of the tenth March the expedition nearly came to a sudden and disastrous termination. At daybreak, when off the southern point of Stewart Island, there was suddenly discovered under the bow, not more than three-quarters of a mile distant, a ledge of rocks upon which the sea broke very high. Owing to the direction of the wind, the rocks could not be weathered, so Cook tacked, made to the eastward, and got clear of the danger, through a lucky change of the wind. On examining these rocks, Cook found that they were six leagues from the land, and that three leagues to the northward lay others on which broke a tremendous surf. As he had passed these latter rocks in the night, and discovered the others under his bow at day-break, his escape was a very narrow one indeed. To these rocks the name Traps was given.
At this point Cook describes the land (Stewart Island) as having “very much the appearance of an Island
It was now patent that they had reached the end of the land. A large hollow swell from the south-west continuing ever since their last gale convinced Cook that there was no land in that direction. He gave, therefore the name of South Cape to the point, and decided to try and make round to his initial point by the west coast. Here let it be noted that Cook did not call the point the South Cape under the impression that it was the extremity of the mainland. At this stage he had twice concluded that it was an island; the error of supposing it to be part of the mainland had yet to be made.
The day on which the south of New Zealand was rounded was a junior officer's birthday, and to provide a special delicacy, a dog was killed, the hind quarters roasted, the fore made into a pie, and with the stomach the nearest possible approach to a haggis provided for the Scotchmen of the expedition. Early as it was in New Zealand history, indications pointed to Scotch domination of Southern New Zealand.
On 11th March Cook discovered on his left, a very high barren rock about a mile in circumference, which he named Solander Island, after Dr. Solander, who accompanied him. He now found himself in what appeared a large, open bight, with no sign of any harbour or shelter for shipping, against south-west and southerly winds. The face of the country was rugged, being full of craggy hills, on the summits of which were several patches of snow. Bush could be seen in the valleys and on the high ground, but there was no sign of any inhabitants. The wind inclining to the shore, Cook did not like the position, and again stood out to sea.
It was here he made his final observations on the question of whether what is now known as Stewart Island, was an island or merely part of the mainland. He says:—
“And now we thought that the land to the Southward, or that we had been sailing round these 2 days past, was an Island, because there appeared on Open
Unless given us in Cook's own words, it would be incredible that he could have made such a mistake—of concluding that it was part of the mainland. The opinion too, appears to have been formed after mature deliberation. The island is triangular in shape; and while off the eastern angle “we could not see this land join to that to the Northward”; while off the southern angle it had “very much the appearance of an Island”; and while off the northern angle “we thought we saw the Small Island we were in with the 6th Instant.” Satisfied from looking at Nature's work that it was an island, Cook changed his mind when he contemplated his own sketch on his cabin chart, and marked down the coast seen as part of the mainland. One of the great observers of Nature of his day, he discounted three observations of Nature by one observation of his own handswork. The mistakes at Kaikoura and Banks Peninsula were easily made, and were very different from calling Stewart Island a peninsula, after making three observations that it was an island. Cook's conclusion was adopted by all for thirty-eight years, and navigators, acting on it, sailed round the South Cape instead of coming through the strait. It was not until early in 1809 that the error was rectified, and Foveaux Strait disclosed to the shipping world.
Coming out of Colac Bay, Cook steered round Solander Island, and on the thirteenth picked up the land again. As it cleared up in the afternoon, he hauled in for a bay which he detected, and in which there appeared to be good anchorage; but in about an hour, finding the distance too great to run before it would be dark, and the wind blowing too hard to make the attempt safe in the night, he bore away along
“The land on each side the Entrance of this Harbour riseth almost perpendicular from the Sea to a very considerable Height; and this was the reason why I did not attempt to go in with the Ship, because I saw clearly that no winds could blow there but what was right in or right out, that is, Westerly or Easterly; and it certainly would have been highly imprudent in me to have put into a place where we could not have got out but with a wind that we have lately found to blow but one day in a Month. I mention this because there was some on board that wanted me to harbour at any rate, without in the least Considering either the present or future Consequences.”
He is evidently referring to the incident which produced the name Doubtful, and that the person indicated was Banks, is put beyond doubt when we read the latter's journal, where he says they passed, much to his regret, three or four places, with the appearance of harbours as he wished to examine the mineral appearance.
Reviewing his trip along the west coast, Cook, when in sight of Stephens Island, summed up the result as follows: “From Point Five Fingers down to the Latitude of 44° 20′ there is a narrow ridge of Hills rising directly from the Sea, which are Cloathed with wood; close behind these hills lies the ridge of Mountains, which are of a Prodidgious height, and appear to consist of nothing but barren rocks, covered in many places with large patches of Snow, which perhaps have lain there since the Creation. No country upon Earth can appear with a more ruged and barren Aspect than this doth; from the Sea' for as
Cook decided to anchor and obtain refreshments for his homeward voyage without pushing on as far as Queen Charlotte Sound; accordingly, after rounding Stephens Island, he sailed along the coast of D'Urville Island and past the small Rangitoto Islands until he reached a cove on the eastern shore of the former island. Here he cast anchor within two or three miles of where Tasman had, in 1642, anchored the Heemskerck and the Zeehaen. In the immediate vicinity was found a suitable water place. There the Endeavour was moored, and wood and water obtained for the expedition. Cook himself took advantage of the opportunity to explore the bay, and sailed in his pinnace along the coast until he reached a projecting piece of land
Cook decided to return home via the east of Australia and chart that coastline, rather than, in the depth of winter, try to solve the problem of the southern continent by sailing for Cape Horn. At daylight on Saturday, 31st March, 1770, he put to sea.
While Tasman had traced out the general coastline of the Australian continent, and had indicated the western coastline of New Zealand on the heretofore unknown map of the South, Cook's discoveries now brought to light the Islands of New Zealand, and shrunk into very moderate limits the area of the supposed Antarctic Continent.
The vast extent of the South Pacific still left unexplored naturally occupied Cook's attention a good deal, and from his coign of vantage as an explorer, on the return of the Endeavour, he placed upon record his opinion of the best course to follow when the problem of further discoveries in the south came again to be faced. His plan was to enter the South Sea by way of New Zealand, first touching and refreshing at the Cape of Good Hope, thence proceeding to the southward of New Holland, and on to Queen Charlotte Sound, again refreshing there, taking care to be ready to leave that place by the latter end of September, or the beginning of October at the latest. By this means the whole summer would be before him after getting through Cook Strait, and consequently a run could be made to the eastward in as high a latitude as was thought desirable. Queen Charlotte Sound was thus made the base of future South Sea exploring operations. Subsequent chapters will show to what extent his advice was adopted.
Cook attributes a great deal of his success and others' failure to the class of vessel employed. Everyone had his
Endeavour, and fitted her out for a voyage.2 Cook's eulogium on his old vessel was as follows:—
“It was upon these considerations (mentioned above) that the Endeavour was chosen for that voyage. It was to these properties in her that those on board owed their preservation; and hence we were able to prosecute discoveries in those seas so much longer than any other ship ever did, or could do. And, although discovery was not the first object of that voyage, I could venture to traverse a far greater space of sea, till then unnavigated, to discover greater tracts of country on high and low south latitudes, and to persevere longer in exploring and surveying more correctly the extensive coasts of
The fate of the Endeavour has often been a matter of doubt, and always one of interest. Distinguished persons have held that her bones were laid to rest in New Zealand; an ex-Governor of this colony going so far as to label a piece of our oldest wreck, “Cook's Endeavour.” Only quite recently one of the leading politicians in Australia stated that the old Endeavour would be purchased by his Government and anchored in Botany Bay. For what records we have of her history we are indebted to the enthusiasm of admirers of Cook in different parts of the world, whose researches show that the old barque had many ups and down after Cook left her.
The first account of her career may be thus stated with perfect confidence.
1768 A barque called the Earl of Pembroke built at Whitby, was purchased by the Admiralty, renamed the Endeavour, and sailed with Captain Cook.
1770 Sailed round the South Island of New Zealand.
1771 Arrived in England, and on 15th August was put into commission to sail to the Falkland Islands as a store ship.
1774 Paid off on 22nd October, after completing her third voyage to the Falkland Islands.
1775 Sold on 7th March for the sum of £645.
After this, there are conflicting accounts regarding her.
Some claimed that she is identical with La Liberte, a French vessel which ended her days at Rhode Island and that her history is as follows.
1790 Sold to an American (Capt. Wm. Hayden) in France, and name changed to La Liberte.
1791 Fitted out as a French whaler at Dunkirk and sailed from there.
1793 Arrived at Newport Harbour on 23rd August from a whaling voyage near the Cape of Good Hope. Nathaniel Churchill, master.
1794 Attempting to leave Newport she was disabled; subsequently she was condemned, dismantled and sold.
1815 A great gale in Newport Harbour demolished her hull.
1827 From a piece of the hull, dragged out of the mud, a presentation box was made, and given to Fennimore Cooper by his admirers.
The rival contention thus lays down her history:—
1825 On the Thames near Greenwich on show to visitors.
1834 Between Greenwich and Woolwich, used as a receiving ship for female convicts.
When the American contention was first published in 1834 it evoked a lengthy correspondence in the Newport, Providence and Boston papers and met with most emphatic opposition from shipping masters and others, who contended that Cook's Endeavour was not in Newport Harbour but in the Thames above Greenwich. After a careful examination of the evidence, the author has come to the conclusion that the long accepted Newport version is not established, and that the balance of testimony is in favour of the contention that Cook's Endeavour ended her days in the Thames.
COOK had not long returned from his first voyage, when the Admiralty resolved to equip another expedition of two vessels to complete the exploration of the Southern Hemisphere. The Endeavour, which had proved so suitable for this class of work, was, however, not available, having gone as a store ship to the Falkland Islands, so it was decided to purchase two other vessels of similar construction. This was done, and two vessels (built in the same yards as the Endeavour) were secured; the larger of 462 tons, under the name of the Resolution, was equipped at Deptford; the smaller, of 336 tons, under the name of the Adventure, was equipped at Woolwich. Cook was given the command of the Resolution, and of the expedition; and Furneaux, who had served under Wallis, was appointed to the command of the Adventure. On board the Resolution were 112 men; on the Adventure, 81.
Everything which knowledge suggested as useful and desirable was supplied to combat the ill effects of a long sea voyage. To provide for contingencies also, the frame of a small vessel of twenty tons was built and shipped on board each vessel of the expedition. Scientific men were also sent; Hodges as painter, Forster, father and son, as naturalists, and Wales and Bayley as astronomers. The expedition therefore was very well provided for, but it was originally intended that it should have been even better equipped. Banks and Solander, and two other eminent men, intended sailing with it; the Resolution had been specially fitted with deck accommodation for them; they had been farewelled by their friends; medals had been designed to celebrate the event; and five expert draftsmen to assist them had been accommodated on board, before the Resolution sailed to Sheerness. On the voyage complaint was made that, the
1 Banks and his associates then withdrew. So far as the correspondence between Cook and Banks is concerned it throws no light on the reason for their going no further. They appear, however, to have parted in a friendly manner. Whatever was the reason, the loss to science was enormous.
The expedition left England in July, and the Cape of Good Hope in November, 1772. It was Cook's intention, at this stage, to see if Van Diemen's Land was connected with New South Wales, but the wind proving unsuitable for making that shore, he headed away for Dusky Bay, or any other port to be found in the southern portion of New Zealand.
Land was sighted on Thursday, 25th March, 1773, and in a thick haze Cook sailed up to the mouth of a bay which he took to be Dusky, but which turned out to be Chalky Inlet. Finding his mistake, he stood off for the night, and entered Dusky next day at noon. On the former trip he had done nothing more than ascertain the entrance to the bay, so he had now to feel his way in with the greatest circumspection. The Adventure did not accompany him, as the two vessels had separated on the 8th February. Sailing in by the southern entrance and steering his vessel carefully amongst the numerous islets that met him there, after spending 117 days at sea, and covering 3660 leagues of ocean without seeing land, he let go his anchor under Anchor Island in 50 fathoms, and moored his vessel with a hawser to the shore. In the face of all the difficulties and privations, only one man was laid up with scurvy, a result attributed to the sweet wort used so largely, and to the freqtient airing and sweetening of the ship.
Not liking the anchorage—and captains familiar with Dusky say that it is a very bad one—Cook and his first lieutenant, Pickersgill, went out in different directions to look for a better. Both were successful, but Cook preferred his officer's discovery on the S.E. side of the bay, and the
Resolution was worked over to Pickersgill Harbour. Entering by the beautiful narrow channel between Crayfish Island and-the mainland, Cook moored the Resolution “in a small creek, moored head and stern, so near the shore as to reach it with a brow or stage, which Nature had in a manner prepared for us in a large tree, whose end or top reached our gunwale.” As the boats sent out brought in great quantities of fish, and numbers of wild fowl were to be seen, and as no one had ever landed before on these shores. Cook determined to stay some time and thoroughly explore the bay. This decision of his played a very important part in the history of southern New Zealand, and gave an accurately surveyed harbour to the merchant service of the world.
Thus did Captain Cook go into recruiting quarters in Pickersgill Harbour, Dusky Bay. Places were cleared in the bush to set up an observatory, a forge for repairing ironwork, tents for the sailmakers and coopers, a small brewery to brew for the sailors, and the hundred and one other things required in the conduct of such an expedition while recruiting. Forster says:—
“In the course of a few days, a small part of us had cleared away the woods from a surface of more than an acre, which fifty New Zealanders, with their tools of stone, could not have performed in three months. This spot, where immense numbers of plants left to themselves lived and decayed by turns, in one confused inanimated heap; this spot, we had converted into an active scene, where a hundred and twenty men pursued various branches of employment with unremitted labour. We felled tall timber-trees, which, but for ourselves, had crumbled to dust with age; our sawyers cut them into planks, or we split them into billets for fuel. By the side of a murmuring rivulet, whose passage into the sea we facilitated, a long range of casks, which had been prepared by our coopers for that purpose, stood ready to be filled with water. Here ascended, the
The author's visit to the spot was in January, 1905, during the trip of the Hinemoa round the Sounds. We anchored close to Astronomer Point. To our right lay the
On Sunday, 28th March, the first natives were met with. They were discovered by some of the officers who had gone out shooting, and shortly afterwards a boat containing seven or eight of them came within musket shot of the ship, but would approach no nearer. After dinner Cook himself went after them, but though their huts were discovered, the inhabitants kept out of his road.
This Sunday appears to have been a busy day with Cook. In addition to following up the natives, he penned an order to
“Whereas scurvey grass, sellery, and other vegitables are to be found in most uncultivated countries, especially in New Zealand, and when boil'd with wheat or oatmeal, with a proper quantity of portable broth, makes a very wholesome and nourishing diet, and has been found to be of great use against all scorbutick complaints, which the crews of his Majesty's sloops
ResolutionandAdventuremust in some degree have contracted after so long a continuance at sea, you are therefore hereby required and directed, whenever vegitables are to be got, to cause a sufficient quantity to be boil'd with the usual allowance of wheat or oatmeal and portable broth every morning for breakfast for the company of his Majesty's sloop under your command, as well on meat days as on banyan days and to continue the same so long as vegitables are to be got, or untill further order. Afterwards you are to continue to boil wheat or oatmeal for breakfast on Mondays, as directed by my order of the 6th of December last, but you are to discontinue to serve the additional half-allowance of spirit or wine mentioned in the said order. Given under my hand, on board his Majesty's sloopResolution, in Dusky Bay, this 28th day of March, 1773.—J. Cook .”2
It was not until 6th April, when a man and a woman hailed them from Indian Island, that Cook obtained an interview with the natives. The conversation, which was little understood, was carried on chiefly by the younger of the two women. The natives turned out to be a small family, consisting of the man, his two wives, a young woman, a lad of about 14 years of age, and three little children. Sketches of them were made by Mr. Hodges,
The home of this now celebrated family, and the scene of the first recorded “at home” in southern New Zealand, is thus recorded by Mr.
“I was several days weather-bound there, and camped in Indian Cove, where Cook visited the Natives. It is a beautiful little place, though gloomy looking from outside, but after a little acquaintance it is all changed for the better…. I saw the sites of several Maori huts quite distinctly, and not very old…. One curious fire-place I dug out. It was about 2½ft. square and 4ft. deep, lined with big stones, as much as a man could carry, with ashes on the bottom mixed with shells. If it was a Maori fireplace, it was probably intended to hide the fire at night from enemies, or it may have been used by the older people. Then, it would account for us finding the charcoal so deep down at Pigeon Island. It was up on a precipice 40ft. above the boat harbour, and a good place to keep a look-out in the day time, though hidden in the bush. Indian Island is a poor anchorage but a good boat harbour. The levelled places for the canoes are just as if they were used yesterday, because there is no creek to disturb them.”
3
Although the natives were so friendly, Cook had great difficulty in persuading them to come on board. He went into their canoe with them. He caused the bagpipes and fife to be played, and the drum to be beaten for them as they sat on the shore; yet they would not come. The drum was the only thing that made any impression. When'at
As Cook visited Dusky to recruit his men and refit his ship, it is but natural that under these headings his observations should be fairly numerous. His first act on the vessel being moored was to send out a boat for fish to provide fresh food for his men. He found that the Sound teemed with fish, so that an hour or two of fishing per day provided enough for the whole ship's company. At the very start some of the officers killed a seal on Anchor Island, and the first fresh meat eaten by Cook in New Zealand on his second voyage was from this seal. Summarising his experience, Cook says:—
“What Dusky Bay most abounds with is fish; a boat with six or eight men, with hooks and lines, caught daily sufficient to serve the whole ship's company. Of this article, the variety is almost equal to the plenty; and of such kinds as are common to the more northern coast; but some are superior, and in particular the cole fish, as we called it, which is both larger and finer flavoured than any I have seen before, and was, in the opinion of most on board, the highest luxury the sea afforded us… The only amphibious animals are seals. These are to be
It was doubtless this information, coupled with the published chart of the Sound, that brought the sealers round to Dusky about the end of the eighteenth century; making it a great trade centre for many years. But seals are just like other animals with a price set on their heads. The senseless, reckless, mad career of slaughter only stops when the means of gratifying it no longer exists. When the seals were practically exterminated, the butchery, perforce, ended; and now the seal, which once dotted every rocky headland, has to be protected by law, to enable one or two to be visible at long intervals of time.
Cook found the same lavish supply of life in the bird kingdom. Here for the first time, he saw the paradise duck, called by him the painted duck, and in all he found five different kinds. He enjoyed sport at all times, his journal teems with references to shooting seals and ducks and the enjoyment thus afforded, and this, doubtless, trained him to those habits of observation among the animal kingdom, which no one but a sportsman could possibly acquire.
Cook landed on 26th March, and sailed again on 11th May; having spent nearly two months within the hospitable confines of Dusky. The great work done during that period was, of course, the accurate survey and charting of the Sound; and Cook must have been kept very busy to accomplish the work in the time, with distance, length of coast line, and weather, all against him.
The chart is, without exception, the finest made during his second voyage; and Cook says, as though apologising for taking up so much space descriptive of Dusky: “For although the country be far remote from the present trading part of the world, we can, by no means, tell what use future ages may make of the discoveries made in the present.” He therefore supplied an accurate chart, and laid down precise directions for entering and leaving the bay; for vessels entering Dusky and intending to sail to the southward, he
Endeavour.
It should also be remembered of Cook's visit to Dusky, that there he liberated geese, which he had brought with him from England. Goose Cove still commemorates the fact. Seeds were also sown on the clearings he had made. The non-success of the importation of geese was doubtless due to the depredations of the weka; while the re-growth of the native forest would smother the growing plants. To show how deadly the weka could be to the harmless geese, the author instances a case which came under his own notice in Dusky. The party disturbed a swan sitting on her nest, and although less than one minute elapsed before they reached the spot, the solitary egg, which proved to be quite fresh, had in that short time been tapped by a weka and the contents partially extracted. No imported geese could successfully contend with such an ever present foe.
On arrival at Dusky, Cook had a number of men on the sick list, but daily these became less. Fresh food, in the shape of fish, seal, and roast duck, is not to be easily beaten for the storm tossed mariner; and although the bay was found to be very wet, this does not appear to have been injurious to the health of the sailors. One of the first things Cook did when landing was to look out for a tree, from the leaves and branches of which he could brew beer, and he found the rimu, which he called the spruce fir. The beer brewed from this tree was used to take the place of vegetables. Proving too astringent, there was added an equal quantity of manuka leaves (the tea plant), and the beer was thus rendered very palatable.
Cook's recipe for this primitive beer was as follows:— “Make a strong decoction of the small branches of the spruce and tea plants, by boiling them three or four hours, or until the bark will strip with ease from off the branches; then take them out of the copper, and put in the proper quantity of molasses; ten gallons of which is sufficient to make a ton, or 240 gallons of beer; let this mixture just
Of so much importance to mariners did Cook think this discovery to be, that he gave in his journal elaborate descriptions of the rimu and the manuka to assist in their identification. Of such value to humanity did the Royal Society think the results that they presented him with their medal. The use of the manuka leaf for making tea was known to the old whalers, as Shortland tells of tasting it, when calling at their homes, and describes it as a beverage much drunk, wholesome, and agreeable when once the taste had been acquired.4
Fresh animal food and the best substitute that could be obtained locally for fresh vegetable food, formed the basis of Cook's system of nourishing his men during a long sea voyage. So strongly did he believe in this system that when amongst the icebergs, he sent boats' crews to break off large portions of ice to enable fresh water to be given to the men. Fresh food was followed by fresh surroundings. After wet weather everything was got up from between decks and thoroughly aired, and the decks themselves well cleaned and dried with fires.
Cook's mention of the whale and the seal on these coasts did much to direct mariners to this portion of the world for whale oil and seal skins, and his survey of, and information regarding Dusky as a safe harbour, completed the knowledge required for embarking on the enterprise. In this connection it might even be claimed for Cook that he inaugurated the seal trade. He used the flesh for food,
The Resolution was thoroughly overhauled, the rigging attended to, wood and water taken on board, and she left Pickersgill on Thursday, 29th April. It was, however, Tuesday, 11th May, before she reached the open sea, as Cook sailed through what is now known as the Acheron Passage to the entrance north of Resolution Island, called Breaksea.
During the run from Dusky to Cape Stephens, the only incident worthy of mention was the appearance, on the afternoon of 17th May, of waterspouts, one of which passed within fifty yards of the Resolution. Pickersgill's description of the strange phenomenon is as follows5:—
“From 4 to 5—Ship's head and wind all round the compass—several water spouts forming around us, one of which came so near as to give us very disagreeable apprehensions, for the Wind wou'd not enable us to make any way from it, not staying ½ a minute in either quarter of the Compass—so made the best preparation we cou'd for its reception by laying tarpauline over the Hatchways, shortening all sail, &c., &c., the whole atmossphere seem'd in the strangest purterbation and the Water in the most violent agitation that can be conceiv'd—however the Spout very fortunately alter'd its direction just as it came upon our Quarter—run alongside and clear ahead of us.”
After rounding Cape Farewell a very good view was obtained of the bay called by Cook, Blind Bay, and believed by him to be the Murderers Bay of Tasman. At daylight on the 18th the Resolution was off Queen Charlotte Sound,
Adventure was safe.
With the help of the boats of both vessels, the Resolution was anchored in Ship Cove by 6 p.m. on Tuesday, 18th April, 1773, giving and receiving a salute of eleven guns, and
The Adventure had reached Ship Cove on 7th April, and Furneaux, finding Motuara uninhabited, had selected it as the site for the tents necessary to accommodate the sailmakers, the coopers, and those suffering from scurvy. The first visit of the natives occurred two days afterwards, when some fifteen of them arrived in three canoes; thereafter they regularly visited, to trade with fish and fern root, for nails and other trifles. Intercourse with these natives was rendered much easier than would otherwise have proved the case by the possession of a vocabulary made up from the acquaintance with the language gamed during the Endeavour's visit. This list, which gave the Maori names of the different articles for barter, awakened among the simple natives an intense and wondering interest, accompanied with a keen desire to secure its possession.
The old Maori citadel, which bristled with fighting men when Cook sailed past in 1770, was now deserted, and was selected by the astronomer as a suitable site for his observatory. A small guard was also placed there. The native houses, which were little more than roofs raised from the ground, were rendered habitable for European occupants by sinking the floors about a foot. The presence of immense quantities of vermin was taken by the sailors as a rough and ready indication that the huts had not been long abandoned by the Maoris.
As Cook had failed to put in an appearance, Furneaux had concluded that no further exploration would be done that season, and had accordingly moored the Adventure in Ship Cove, removed all her top hamper, given the hull and rigging a winter coat and erected tents for the men at the
Adventure received instructions to throw off her winter garb and prepare for sea, and as the Resolution had been made ready at Dusky, all hands concentrated their efforts on Furneaux's ship.
When the Adventure first arrived the natives asked after Endeavour in 1770, concluded that they had only heard of
While in the Sound on board the Endeavour, Cook had spent all the time at his command surveying the coastline and adding to his geographical knowledge. Now, however, his mission was an entirely different one. The preparation of the Adventure for sea, the final touches to the health of the crew, and the landing of various domestic animals in the hope that the progeny might one day stock the country, took precedence of everything else, and Cook may be said to have left the Sound without adding anything to his knowledge of its coastline.
The scientific men had no limitations imposed upon them and pursued their research work with the greatest vigour. They reported that, compared with Dusky, the latter had
Forster, the naturalist, describes the native dogs as a rough, long-haired variety with pricked ears, resembling much the common shepherd's cur. They were of different colours, black, white, and spotted. The natives fed them on fish and kept them, when in their canoes, tied by a string round the middle. Their flesh was used for food and their skins for dress and ornaments. When some of these animals were taken on board the Resolution, the old ones sulked and refused to take food, but the young ones did not take long to accustom themselves to their altered surroundings. In the water a sea lion, on the land a bat, and with the natives a dog, brought the number on the list of indigenous quadrupeds which had up to that time been discovered in New Zealand to five.
On 4th June the Sound was visited by a party of North Island natives from Terawhiti, under Teiratu. These men at once claimed the attention of the expedition as a better race of men, with better arms, dress, and ornaments, than the Queen Charlotte Sound natives possessed, and only resembling them in their excessive uncleanliness. One large canoe visited the Resolution, but the bulk of the natives, in seven canoes, landed at Motuara Island, where they were visited by Cook personally, and were presented with some of the medals which had been struck to commemorate the expedition. Arms, tools, dresses and ornaments were readily exchanged for iron, cloth, and beads. These natives also had heard of
This same day Cook forwarded to Furneaux his formal instructions regarding the course to be followed after leaving Queen Charlotte Sound. These stated that he was to explore the sea between the 41st and 45th parallel as far as longitude 140° or 135° W., then to make to Tahiti for refreshments, and afterwards return to Queen Charlotte Sound.
On the 7th the anchor was weighed and the expedition sailed, getting clear of Cook Strait by midday on the 8th with only one sick man, a consumptive, on board the Resolution.
THE course laid down to Furneaux when in Queen Charlotte Sound was followed out to the letter, and the advent of summer found the two ships making for New Zealand preparatory to invading the icebound region of the hitherto unexplored Antarctic Circle.
Hawke's Bay was sighted on the morning of Tuesday, 21st October, 1773, and the vessels skirted along the coastline, crossed the Bay itself, and when south of Cape Kidnappers received their first visit from the natives. Cook was anxious to reach Queen Charlotte Sound, and therefore spent as little time as possible with his visitors. On the 24th the expedition reached Cook Strait, when it encountered one of those terrific storms which at times visit this locality. Day after day the vessels were driven about off the mouth of the Strait, and if the storm abated for a few hours the ships never ceased to toss about amongst mountainous seas. After five days at the mercy of the gale the Adventure was lost sight of, not again to be seen until the expedition's return to England.
Until 2nd November the Resolution was blown about off the Strait itself or out to sea, even away south as far as the Lookers On. It was, in fact, only because Queen Charlotte Sound had been appointed the meeting place that Cook did not abandon his intention of making that port and seek instead, away to the southward, a haven to refresh in. On the date mentioned, tired of combatting the continued N.W. gales, Cook crept for relief under the shelter of Tera-whiti, and discovered the harbour now known as Port Nicholson, on the shores of which the City of Wellington is built. He sailed into the bay with the intention of entering the harbour, but by the time he made the entrance, the
Resolution rapidly passed through the Strait, and that evening the anchor was dropped at the mouth of the Sound, Ship Cove not being reached until next morning.
The Maoris were found clad in rough shaggy cloaks, which constituted their winter garments, and eager as ever to supply fish to the visitors. Cook repeatedly mentions the difficulty his men experienced when left to their own resources for fish getting, when ignorance of the resorts of the fish, combined with unsuitable means of catching them, rendered their best efforts unavailing.
An early visit was paid to the gardens to see how they fared after the winter. Cabbages, carrots, onions and parsley were found in excellent condition, but of the others the radishes and turnips had seeded, the peas and beans had been eaten by rats, and the potatoes had been lifted by the natives. Cook's foresight had not only introduced these vegetables to the notice of the natives, but had provided a much appreciated supply for the ship's company. Of the animals liberated, the goats had been killed and eaten, and the pigs had been kept alive, but separated from one another amongst the different settlements. Success had attended the introduction of the vegetables, failure that of the animals.
Teirati, with his colony of natives, was still in the Sound and visited the Resolution, and to facilitate trade came and fixed upon a settlement close to the anchorage. A good deal of thieving went on, first of a petty nature, as the theft of a sailor's clothes, then it took the form of pocket picking, and finally ended in the natives running away with six small water casks. These casks were no great loss, but the want of fishermen, who were the thieves, was, and a day or two's honest fishing would have given them far more by way of payment than the dishonest possession of the casks meant to them, had their foresight been equal to their desire.
After the Resolution had spent twelve days in the Sound and there was still no appearance of the Adventure, Cook visited East Bay and ascended the hill on which he had built the cairn in 1770, to see if any traces were visible out to sea of his missing consort. He found the cairn of stones levelled to the ground, evidently destroyed by the natives in search of hidden treasure. Nothing could be seen of the Adventure, and Cook, giving up hope of ever seeing her again, directed all his energies to preparations for the Antarctic voyage.
Readers will remember that it was at Queen Charlotte Sound, during the visit of the Endeavour, that absolute proof of the cannibalistic tendencies of the New Zealanders was obtained. Cook now obtained visible evidence, for he actually saw the diabolical feast take place. Lieutenant Pickersgill, on the 23rd November, purchased from the natives at Indian Cove and brought on board, the head of a young slave who had been killed in a recent war expedition. While on board it was seen by natives of another party, and at their request a portion was cooked and given to them, which they ate greedily before the ship's company. Just then Cook came on board, and, to be an eye witness of an act of cannibalism, ordered another piece to be cooked and given to one of the natives. It was greedily consumed, a gruesome spectacle which made some of those witnessing it sick, while others it roused to feelings of deepest horror, indignation and disgust.
Cook left the Sound on the 25th with his ship's crew in first-class condition for the Antarctic voyage. Thanks to his course of fresh fish and vegetables, he had neither a sick nor a scorbutic man on board. His last act before leaving was to bury in a bottle in the garden a letter to Captain Furneaux, if by any chance he should put in to Ship Cove.
Before leaving the strait Cook searched along the coast of the North Island from Terawhiti to Cape Palliser, firing guns as he sailed along, in the hope that some signs might be found of the missing ship. When passing the mouth of Wellington Harbour he noted, beyond what he had observed before, that it inclined to the westward. In this visit Cook also observed Mana Island. Before leaving the coast Cook sailed over towards Cape Campbell, without finding any trace of his consort, and on the 26th set sail for the south.
On 6th December Cook reckoned that he was at the antipodes of London, but could see no land, though there were visible penguins and seals, which he concluded must resort to the southern part of New Zealand when requiring to land.
The Adventure had parted with the Resolution on 30th October. After establishing communication with the natives near Cape Palliser on 4th November, Furneaux had to put back on the 9th to Tolago Bay for refreshments, getting away from there on the 16th. It was not until the 30th, however, that a favourable wind was experienced and Queen Charlotte Sound reached.
Furneaux, finding from the message left him that Cook had sailed, devoted all his energies during his stay in the Sound to the preparation of his vessel for the work laid out for him. In addition to the fitting out of the vessel, the food supplies had to be overlooked, and on inspection the bread was found to be so bad that an oven had to be erected on shore and the whole rebaked. For fish supplies the natives, as usual, were depended upon.
On 17th December the invariable success which had attended Cook's intercourse with the natives of the South Island received a sudden check, and without any warning
Amongst the manuscripts in the magnificent collection of Mr.
“At ½ pt: 1 we stopt at a beach on the left hand side going up East Bay, to boil some victuals, as we brought nothing with us but raw meat. Whilst we were cooking I saw an Indian on the opposite shore, running along a beach towards the head of the Bay. Our meat being drest, we got it in the boat & put off, and in a short time got to the head of this Reach where we saw an Indian Settlement. As we drew near some of the Indians came down to the rocks & waved for us to begone but seeing we disregarded them they alter'd their notes. Here we found 6 large canoes haul'd up on the beach most of them double ones, a great many people but not so many as one might expect from the number of houses and size of the canoes. Leaving the Boats crew to guard the Boat I stept ashore with the Marines (the Corporal and 5 men) & search'd a good many of their houses but found nothing to give me any suspicion. 3 or 4 well beaten paths led further into the Woods where were many more houses but the people continuing friendly, I thought it unnecessary to continue our search. Coming down to the beach one of the
“Indians had brought a bundle of Hepatoos (long spears), but seeing I look'd very earnestly at him he put them on the ground and walk'd about with seeming unconcern. Some of the people appearing to be frightened, I gave a Looking Glass to one & a large Nail to another. From this place the Bay ran as nearly as I could guess NNW a good mile, where it ended in a long sandy beach. I look'd all round with the Glass, but saw no boat, canoe, or sign of inhabitants, I therefore contented myself with firing some guns, which I did in every cove as I went along. I now kept close to the East shore & came to another settlement where the Indians invited us ashore. I inquired of them about the boat, to which they pretended ignorance. They appeared very friendly here & sold us some fish. Within an hour after we left this place, in a small beach adjoining Grass Cove we saw a very large double canoe just haul up, with 2 men & a dog. The men on seeing us left their canoe & ran up into the Woods—this gave one reason to suspect I should here get tidings of the Cutter. We went ashore & search'd the canoe where we found one of the Rullock ports of the Cutter and some shoes, one of which was known to belong to Mr. Woodhouse, one of our Midshipmen. One of the people at the same time brought me a piece of meat which he took to be some of the Salt Meat belonging to the Cutter's Crew. On examining this & smelling to it I found it was fresh. Mr. Fannin (the Master) who was with me supposed it was Dog's flesh & I was of the same opinion, for I still doubted their being cannibals, but we were soon convinced by most horrid & undeniable proofs—a great many baskets (about 20) laying on the beach tied up, we cut them open: some were full of roasted flesh and some of fern root, which serves them for bread. On further search we found more shoes & a hand which we immediately knew to have belonged to Thos: Hill one “of our Forecastlemen, it being marked T. H. with an Otaheite tattow instrument. I went with some of the people a little way up the Woods, but saw nothing else. Coming down again was a round spot covered with fresh earth about 4 feet diameter, where something had been buried. Having no spade we began to dig with a Cutlass, in the meantime I launched the canoe with an intention to destroy her, but seeing a great smoke ascending over the nearest hill, I got all the people in the boat and made what haste I could to be with them before sunset. On opening the next bay, which was Grass Cove, we saw 4 canoes, a single and 3 double ones, a great many people on the beach who on our approach retreated to a small hill within a ship's length of the water side where they stood talking to us. A large Fire was on the top of the High Land beyond the Woods from whence all the way down the hill the place was thronged like a Fair. As we came in I ordered a musquetoon to be fired at one of the canoes as we suspected they might be full of men laying down in the bottom, for they were all afloat, but nobody was in them. The Savages on the little hill still kept hallowing and making signs for us to land. However as soon as we got close in we all fired. The first Volley did not seem to affect them much, but on the 2nd they began to scramble away as fast as they could, some of them howling. We continued firing as long as we could see the glimpse of a man through the bushes. Amongst the Indians were 2 very stout men who never offered to move till they found themselves forsaken by their companions & then they march'd away with great composure & deliberation, their pride not suffering them to run. One of them however got a fall & either lay there or crawl'd off on all fours. The other got clear without any apparent hurt. I then landed with the Marines & Mr. Fannin' stay'd to guard the Boat. On the beach “were 2 bundles of Cellery which had been gathered for loading the Cutter, a broken oar was stuck upright in the ground to which they had tied their lances, proofs that the attack had been made here. I then searched all along at the back of the beach to see if the Cutter was there. We found no boat but instead of her such a shocking scene of carnage & Barbarity as can never be mention'd, or thought of, but with horror. Whilst we remain'd, almost stupified, on this spot, Mr. Fannin calld to us that he heard the Savages gathering together in the Woods, on which I returned to the boat & haul'd alongside the canoes, 3 of which were demolished. Whilst this was transacting, the fire on the top of the hill disappeared & we could hear the Indians in the woods at high words. I suppose quarrelling whether or no they should attack us & try to save their canoes. It now grew dark, I therefore just stept out & look'd once more behind the beach to see if the Cutter had been haul'd up in the bushes, but seeing nothing of her, returned & put off. Our whole force would have been barely sufficient to have gone up the hill & to have ventured with half (for half must have been left to guard the boat) would have been foolhardiness. As we opened the upper part of the Sound we saw a very large fire about 3 or 4 miles higher up which formed a complete Oval, reaching from the top of a hill down almost to the water side, the middle space being inclosed all round by the fire, like a hedge. I consulted with Mr. Fannin & we were both of opinion that we could expect to reap no other advantage than the poor satisfaction of killing some more of the Savages. At leaving Grass Cove he had fired a general Volley towards where we heard the Indians talking, but by going in & out of the boat, the Arms had got wet and 4 pieces mist fire. What was still worse it began to rain, our ammunition was more than half “expended & we left 6 large canoes behind us in one place. With so many disadvantages I did not think it worth while to proceed where nothing could be hoped for but revenge. Coming between 2 round Islands that lay to the Southward of East Bay, we imagined we heard somebody calling, we lay on our oars & listend, but heard no more of it. We hollowed several times, but to little purpose. The poor souls were far enough out of hearing & indeed I think it was some comfort to reflect that in all probability every man of them must have been killed on the spot. Between 11 & 12 we got on board. The people lost in the Cutter were Mr. Rowe, Mr. Woodhouse, Francis Murphy, Quarter Master Wm. Facey, Thos. Hill, Michl. Bell, & Edwd. Jones, Forecastlemen, Jno. Cavanagh & Thos. Milton belonging to the Afterguard & James Swilley the Captain's man—being 10 in all. Most of them were of our very best seamen, the stoutest and most healthy people in the Ship. We brought on board 2 hands, one belonging to Mr. Rowe, known by a hurt he had received on it, the other to Thos. Hill as before mention'd & the head of the Captn's servant. These with more of the remains were tied in a Hammock & thrown overboard with ballast & shot sufficient to sink it. We found none of their Arms or Cloathes except part of a pair of Trowsers, a Frock & 6 shoes, no 2 of them being fellows.”
Stunned by the awful blow which had so unexpectedly fallen upon the expedition, and realizing the uselessness of any form of punitive treatment, Furneaux took the first opportunity which good weather gave him of getting his anchor up, and on the 23rd left the Sound which had proved such a disastrous resting place.
A year had almost elapsed before Cook put into the Sound for refreshments, prior to his return to England. During that time he had not seen Furneaux and not a hint of the tragedy of the boat's crew had reached his ears. On
Although Furneaux had left no notification of his visit, Cook had not long anchored before he found, in the absence of the bottle of instructions, in the cutting down of certain trees with saws and axes, and in the site of an observatory different from Wales', evidences that some one had been there since he left. Birds nesting in exposed places and the tameness of those in the bush showed that some time had elapsed since their departure. The absence of all natives and the fact that they fled at sight showed that trouble had occurred somewhere, and was felt very much in the short supplies of fish available for the recuperating sailors.
It was six days before communication could be established with the natives, and even then it was only on Cook's initiative that it was secured. They, after ascertaining that no hostile designs were held against them, spoke about a battle and about killing, but the knowledge of their language was not sufficient to enable the visitors to understand clearly what was meant, and although fears for the safety of the Adventure were entertained, every thing was done that could be done to win once more the confidence of the natives.
This done, the Maoris came again round the ship and traded their fish and canoes for nails and other trifles. This went on day after day, and the watering place became a favourite spot for them to gather together for trade or to talk to the marines for hours together. In the midst of their friendly intercourse they told a tale of some European vessel that had come in to the harbour, and that her people had quarrelled with and fired on them but were all killed and eaten. Some said it was across at Terawhiti. One said it was two moons ago, but another counted twenty or thirty days. They also described the vessel as having beaten against the rocks and gone all to pieces. When however, the natives saw the anxiety their remarks occasioned, they evidently realized that the Resolution's
Captain Cook, frustrated in his efforts to ascertain what had occurred, now tried a very interesting experiment to learn if the Adventure had sailed away safely. “We made two pieces of paper, to represent the two ships, and drew the figure of the Sound on a large piece; then drawing the two ships into the Sound, and out of it again, as often as they had touched at and left it, including our last departure, we stopped a while, and at last proceeded to bring our ship in again; but the natives interrupted us, and taking up the paper which represented the Adventure, they brought it into the harbour, and drew it out again, counting on their fingers how many moons she had gone. This circumstance gave us two-fold pleasure, since at the same time that we were persuaded our consort had safely sailed from hence, we had room to admire the sagacity in the natives.”
Scarcely anything had been done in the way of exploration of the Sound since Cook's visit in the Endeavour in 1770, and he accordingly decided to ascertain what new information was to be obtained regarding the bay. First he visited West Bay to ascertain whether any of the pigs or fowls liberated there still survived, but the search was fruitless. Grass Cove was next visited, and all unconscious of the awful tragedy which had taken place there Cook made a close examination of the surrounding country.
On Saturday, 5th November, he set out up the Sound and, interrogating the various canoes met with, learned that it ended in a bay surrounded with mountains but with an outlet to the sea towards the east. This outlet, now known as Tory Channel, was entered, and the shores found to be thickly populated with natives. At one village Cook landed and spent some time with the chief and traded with the people.
The ease with which a quarrel with the natives might be started was well shown here. When Cook was putting off
Adventure boat's crew, especially as there probably were some there who took part in that fight.
Cook followed the arm of the Sound down to the sea and looking through the entrance saw the North Island. He would have sailed round to the Resolution by sea but for the wind which was blowing against him. Sighting the entrance at four in the afternoon, he did not reach Ship Cove until ten o'clock, thoroughly fatigued with the day's work.
This appears to have ended Cook's exploration of the Sound. The remainder of the stay was devoted to necessary preparation prior to sailing and to the ever present question of stocking the island with domesticated animals. It was during this time too that Wales the astronomer found out that Ship Cove was 40′ too far to the East on the chart, a mistake which applied to the whole of the South Island.
Cook had followed out to the letter his own advice to the scientific world to make Queen Charlotte Sound the base of operations when exploring the South Pacific, and the results were all he had pictured them to be. Forster says:
“As often as we visited this country, it had abundantly supplied us with refreshments, which were particularly efficacious in restoring our health, and banishing the symptoms of the scurvy. Not only well-tasted antiscorbutic plants, but likewise the fish, which are easily digested, seem to me to have been equally salutory restoratives. The keen air which is felt in New Zealand, on the finest days, contributed not a little to brace our fibres, relaxed
“by a long cruise in warmer climates, and the strong exercise we took was doubtless beneficial in many respects. From hence it happened that we always left that country with new vigour. If we came in ever so pale and emaciated, the good cheer which we enjoyed during our stay, soon rekindled a glow of health on our cheeks, and we returned to the south, like our ships, to all outward appearance, as clean and sound as ever, though in reality somewhat impaired by the many hard rubs of the voyage.”
On 10th November, Cook left the Sound and on the 12th land was out of sight and the expedition was homeward bound.
Great as was Cook's conquest of the ocean highway it sinks into insignificance when compared with the victory he obtained over the ocean's disease. His voyage in the Resolution earned for him the medal of the Royal Society in 1776. This distinction was granted him for performing a voyage of three hundred and eighteen days in a ship with one hundred and eighteen men, travelling between 30° N. and 71° S.; with the loss of only one man by sickness. Cook was the first who successfully combatted that terrible enemy of the navigator, scurvy. So great had been the human tribute which this fell disease levied upon seamen, that cases where one-fourth of the ship's complement died, were not unknown and it is recorded that during twenty years in the early part of the sixteenth century, ten thousand mariners died of scurvy alone.
Among the mementos of Cook's visit to New Zealand in the Resolution and the Adventure none have been the object of such close search as the medals which were struck to commemorate the expedition and taken with it to distribute amongst the natives visited. These medals were about one and three-quarter inches in diameter, having on one side a bust of the King with the inscription GEORGE III., KING OF GR. BRITAIN, FRANCE, AND IRELAND, and on the other two vessels of war representing the Resolution and the Adventure, with the
Resolution Adventure Sailed From England March MDCCLXXII. A small horseshoe ring attached by a staple to the medal enabled it to be suspended by a string round the neck of a native.
Although these medals were distributed amongst the natives at two places only—Dusky and Queen Charlotte Sounds—they have been found at different spots along the coast. The few distributed, and the small number of natives who resided at Dusky, suggest the probability of the medals discovered having come from the neighbourhood of Ship Cove rather than from Pickersgill Harbour. Their distribution up and down the coast shows the trade routes of the original holders or the course followed by them when Northern warriors drove them from their old homes.
A discovery of one in Otago is thus described by Mr.
“In 1863, when a lad of 12 years of age, I went to live with an old couple, Mr. and Mrs. J. W. Hunter, at Murdering Beach, about 4 miles to the left of the Otago Heads, at one time called Smaill's Bay, but altered to the former name after the murders took place. I lived there for over three years with the Hunters who had been living in the District ever since 1840, and I used to listen to their tales of their early days with great attention, especially when they spoke about the whaling days under
Johnny Jones at Waikouaiti. Well it was our custom on Sunday afternoon to go for a walk to the beach, and also to take a stroll over the old Maori camps that were scattered about the sandy flat inside of the low sandhills. Murdering Beach had at one time been the headquarters of a large body of manufacturing Maoris from the number of places that we used to call Maori Workshops that were to be found. Many a time I have spent a whole afternoon looking over these interesting places just to see what I could find. I sometimes“was very fortunate in finding numbers of nicely finished greenstone weapons, implements or ornaments. One Sunday, in company with Mr. and Mrs. Hunter we were having our usual look round when Mrs. Hunter called out,—“I have found an old penny, and handed it to me to look at. My young eyes soon saw that it was not a penny and soon I had it polished up a little by rubbing it on the sleeve of my coat. Very soon the two ships came into view and part of the names were to be seen. Mr. Hunter at once said it had something to do with Captain Cook's voyages. When we got home I procured some oil and with a small piece of cloth I soon had it polished up quite bright and clean so that I could read the inscriptions quite easily. We kept it for a while, and then it was handed over to my father the late Mr. Peter Thomson. After his death it came into my hands again and I have taken great care of it ever since. It is in a good state of preservation, the inscriptions and the two ships being seen quite plainly.”
A second medal was discovered by Mr.
“About thirteen years ago I found it at Rams Head, Tawhitinui Reach, Pelorus Sound. It had apparently been buried in a old go-shore or three legged pot, and was indicated by the appearance of the earth around, which showed signs of rust. An unusually high tide and heavy weather had removed the vegetation and earth, showing a circle of rust. I removed the earth to a greater depth and found the medal. It is now in the possession of Mr
A. H. Turnbull , of Wellington.”A third medal, now in the possession of Mr.
James Jackson , a resident on the northern shore of Tory Channel, was, says the owner, “found by a Mr. Hood on this island in a bay called Otanarua, where a boat's crew of white men were murdered by the Maoris. It was found about fifty years ago.”
On Cook's return to England from his Second Voyage, a vacancy occurred among the captains of the
The opportunity of testing the opinion of the Admiralty soon came. The problem of a great southern continent was not the only geographical problem of the day. The idea was widespread that a sea passage existed between the Atlantic and the Pacific by way of North America. The mystery of the Southern Pacific being settled, men turned their minds to that of the Northern Pacific, and, in compliance with a widespread desire, George the Third sanctioned the fitting out of an expedition of two vessels to solve this second problem. No man at that date held such a reputation as a voyager as Cook, and when, on 10th February, 1776, he wrote and offered his services as commander of the expedition, the Admiralty felt itself relieved of any difficulty it might otherwise have experienced in filling that important post. Kippis, in his “Life of Cook,” states that the whole thing was arranged
The object of the expedition was not associated in any way with New Zealand, but Cook was directed, if he thought it advisable to do so, to touch at New Zealand on his road from the Cape of Good Hope to Tahiti or the Society Islands. The vessels given him were his old friend the Resolution, and a sloop called the Discovery, commanded by Captain Endeavour and then as second lieutenant in the Resolution. Cook was therefore well armed for his work in that his brother commander was a man after his own heart and trained in his own school. Advantage was taken of the opportunity which thus presented itself to send to his home at the island of Raiatea, Omai, who had joined Furneaux in 1773, and had been present at Queen Charlotte Sound in the Adventure when the boat's crew was massacred there.
The two vessels sailed from Plymouth on 12th July, 1776, and cast anchor in Ship Cove on the morning of Wednesday, 12th February, 1777, and that very day preparations were made for the refreshment of the crews, for the establishment of two observatories, and for substantial guards. Canoes of natives quickly gathered round the ships, but contrary to previous experience their occupants showed the greatest disinclination to come on board. They saw Omai and probably realised that Cook had been back to his own country where he had met the Adventure's crew, and their first thought naturally was that the expedition had returned to demand satisfaction for the massacre. It was with the greatest difficulty that Cook could persuade even those natives with whom he had previously been particularly friendly, that his intentions were strictly peaceful, and he had to make specific declaration upon the
During the next two days the observatories were put into working order, under King and Bayley, and two tents were erected on the old sites. These are shown in the illustration reproduced, and an examination of the Cove to-day will enable anyone on the spot to locate the site of the tents to within a few feet. Profiting by the experience of the Adventure's crew, in addition to the guards provided for the shore party, the workmen and the boats leaving the ship were all armed. Cook had never done this before, and, though he did not think it necessary now, did not care to follow his old practice after Marion's experience at the Bay of Islands in 1772 and Furneaux's at Grass Cove in 1773.
Cook says that after provision had been made for the ship's crew the natives occupied every available spot in the Cove. As the artist's sketch shows no native huts intruding on the foreground the presumption is that they kept upon the left bank of the creek. Referring to Webber's sketch it may be mentioned that a comparison on the spot with nature speaks even more in favour of the artist's accuracy than does a comparison of the sketch with any photograph. The greatest difference is visible in the outline and the flora of the hillside, the former not being so full in appearance, whilst the forest growth is represented as denser and heavier. The steep face of Long Island and the outline of the mountains above and beyond it are faithfully portrayed. The artist's position must have been close to the site of the monument now being erected to mark that historic spot.
The view of native canoes in the sketch shows the long hollow trunk for a bottom, the side planks lashed together with flax passed through small holes, and the seams caulked with the down of reeds. A distorted human face at the prow and the high carved ornament at the stern, give a very picturesque appearance when contrasted with the plain blunt ship's boat of that day. The dress and posture
So successful had Cook's treatment of the men been that of the two ships' companies only two men, and these on board the Resolution, were upon the sick list. Health precautions however were not relaxed and fresh fish, vegetables, and spruce beer, were supplied daily to the men. The results of this treatment amply justified the presentation to him of the Royal Geographical Society's medal the previous year.
The pah at Motuara was visited and found to have the houses and pallisades rebuilt, as in 1773, but unoccupied. The gardens had many of the vegetables growing in them, but were overrun with weeds. The attempt to get the natives to cultivate them had resulted in failure. Webber's sketch of the inside of a pah shows the interior of the fortified promontory at Motuara and is worth examination for its excellent representation of the homes of the ancient Maori in Queen Charlotte Sound.
On Sunday, 16th February, Cook set out with five boats to collect grass for the stock and to visit the scene of the massacre of Furneaux's men. Here he met a native named Pedro with whom he had been on terms of great personal friendship during his previous visit. The natives, though at first somewhat fearful, showed Cook over the scene of the carnage and explained what had taken place. They represented that while the boat's crew was at dinner, with Furneaux's black servant taking care of the boat, some of the natives stole some bread and fish for which they were beaten. A scuffle took place and two New Zealanders were shot. Only two shots were fired, as the natives rushed in and overpowered the party with numbers. From what the young New Zealander (who accompanied Cook when he sailed) stated, it would appear that the theft was from the boat and that the negro in charge had struck the culprit a heavy blow with a stick. The cries of the injured man
Monday was stormy and no work done. On Tuesday and Wednesday however the weather cleared up and work proceeded as usual. On Thursday a blast, so furious as to make it difficult for the ship to ride it out, was experienced and the week ended with the great bulk of the natives belonging to the Sound encamped in the Cove, going in and out of the vessel and drinking the oil produced by the melting of seal blubber ashore. “They relished the very skimmings of the kettle, and dregs of the casks; but a little of the pure stinking oil was a delicious feast.”
Cook had now accomplished his task and accordingly he brought everything on board and made preparations for leaving Ship Cove for what was to be the last time. Some delay took place however through an unfavourable change of the wind, and it was not until Tuesday, 25th February, that he got clear of the Sound.
During that time, in answer to the urgent solicitations of some of the chiefs, more goats and pigs, which all the efforts of the past had failed to establish, were handed over to the natives. The idea of leaving cattle was abandoned.
One of the last of the natives to visit Cook was Kahoora, a chief who had been pointed out as the man who killed Mr. Rowe, and who had been the leader of the massacre of the Adventure boat's crew. He appears to have been hated by many of his countrymen and some did not hesitate to urge his death. His
Cook took away with him from Queen Charlotte Sound a young chief named Taweiharooa, 17 or 18 years of age, and a boy named Kokoa about 9 or 10. These willingly, and with the consent of their relatives, left the homes of their people and came on board the ships with Omai the South Sea Islander. From the young chief Cook learned that prior to the arrival of the Endeavour a ship had visited the N.W. coast of Terawhiti and spent some time there, the captain living with the natives ashore. Of this vessel nothing more is known beyond the information thus
Thus on 25th February, 1777, Cook left Queen Charlotte Sound for the last time. No part of Australasia can claim his presence at any one spot for so long a time as can Ship Cove.
In all he spent 100 days at anchor there and his only other stay on the shores of the South Island was at Dusky Sound from 24th March to 11th May, 1773, a period of 46 days.
We have seen that in 1770 Cook selected this spot as the recruiting ground of any expedition which might thereafter be fitted out to explore the Pacific for the long talked of Southern Continent. And when he was himself selected to perform the work he not only carried out his former advice to the letter, but entirely ignored all the harbours on the North Island, calling at no other port but Dusky during his four succeeding visits to New Zealand. The result was that no place in the southern world was so well known to the voyagers of the latter portion of the eighteenth century as was Queen Charlotte Sound; the names and manners and customs of its people had been placed upon record, and its exact position on the map had been ascertained by a succession of brilliant scientific men, whose observatories had for weeks stood near the site of the now proposed Cook monument at Ship Cove.
During his visits to New Zealand after his survey of it in 1770, Cook never allowed himself to explore stretches of coastline admittedly left uncertain in his survey from the deck of the Endeavour. This at first blush would appear
No true conception of Cook's great work can be obtained by ascertaining the list of islands he discovered, or the length of coastline he explored. His greatest achievement was the exploration of the Southern Ocean, when he proved that it was an open sea and not a closed-in continent. This class of discovery does not appear so conspicuous on the map of the World as does the discovery of a few islets in the Central Pacific, and we are apt to regard the ocean unmarked by islets as involving no field of discovery, and contributing nothing to the fame of an explorer.
With the information gleaned by Cook during this visit to Queen Charlotte Sound and the sidelights thrown upon the scene by Forster, the scientist of the Resolution, it is not difficult to reproduce the events which led up to the massacre of the Adventure's crew, and to place the blame upon the proper shoulders. Speaking of Rowe, the midshipman who had charge of the boat's crew, Forster says “he combined with many liberal sentiments the prejudices of a naval education, which induced him to look upon all the natives of the South Sea with contempt, and to assume that kind of right over them, with which the Spaniards, in more barbarous ages, disposed of the lives of the American Indians… This relation is very reconcilable with the opinion which the late Mr. Rowe always entertained of the New Zealanders, viz: that they would never stand the fire of European musketry. He had before, when at Tolaga Bay, been exceedingly desirous of firing upon them, for
We recognise the type at once, brave and fearless himself, he, so very different to Cook, held his opponents in the utmost contempt. The history of our wars with barbarous and even civilised foes is full of such cases, and for the possession of such men our country has paid a terrible toll in human life. He was a relation, it appears, of Furneaux the commander.
It is evident that the massacre was quite unpremeditated and that it arose suddenly through the happening of some event which roused to fury the wild savage instincts of the Maoris. Several initial circumstances are mentioned by the natives; the first was the stealing of a sailor's jacket; the second was the theft of some bread and the consequent punishment of the culprit by the negro in charge of the boat, causing the Maoris to think that their countryman was being killed; the third was Kahoora's statement that a sailor had refused to pay for a valuable axe offered him for barter and the native forthwith stole the bread as an equivalent.
A fourth version—an improbable one—rests upon the authority of Resolution and who published an account of the voyage in 1783. In this account he tells of one of the sailors who formed a violent attachment for a Maori maiden and obtained from her the following account of the massacre:—
“She gave him to understand that one Gooboa, a very bad man, who had been often at the ship and had stolen many things, when he came to understand she was about to sail went up into the hill country and invited the warriors to come down and kill the strangers. They at first refused, saying the strangers were stronger than they, particularly insinuating the force of the fire arms he told them they need not fear, for he knew where they must come
“before they departed, in order to procure grass for their cattle, and that on such occasions they left their fire-arms behind them in the Ship or carelessly about the ground, while they were at work. They said they were no enemies but friends, and that they must not kill men with whom they were in friendship. Gooboa said they were vile enemies, and complained of their chaining him and beating him, and showed them the marks and bruises he had received at the ship: And told them besides how they might destroy their firearms by throwing water over them. Gooboa undertook to conduct them in safety to the place where the strangers were to come, and showed them where they might conceal themselves until he should come and give them notice, which he did. And when the men were busy about getting grass and not thinking any harm, the warriors rushed out upon them and killed them with their Patapatows, and then divided their bodies among them. She added that there were women as well as men concerned, and that the women made the fires while the warriors cut the dead men in pieces; that they did not eat them all at once, but only their entrails; that the warriors had the heads which were esteemed the best, and the rest of the flesh was distributed among the crowd.”
The first three reasons are quite consistent with the well-known propensity of the old native for theft. Probably the three incidents happened before the eyes of the Maoris and subsequent events were regarded as the consequence of what had been seen to take place. The Maori could only tell what happened; which of the incidents precipitated the attack by causing resentment in the breast of the European, the ignorant savage could not even surmise. If we could reproduce the events of that day in Grass Cove the most conspicuous reasons for the massacre would probably be found first of all in a weakness in the discipline of the boat's crew which allowed of the men
With Cook's expedition during his last visit to Queen Charlotte Sound were three officers whose names afterwards became famous in English history. These were Bounty, experienced being set adrift in a boat in mid-ocean by his sailors, and later on, as Governor of New South Wales, endured being deposed and held under arrest by his soldiers; Amazon, whose death at the battle of Copenhagen was characterized by Resolution, the second and third were midshipmen on board the Discovery.
Omai was landed at Huahine, and with him the two natives of New Zealand who came away from Queen Charlotte Sound. At the parting the older native took things very complacently but the younger proved so unwilling that he had to be forcibly taken away from the ship. So great was the latter's disinclination to leave that Cook confesses that had he thought there was the most distant possibility of any ship being sent again out to New Zealand he would have brought the two youths to England with him. When Bligh reached the island in October, 1778, he was informed that Omai had died about two and a half years after Cook left, and was shortly afterwards followed by the older of the New Zealand lads and then by the younger.
The explorations and observations of Cook had brought prominently before our own people the benefits of Queen Charlotte Sound for any expedition which might propose to examine the southern portion of the Pacific, but they had also brought these benefits before other nations as well.
Boussole and Astrolabe were selected, and their command given to 1
The sailing instructions issued by the King of France set out in great detail the course the vessels were to take in an expedition which was expected to be away for something like five years.
Cook had supplied such a mass of information about New Zealand that little remained to be investigated and his praise of Queen Charlotte Sound and the length of time he spent there, indicated that spot as a likely place for any settlement established by the British Government.
The expedition sailed from Brest on 1st August, 1785, and reached Avatscha Bay, Kamchatka, in September, 1787. On the 21st of that month
While at Avatscha, however, a mail arrived from France, and although no mention is made in any letter published
On his voyage
Passing from the wish of the French nation to extend their knowledge of the geography of the World we come to the desire of the British residents of the West Indies to have the bread fruit tree introduced among them. This desire was voiced in applications to the King, who, in order to comply with the request of his subjects in Jamaica, sent Lieutenant Bligh, in 1787, to the South Sea Islands in a vessel called the Bounty, to procure as many plants as possible and take them to the West Indies.
Failing, through bad weather, to round Cape Horn, Bligh took the route via the Cape of Good Hope, which he reached on 24th May, and Van Diemen's Land on 20th
2:—
“On the 19th (September 1788) at daylight, we discovered a cluster of small rocky islands, bearing east by north four leagues distant from us. We had seen no birds nor anything to indicate the nearness of land, except patches of rock-weed, for which the vicinity of New Zealand sufficiently accounted. The wind being at N.E. prevented our near approach to these isles; so that we were not less than three leagues distant in passing to the southward of them. The weather was too thick to see distinctly, their extent was only 3½ miles from east to west, and about half a league from north to south, their number including the smaller ones, was thirteen. I could not observe any verdure on any of them: there were white spots like patches of snow; but, as Captain Cook, in describing the land of New Zealand, near Cape South, says, in many places there are patches like white marble, it is probable that what we saw might be of the same kind as what he had observed. The westernmost of these islands is the largest; they are of sufficient height to be seen at the distance of seven leagues from a ship's deck. When the easternmost bore north, I tried for soundings, being then 10 miles distant from the nearest of them, and found bottom at 75 fathoms, a fine white sand; and again at noon, having run six leagues more to the E.S.E., we had soundings at 104 fathoms, a fine brimstone-coloured sand. The latitude of these islands is 47° 44′ S.; their longitude 179° 7′ E. which is about 145 leagues to the east of the Traps, near the south end of New Zealand. Variation of the compass here 17° E. While in sight of the islands, we saw some penguins, and a white gull with a forked tail. Captain Cook's track, in 1773, was near this spot, but he did not
“see the islands; he saw seals and penguins hereabouts, but considered New Zealand to be the nearest land. I have named them after the ship, the Bounty Isles.”
On 28th April, 1789, the celebrated Mutiny of the Bounty took place. Bligh's later history would be out of place here, but the mutiny on board the Bounty, Bligh's subsequent governorship of New South Wales, his deposition, and the stormy events of that distant period are intimately associated with the history of the little group of islets in the far south.
The spelling adopted by Cook, of the names of natives met by him during his second and third voyages, has been followed in this work. The Hon. Mr. Carroll, Native Minister, states that in his opinion the more correct spelling is:—
Te Weherua for Taweiharooa
Kahura for Kahoora
Ko Koa for Kokoa
Te Ratu for Teiratu; and
Omae for Omai.
While on the subject of Maori names and spelling it may be mentioned that, according to Mr. S. Percy Smith, Long Island is Te Ketu, and Motuara should be Motuanauru.
BOOK'S system for preserving the lives of his sailors which he had perfected with such care during his stay in Dusky, had proved so successful that the long ocean voyage was now robbed of half its terrors, and a great impetus given to exploration, and the commerce of the world. Sailors of all nations now embarked on long voyages, and the utmost ends of the earth were visited. These visits naturally rendered a proper survey and scientific exploration of the new lands absolutely necessary in the interests of shipping. There was also the question of a passage between the Atlantic and the Pacific still waiting to be solved. To make provision for these, George the Third, in the autumn of 1789, planned an expedition to explore the coast of North West America.
The command of this expedition was given to Captain Henry Roberts, one of Cook's men during his second and third voyages; Resolution at Dusky Sound, and who had been four times to New Zealand, was appointed second in command. A Thames built vessel of 340 tons was purchased, named the Discovery, and sent to Deptford to be fitted out. It was also intended that, in addition to her, the Gorgon should go to Sydney and thence with the nucleus of a settlement to North America.1
While the above-named officers were preparing for their new commission, trouble arrived. The Spaniards and the British had come into conflict with one another at Nootka Sound, on the coast of North West America, and British vessels and factories had been seized by the ships of Spain. Negotiations between London and Madrid failed to settle matters and preparations were made to employ force, the pacific employment of the Discovery was postponed, and the
Discovery, which was lying ready was put into commission, and the Chatham, of 135 tons was ordered to accompany her. On board the Discovery were 100 officers and men, on the Chatham, 45.
In the plan of the expedition as outlined by Lord Grenville to the Lords of the Admiralty,2 and in the first set of instructions given to Vancouver later on, no mention was made of New Zealand. Subsequent communications dated 20th August, 1791, were however sent by a third vessel and Vancouver was informed that this despatch boat was, after leaving him, to proceed from the Sandwich Islands to the New South Wales Settlement, and on her way down, was to touch at New Zealand and secure two natives to teach the Port Jackson settlers how to prepare the flax fibre, but no instructions were given Vancouver himself to call at New Zealand. His visit to Dusky, therefore, shows the importance to the navigators of that day of this well surveyed harbour, and is another tribute to Cook's farsightedness.
Vancouver sailed via the Cape of Good Hope and King George Sound, calling at both places. When south of Tasmania he found his men in want of provisions which were only to be got on shore, and not knowing of any other place within reach where food supplies, planks, spars, tent poles, &c., could be procured, he made choice of Dusky Bay. Cook, on his visit to New Zealand in 1773, when all the adjoining lands were unsettled, had selected Dusky to recruit his expedition at, and here we have Vancouver, in 1791, notwithstanding that a new settlement had been established for three years at Sydney, and while on a voyage not to New Zealand, but to the Sandwich Islands, finding Dusky the best port of call.
On 2nd November, 1791, Vancouver sighted the south coast of New Zealand, and by evening the Discovery and the Chatham were anchored in the arm leading into Facile Harbour, the spot recommended by Cook after his residence in Dusky Sound in 1773.
Vancouver's first few days' stay was celebrated by rather an exciting experience. Though with Cook at Dusky in the capacity of an A.B., in 1773, he had never been in Facile Harbour, so he thought it necessary to take Broughton, the captain of the Chatham, to fix sites for their several ships and shore occupations. This had no sooner been done, than the captains were alarmed at hearing two guns discharged from the vessels. Hastily getting into their boat they found that Vancouver's vessel, the Discovery, was on the move; and by the time they reached her, she was abreast of the entrance to the Sound. Having got on board, an attempt was made to regain Facile Harbour, but about five o'clock in the afternoon a violent gust created disorder aloft, and nothing remained but to make for Anchor Island Harbour, to leeward of them, where they anchored the vessel and moored her to the trees ashore.
The following is a description of the storm from the journal of an officer of the Chatham, now in the possession of Mr.
“The wind which in the morning blew moderate over the Land from the Nd & Ed. had by noon freshened to a Gale and the
Discoverywho lay in only 40 fams. water without us drove off the Bank and though she let go another Anchor she did not bring up but was obliged to heave them up. By the time this was accomplish'd she had drifted nearly out of the Bay. She fir'd some Guns as Signals to Captn. Vancouver who was away in the Boat and we perceived him &Mr. Broughton return to her while she was driving. The wind had increased to a very hard Gale indeed with heavy Squalls and she made as much sail as she cou'd possibly bear, endeavouring to work up into her old Anchorage. After beating“about some 3 hours without gaining anything considerable, her Fore Topsail Sheet Block gave way and being then nearly abreast of an opening in which there is a very Snug Harbour call'd by Captn. Cook Anchor Island she ran into it and we presently lost sight of her. She was compleatly land locked. We gave our Cable good scope and held on very well but in the Evening finding the weather still grow more Tempestuous and that we dragg'd our Anchor a little we let go another Anchor and veer'd away upon both and hoist in the Boats. We had no abatement of the Gale in the night and the following morning the 4th it seem'd to blow with greater violence. The sudden Gusts that came from the high land was amazing and so quick did they follow each other, that we scarcely had an interval of a lull for 5 minutes together. We got our Top Gallant Masts on Deck, struck the Lower Yards & Top Masts, secur'd the Boats and bent the Storm Staysails, with every other necessary precaution in case of our being driven to Sea. All this day and the night it blew dreadfully and we expected every minute either to part our cables or drive but tho' the Squalls were as hard as many on board ever remember'd to have seen, we had but very little sea with them. The morning of the 5th brought no abatement of the Wind till about 9 o'clock when after some very heavy rain it suddenly fell a perfect Calm, from being the minute before a hard Gale and we had the water at the same instant as smooth as a Mill Pond. The clouds began now to disperse, and to clear up all round, and about 10 o'clock we had a moderate Breeze at N.N.E. we therefore hove up one Anchor, and hove short on the other. About 11 our Captain came on board from the Discoveryand about 3 we weigh'd and turn'd into Facile Harbour where about 6 o'clock we anchor'd in 5 fatm. water within a hundred yards of the shore.”
No time was lost in getting things refitted. Vancouver did not intend to make as long a stay as Cook had done, and parties were at once employed cutting wood for fuel, and timber for spars and planks, brewing rimu beer and repairing sails, rigging and casks. A boat with four men was constantly employed fishing, and everyone had his task assigned to him.
There was only one part of the Sound that Cook did not explore in 1773—the upper part of the northern arm. On the 13th, 14th, and 15th November this unchartered portion was visited, found to divide into two arms and surveyed. Cook had named the unknown portion “Nobody Knows What.” Vancouver called it “Somebody Knows What.” Fortunately, these senseless names have been discarded in favour of the names of the two vessels.
Cook was too much pressed for time to survey this Sound and he ventured the opinion that it might communicate with Doubtful Harbour although he admitted that appearances were against this theory.3 An opinion, no matter how erroneous, when once advanced, may sometimes die hard. This opinion of Cook's, hazarded in 1773, was disproved by Vancouver in 1791, and the facts made known to the world, but in spite of that, we find maps published as late as 1841, showing an uncertain channel named Mac's Passage, connecting the two sounds.4
During the period they were engaged in survey work, a continual look out was kept for signs of Maoris; Cascade Cove and Indian Cove, places where families lived duririg Cook's visit 18 years before, were visited, but at neither of these places was any trace found, nor any circumstance that in the least indicated that the country was inhabited. The sole signs of human habitation observed by Vancouver were one or two miserable huts in the neighbourhood of Facile Harbour, and even these had not the appearance of having been lately occupied. Menzies, the botanist of the expedition, describes these huts as built in an obtuse form, about four feet in height and six in diameter at the bottom; composed of slender sticks, crossing each other and fastened
Every entry in his journal shows Vancouver to have been a careful and conscientious commander, and loyal to his old master. Not having been in Facile Harbour before, he must inspect it before entering. Cook said that the first thing to do on anchoring was to attend to the health of the men. This was done. Cook had left the north arm unexplored. This must be attended to now and completed. Cook had taken a great interest in the natives. Although 18 years had passed away, they were now looked for and information gleaned about them. Cook had recommended Facile Harbour. Vancouver's experience showed the difficulty of making this harbour sometimes, and the advantage of Anchor Island Harbour as a standby. To give this knowledge in nautical form to the shipping world, the 16th November was spent surveying the harbour, making out sailing directions, and naming some of the islands about it. In addition to the survey of Anchor Island Harbour by Vancouver, Broughton, whose vessel remained in Facile Harbour throughout the stay, made a survey of that Harbour, and it is published in the narrative of the voyage. Vancouver, for his chart, took as a basis that of Cook, adding to it his own discoveries and such trifling additions as in the course of his observations he had been able to make.
Some of Vancouver's records, however, show great differences between himself and Cook. It is difficult to conceive Cook making the mistake of having the captains of the two vessels ashore together and out of sight, while one of the ships might, unknown, be drifting seaward. Again Cook was a great sportsman. Every seal he saw was noted in his journal, and every fowl he killed was discussed with all the zeal of one anxious to inspect it scientifically as well as at the mess table. Killing seals or shooting ducks was always an enjoyable recreation with Cook, and there is no doubt
5 but he does not say whether his visit was made during the day or at night, and Forster records the fact that the petrel was not to be seen during the day.6 Mr. Henry states however, that birds visiting the Sound appear to be very uncertain in their times of coming.7
On Sunday, 20th November, the Discovery sailed out of Anchor Island Harbour and took up a position alongside the Chatham in Facile Harbour. Monday was spent completing their cargo of wood and water, and rimu and manuka for brewing beer; and at noon they sailed, adding another tribute to Dusky as a marine sanatorium. “Thus we quitted Dusky bay, greatly indebted to its most excellent refreshments, and the salubrity of its air. The good effects of a plentiful supply of fish, and spruce beer, were evident in the appearance of every individual in our little society. The health of our convalescents was perfectly re-established, and excepting one with a chronic complaint, and two wounded by cuts in their legs, we had not a man on the surgeon's list; though, on the most trifling occasion of indisposition, no person was ever permitted to attend his duty.”
The salubrity of the air is characteristic of the sounds, and of the mountain tracks. In the opinion of many, who
Cook when he discovered Dusky had sailed north, and when in 1773 he surveyed it, he went over the same course. Vancouver's expedition was the first which visited Dusky, and after leaving it made for the south. Here was an opportunity of ending the uncertainty which Cook had left in the coast line where now is Foveaux Strait. A storm which rivalled the celebrated one experienced in Dusky, now came up from the south west, and the means taken for safety, precluded all possibility of examining the coast line. The two vessels were so completely separated that they did not sight each other again until they met at Tahiti on 30th December. Both vessels on parting adopted the same tactics, and kept well away to the south to get round the land and clear the Traps. In doing so they both stumbled, quite unexpectedly, upon the same group of islands. Vancouver in the Discovery sighted them at eleven o'clock on the 23rd and called them the Snares, “a cluster of seven craggy islands.” Broughton in the Chatham sighted them at two o'clock the same afternoon, “a cluster of small islets and rocks,” and called them Knight's Island, after Captain Knight of the navy. The Chatham actually sailed in between them, and closely observed their position and outline. “In this passage we had a confused irregular swell, with the appearance of broken water; large bunches of seaweed were observed, and the whole surface was covered with birds of a blackish colour.” When the two commanders afterwards met and compared notes, Vancouver having discovered the islands first, the name Snares was retained, but Broughton having sailed in between them, their relative situation as laid down by him was accepted as against Vancouver's.
Mr. Discovery and therefore his first botanical work was on Anchor Island, but after a careful search of that ground, he shifted over to the Chatham and spent a very profitable time in that neighbourhood. His favourite plants were ferns and mosses which he found, to his intense delight, were very numerously represented in the Sound. Live specimens of new and uncommon plants were collected for the King's gardens at Kew. If Vancouver was no sportsman, the same cannot be said of Menzies, who, with the officers of the Chatham, went out on expeditions lasting over several days but not associated with very much success.
Broughton's party, as they returned from the exploration of the northern arm, visited the site of Cook's old camp on the shores of Pickersgill Harbour, and found, so Menzies, who accompanied them, says, that in the garden there had grown up a dense covering of brushwood and fern, which completely obliterated all sign of the old clearing, and only the fact that its position was recorded and described enabled the spot to be identified. In the journal of the Chatham, on the other hand, the writer says that by the remains of trees cut and sawn down and by the cleared ground, they readily found out the place where Cook carried on his operations ashore.
After leaving the Snares Broughton sailed on in very variable weather till about two o'clock on the morning of the 29th, when all were astonished by the “Land ahead” shout of the fore top lookout. The Chatham immediately hove to until daylight and Broughton named the point which had been sighted, Point Alison. A hill alongside was named Mount Patterson, a name which has since disappeared from the maps and a Cape Pattisson has been substituted. The most northerly point was called Cape Young, and two islands lying off the Cape were called The
Chatham immediately put back and came to anchor on the northern shore about 3 miles from the eastern extremity of the land which the commander called Point Munnings.
Having landed, Broughton found some canoes so strangely constructed that it was some time before he could decide what they were. They were formed like a common wheelbarrow and their sides, which consisted of small sticks lashed together, were about 8 or 9 feet long. Three feet wide at one end and two at the other these primitive floats narrowed downwards until they ended in a flat bottom about a foot broad and two feet deep. They were filled with seaweed to the top and they were evidently used for floating about in smooth water to enable their occupants to, fish close to the rocky beach.
While engaged in the inspection of these boats and some fishing nets that lay about, the natives crowded round in a rather threatening manner, and Broughton, who did not desire to promote a conflict, withdrew his men to the boat, and keeping out of arms reach endeavoured to cultivate friendly relations with them. They willingly received all that was offered in the way of gifts, and Mr. Sheriff, one of the mates, tempted by their friendly demeanour, stepped on shore among them. His reception however was neither what he expected nor desired, as the natives endeavoured to hustle him inland, and he quickly returned to the comparative safety of the boat. They then rowed to the other side of the little bay, but the Morioris were there as soon as the visitors and it was not deemed advisable to land.
Broughton now made up his mind to return on board, but as the natives remained at the last point he changed his mind and returned to where he had first landed and thus, having evaded the natives, stepped on shore unopposed. Here to one of the trees was nailed the lead inscription “His
When the interesting ceremony was completed some of the natives, this time more friendly in their appearance, arrived upon the scene. Their dress consisted of mats of seal skins and they responded to the saluting of noses as did the New Zealanders. Deceived by their friendly conduct Broughton decided to visit the east point of the bay and with the boat close in shore set out along the beach. From the ship, signs of water inland had been seen and a party now proceeded to examine it; this accomplished, a return was made to the boat, when matters assumed a rather threatening aspect. The party had not proceeded very far, when all doubt of the intention of the natives was at an end. Led on by a youth, the natives became very demonstrative and threatening, and pressed round the men as they prepared to enter the boat. Broughton tried small shot on one of them but with no effect and the natives at once commenced the assault. Four more shots were fired and the natives fled, one of them dropping dead before reaching the wood. As danger was still threatening Broughton left a few trinkets about in the canoes and embarked for the Chatham. Skirmish Bay was the name given to the scene of this unfortunate incident, and it is described as “a bay from which to Point Munnings the shore is low, rocky, and clothed with wood.”
In view of Lieutenant Broughton's version of the encounter the native tradition of the story recorded by Mr.
“He landed at Kaingaroa Harbour, or Skirmish Bay, as he named it, where the Morioris of the place came round in wondering amazement to ascertain
“what these strange creatures were. Noticing the sailors smoking, they remarked, ‘See Manuhika's fire proceeding from their throats!’ The rigging of the vessel they likened to Kupenga (nets), and so forth, with many amusing remarks. The sex of these strange creatures puzzled the natives, and seeing the visitors were friendly, they touched and handled them. Ultimately some concluded that they were women, while some of the bolder spirits attempted to take hold of them and drag them off to their homes in the bush above the sea beach. In order, apparently, to put a stop to this the sailors fired to alarm them, on which they remarked, ‘Hear the crack of the kelp of their god Hauoro!’ alluding to the report made by thrashing long arms of bull kelp on a sea-beach. Then, seeing another party coming up from the east of the harbour, the sailors fired, killing and wounding some of the Morioris, which scared them, and they fled into the bush. Subsequently the Morioris relate that they thrashed severely those who took part in and caused the mishap to the strangers. It appeared also that some had remonstrated with the others regarding their behaviour to the strangers. Later on a boat came ashore and left some beads and other things as gifts, which the natives took only when the strangers had departed. The time of year when this happened was that of the maturity of the young of the seabird kukuri—November, as stated by Lieutenant Broughton.”
If the traditionary story can be relied on, and a close investigation will show that it certainly coincides with Broughton's own description, the natives who caused the attack were not those who first met the party. This is more clearly shown from the journal in Mr. Turnbull's possession, where it states that the attacking party consisted of only 14, while 40 had been present at the earlier interview. Had Broughton, instead of sailing away as he did,
Broughton, directing his course to Tahiti, the place appointed for next meeting place of the expedition, sailed away without getting any further idea of the configuration of the island than a knowledge of the northern coastline.
Of the names given by Broughton to the newly discovered land, Chatham is after the vessel in which the discoverers sailed, Point Alison, from the name of the lookout who first detected land, and Skirmish Bay owes its name to the unfortunate encounter with the natives. The origin of the nomenclature generally of the island is not so certain. It may be mentioned, however, that in a list of the crew of the expedition, professing to be copied from the Admiralty Records in the Public Record Office, London, appears the names of Patterson and Manning on board the Discovery, and Young on board the Chatham. Cape Pattisson taking, as we saw, the place of Mount Patterson, would suggest that the names were given after members of the crew. Strange to say, the name Alison does not occur in the above list of the members of the expedition, though Broughton states that this man first sighted the land.
THE first recorded intention of captains to visit Dusky Sound for trade purposes pure and simple, is referred to by Collins, the New South Wales historian. Mr. William and Ann, a vessel of 367 tons, “had some thoughts of touching at Dusky Bay in New Zealand” and “Governor King finding after trying every process that came within his knowledge for preparing and dressing the flax plant, that unless some other means were devised, it never would be brought to the perfection necessary to make the canvas produced from it an object of importance, either as an article of clothing for the convicts or for maritime purposes, proposed to the master of the William and Ann to procure him two natives of that country, if they could be prevailed on to embark with him, and promised him £100 if he succeeded, hoping from their perfect knowledge of the flax plant, and the process necessary to manufacture it into cloth, that he might one day render it a valuable and beneficial article to his colony; but Captain Bunker had never returned.”1
The date of this may be taken to be about November, 1791, as the William and Ann arrived in Sydney with convicts on 28th August, 1791, and sailed for the whale fishery on 22nd November.2 Whether Bunker ever visited Dusky is not stated; he does not appear, however, to have applied for the reward promised, and disappeared from Australian history until June, 1799, when he brought out the Albion, belonging to Messrs. Champion, in the then record time of three months and fifteen days. The Albion was a whaler and “was intended to give the whale fishing upon the coast a complete and fair trial.”3
Flax dressers were afterwards procured by the Daedalus and landed at Norfolk Island.
The first attempt to establish trade between New South Wales and Dusky resulted in failure.
The next man to move in this direction was Mr. Britannia, a vessel of 300 tons burden, which, like the William and Ann, had come out to Australia with convicts. She was owned by the well known firm of Messrs. Enderby. Told in Captain Raven's own words, his plan was as follows:—“My first plan after discharging the cargo I brought from England to Port Jackson, was to have gone to Dusky Bay to procure Seals' skins for the China market.”4 He accordingly made a start for Dusky on the thirtieth day of September, 1792, armed with a three year's trade license from the East India Company;5 but before getting clear of Sydney, his plans were entirely altered, his trip to Dusky was postponed, and his voyage to China cancelled.
Britannia, then ready to sail to Dusky, and send her to the Cape of Good Hope for provisions. Governor Phillip when informed of the position of matters and asked for a protection for the ship during her voyage, pointed out that the charter of the East India Company might come into conflict with their proceedings. At the same time he defended the Government ration, deprecated private action, and offered to write to the Cape of Good Hope and ask the authorities to forward such stores as the officers might order to be purchased.6 The Governor, however, evidently realised his own inability to prevent the officers trading in the manner proposed, as he ultimately informed them that he could take no official step in the matter. The officers completed their charter for the sum of £2000 for the vessel, and eleven shares of £200 each were subscribed to purchase the stock and other articles.
The Britannia, having a very good between-deck, was well adapted for carrying cattle, and military artificers were immediately employed to fit her with stalls for the reception and accommodation of cows, horses, &c. A quantity of hay, sufficient to lessen considerably the outlay for that article at the Cape was put on board; the vessel was made ready for sea by the middle of October, and Raven sailed for the Cape of Good Hope on the twenty-third, leave being granted to station a gang at Dusky to collect seal skins for the China market.
On Saturday, 3rd November, the snowy summits of New Zealand were sighted, but the weather proved so unfavourable that it was not until the following Tuesday evening that the Britannia was moored in Facile Harbour. Raven at once set about an examination of the Sound, visiting in succession Cormorant Cove, the Seal Islands and Pickersgill Harbour. At both Facile and Pickersgill Harbours were the signs of trees newly cut down, probably by Vancouver's men in the previous year, and there were still visible the logs at Cook's clearing. Though his own visit to the Seal Islands did not prove successful, Raven sent his chief mate there, and on the latter's report decided to leave a gang at Dusky.
On the twelfth a party set out for Breaksea, and when approaching the opening of the sea, smoke was seen issuing from a native hut in a small cove on the left hand side. When the boat's crew landed, the natives fled to the woods and Raven contented himself with leaving an axe and two knives, but nothing would induce the Maoris to return.
The spot finally decided on for the location of the sealing gang was Luncheon Cove on Anchor Island, and on 14th September Raven commenced the work of the construction of the sealers' huts. All the ships hands were employed to make the men's quarters comfortable, and by the latter end of November they had completed a dwelling house, 40 ft. long, 18 ft. broad, and 15 ft. high. Provisions and stores for twelve months were landed. The second mate, a carpenter, and a party of men, were left at the bay,
Britannia, ironwork, cordage, and sails for boatbuilding were included in their equipment, and the men were directed to commence the building of a small craft, sufficiently large to carry them, in the event of accident, to a friendly port. Thus was the first sealing gang stationed on the New Zealand coast. Luncheon Cove, Dusky, claims the honour of being the spot, and Wm. Leith, second mate of the Britannia, had the distinction of being its commander.
On 1st December, 1792, the Britannia left for the Cape of Good Hope via the South of New Zealand, leaving this small band of intrepid spirits on the wild southern coast of a veritably unknown region, cut off from all communication with civilization, save such as they could establish for themselves by the construction of a vessel from timber growing in the virgin forest. And they had volunteered for the work. As the Britannia was leaving Facile Harbour a sharp earthquake was experienced.
The day after leaving Dusky, Raven sighted the Snares and not knowing of their prior discovery by Vancouver, called them Sunday Islands.7 It was not until he returned to Sydney and met Vancouver's men that he ascertained the fact of their prior discovery. This was the first time after their discovery that these islands are known to have been sighted.
The following February, while the sealing gang was at Dusky, Malaspina with two Spanish discovery corvettes attempted to enter Breaksea Sound, but failed, and made for Sydney. Neither the Spaniard nor the sealing gang, was aware of each other's proximity.
When Raven, in accordance with his charter, landed his cargo from the Cape of Good Hope at Sydney, seven months had elapsed since he had seen his men, and naturally his first anxiety was to have them relieved. The necessity for further supplies at Sydney was, however, very great, and again the Britannia was chartered, this time to proceed to India. Grose, who had command of the soldiers
Francis, a vessel of 41 tons, to accompany Raven. The Francis, it is interesting to know, was the first vessel completed in Sydney. She had been imported in frame from England in the Pitt, and called the Francis because she was launched on the birthday of Francis, the son of the Lieutenant-Governor. The foremast of the vessel was a red pine spar brought from Dusky by Raven8 by whom also she was launched and fitted out. Her first voyage was, by direction of the Lieutenant-Governor, to Dusky and she was commanded by William House, late boatswain of the Discovery, who had been with Vancouver in Dusky in 1791, and who, having been invalided, had recovered sufficiently to accept a Government appointment. An official reason had, of course, to be given for the Francis going to Dusky, and in the Lieutenant-Governor's own words it was stated that the Francis “was to sail for Dusky Bay in New Zealand immediately in order to ascertain how far that place, which, I understand, possesses all the advantages of Norfolk Island, with the addition of a safe harbour and seal-fishery, may tend to the benefit of his Majesty's service, as connected with these settlements.”9
It should be noted that two months before this, in April, 1793, the results of Vancouver's visit to the south of New Zealand were made known by the arrival of the Daedalus, store ship, under the command of one of Vancouver's men, Lieutenant Hanson, late of the Chatham. He brought copies of Vancouver's new maps showing the Snares and the Chatham Islands.10 It was by this vessel that House reached Sydney. From Lieutenant Hanson of the Daedalus and William House now appointed master of the Francis, the Lieutenant-Governor would doubtless obtain information about Dusky and its capabilities. The favourable reports of these men suggested to Grose the
Francis sent to report on Vancouver's.
The two vessels sailed from Sydney on 8th September, 1793, the Britannia reaching Dusky on the twenty-seventh of that month, while the Francis, having been blown off the coast four times, did not make the bay until the twelfth of October.4
On the first visit, Raven had anchored in Facile Harbour, the choice of Cook; on the occasion of the second, in Anchor Island Harbour, the refuge of Vancouver. The moment the vessel came to an anchor, Leith and a party of five, who had been seen coming round the south point of the island from their sealing station at Luncheon Cove, came on board and reported that all were well. Everything was found to be snug. As a sanatorium Dusky had sustained its reputation acquired from Cook and Vancouver. Raven tells us the health of the men, with one exception, had been good, and that exception was attributable to illness contracted before leaving Sydney, and the fact kept from the knowledge of the captain. This case however, was on a fair way to recovery. On the other hand, it had not turned out a pronounced success as a sealing station; the ten months that Raven was away had yielded only 4500 seal skins, but there were circumstances to account for this, and as the party had used every exertion, and procured as many as possible, Captain Raven was satisfied.4
The boat built during the gang's stay was, as far as the author can ascertain, the first vessel built in Australasia, purely from Australasian timber. The Francis, the first vessel built in Sydney, came out from England in frame, in one of the ships, and was only completed with Australian timber. The building of the Dusky craft is an Australasian historical event, and justifies us here in placing upon record the particulars as given by Raven himself. “What excited my admiration was the progress they had made in constructing a vessel of the following dimensions:
“Her construction is such that she will carry more by one half than she measures, and I am confident will sail well. The carpenter has great merit, and has built her with that strength and neatness which few shipwrights belonging to the merchant service are capable of performing.”4
The Francis had not been seen since the afternoon of 22nd September, and it was now the 28th and there was still no appearance of her. Under the terms of his charter Raven was allowed to stay only fourteen days at Dusky, and, all being anxious to get away, sails were repaired, the balance of the stores got on board, some timber secured for planking, and on Thursday, 9th October, Luncheon Cove with the unfinished craft of some 70 tons burden was abandoned. Stress of weather compelled Raven to make for Facile Harbour, where several days were spent in completing preparations, in visiting various spots ashore, and in inspecting some native huts. It was fortunate that events turned out as they did, because with the somewhat prolonged stay awaiting suitable weather to leave, a boat was sent back to Luncheon Cove for no other purpose than to bring away one of the domestic cats which had been left by the last boat. To the great joy of the boat's crew they found the Francis at anchor and learned that she had arrived the previous day, after being driven as far south as the Snares.
The condition of the tender was so bad that without repairs she could not have ventured to sea again, and the following day she was taken round to Facile Harbour, where lay the Britannia, and all hands were set to work to
Britannia sailing the same day for Norfolk Island.
During the stay of the sealing gang, the weather had been very bad, severe gales and heavy rains from the northwest often impeding the fishery and other labour.
Before the site of the shipbuilding yard in Dusky was known, Mr. Henry, late caretaker in the Sound, after carefully investigating different localities, indicated Luncheon Cove as the spot, and informed the author of his view. Now that the locality has been placed beyond doubt through the discovery of the Britannia's log, this opportunity is taken of testifying to the accuracy of Mr. Henry's researches.
The Britannia, after leaving Dusky, called at Norfolk Island and took Governor King, with the two Maori flax-dressers, back to New Zealand.
When House reached Sydney with his vessel, he reported to Grose on the result of his visit, but he cannot be said to have given a very favourable report. Collins the historian remarks regarding it. “Nothing appeared, by this information from Dusky Bay, that held out encouragement to the Government of Port Jackson to make use of that part of New Zealand. So little was said of the soil, or face of the country, that no judgment could be formed of any advantages which might be expected from attempting to cultivate it; a seal fishery there was not an object with it at present, and besides, it did not seem to promise much. The time the schooner was absent however, was not wholly misapplied, it proving the event of having, as Mr. Raven had done, left 12 people for 10 months on so populous an island, the inhabitants whereof were known to be savages, fierce and warlike. It might certainly be supposed that these people were unacquainted with the circumstances of there being any strangers near them, and
11
This was the first impression gathered from House's report. Probably the four times he had been driven off the coast and the hard work he had been put to in altering the rig of his vessel had more to do in producing an unfavourable report than anything he saw. Others held an entirely different opinion. An officer at Norfolk Island writing in 1793 to a friend in Lincoln, England, and speaking of Raven's visit to Dusky, says: “They speak so highly of the country, for the goodness of the soil and the fine timber with which it abounds, that it may be an object to Government in course of time.”12
The Britannia, on her road to India, called, as we have seen, at Norfolk Island, and from this place on 2nd November Raven penned his official report to Lieutenant-Governor King, from which the following, outside the ordinary narrative of events, is extracted.
“There are various kinds of timber in Dusky Bay, but that which is principally fit for shipbuilding is the spruce fir, which may be cut along the shore in any quantity or size for the construction of vessels from a first-rate to a small wherry.
“Fresh provisions are readily procured. Coalfish are innumerable, and may be caught with hooks and lines in almost any quantity, and have this peculiar excellence—my people ate them without bread for many months twice a day, and were fond of them to the last. Ducks, wood-hens, and various fowls they had procured in great plenty. Tea they made from the spruce and tea-trees. The animals I left had fed themselves on what they found in the woods, and were exceedingly fat and prolific.
“The rains here are not attended with that inconvenience experienced in other climates. Colds or rheumatisms my people were never afflicted with.
“The winter was mild, and in general they had better weather than in the summer months. The flax grows here in great abundance, from which our people made fishing-lines and kellick-ropes.”
Collins says: “The natives had not molested the Britannia's people; indeed, they seemed rather to abhor them, for, if by chance in their excursions (which were very few), they visited and left anything in a hut, they were sure, on their next visit, to find the hut pulled down, and their present remaining where it was left. Some little articles which Mr. Raven had himself placed in a hut, when he touched there to establish his little fishery, were found three months after by his people in the same spot.”13
Captain Raven had intended procuring “seal skins for the China market.” This was at the very earliest dawn of the Australasian seal trade. Two vessels had sailed southwards from Sydney in quest of seals, but returned in November, 1791, unsuccessful. Governor Phillip expressed concern for the prospects of trade in 1792, and in March of that year reported that he feared that “the fur trade of the north-west coast of America, and the trade among the islands, was too great an object to those employed in it to allow of them giving the Australian trade a trial.” The Russians had long before an extensive fur trade with China, going overland from Siberia, and the northwest coast trade of America, which was American and British, also went largely to China. The result was that when a fur industry arose in Australasian waters, China appeared to be the natural market for the produce. Later on the market became flooded to such an extent that the price of a fine seal fur was only four shillings to five shillings and sixpence—a non-paying price. About the commencement of the new century the trade shifted to England, where fur began to be used for the making of felt for hats.
The early whaling trade was pelagic and can scarcely be claimed as a trade by any country, while, on the other hand, the sealing trade was essentially coastal and local.
via China, the vessels arriving from England being under charter to the East India Company to go from Australia to China and take thence a cargo of tea to England.
We saw that when Raven set out for Dusky in the first instance, he was armed with a three years' trade license from the East India Company. It was under this authority that he was able to kill seals on the New Zealand coast, as trade in the East was a monopoly of the United Company of Merchants of England trading to the East Indies. When in 1795 whaling was found to be a profitable employment in the newly explored waters, legislation was passed fixing the limits for the Southern Whale Fishery. By that legislation, vessels could not proceed further east than 51° E. This still kept New Zealand and the New Zealand sealing under the domain of the East India Company and doubtless encouraged the seal trade to go to China, rather than to England. In 1797 the Board of Trade considered a petition of the merchant adventurers of the Southern Whale Fishery for an extension of their limits, owing to the war between Great Britain and Spain; and the application was referred to the East India Company for favourable consideration. In 1798 the extended limits sought were granted by legislation. In 1801, Messrs. Enderby and Champion on behalf of merchants, secured a further extension which opened the whole Southern Ocean for fishing, provided the vessels delivered their journals to the Court of the Directors of the East India Company on their return to England. Thus the New Zealand seal trade became free to British subjects, as to foreigners.
NEW voyages of any magnitude are wrapped in such mystery as is that of the Spanish corvettes, which, in 1789, under Malaspina, sailed from Cadiz, on a five years' tour of the world. It cannot be due to the fact that the narrative of their voyage was never translated into English, because other voyages, under similar conditions, are well known and referred to. On the author's part, it is because of a feeling that national jealousy was responsible for our ignorance of the exploratory work done by Malaspina, that he quotes in extenso an American opinion on that work. If we exempt Sir
“The following particulars of the last attempt of a voyage of discovery, which has made but little noise, and has not even been mentioned by an English journal, cannot fail to procure attention. A magnificent work is at this moment in the Madrid press containing a full and ample detail of all the transactions that occurred during this voyage of discovery; and, on its publication, we shall be gratified with an account of the manners and customs of the Babaco Isles, a nondescript cluster then visited for the first time by Europeans.”
“The two sloops called the Discovery and the Subtile, the former commanded by Don Alexander Malaspina, and the latter by Don Joseph de Bastemente, sailed in company from the port of Cadiz, on the 30th July, 1789, in order to co-operate with the other maritime powers in the execution of human knowledge, and more particularly of navigation.
“On their arrival at the north-west coast of America in lat. 59, 60, and 61 degrees, they searched, in vain, for a passage by which they might penetrate into the Atlantic ocean; they accordingly concluded that the predictions of Cook were founded on sound reasoning, and that the gut mentioned by Maidanogo, an old Spanish navigator, had no existence, except in his own brain.
“In the beginning of the year 1792, the Subtile, and a galliot, called the Mexican, under the command of Don Dion Galvyno and Don Cais de Taldies joined the English squadron, commanded by Captain Vancouver, with an intention to examine the immense Archipelago, known by the name of the Admiral's Fonte, and Juan de Foca.
“They continued the greater part of the year 1792 in visiting the Mariannes and Philippines, as also the Macas, on the coast of Guian. They afterwards passed between the isles Mindanoa and the isles called Mountay, shaping course among the coasts of New Guinea, and crossing the equator. On this occasion they discovered a gulph about 500 maritime leagues to the extent, which no former navigator had traversed. They then stopped at New Zealand and New Holland, and discovered in the Archipelago, called the Friendly Isles, the Babacos, a range of Islands which had never before been seen by any European mariner.
“After a variety of other researches in the southern ocean, they arrived in June 1793 at Calao. From this port they made other occasional expeditions; and each separately examined the port of Conception. and the rest of the coast of America, which extends to the southwest, as well as the western coast of Moluccas. They then entered the
“These voyages have not a little contributed to the extension of botany, mineralogy and navigation. In both hemispheres, and in a variety of different latitudes, many experiments were made relative to the weight of bodies, which will tend to important discoveries, connected with the irregular form of our globe; these will also be highly useful, so far as respects a fixed and general measure. While examining the inhabitants our travellers collected all the monuments that could throw any light either on the migration of nations, or on their progress in civilization. Luckily for the interests of humanity, these discoveries have not caused a single tear to be shed. On the contrary, all the tribes with whom they had any connexion will bless the memory of those navigators, who have furnished them with useful seeds, or presented them with a variety of instruments, and made them acquainted with several arts, of which they were before entirely ignorant.
“The vessels brought back nearly the whole of their crews; neither of them, in short, lost more than three or four men; which is wonderful, if we but consider the unhealthy climate of the Torrid Zones, to which they were so long exposed.
“Don Antonio de Valdes, the minister of the marine, who encouraged and supported the expedition, is busied at this moment in drawing up a detailed account of this voyage, so as to render the enterprize of general utility. It will soon be published; and the curious will be gratified with charts, maps, and engravings, now preparing to accompany it.
“In the mean time he has presented to the king the captains, Don Alexander Malaspina, Don Joseph de
1
Shortly stated, their movements in these latitudes were as follows: Passing Norfolk Island en route from the Phillipines they sailed south to Dusky, which they sighted on 25th February, 1793, and at midday were at Doubtful. A boat's crew sailed into the Sound while the vessels kept off the entrance. The next morning they attempted unsuccessfully to enter Dusky, but could not get past Breaksea Island, and the weather becoming stormy they sailed for Sydney. Had they succeeded in entering Dusky, as we have seen, they would there have met Captain Raven's sealing gang. After staying a short time at Sydney the expedition sailed eastward, steering well to the north of New Zealand and past the Kermadecs. Malaspina's New Zealand experiences will be best told in his own words.2
“On the 21st we found ourselves in latitude 40 deg. longitude 45 deg. 30 min. east of Manila. Dusky Bay lay 100 leagues to the south, and Cape Farewell and Queen Charlotte's Channel 107 leagues to the east.
“A new softness in the air, longer days, and the brilliancy of the stars made these climates much more convenient for navigation than the tropics. Even in this latitude, the favourable east wind still blew, and in a measure as we approached the coast we discovered a larger number of aquatic birds, whereas on one side a dense mist obscured the horizon. Consequently although by midday of the 24th being in latitude 44 deg. 34 min. longitude 46 deg. east of Manila, we judged the coast to be near, and although the Atrevida signalled land in sight, it was impossible, on account of the mist, to approach nearer, and by nightfall, finding no bottom we steered to the west, the wind at N.N.E. light breezes.
“February 25. These changed to a soft S.S.E. breeze, which sprang up at midnight, clearing away the mist, which obscured the horizon, so that towards 3 o'clock,
“By the exact details which Captain Cook, with his usual accuracy, has given of this part of the coast, we were able without difficulty, to make out all the points within sight. Five Fingers Point bounded our view to the south, the opening of Dusky Bay was clearly visible, and the course we followed carried us slightly to leeward of Doubtful Bay, which at 9 o'clock was about two or three miles distant. Having made a careful survey of its surroundings, we put off from the coast, and stood in on the other tack somewhat to windward. It would be difficult to give a more perfect description of the ruggedness and elevation of these coasts than that given by Captain Cook on his first voyage. Two miles from shore we sounded in 100 fathoms without finding bottom, and although the intermediate island showed signs of a fairly abundant vegetation, the entrance of Dusky Bay, and all the coast of the port, closed in with inaccessible mountainous peaks, justified the Captain's accounts, which have caused this port to be looked upon as dangerous to ships leaving it.
“Nevertheless the fact of its latitude being only 45 deg. 13 min., of its being to leeward while the south winds held, and the well known importance of taking advantage of the weather on that coast, and the fine day we were enjoying being, as it were, a warning, were all reasons which prompted us to lose no time in availing ourselves of this favourable opportunity of achieving our purpose. The more so that every change of wind, and the examination of Captain Cook's meteorological diary, made us fear that we should again meet the east winds directly opposed to the entrance of both ports.
“For these reasons, having taken up at mid-day a convenient position to windward, ready to follow any course that circumstances might render advisable, the armed boat of the Descuvierta, under the command of Don Felipe Bauza, was sent to reconnoitre the interior of the port, and
“The boat did not return until 9 at night, only at the entrance, on the outside of the island, had they touched bottom in 20 and 25 fathoms, gravel, but afterwards in both channels they sounded in 50 fathoms, without finding bottom, nor could they again touch it in all the surroundings of the island. Both channels were intercepted by some rocks, presenting no danger to navigation. Wood and water were abundant in the interior; in an inlet to the north the coast was somewhat more level and sandy, offering safe and convenient anchorage. Time being limited they had not been able to take soundings. To the southeast, a channel of two or two and a half cables ran through the mountains, the latter rising in sharp peaks, then becoming much narrower the channel wound round to the south, perhaps going to meet the internal channels of Dusky Bay. The tide was not very rapid from the signs on the shore, the ebb appeared to be about mid-day. They saw a few birds, not a single seal, no shell fish save a few small limpets, and not a sign, however remote, of inhabitants. These were the chief points in their report of this place, to which must be added a total lack of pine trees, vegetation consisting of a species of medium sized shrub. In brief, unless chance or dire necessity bring mariners to this port, we must suppose that it is destined to be perpetually deserted, and that Dusky Bay will ever remain the port of welcome in this neighbourhood, offering as it does a more convenient, a safer, and a healthier refuge.
“Night falling and the boat taken up, we remained becalmed some little time off the coast, but soon a light north wind sprang up, which enabled us to put off, and by midnight we were three leagues from shore. Anxious to lose no time, we steered to the south, calculating we had still seven leagues to run, and by 3 in the morning, having
“26th. We hoped that the first daylight would accord us a favourable opportunity of ascertaining our course, but dawn revealed a different outlook, and we appeared to have completely lost our advantageous position for gaining the port. At 4 in the morning, the fog having for a moment cleared off, we found ourselves suddenly at the entrance of Dusky Bay, and only two or three miles distant from Breaksea Island, which it was impossible to pass on account of the wind. Finding thus an error of three leagues in our calculations since midnight, we steered due west, the wind blowing a strong gale. At 9 o'clock we again tacked and stood in to the land, waiting an opportunity of gaining the wind.
“But our efforts were vain. We were again standing in to the coast at the same position as in the early morning, the wind at N.E. and gaining strength every moment as we neared the shore, which warned us that to hold our purpose was to run the risk of serious losses. Consequently we were compelled to take in two reefs in our topsails and steer to the south. At times portions of the coast were still visible, principally Five Fingers Point, which stood out clearly.
“Far from failing, by the afternoon the wind had become so violent that it might be called a hurricane, with a heavy sea running. We suffered considerable damage in our sails and rigging. The corvettes seemed powerless to resist. We had taken three reefs in the foresail and maintopsail, a precaution we considered necessary to prevent the waves from swamping the ships. By 10 o'clock an accident seemed to threaten us at any moment.
“After midnight the wind began to fall, but did not entirely cease until dawn, at which time we were sailing with two reefs in the four chief sails and topsails. The
“The course we had been compelled to take in the past storm had carried us to a considerable distance from the coast. Our observations revealed to us a strong current to the N., and thus we were no less than 30 leagues from the bay.
“The warning we had received brought reflection with it, and we decided that to enter into Dusky Bay for the sole purpose of making experiments of gravity was an unnecessary risk. Other reasons were added to this—viz., the extraordinary effects of the cold and of the last storm upon the already weakened and tired Phillipine crew, and the heavy rains experienced in the port, so that at times a fortnight would pass without an opportunity for taking any observations, and finally, as we were twice again to cross parallel 45 deg. on either side of Cape Horn it would not be difficult to find a more favourable opportunity of achieving our purpose.
“For these reasons, we decided that to repair the ships and rest the crew it would be advisable to put in at Port Jackson or Botany Bay in New Holland. We therefore steered west without delay, and at mid-day of the 28th, the following day, we were already 70 leagues from the extreme south of New Zealand.
“Our longitude before Doubtful Bay, compared with that of Captain Cook was as follows: The errors 30 and 20 min. in the two islands of New Zealand, which the captain noticed on his second voyage, had, of course, been corrected in our charts:—
Malaspina dropped anchor in Sydney on 13th March and sailed again on 12th April. On the twentieth, only eight days afterwards, the Daedalus, with several of
After his return to Spain Malaspina fell into disgrace and was arrested by order of the Spanish Government and thrown into the prison of Buen Retiro.3 From there he was afterwards removed to one of the strong castles of Corunna, where he remained until liberated by Napoleon in 1802. Under these circumstances Malaspina could do nothing in connection with the publication of his journals. El Pedro Gil, a man of great literary abilities, who had undertaken the compilation of the work, shared Malaspina's disgrace and fate. More than that, all papers and documents relating to the voyage were seized and the scientific staff of the expedition ordered to suspend their labours. Doubt is expressed whether the results of the voyage were ever published as a first edition. Certainly nothing had been done up to 1801. A Court intrigue is said to have been responsible for all this trouble. A copy of Malaspina's log can be obtained from Madrid, but search so far has failed to locate his charts. There is a probability that these were prepared by one of the officers, probably by Bauza, and were not kept amongst Malaspina's papers. That there was a chart published is beyond doubt, as the Hydrographic Office of the British Admiralty issued, in 1840, a chart of Doubtful Harbour by Bauza in 1793, and in Wyld's map of New Zealand, dated 1841, several Spanish names are to be found in Doubtful Sound. The meaning of some of these names, from the narrative just given, and with the aid of the list of officers of the vessel published with the work, can be explained. The southern head, Point Febrero, is called after the month of February, when Malaspina visited the Sound. Bauza Island at the entrance, is named after the captain of the “armed boat of the Descuvierta who surveyed it. Don Felipe Bauza was the official director of charts and
Bauza sailed round the island on a track indicated on his chart by soundings. These show that he came past the inside point of the island and into the Sound far enough only to disclose the bay opening up on the northern coast line, while from the same point the southern coastline appeared a continuous wall of high mountains. Had he proceeded farther, the arms to the south would have opened up. Wyld gives to the supposed connecting link with Dusky the name Mac's Passage. Two other Spanish names occur. Nea Island, still retained, at the mouth, may have been called after Atrevida. The name Point Quintano, one of the points of Pendulo Bay, has not been retained. It was called after Fernando Quintano the third lieutenant of the Descuvierta.
The author hopes that one day the powers that be will pay the graceful compliment to that Spanish expedition, of reviving the old names, so that not only may we have a record of the visit, but may have that record perpetuated in the names of isle, or headland and of sound.
The departure of Raven and his sealing gang in 1793, left the South Island of New Zealand, without, so far as we can ascertain, one white man upon its shores; in which condition it remained until 1795, when the Endeavour and the Fancy sailed into Facile Harbour, in Dusky Bay.
No wreck upon the New Zealand coast, with perhaps the solitary exception of that of the Boyd, at Whangaroa, has excited so much discussion and controversy as has that of the old Endeavour in Dusky Sound. Her name has been so long before the public and her identity has been so often confounded with that of Cook's Endeavour, that it will be as well to commence by explaining the circumstances under which she came to this country.
The Right Hon. Daedalus, on her arrival at Sydney from Vancouver, to Calcutta for a cargo of sheep and cattle. Delay however took place in the arrival of the vessel and in April 1793, Grose, Phillip's successor, unable to wait any longer, entered into a contract with Captain Bampton of the Shah Hormuzear to bring one hundred head of cattle and some food supplies, from India.
From one cause or another the voyage was a very protracted one, and in Sydney all hope of the vessel's safety had been abandoned, when the Fancy, a brig of 150 tons, commanded by Captain Dell, arrived from India with a portion of the cargo contracted for, and explained the cause of the delay. Captain Bampton was to follow.1 Waiting for him, the Fancy ran across to the River Thames, in New Zealand, where she spent three months while her crew
Fancy returned to Sydney on 15th March, 1795.2
On 31st May, 1795, Captain Endeavour, 800 tons, a vessel destined to make for herself a name in New Zealand history. We are not so much interested in her cargo as in the circumstances under which Bampton picked her up. These he explained to Lieut.-Governor Paterson on his arrival. The war and the presence of French privateers, kept him a month at Batavia, so that he did not reach Bombay until February, 1794. On his arrival there, no ship fit for conveying cattle to a distance was procurable, and it was not until the middle of May that the Endeavour arrived. After purchasing her, Bampton found that she was not fit to face the boisterous latitudes without docking. This operation took until the month of October, 1794, and as this was not the season for cattle from Surat, it was January before the cargo could be got together. Two months were required to put the animals in condition for shipping, and the Endeavour sailed from Bombay for Sydney on 17th March, 1795, with one hundred and thirty-two head of cattle and a cargo of new Surat grain.3
While the Endeavour lay at Sydney wharf the Britannia arrived and was anchored alongside, and Bampton, being in want of an officer, applied to Raven. The latter suggested to his fourth officer, Mr. Endeavour might mean more rapid promotion than remaining on board the Britannia, and advised him to accept the position, which he did.
From 31st May to 18th September the Endeavour remained at Sydney undergoing repairs, and on the latter date sailed for Dusky Bay in company with the Fancy (snow) commanded by Capt. Endeavour and the Fancy were at anchor in Facile Harbour.
No sooner had a landing been effected than Captains Bampton and Dell, taking Mr. Murry with them, went off to Luncheon Cove, to see the vessel which had been left there by Raven's sealing gang in 1793. The little wharf was still standing and so was the vessel on the stocks, and, although she did not appear in a very seaworthy condition, her injuries were found to be confined to the shrinking and splitting of some of the timbers, not much to men in the condition of the Endeavour's crew, who could not afford to be very particular, although they grumbled a little at the appearance of the vessel on the stocks. The utensils of the old station were found lying as Raven had left them.
The Endeavour herself was in such a state that a survey was, on 20th October, made by Captain Dell of the Fancy, Dennison and Fell, his first and second officers, William Bowell and Alms, passengers, and Waine, Weatherall and Murry, officers of the Endeavour, and the carpenters of both vessels. The result disclosed a condition of things quite unseaworthy and made the onlookers thankful she had held together during the tempestuous weather experienced in the voyage across. Nothing remained but to condemn the vessel, and following upon the condemnation, all hands were engaged in getting ashore what could be saved from the wreck. The rigging was taken down and sent away. The masts were cut out, the cables removed, and the food and ammunition placed on board the Fancy. While removing her guns two were lost by the upsetting of a raft, so there remains in the vicinity of the old wreck a prize still to be got by some energetic explorer. On the 25th the vessel was unmoored,
Britannia had lain during her voyage; and there she lies until this day. Such was the wreck, or to be more correct, the abandonment of the Endeavour. To-day, one hundred and fourteen years after the old craft was laid to rest, timber is being taken from her to satisfy the demands of tourists and curio hunters, and when we remember that she was an old vessel in 1795, the sound teak obtained is a remarkable testimony to the qualities of that timber for ship building purposes.
Including the forty-one who had secreted themselves on board the Endeavour, the total number of people now at Dusky was no less than two hundred and forty-four, and when the mixed nature of the crowd is considered, it is not surprising to find that they did not long remain a happy and contented family. First of all, on the 13th October, came trouble among the officers, when Mr. Bowell, the first mate, resigned and was replaced by Mr. Waine, the second; then on the 18th the miscellaneous crowd, who had refused to take their proper share of work, were mustered and threatened with expulsion from the ship's quarters, and with shore camp for the future. No sooner had these difficulties been surmounted, than on the 23rd the stores were broken into and some of the food supplies stolen, but the thief was discovered and handed over to the tender mercies of the shore men for punishment. Trouble with the crew did not end till the 28th, when Captain Bampton gave his last and fixed resolution to decline to permit anyone, who refused to do his share of the work, to return to the mainland. The desperate position of such a great number of people and the utter hopelessness of relief, except with the assistance of the captain, seems to have so far awed the crew that there were no further complaints.
From the log of the vessel kept by Mr. Rt. Murry, which the author discovered in the Essex Institute at Salem, Mass. U.S.A., it is seen that Captain Bampton's relations
While trouble was going on between the officers and among the men, every effort was being made to get the great crowd on shore taken safely away from the dreary confines of Dusky Bay. The vessel which Raven had left lying at Luncheon Cove was repaired as well as circumstances permitted, and as a schooner under the name of the Providence, put into commission, under Captain Dell, to carry ninety persons. Bampton himself went into the Fancy and made provision for taking with him sixty-four of the shipwrecked mariners. To complete the entire transfer it was necessary to arrange for ninety, and that number was ultimately provided for by taking the long-boat of the Endeavour, and from her frame, with the fittings of the abandoned vessel, building a craft to sail to Sydney under the command of Mr. Waine. When the Fancy and the Providence were ready for sea, this vessel, which Bampton called the Resource, was not expected to be completed for three weeks, but it was decided to sail without her. Whether Bampton was justified in this action of abandoning his first officer is a moot point. The fact that he was not over friendly with Waine; that the new craft was plainly not likely to be a phenomenal success, in spite of the efforts that were put forward to complete her; and the annoyance that Waine must have felt at having his lot cast on board her after Bampton had decided not to stay; all tended to strain the relationship between the commander and his first officer, with the result that on New Year's Day things culminated in Bampton charging Waine with discontent.
On Thursday, 7th January, 1796, the Providence and the Fancy sailed from Facile Harbour, and as they passed Point Five Fingers the former vessel narrowly escaped
Resource was left behind.
On 19th January, 1796, the Fancy and the Providence arrived at Norfolk Island, at that time a convict settlement, and Captain Dell went ashore to the Lieutenant-Governor's residence with the following letter:—4
Snow ,Fancy, off Norfolk Island19th January, 1796 .
Dear Sir,— “I beg leave to acquaint you that I sailed from Port Jackson in the
Endeavour, with theFancy, on the 19th of September last; but, having unfortunately suffered the disaster of theEndeavour's being shipwrecked, and having now only a few days' provisions of rice alone to subsist upon, and that at half allowance, under such unfortunate circumstances, I have taken the liberty of requesting your humane assistance for such necessary supplies as I stand in need of, and his Majesty's store will admit, to enable me to return to India.“I likewise beg leave to inform you that I have between twenty-five and thirty people who secreted themselves on board the
Endeavour(unknown to me or any of the officers), whose time of transportation is not yet expired. I therefore hope, sir, you will be so kind as to send boats and a guard to take them on shore; as likewise a number of others whom I permitted, by leave of his ExcellencyGovernor Hunter to take a passage to India, but from my unfortunate situation cannot take them any further.“For further particulars, I beg leave to refer you to Captain Dell, who will give you every information of our circumstances, and wait with pleasure.
“With my best respects to Mrs. King.”
I have, &c., . W. W. Bampton
The miserable condition of the escapees from Port Jackson called from Lieut.-Governor King, in his despatch to the Duke of Portland, the following comment:—5
“The distressed state of the master and people belonging to those vessels has induced me to comply with his request in the manner stated in the enclosure, which I hope will meet with your Grace's approbation.
“I have the honour to enclose lists of persons of different descriptions landed here from the
Fancy, snow, andProvidence, schooner. They are real objects of pity, being so debilitated from extreme hunger that it will be some time before any labour can be got from them.”
King appeared to think he had performed an extremely charitable act in relieving Captain Bampton, but the document addressed to Deputy-Commissary Clark shows that nothing was parted with, without a quid pro qua. As a sample of Norfolk Island terms of relief to shipwrecked mariners in 1796, its terms are worth producing in extenso.6
“Mr
William Wright Bampton (late master of theEndeavour) having represented the distressed state of his people for provisions and some stores, which are necessary for the prosecution of his voyage to India, and as he informs me he can procure a person to lodge twelve hundred pounds of fresh pork in his Majesty's stores in exchange for an equal quantity of salt beef, and that he has a quantity of salt which will be useful in curing Government's pork, which he is willing to give as an equivalent return for the quantity of dholl required, and will pay any overplus in money.“On these conditions you will deliver him the salt beef out of the stores, and the dholl from that condemned by survey, with the stores as per margin, taking a fair valuation of the worth of those articles, delivering to me original copies of the same, together
“with such money as may be given for the overplus value, to be applied by me to the purpose of purchasing grain and fresh pork. For all which this shall be your order.
Given under my hand at Sydney, on Norfolk Island, this 19th day of January. 1796.
. Philip Gidley King
Margin.
Two tons and a half of dholl; twelve hundred pounds of beef; three pieces of island canvas; one hundred pounds of nails; six hundred deck-nails; some ironwork, about seventy pounds weight, four pounds of thread.”
Word did not reach Sydney about the wreck for some considerable time. Collins tells us:7 “On the 17th (March, 1796), the vessel built by the shipwright Hatherleigh at Dusky Bay arrived, with some of the people left behind by Bampton. They were so distressed for provisions, that the person who had the direction of the vessel could not bring away the whole; and it was singularly fortunate that he arrived as he did, for with all the economy that could be used, his small stock of provisions was consumed to the last mouthful the day before he made the land.
“The vessel, which the officer who commanded her (Waine, one of the mates of the Endeavour) not inappropriately named the Assistance, was built entirely of the timber of Dusky Bay, but appeared to be miserably constructed. She was of near sixty tons burden, and was now to be sold for the benefit of Mr. Bampton.
“The situation of the people still remaining at Dusky Bay was not, we understood, the most enviable; their dependence for provisions being chiefly on the seals and birds which they might kill. They had all belonged to this colony, and one or two happened to be persons of good character.”
It looks suspicious that forty-one convicts and others could secrete themselves, unknown to the officers, on board
8
Assistance—was in Sydney, and another—probably the Providence—had gone to Batavia.9 We do know however that on her arrival in Sydney the Assistance, which Bampton had called the Resource, was sold for £250, while the log of the voyage records the fact that when Bampton reached Norfolk Island he put Murry, of the Fancy, in command of the Providence, and sailed for India.
The log was kept on board the Providence from 2nd February to 17th April, 1796, when the supply of paper for such purposes was exhausted. The vessel turned out to be a very poor sailer, but she made the Loyalty Islands on 5th February, and speaking of her next day, Captain Murry says: “It is the intention of Capt. Bampton to leave us, being a bad sailer, to ourselves, this day we have kept ahead of the brig, and, as we have no ballast very little water and few good sails, the present time should I think be embraced of getting these points accomplished that we may proceed on our passage.” On 10th April, 1796, the position of the Providence was Lat. 1° 22′ S. and 119° 53′ E. She probably made for Batavia and never left the harbour, which would fit in with the story told above by
Her log is now in the Essex Institute, Salem, Mass., U.S.A. How it came there is a mystery, but it may have been that one of the Salem East India merchantmen bound for Canton or the East generally, called at Batavia, and Murry shipped on board, taking his log with him. Be that as it may, there is the log of the Britannia 1792–95, the
Endeavour 1795–96, and the log of the Providence 1796, all kept by Mr.
Bampton had hoped that the Assistance would have taken off all but four men who were to be left in charge of surplus stores, and who were to be relieved by a vessel sent from India; but as it happened thirty-five men were left behind, and no vessel came from India. In justice to Bampton it should be pointed out that his arrangements had been upset by the action of Waine—the officer he had left in charge. The Resource was to follow, at an interval of about three weeks, to Norfolk Island and then to India. It is probable that the strained relationship which existed between the captain and his first officer was responsible for Waine changing the name of the craft to that of the Assistance, and, instead of sailing for Norfolk Island, directing his course for Sydney. Whatever was the reason, Waine landed his men at Sydney and took no further steps in the direction of relieving the thirty-five who were still at Dusky. Bampton, expecting his vessel to follow him, would naturally await her arrival before making the next move. Between the two no relief was sent. Time wore on. The year 1796 passed, and still no tidings of the relief from India. Mercury, from Manila, called in at Port Jackson on 11th January, and stayed four months refitting. On being approached, when leaving Sydney, to call at Dusky, the master made no objection, only stipulating that be might be permitted to take from the wreck such stores as he might require. Of course Hunter could not give such
10
The Mercury sailed about the middle of May, 1797, and although the captain incurred the indignation of Collins, because he had repaid Sydney hospitality by taking away a female convict without the Governor's permission,11 still his heart was in the right place, and he made for the shipwrecked mariners at Dusky and relieved them. In September, 1797, a small decked long boat arrived from Norfolk Island and brought word that the Mercury had landed thirty-five people belonging to the Endeavour, who had been wrecked twenty months before (October 1795) on that island.12 This service was performed, we are told, “under many difficulties,” and we can well believe it. The advice to make a contract with the shipwrecked men was adopted, and a copy of same was sent by the master to Mercury. There was, however, an American snow called the Mercury, Captain Todd, which had been captured by the French, carried into Morlaix and released, and the demand of the American Government for an indemnity had not been answered, when in June, 1797, the lists were published.13 This would fit in with the movements of the Dusky Bay Mercury.
This is the simple narrative of the wreck in Dusky. Romances that have been woven around it and fairy tales that have been told as solemn truth, would fill volumes. Some might be referred to here.
With a mysterious basis like this to work upon and the imagination untrammelled by any facts, it was a simple thing to load up the old craft with untold quantities of gold. With this cargo she blossoms out as the solution of the Madagascar mystery. Told in 1882 by Messrs. Anglem and Gilroy, two names well known among the old families of the south, the vessel was the Madagascar which had sailed from Melbourne. She had on board a large quantity of gold. The men mutinied. The ship was burnt. The treasure was taken ashore and buried, with a pick stuck in the ground to mark the spot. The survivors made for Lake Wakatipu. Of course there was the usual finish. The man who found that pick became rich beyond the dreams of avarice.14 Visions of these riches are said to have tempted cutters from the Bluff to visit the scene of the wreck with, in such cases, the usual, and in this case the inevitable, result. One of the trips was made in the cutter Heather Bell, chartered by three Sydney men representing a syndicate which had been formed there. They brought with them from Sydney a professional diver; they took with them to the wreck stores and dynamite to carry on salvage operations; they carried back to their homes an amount of wisdom and experience which, if properly used, would prove of great value in after life.
As late as 1903, with all the foregoing information available, this is found in a published work: “She is nothing more than an old transport that brought out a cargo of convicts to the Cove. Being in a state of starvation, the convict authorities chartered her to obtain supplies, and visit Dusky en route. Arriving there she was so completely waterlogged that she had to be taken into Facile and
15 All goes to show how difficult it is to get back to fact, when fiction has long held undisputed sway.
In addition to the romance which gathered around the identity of the wreck, there was still the dispute whether it was Cook's old Endeavour or not. The clearing up of the later years of Cook's barque as shown in a preceding chapter, settled all question of identity; but many hung on to the idea that the two vessels were one and the same. No less an authority on New Zealand coastal matters than the late Captain Fairchild, master of the Government steamer, held that view. In September, 1895, he spent some time investigating the wreck and taking measurements of it, coming finally to the conclusion that she was a vessel of 128 feet keel and not 180 as he had previously estimated. Owing to this changed size of the vessel he made up his mind that she was the old Endeavour of Cook.16
Although not connected in any way with the wreck of the Endeavour, the next event within the range of our history is the discovery of the Antipodes Islands, and it is here given to complete the record of the eighteenth century events. H.M.S. Reliance, on service in New South Wales, became worn out and unfit for further service, and whilst she still remained in a condition fit to undertake the ocean voyage to England,
“Latd. in South 49° 51′ Longd. in East 180° 5′. Strong gales and squally, handed the Fore Topsail. A.M. at 2 discovered land or our lee beam about 2 miles distant, hauled to the wind and stood off, at daybreak wore and stood in for the land, which proved to be a desolate, Mountainous, and barren Island, scarce any verdure to be seen upon it, at 6 running along the eastern coast of the Island at 8 bore up and stood on our course the Eastern extremity of the land S. b. W. to S.W. b. W. distant
“from a small Island at the N. E. end of the large one, 3 miles, at 9 the small Island bore W. b S. distant 3 leagues.”
These islands Waterhouse named the Penantipodes, from their approach to the antipodes of London. Seals were seen upon them, and they were located in lat. 49° 49′ 30″ S. and long. 179° 20′ E.17
The century therefore closed with the coastline as Cook had laid it down thirty years before, except that his later voyages had added to our knowledge of Queen Charlotte Sound, and his 1773 survey of Dusky had been completed and corrected by Vancouver in 1791, and Malaspina had obtained an idea of the outline of the entrance to Doubtful in 1793. Foveaux Strait was as yet undiscovered. Of the outlying islands, the Traps had been discovered by Cook in 1770; the Bounties by Bligh in 1788; the Snares by Vancouver, and Chatham Island by Broughton in 1791; and the Penantipodes by Waterhouse in 1800. The small sealing craft of Sydney had not yet braved the Tasman Sea, and British trade had still to be carried on through the East India Company. The first foreign vessel, the snow Mercury, had visited the South Island of New Zealand for trading purposes.
SOUTHERN New Zealand has associated with its story some of the greatest names in early Australian history. The most renowned of the early Pacific navigators, Cook and Vancouver, explored and benefited by their stay on its shores; the Spanish sailor, Malaspina, gazed upon its rugged fiords; and Raven and Bampton, the most enterprising of early Australian trading sea captains, chronicle its incidents among the most stirring they experienced. Now we come to the most intrepid of Australian coastal navigators, Bass, visiting the country, and following up that visit by drafting a scheme for supplying the young colony of New South Wales with fish, oil, bone and skins from southern New Zealand.
In 1795 Reliance, and he first appears on the official records through 1
This commission seems to have fanned into a flame that wild love of exploration and adventure which characterised the remaining years of his life. He was now but thirty-four years old, and is described as “six foot high, dark complexion, wears spectacles, a very penetrating countenance.” Returning from his coalmining explorations he persuaded Hunter to allow him to take six seamen with six
Norfolk. The separating strait in memory of this achievement received the name of Bass Strait.
An eight days' trip by sea in a boat only eight feet long, followed by a twelve weeks' cruise of 600 miles in a whale-boat, and crowned by circumnavigating unknown Van Diemen's Land in a twenty-five ton sloop, placed Bass in the front rank of Australian navigators.
In 1800 the Reliance, being unfit for service, was ordered Home. Bass presumably went with her; at any rate we know he returned to England at this time. If he sailed in the Reliance he saw the Penantipodes, and perhaps there got his first inspiration for a fishing scheme to include the islands.
Arrived in England, his adventurous spirit suggested a roving trade in the South Sea Islands with the Sydney settlement. He married, and within three months left his young wife at home, never again to see her. He and his father-in-law became members of a company, which purchased the brig Venus, an Indian teak built vessel of 140 tons. Bishop sailed as captain, with Bass as supercargo, and cargo to the total value of £10,890 was purchased with sums invested in the undertaking by a number of their friends.
At Port Jackson the market was found to be glutted, and prospects looked very gloomy indeed; however they secured a charter from Governor King, and the cargo was given a free bond until their return. The Venus was to proceed to the South Sea Islands for salted pork, excluding “head, feet, and flays of the pigs,” all delivered would be
2 When the time came to leave, Governor King could not supply enough casks to fill the vessel, and Bass had to look elsewhere for his complement. To obtain this he, on 21st November, 1801, sailed for Dusky, and reached the Sound on 5th December. The cutting of the necessary timber took fourteen days, and during that time he picked up from the wreck of the Endeavour “some few trifles of ships' stores and unwrought iron” which he hoped to turn to account. From later information received from Bass, it appears he converted the iron into axes and made a considerable profit from this source. From Dusky he sailed for Tahiti, where he arrived on 24th January, 1802.3
One cannot but be struck with the reputation Dusky had for timber, when we consider that to make up his complement of casks Bass should sail from Sydney, from a country so richly endowed with timber as Australia, to the southern part of New Zealand. The good reports given by Cook, Vancouver, Raven, and Bampton, had evidently made it a well advertised centre for ships' accessories.
Bass returned to Sydney in November, 1802, and his venture proved a profitable one, although part of the original cargo was still to be disposed of. December and January were spent in elaborating plans for a trip as bold as it was original. The central object was to get provisions and live stock from the coast of Chili, but there was also included a great fishery scheme embracing the extreme south of New Zealand. The details of the scheme were to be arranged upon his return from the present voyage. The proposal had been more than merely formulated; it had been discussed with the Governor, and it would appear from the correspondence following that the concessions asked for were to have been granted to him on his return from Chili.
Sydney, New South Wales ,January 30th, 1803 .Your Excellency ,Sir,— “From the dearness of animal food in this country, and the little prospect there is of its price being reduced by killing the live stock for many years yet to come, I have been induced to make some consideration upon the chance of lessening the vast sums expended annually by the Government, in sending out hither supplies of beef and pork for the rations of the convicts, whose numbers, now that peace is established in Europe, we may conclude will every year be very considerably augmented.
“In point of information, it is unnecessary for me to say to your Excellency, that by my late voyage to the South Sea Islands, I have enabled you to issue from the Public Stores, pork at a price much below what the Government could have sent it out from England; but I mention the circumstance to impress upon your Excellency that I have not only undertaken but performed a reduction at the public expense (
a). Thus furthering your arduous exertions to the same end, whilst producing to myself a profitable though very moderate return, and on this plan am I desirous of proceeding in the present instance.“I have every proof, short of actual experiment, that fish may be caught in abundance near the South part of the South Island of New Zealand, or at the neighbouring islands. And that a large quantity might be supplied annually to the Public Stores.
“Government aiding me in the project, I will make the experiment.
“The aid I ask of Government is an exclusive privilege or lease of the South part of New Zealand, or that South of Dusky Bay, drawing the line in the same parallel of latitude across to the East side of the Island, as also of the Bounty Isles, Penantipode Isle, and the Snares, all being English discoveries, together with ten leagues of sea around their coasts (
b). The lease to continue for seven years yetto come; renewable to twenty-one years, if the fishery within the first seven, is judged likely to succeed. Capability of affording to the Public Stores once every week a ration of good salt fish at one penny per pound less cost than a meat ration, calculated at the prime cost in England with freight, to be deemed good and sufficient proof of success, and ground for claiming the renewal of the lease to its utmost limit of 21 years. “And, since the several different places above specified, are only asked for to give greater scope to the experiment, they shall all upon application for renewal of lease, be given up, that only excepted which experience shall have proved to be the best adapted for the purpose of view, which purpose is no other than that of a fishery.
“Until after the expiration of seven years I cannot consent to supply annually any specific quantity of fish to the Public Stores, such term being to be considered as a period of probation only. Nor do I wish that Government shall be bound to take any specific quantity of fish annually, supposing that quantity to be ready. Government may, within the above space of time become purchasers, or not, as is found convenient (
c).“And should any failure happen in the Stores, and times of exigency again be seen in the land, I will ready come forward, and supply one half of the fish I may have in my own private stores during such exigency at 25 per cent. less cost than the then market price of that article in this colony.
“If your Excellency thinks the above proposal worthy of notice, I request of you at once to have the privilege, that I may begin to set matters in motion.
“If I can draw up food from the sea in places which are lying useless to the world, I surely am entitled to make an exclusive property of the fruits of my ingenuity, as much as the man who obtains Letters Patent for a corkscrew or a cake of blacking.”—Sir, I am, etc.,
.George Bass
To his Excellency, Governor King.
Notes by Governor King.
(a). The quantity of pork purchased from Mr. Bass at 6d. per lb. was very acceptable at the time it came before the supplies arrived from England—and as far as my information goes, at least 6d. per lb. less than it could be sent from England. But it is to be supposed that if the peace continue salt pork sent from England will not exceed sixpence a lb. and we have now 3 years meat in store. May 9th, 1803.
(b.) As Mr. Bass limits the time of his first essay to seven years, his success may warrant the term being extended. But it remains to be ascertained how far the fish thus salted will answer, and whether the oyla potatoes expended with the fish may not be adequate to the saving proposed. But as it is at his own risque that he undertakes this enterprise, every encouragement, I presume, should be allowed him—which at present depends on the progress he may make, when he makes the trial which will not be done until his return from his present voyage.
(c.) This is by no means binding on the Government to take the fish unless wanted.”
Before leaving Sydney, Bass penned a letter to Captain Waterhouse, formerly of the Reliance, stating his programme. “From this place I go to New Zealand to pick up something more from the wreck of the old Endeavour in Dusky Bay, then visit some of the islands lying south of it in search of seals and fish. The former, should they be found, are intended to furnish a cargo to England immediately on my return from this trip. The fish are to answer a proposal I have made to Government to establish a fishery on condition of receiving an exclusive privilege of the south part of New Zealand and of its neighbouring isles, which privilege is at once to be granted to me. The fishery is not to be set in motion till after my return to old England. …”
“We have, I assure you, great plans in our heads, but like the basket of eggs, all depends upon the success of the voyage I am now upon.”4
In an earlier letter to Waterhouse, Bass had gone more fully into details. “I shall go to Dusky Bay again this voyage for the purpose of picking up two anchors and breaking the iron fastenings out of an old Indiaman (the Endeavour) that lies there deserted, with the intention of selling the former to the Spaniards, and of working up the other to purchase pork in the Islands. Of the little iron we took out last voyage, converted by our smith into axes, we made a good thing. Now we shall be prepared for breaking her up.”5
The Venus sailed on this voyage to Dusky on 5th February, 1803, but beyond stray stories of navigators, such as always surround the romantic incidents of the sea, nothing has since been heard of her or of her intrepid commander. This voyage suggests some speculations in connection with the discovery of Foveaux Strait. The recorded discovery was 1809, but the more southern history is perused, the more probable does it appear that the strait was known at an earlier date. Bass was the man who first established the existence of a strait between Australia and Van Diemen's Land. His plan during this voyage was to examine the south of New Zealand for fish and seals. It is more than probable that after getting what he wanted from the old Endeavour in Dusky, he skirted the southern part of the mainland to perfect his knowledge of the coastline of his intended monopoly, and following it along, he could not escape passing through what is now known as Foveaux Strait. This, of course, is only conjecture.
However wild the scheme of a southern fishery at that date may have looked, history shows us that the very area he indicated, was afterwards proved to have the richest sealing grounds, the most productive shore whaling coast, the finest deep sea fishing waters, and the most extensive oyster beds in Australasia.
Of the stories told by navigators of the fate of this intrepid man, the one which gained the greatest credence was that of Captain Campbell. Campbell traded between Port Jackson and Chili. One voyage was performed from
BASS Strait was, up to 1803, the great sealing ground of Australasia. Seals had been taken in New Zealand, but chiefly by the crews of vessels calling there while loading for distant parts. It was to Bass Strait that the regular sealing craft owned by Sydney men sailed. These vessels consisted of small sloops and schooners, of from 11 to 38 tons burden, and eleven of them were, in February, 1804, trading to that locality.
There is no doubt that the publicity given, through Bass' negotiations, to the question of the proposed New Zealand fishery concession, directed the attention of sealers to the shores of Dusky and the vicinity of the South Cape, as well as to the islands lying to the south—the Snares, the Bounties, and the Penantipodes. This was inevitable, and we are not borrowing much from our imagination, in supposing that advantage was taken of Bass' absence to exploit the localities of the concession contemplated by that gentleman.
The above however was not the only reason for the new order of things which began to obtain in sealing. As early as December, 1802, reports from King's Island disclosed the fact that the seals, owing to continual harassing, were forsaking the island, and it was anticipated that the sea elephants would follow them. The French Commodore Baudin of the Geographe and Naturaliste, sent out by Napoleon at the end of 1802, wrote from King's Island to Governor King in these words: “There is every appearance that in a short time your fishermen will have drained the island of its resources by the fishery of the sea-wolf and the sea-elephant. Both will soon abandon their resorts
1
When this was the official intimation of the state of affairs it is easy to see that the traders were on the look out for other fields to exploit. The most energetic of these firms were R. Campbell & Co., Geographe and the Naturaliste, in reference to their stay at Sydney in 1802, suggests that Palmer & Co., at that early date, had a sealing fleet engaged on the New Zealand coast. The paragraph is thus rendered by Pinkerton: “Here it is that Mr. Palmer causes those small vessels to be built he employs in the whale and seal fishery off New Zealand, and in Bass's Strait.”2 The statement is a very general one, but records show that Palmer had only four small vessels at the time, all of which were engaged in the Bass Strait and coastal trade, and none are mentioned as trading to New Zealand.3 Palmer himself had only arrived in the colony in November, 1800.4 The mention of his whaling receives no support from any other source. Turnbull, too, who visited Sydney in the latter end of 1803, mentions Bass Strait only as the scene of the Sydney sealing. He describes the gangs located on the islands as being moved from place to place by attendant craft as the seals became scarce. Nothing is said about New Zealand sealing.5 In the added matter written as late as 1813, Turnbull refers to the subject thus: “When the sealing flagged, in some degrees in Bass's Straits, they (the sealers) turned their thoughts to the neighbouring island of New Zealand, where the seals were known to abound. Every bay, creek, and river was examined by them in quest of these objects, and the fruit of their labour most amply recompensed them. A most constant and friendly inter-
6 It must be surmised that the French Commodore meant that the whaling was off the New Zealand coast, the sealing in Bass Strait. In any case he cannot be quoted as an authority for the proposition that sealing had commenced on the New Zealand coast at this early date.
The first firm to attempt the wild New Zealand coast with the small craft of that day, appears to have been Kable and Underwood. The Sydney returns show that this enterprising firm had, at that time, two schooners engaged in the seal trade in Bass Strait—the Governor King of 38 tons and the Endeavour of 31. They had also a sloop of 24 tons called the Diana.7 The Endeavour was the pioneer vessel of this little fleet, having been registered in 1801, the Governor King in 1803; the Endeavour was also the first to engage in the New Zealand trade.
On Monday 18th April, 1803, the Endeavour, Captain Joseph Oliphant, sailed for Bass Strait. In six days after leaving Port Jackson she arrived at the Sisters, and after landing the sealers, sailed for Dusky Bay.8
The following is the report of the voyage handed to the press for publication by the captain on his return to Sydney:9
“On the 9th day of May last, she first made Dusky Bay, and finding but few seals visited Break Sea and Solander's Isles; at an Island near the former of which one of the Seamen was drowned in endeavouring to land. The surf running very high, the stem of the boat was suddenly whirled round upon a ledge of rocks, and instantly overset; two men saved themselves by means of the oars, and two others fortunately got on the keel and were also preserved. The boat was afterwards got on shore with her stern post staved.
“Mr. Oliphant reports that on the South side of the West Cape four entrances were discernible, which he concluded to be the mouths of the Harbours; between the two Northermost of which is a small island, white and
“Mr. Oliphant reports the natives of New Zealand to be very friendly, and ready to render every assistance he could possibly require. This peaceable and amicable disposition has manifested itself in several instances, and we doubt not that upon the return of Treena, who was brought hither and taken back by Captain Rhodes in the Alexander, his report of the hospitality he met with here will be productive of a confidence that may prove highly beneficial to the British mariner in the Pacific Ocean.
“The skins procured, amounting to 2000, were all purchased by Captain McLennan. The Endeavour's skins were preserved by being salted, a method necessarily resorted to, as the weather and other circumstances prevented their being cured in the usual way, and has long since been established as an excellent succedaneum. Report declares them to be high in estimation at home, and consequently gives new stimulus to the war against the pups and wigs, who rejoice but little at “a ship in sight.”
The island reported as sighted in latitude 47° 58′ is by some supposed to be the Snares.
There is reason to believe that the instructions given to Oliphant to go to Dusky were not communicated to the sealing gangs. The firm's gang at King's Island, for
Good Intent arriving from that island reported that the Endeavour had not reached there when she left.10 At that time the Endeavour must have been heading for Dusky. It was natural that her movements in breaking new ground, and ground in a measure pledged to Bass, should be kept secret. It is worthy of notice, that Cook's vessel when he discovered Dusky, the first vessel wrecked in Dusky, and the first Bass Strait sealer to visit Dusky, were all named the Endeavour.
Captain Rhodes commanded a whaler, one of a small fleet which regularly visited the Bay of Islands for provisions, and it was no uncommon thing to take natives on board while whaling or for a trip to Sydney. His report would be pleasant news to the seafaring men of Sydney who still had a lingering fear of the ferocity of the New Zealander, inculcated by Governor Phillip when he asked the English authorities for special powers to deport condemned men to New Zealand to be handed over as food for the natives.
Captain McLennan of the brig Dart, who purchased the skins, sailed from Sydney on 24th October for the coast of Peru.11
A fragment from what is supposed to be a reference to the trip of the Endeavour turns up in a most unexpected quarter. In 1812 the following advertisement was inserted in the Sydney paper12:—
“To the Public.
“Charles Frederick Bradford, commonly called Charles Bradford, was in 1801 a Seaman on board the
Princeof 98 Guns; in 1802 he entered on board theBridgewaterIndiaman, Capt. Palmer, which Ship he left at Sydney Cove, New South Wales, and embarked on board a Vessel destined for the Seal Fishery, New Zealand, 1803. He was known to Mr. Kable, Sydney Town, Port Jackson. If the saidC. F. Bradford be now living, and will apply to Caton and Brumell, of Aldersgate-street, London,“he will hear of something greatly to his advantage; or, if dead, any Particulars or Information concerning him will be thankfully received by them. “Any information left at the Gazette Office relative to the above will be thankfully received and forwarded.”
These enquiries were renewed by Bradford's friends in October 1814.
It is most unfortunate that when returns of arrivals and departures were prepared by the Naval Officer at Sydney for transmission to England, no notice was taken of the schooners and sloops locally owned. For information of the doings of the local craft we are indebted solely to the Sydney press. Everything was under the direction of naval or military officers and the last thing thought of by them was the local production of wealth to make the settlement self-supporting. The place was now 15 years old and about as non-productive as if it were in its second or third year. The sealers, whose small vessels were ignored by the naval officer, were about the only portion of the inhabitants which was engaged in building up an export trade.
One would suppose that this New Zealand trip was followed by others, but on this point we cannot speak with confidence, nor can we say what vessels, if any, of the Bass Strait fleet visited New Zealand after this date, because New Zealand shipping would first clear for one of the islands in Bass Strait and thence proceed to New Zealand. The official or other intimation of the destination would be the islands in Bass Strait or simply “sealing.”
The next recorded visit to Dusky is that of a whaler called the Scorpion, a vessel of 343 tons and commanded by Captain Dagg. On the 30th March, 1804, she reached Sydney, after a most eventful voyage. On 24th June, 1803, she had sailed from England with Letters of Marque carrying 14 guns and 32 men. Before reaching St. Helena she captured two French whalers, the Cyprus and the Ganges, of Dunkirk, with 1000 barrels of oil each,13 their captains not knowing of the war then raging. About the
14 She sailed once or twice out of Port Jackson before going Home, a full ship. The captain leaves a record of his name in Dagg Sound.
On 9th February, 1805, the Contest, a new schooner of 45 tons, Johnson, master, registered as late as 1804, and belonging to Kable & Co.'s fleet, arrived from New Zealand with 5000 seal skins. She had evidently called amongst other places at Dusky, for on Sunday 14th April, in the “Sydney Gazette,” occurs the following advertisement:
“Notice.
“Two small boats having been left at New Zealand by Mr. Oliphant, Master of the
Endeavour, in January last, all Masters of vessels and others frequenting or occasionally touching at Dusky Bay, or its vicinity, on the said coast are hereby strictly cautioned not to take away, or in any manner soever damage either of the said boats, as they will otherwise become responsible to the owners for any act contrary to the tenor of this Notice.”
The following Sunday the notice was changed to read “Contest” in place of “Endeavour,” and the date “Sydney, April 13″ was added.
The author is of opinion that, although in the intimation of her arrival Johnson is mentioned as captain, Oliphant who had all along commanded the Endeavour, took the Contest for her pioneer trip. This is borne out by an advertisement in the Sydney papers of October, 1804, for a new captain for the Endeavour, then returning from Bass Strait.15 It is suggested that Kable & Co. had again attempted the New Zealand trade with this larger boat, and on the voyage, had called at Dusky, where they had left two boats in view of a permanent station; that the mistake in the first advertisement was caused by the Endeavour
Scorpion—or when bound for a distant part of the world trading—as in the case of the Britannia. On 28th February, 1807, the Contest was wrecked a few miles to the southward of Port Stevens, near the mouth of the Hunter River. Her crew fortunately were saved, but all the cargo was lost in the tremendous surf.16 She had just returned from Norfolk Island where she had been driven during an unsuccessful attempt to visit the sealing grounds at Dusky Sound.
Kable & Co. pushed on the Dusky Bay trade. On 26th April, 1805, they despatched their largest sailing vessel—the schooner Governor King, 75 tons—to New Zealand. Dusky Bay is not mentioned as her destination, but we have seen that they had a station and two boats there. In addition to this the Governor King was wrecked at Hunter River on May of the following year, and when describing the shattered condition of the wreck the following was reported. “Great part of her freight of pork was saved, but little else except about two tons out of twelve tons of iron taken in at Dusky Bay in lieu of ballast, picked up from the wreck of the Endeavour.”17 This quotation is interesting as being the first newspaper reference to the wreck of the Endeavour. It also shows us that Bass had not taken away everything when 12 tons of her iron could now be got for ballast. The Governor King was lost close to the wreck of the Francis, one of the first Dusky Bay visitors.
Another colonial sealing vessel, the sloop Speedwell of 18 tons, owned by 18
The opportunity is here taken of referring to the labour regulations of the year 1805 dealing with the sealing trade. In these regulations we have about the earliest labour legislation in Australasia. Owing to the distress which prevailed in the sealing gangs belonging to Kable & Co., and Campbell & Co., in Bass Strait, regulations were made compelling owners to provide food depots. In September of that year no colonial vessel was allowed to leave Sydney without entering into a bond to secure the above mentioned provision, and limits were specified within which the colonial craft had to confine themselves. These limits prevented them navigating outside of latitude 43° 39′ S.,19 and thus visiting the south of New Zealand and the southern islands. What the reason was the author has been unable to ascertain. It seems all the stranger when we consider the rich harvest within the colonists' grasp, and the fact that north of latitude 43° 39′ S. there were few seals to be got in New Zealand.
As showing the quantities of seals in the prohibited ground, the comments by Sir 20
There is no doubt that sealing vessels visiting New Zealand would go to the south, limits or no limits, but it is significant that during the next few years little mention is made of sealing by colonial vessels in the prohibited area. Appearances would however indicate that it was done but not made public.
NATURALLY the first visits of the sealers were to the mainland or to the islands in its immediate vicinity. It was not long however, before the outlying islands were exploited and robbed of their rich harvest. First to arrive upon the scene were stray vessels of the American fleet, the first representative of which had already been on our coast as far back as 1797, relieving the remnant of the Endeavour's crew. Now, in 1804, they reappeared in the vicinity of New Zealand for the purpose of obtaining skins for the China market.
A brig of 99 tons, the Union, was, in 1803, sent out by Messrs. Fanning & Co., of New York, under the command of Captain Independence, of 40 tons, and these two vessels made for Sydney, where they refitted and set out together on a sealing expedition.
On this trip Pendleton re-discovered the Island of South Antipodes, as the Americans called the Penantipodes. Large rookeries of seals were visible, but there being no harbour in which to anchor vessels, an officer and eleven men were put ashore as a sealing gang, and Pendleton returned to Sydney intending to revisit his men when they had procured a cargo.1
Fanning in his “Voyages” unfortunately does not give us the date of this interesting event, but we learn from other sources2 that the Union reached Sydney on 29th June, and the Independence, commanded by F. Smith, on 1st July,
Independence, probably it was his initial visit to Sydney, but the Union had called there on 6th January, and 9th March, sailing again on 12th January, and 28th April; in the former case for Norfolk Island, in the latter for Bass Strait. The sealing gang placed at the Antipodes by the Union was probably put there about the beginning of June, 1804, and was thus the first sealing gang stationed on these islands.
The islands next to be visited by the Bass Strait sealing vessels were the Snares and the Bounties. In October, 1804, the Bass Strait seal islands were visited by two American vessels, the Perseverance and the Pilgrim, under the command of Captain Amasa Delano.3 At Kent's Bay, disturbances took place between the Americans and the sealing gang of Kable and Underwood. The account given by the man in charge of the sealers makes the Americans out to be the greatest scoundrels unhung, while the report of the American captain indicates that the gallows was too good a fate for the Sydney men. Delano publishes an account of his travels, and from it we learn that on 24th October, he sailed from the islands for the South West Cape of New Zealand. He made the Snares on 3rd November, and says, after mentioning Vancouver as the discoverer, “I know of no other person except him and myself, who has ever seen them.” In this Delano was mistaken, as Captain Raven, when returning to Sydney in the Britannia in 1793, sighted the islands, and Oliphant, in the Endeavour, is supposed to have seen them in 1803. Delano thus records his visit: “At three o'clock p.m. we discovered the Snares, bearing north east by east, eight or nine miles distant. At six p.m. we came near to them, and it blowing strong from the westward, we did not have so good an opportunity to examine them as we could wish, but from what we could ascertain there was no safe shelter for a vessel any where amongst these islands. If there is any, it must be on the south or south east side of the large one, which had some appearance of smooth water under its lee. I think, if the weather should be pleasant enough for a boat to go in and
“After we had examined the Snares as much as the weather would permit us to do, we proceeded to the eastward with a strong westerly wind, and visited Bounty Islands.
“November 7, 1804 at six a.m. we made the Bounty Islands with an intention of examining them. It may be expected that we might have had a better opportunity to examine and describe them than lieutenant Bligh had; but when we made them it was blowing a strong gale from the westward, with a large sea, and by no means clear weather; under which circumstances we made the islands about four or five leagues distant, and ran down within about one mile of them. We discovered broken water close under our lee bow, and immediately luffed to the southward of it; but as we passed, it fairly broke, and convinced us that there was not water enough for our ship on it. The breakers lie about south west of the body of Bounty Islands, and will not always show themselves.
“We saw several other breakers to the south and west side, lying off from the main group; but we were convinced that it a very dangerous place for a ship to come near to. The …. description given by lieutenant Bligh is very correct. They cannot afford any kind of vegetable production. We saw shags and gulls, and a few seals round them; and I believe they are all they afford. It will be proper to observe, that we had soundings three or four leagues
“After passing them we continued our course.”
So far the prospects of success at the Snares and the Bounties had not encouraged the Bass Strait sealers to land gangs there. The great harvest of the localities already worked, though reduced in quantity, had not yet become so small as to make the unattractive appearance and dangerous approaches of the southern islands worth overcoming. At the time of this visit of Delano the gang of the American ship Union was probably on the neighbouring Antipodes.
When the Union returned to Sydney, Pendleton had 12,000 to 14,000 seal skins procured at Kangaroo Island. These he left in the store of Mr. S. Lord, and, without considering the necessities of his men at the Antipodes, entered into a contract to proceed to the Fiji Islands, and take thence a cargo of sandal wood for China. At Tongataboo, however, on 1st October, 1804, Pendleton and several others met their death at the hands of the natives, and the Union returned to Sydney on 25th October under the command of D. Wright, the first officer.
On 12th November, Wright made another attempt to carry out the contract, but this time the vessel was lost at the Fiji Islands and all the crew massacred.
Then followed, according to Fanning, a most remarkable series of events:
“Upon the arrival of this sad information at Sydney, Mr. Lord chartered a ship and proceeded with her to the Island of Antipodes. At this place, the officers and crew whom Captain Pendleton had left, had taken and cured rising of sixty thousand pure fur seal skins, a parcel of very superior quality: these, from information since obtained, were received on board Mr. Lord's ship, who
Union was made acquainted with the transaction: thus unfortunately terminating the Union's voyage, her owners never receiving either for the skins taken from South Antipodes, or for the fourteen thousand left by Captain P. in Mr. Lord's charge at Sydney, one farthing. Nor was the remainder of the brig's company more fortunate than their messmates, for nothing was ever heard of the few who after delivering the skins to Mr. L. embarked on board the little schooner and sailed for Sydney, in New South Wales: it is supposed they were either lost in a heavy gale at sea, or were wrecked on some unknown reef or island. Thus terminated a voyage than which, none was ever commenced with more encouraging prospects, and thus went her crew, than whom, more hardy and resolute spirits never strode a vessel's deck.”
Further details of this remarkable narrative are available, but they scarcely bear out this story of the iniquity of the Sydney merchant, Lord. The Independence, under the command of Joseph Townshend, reached Sydney from Norfolk Island on 23rd April, 1805, and it is probable that the news of the fate of the Union was brought by her. Two days afterwards a Nantucket vessel called the Favorite, 245 tons, commanded by John Paddock, arrived from the Crozets, and on 11th June sailed in company with the Independence from Sydney,4 the former entered as whaling, the latter in ballast for Canton, but as a matter of fact, they both sailed for the Penantipodes.
On 29th July, 1805, the brig Venus, 45 tons, Calcutta built, carrying 14 men and commanded by Captain 6 She also sailed for the Penantipodes. Venus returned with only a few skins, having left Captain Stewart with a sealing gang on the island. This was the second gang stationed there. Stewart remained for some time until taken off by a whaling vessel called the Star, commanded by James Birnie, and on 21st June, 1806, was landed at Sydney. Prior to this, probably as a result of the rich haul of the Union's gang, a visit had been arranged for, to the Penantipodes, by a whaler called the Aurora, 302 tons, commanded by Andrew Meyrick, and when she sailed on 30th June she was supposed to have cleared for these islands, but for some reason not given, possibly because of Stewart's return, she appears to have changed her destination.5
On Monday, 10th March, 1806, arrived the American ship Favorite, Captain Paddock, from the Penantipodes with skins.
“We are sorry,” says the report, “to report the probable loss of the American schooner Independence, which vessel sailed from hence 10 months since in company with the Favorite, for the same destination; and was for some time conjectured to be traversing on discovery of advantageous situations for procuring seal; but has unfortunately never since been seen or heard of. This vessel belonged to Captain Pendleton of the Union, whose visit to Tongataboo proved fatal to Mr. Boston and himself; and whose vessel afterwards under the command of Mr. Wright, the chief officer, foundered at her anchors with the supposed loss of all her people.
“The Independence sailed from hence, under command of Captain Townshend, a young man very much respected for his talents, with 22 men, 11 of whom were happily taken on board the Favorite the day before they parted company.”
The cargo of the Favorite is shown in the shipping lists to have been 60,000 seal skins, and the place from which the vessel returned is described as the “E Coast of New Zealand.”
Landing on the Penantipodes about the beginning of June, 1804, and being relieved not earlier than the beginning of July, 1805, the unfortunate party of one officer and eleven men must have been on these desolate rocks for over a year. After leaving the Penantipodes the Favorite had evidently sailed for the East Coast of New Zealand and spent the remainder of her time sealing around the coast, thus accounting for the very lengthy voyage.
On the 29th July the Favorite sailed for Canton with 32,000 skins, so that Fanning is not correct in stating that the cargo obtained at the Penantipodes was taken to Canton and disposed of at good prices. The other 28,000 was probably the parcel set aside to send to England in the Sydney. If Lord intended to swindle, he would scarcely risk taking the cargo to Canton, selling it there, and with the proceeds going to an eastern port of the United States: much less would he venture to visit the States in a vessel belonging to Nantucket. The point established beyond doubt is, that Captain John Paddock, in the Favorite of Nantucket, lifted 60,000 skins from the Penantipodes, and took them to Sydney: whence he sailed for Canton with 32,000 of them. The question of selling them at that port, and returning with a China cargo to the United States must be left to Fanning to explain. Theft on Lord's part would involve Paddock in the crime, and as the Favorite was well known in Nantucket, and the captain belonged to a leading family there, the idea of a deliberate fraud is a very unlikely one.
On 30th July, 1806, the Star, this time under the command of Captain Wilkinson,7 sailed for New Zealand and the Penantipodes. She reached Whangaroa and when there, a chief named Pipi requested the captain to take his son to Europe, to procure material for the tribe and to see the King. The youth accordingly sailed with Captain Wilkinson to the seal fishery at the Penantipodes. While on board the young man received the name of George, a name that has come down to posterity in New Zealand history. Returning from the islands he was restored to his
8 On 29th December, 1806, the Star reached Sydney with 14,000 seal skins. In the Records she is described as coming from “the South'rd Islands,” in the press, from the sealing islands.”9 Maori tradition, as given to the author by the late Mr.
Amongst the difficulties which beset the sealing trade in these early years, one of the most remarkable was a legal one, which arose out of the monopoly enjoyed by the East India Company. In 1805, the ship Lady Barlow took a cargo of oil and skins to England, which was seized by the officers of the East India Company for breach of their exclusive trading rights. The sale of the cargo was delayed for four months. To avoid a similar fate for the Sydney, which was expected to arrive during 1806, Campbell & Co.'s agent applied for and obtained permission from the Company to land that vessel's cargo upon arrival. To prevent a repetition of the Lady Barlow incident, legislation was introduced in the House of Commons. The Bill itself is not available, but we know by the comments made upon it by Banks, that it excluded southern New Zealand from the sealing trade:—“Why any southern boundary should be set to the enterprise of our successful sealers does not appear. The limit proposed by the Bill of 43° 9′ S. will prevent them from visiting the south part of New Zealand, where treasures of seal-skins and oil have been accumulating for ages, and the little island of Penantipode, which has furnished 30,000 of the seal-skins, and a proportionate quantity of the seal oil laden on board the expected ship (the Sydney) which their Lordships have been graciously pleased to admit to an entry here, to the no small encouragement of the southern fishery.”10
While the Bass Strait sealers were establishing trade connection with all the known islands of the New Zealand group, another island was added to the list. The Ocean, a
“Moderate and clear: at daylight saw land, bearing west by compass, extending round to the north as far as N.E. by N., distant from the nearest part about nine leagues. The island or islands, as being the first discoverer, I shall call Lord Auckland's (my friend through my father), and is situated according to my observation at noon in lat. 50° 48′ S., and long. 166° 42′ E., by a distance of the sun and moon, I had at half past 10 A.M. The land is of moderate height, and from its appearance I have no doubt but it will afford a good harbour in the north end, and I should suppose lies in about the latitude of 50° 21′ S., and its greatest extent is in a N.W. and S.E. direction. This place I should suppose abounds with seals, and sorry I am that the time and the lumbered state of my ship do not allow me to examine.”
11
The year 1807 saw the Penantipodes trade still the objective of sealing craft, and we find the Commerce mentioned in the official records as returning from the Penantipodes on 8th April. The owner and master of this vessel was James Birnie, evidently the same man who brought Stewart back from the island and who owned the Star.12 She brought a cargo of 39,000 skins which was intended she should take on to London, but the damage she had sustained rendered that impossible and the skins were transhipped to the Sydney Cove.
Bristow, after reaching England in the Ocean, returned in 1807 to the Auckland Islands, in a vessel called the Sarah, belonging to the same firm which owned the Ocean,13 and on 20th October cast anchor in a harbour which he named after his vessel, Sarah's Bosom.14 Formal possession
On this second visit the position of the various points was ascertained by Bristow, and afterwards published in the “Oriental Navigator,” for the use of seamen.15 On her return from the trip the Sarah was, on 26th October, 1809, captured by a privateer called the Revenge. The captor was in turn herself taken by the Helena, and the Sarah was recaptured by the Enterprize on 10th November, and sent either to Lisbon or Cadiz.16
On 23rd April, 1807, H.M.S. Cornwallis under Captain Charles Johnston, took her departure from Port Jackson for Chili. She sailed round the South Cape without sighting land and, on 13th May, passed the Bounty Islands at a distance of 11 or 12 leagues, and three days afterwards obtained a glimpse of the Chatham Islands—the first mention in contemporary literature of the islands after their discovery in 1791. The Cornwallis sailed past the south of the group at a distance of some 12 or 13 miles, the officers contenting themselves with merely taking the bearings of conspicuous headlands and sketching the outline of the coast without making an effort to land.
The islands lying to the east of Chatham Island were named after the vessel—Cornwallis Islands. Their discovery is thus recorded in the master's log. “At 3.31.4 Longt. by chronometer was 183.25.27 E., the S.E-most I. bore N. 35 E., next N. 30, East end the Longest N 28 E. West end do., N. 21 E. & the westernmost Island N. 17 E. about 5 Lgs. by Estimation. Those islands not appearing on any chart, Captain Charles James Johnston gave them the name of Cornwallis Islands; those Islands appeared to be barren blocks, and do not extend from East to West above 5 miles.” The Cornwallis Islands included Rangiauria or Pitt Island and Rangatira. One of the lieutenants, Wm. H. Smyth, communicated the facts ascertained regarding the position of the islands to the publishers of the “Oriental Navigator” for the benefit of the merchant marine.
In 1807, the Santa Anna, a Spanish prize of 202 tons, owned by Messrs. Lord, Kable and Underwood and commanded by William Moody, made a voyage to the Bounties on a sealing expedition, which was followed by consequences of great importance in the evangelization of the natives of New Zealand. The Santa Anna sailed from Sydney on 10th July, 1807, for “the Seal Fishery, and to proceed to London.”17 She made for the Bay of Islands, New Zealand, and there took on board a native Chief—Ruatara. Ruatara had had some previous experience on board ship. When only eighteen years of age he had shipped on board the Argo, whaler, to get a view of Sydney. He did duty as a sailor for twelve months, and was finally discharged and cheated by the captain out of his pay. To get home from Sydney, he shipped on the Albion, served for six months, and was returned to the Bay of Islands. Ruatara now conceived the idea of visiting King George III., and to secure his object shipped on board the Santa Anna bound for the Bounties.18 On arrival there, the Maori chief and thirteen others of the crew—a Maori, two Tahitians and ten Europeans—were put ashore to kill seals, while the vessel proceeded for supplies to Norfolk Island and New Zealand, leaving the fourteen men with very little water, salt provisions, or bread. In May, 1808, the owners in Sydney received word from Captain Moody, dated from Norfolk Island, where he (Moody) had been since the 1st of March, his vessel having been blown off while he was on shore, calling their attention to the fact that the gang must now be in need of relief. To allay fears it was stated in the press, by way of reply, that the Commerce had sailed from Sydney on 6th February to relieve the gang, and by that time they had been provided for.19
The Santa Anna reached Sydney from Norfolk Island on 8th June, and sailed on 14th October for the sealing isles, from whence she was to proceed to Great Britain. The Commerce (Ceroni) reached Sydney with 3,000 skins on 10th July, 1808.
About five months after the Santa Anna left, the King George, whaler, under the command of Captain Chace, called at the islands, and a few weeks later the Santa Anna returned to her gang. During all this time Ruatara and his companions, there being no water, and scarcely any food to be procured on the island, had undergone such extreme sufferings from thirst and hunger, that three of them had died. After taking their cargo of 8,000 skins on board, the vessel set out on her voyage for England, the great object for which Ruatara had originally shipped, and which had sustained him through all his hardships.
In July, 1809, the Santa Anna arrived in the River Thames, but Ruatara found that he was as far from his object as ever. Instead of seeing the King, he was scarcely permitted to go on shore, and never spent a night out of the ship. Making enquiries how he could see His Majesty, he was sometimes told that he would never be able to find the house, and at other times, that no one was permitted to see George III. This disappointment distressed him so much, that with the toils and privations he had already sustained, a dangerous illness took hold of him. Meanwhile, the master of the Santa Anna, when asked by the Maori chief for wages and clothing, refused to give him any, telling him that he would send him home by the Ann, a vessel taken up by the Government to convey convicts to New South Wales. The captain of that vessel, however, refused to receive him unless the master of the Santa Anna provided him with clothing. The Revd. Ann, and, finding out the condition of Ruatara, took him under his charge, and nursed him back to life and strength. Before the vessel reached Rio, Ruatara was able to do his work as a sailor, in a manner equal to the best of the crew. The Ann reached Sydney on 17th February, 1810.
In Sydney the Maori chief resided with his deliverer, and devoted his time to the studying of agriculture. When he left in the Frederick, on 30th November, he took with
Frederick fell in with an American cruiser and was captured. Ruatara had not yet reached home. From Norfolk Island the Maori chief reached Sydney, and once more came under the care of Marsden. Finally he got the chance of a trip to New Zealand in another whaler, also called the Ann, and after working his passage for five months, was landed at the Bay of Islands, among his own people.
The friendship thus formed with Marsden, continued unabated until his death. In his position as a chief, he did more to make possible Marsden's mission to New Zealand than any other native. In fact, it may safely be said that the mission could not have been established had it not been for the friendship of Ruatara. And all this was brought about by the desire of a Maori to see King George, and his visit to the Bounties, as a sealer, to earn the wherewithal to gratify his ambition.
The King George, which is mentioned as visiting the sealing gang on the Bounties, was a colonial built vessel of 185 tons, owned by Kable & Co., of Sydney, and had sailed for the Fishery on 28th August, 1808, or less than two months before the Santa Anna left Sydney. As she was engaged in the whale oil and seal skin trade, and was owned by the same firm which sailed the Santa Anna, her captain probably looked in at the islands to leave provisions, and let the gang know that they would shortly be relieved.
Amongst other vessels which sailed for the sealing islands about this time were the Perseverance on 8th August, and the Fox on 30th September, 1808.
ON 1st October, 1807, there reached Port Jackson a vessel called the Pegasus, destined afterwards to be recorded pioneer of Foveaux Strait, and to give her name to the southern port of Stewart Island. She had been captured from the Spaniards by the frigate Cornwallis, and in the early part of 1808 had been selected to take Bligh, the deposed governor, to England. Later on, in the same year, she was purchased by Thomas Moore of Sydney, and fitted out to engage in the sealing trade. On 15th May, she advertised for men to proceed on a sealing expedition. Her captain's name was Bunker, probably the same man who, in 1791, contemplated visiting Dusky from Sydney, and who, later on, commanded the whaling ship Albion. Captain Bunker was on the eve of sailing for New Zealand, when a gang of desperadoes seized upon the brig Harrington in Farm Cove, Sydney. The next day, 17th May, the Pegasus was chartered, and in twenty-four hours fitted with ballast, provisions, and stands of arms, and on the 18th she sailed in pursuit of the pirates. The Pegasus made for the Bay of Islands and then to Fiji. Her mission was, however, unsuccessful, and on 22nd July, 1808, she returned to Sydney having suffered much from scarcity of provisions, owing to the length of time she had been at sea, and the large number of men (58) which she had on board.
A month was spent in once more fitting the Pegasus for the sealing expedition previously contemplated, and she sailed on 26th August, 1808. Whilst she was lying in Sydney, the Governor Bligh, a colonial vessel commanded by Grono, was also preparing to proceed to the sealing
“Yesterday, 11th March, arrived from the Southward the
Governor Bligh, colonial vessel, Mr. Grono master, with upwards of 10,000 fur seal skins. The 31st of January she fell in with the brigFoxat sea, with about the same complement. TheFoxhad lost her anchors and cables, and was very short of water, which latter want Mr. Grono relieved as far as was in his power. In a new discovered Strait, which cuts off the South Cape of New Zealand from the main land, fell in about the middle of February with thePegasus, Captain Bunker, who had been pretty successful; and learned from him, that he had spoke theAntipodeschooner 9 or 10 weeks before, she being then very short of provisions, and upon the return to the Seal-islands to take her gangs off. In the Strait abovementioned, which is called Foveaux Strait, thePegasusstruck upon a rock but received very little damage, and theGovernor Blighmet a like accident, though with no material damage.“The above Strait Mr. Grono describes as being from about 36 to 40 miles in width, and a very dangerous navigation from the numerous rocks, shoals, and little islands, with which it is crowded.
1“On 15th March arrived the
Pegasus, Captain Bunker, belonging to this port, with about 12,600 skins. In Foveaux Straits she fell in with a schooner from England, also on a sealing voyage, commanded by Captain Keith; out eight months. No news of consequence.”
The name of this schooner was probably the Adventure, the captain of which was named Keith, and which is recorded as arriving at Gravesend from the South Seas on 15th September, 1810.2
On the same day as the Pegasus, arrived the Fox,3 with between 13,000 and 14,000 skins and 190 whale's teeth, which were at that time used in the Fiji trade. Captain Cox's crew had been virulently attacked with the scurvy, 26 out of 28 suffering from it, which rendered the navigation of the vessel very difficult. Bad weather experienced was responsible for the loss of a boat, so that it wanted something to compensate for the damage.
The arrivals of seal skins at this time were phenomenal. In one week no less than 45,000 were brought into port, exclusive of 20,000 which were then ready to proceed to England direct in the Santa Anna. As London advices just then indicated an average of thirty shillings per skin when delivered there, the week's imports to Sydney from the sealing islands amounted to no less a sum than £72,500 when delivered in London, and when the Santa Anna's cargo was added, the sum of £102,500.3
On 22nd March, the Antipode arrived with 4,000 seal skins. She was a vessel of 58 tons, belonging to Messrs. Hullets and Blaxland, and on 28th July sailed for Calcutta with coals and cedar under the command of William Sawyers.
On 13th April, 1809, the Governor Bligh sailed for “the sealing islands,” so that it is reasonable to suppose she made back to Foveaux Strait to further exploit the new sealing grounds.
When we consider the length of time—no less than 39 years—which had elapsed since Cook sailed past the entrance of Foveaux Strait, and the continuous trade which shipping had carried on to Dusky Sound, Solander Island, the South Cape and the Snares, to say nothing of the Penantipodes and the Bounties, it passes comprehension that the existence of Foveaux Strait should so long
Pegasus or Governor Bligh as having discovered it. No indication is given of the discoverer. It is simply mentioned as a “new discovered Strait.” The fact that we find the Pegasus, the Governor Bligh, and the Fox of Sydney, the Adventure of London, and possibly the Antipode, engaged at one time in sealing on its shores, would suggest that it was known of before 1809. The name Foveaux was in everybody's mouth in Sydney about the time the Pegasus and the Governor Bligh sailed. Lieutenant-Governor Foveaux had arrived from England in July, 1808, and finding that Governor Bligh had been deposed by the people, and about six months before, placed under arrest, had immediately assumed the reins of office and administered the government, until the Home authorities decided the colonial dispute. The fact of his name having been given to the strait only indicates its naming to be after July, 1808. The vessel Governor Bligh being named after the deposed governor, it would be natural that the captain of that craft would suggest the name of the succeeding governor, particularly as Foveaux was at the time the most conspicuous person in the young colony. The name does not solve the question of when the strait was actually discovered, but it very strongly suggests that Grono, the captain of the Governor Bligh, named it. It will be observed that the island now known as Stewart Island remained unnamed.
The owner of the Governor Bligh was Andrew Thompson who had been manager for Governor Bligh in his farming operations in the Hawkesbury District. Thompson had formerly been a convict, but had by good conduct and industry so rehabilitated himself as to secure the favour of
Governor Bligh was launched from his shipyards at Green Hills (afterwards called Windsor), on 1st April, 1807. In addition to this vessel he owned the Hawkesbury and the Speedwell, small craft of 18 tons each, which he employed in the sealing trade. After his death in 1810, Governor Macquarie, who inherited one fourth of his estate, erected a monument over his grave.
On the return of the Pegasus from her successful trip to Foveaux Strait Captain Bunker left her, and his place was taken by Captain S. Chace (sometimes spelt Chase). The contemplated route of the Pegasus is shown by the following advertisement dated Sunday, 9th April, 1809:—
“Wanted immediately six seamen for the ship
Pegasusabout to proceed to the River Derwent, and from thence on a Sealing Voyage; after which to England—Application to be made on board to Captain Chase.”
She was bound for England, via Hobart Town, and intended to do some sealing on the road. On 3rd May she sailed for Hobart Town “with provisions and upwards of 50 male prisoners to be distributed among the settlers removed from Norfolk Island thither. The Pegasus arrived at the Derwent on 19th May.4
Leaving Hobart Town after this date, probably in July, she made across to the southern portion of New Zealand. We find in August, 1809, that she was under the command of Captain S. Chace, with Mr.
“The coasts of Stewart Island were explored by the ship
Pegasus, Captain S. Chase, in 1809. The island was then found to be uninhabited, abounding in wood fit for shipbuilding and all other purposes, containing several excellent harbours, and runs of the purest water, &c.”“Pegasus Island. From Captain Stewart's chart, this island appears to be a league and a half in length from N. to S., and a league in breadth E. and W. In the bay there is anchorage in 6, 6½, and 7 fathoms. Latitude observed as stated in the Table, 46° 47′ S. Longitude, same as Cape South.”
Pegasus was evidently the island now known as Codfish. The details given would suggest that the Pegasus circumnavigated Stewart Island.
On the subject of nomenclature, changes in some of the names in Southern Port may be pointed out, and the origin of others may be referred to. Southern Port has given place to Port Pegasus, Chase Island (after the name of the discoverer) to Pearl Island and Sugar Loaf Passage to Narrow Passage. The names Noble Island and Wilson's Inlet probably owe their origin to William Wilson and William Noble who were among the crew of the Pegasus.5 With the Pegasus on her former voyage was a Mr. Mason, which may account for Mason's Bay and Head on the west coast of Stewart Island. They were known by these names as early as 1823.
The name Pegasus also occurs in Pegasus Bay, north of Banks Peninsula. Some of the older maps lay it down as Cook's Mistake or Pegasus Bay. The author's impression is, that after completing his work at Stewart Island Chase sailed up the coast, and, discovering the mistake Cook had made in naming the peninsula, Banks Island, gave the bay the above name. The editor of the “Oriental Navigator” mentions on page 91 of the Tables quoted above
Pegasus advancing from the northward to pass through this supposed channel (between Banks Island and the mainland) fortunately discovered, before night came on, that the island, so called, is really connected with the mainland by a low isthmus, in approaching which they had soundings of 15 and 14 fathoms.” This supports D'Urville's statement, that Chase discovered that Banks Island was a peninsula, and he gives the date as 1809.6
After leaving New Zealand the Pegasus is next recorded as being at the Chathams, where Stewart is again working at his charts, and completing the outline of the island left uncompleted by Broughton. This chart, which is the first complete one of the Chathams, is also to be found in the “Oriental Navigator.” From this point the movements of the sealers are lost, until Lloyds List of 21st August, 1810, records her arrival at Gravesend from Rio, under the command of Chace on the 18th of the month.
The chart made by Stewart, of Pegasus, was in use in the British Navy and among merchantmen down to 1840. We find Captain Nias of H.M.S. Herald, when declaring British sovereignty at Port Pegasus in June, 1840, stating:
“This is one of the finest harbours I have seen, and its survey by our present pilot, Captain Stuart, in the year 1809, I am told by the officers of the ship, does him great credit.”
7
This is an appropriate place to discuss what exactly was Stewart's relations to the discovery of Foveaux Strait, and to Stewart Island, of which he is generally referred to as the discoverer. In passing backwards and forwards to the Penantipodes, it is impossible to say whether Stewart learned of the existence of the strait or not. If he did, Sydney journals made no mention of the fact. Stewart is not recorded as being on board either the Pegasus or the Governor Bligh when they met in Foveaux Strait on the occasion of the discovery first being notified. Though not an absolute criterion, still the custom of advertising the departure of men on sealing trips gives a very good idea of the constitution of the crew just at this period, and we
Pegasus surveying the coastline of the island, and it is just probable that the name Stewart Island was given to the land, because Stewart surveyed it, not because he discovered it. His name is here mentioned as W. W. Stewart. As a matter of fact it was m was formed exactly as the W, and it read like W. W. as can be seen by a perusal of the facsimile of the treaty of Waitangi.
Reprints of Stewart's notices are here given to meet questions which might be raised as to the identity of the apparently different names.
The first is a correct copy of an advertisement inserted in 1812, after Stewart had notified his intention to leave Sydney as master of the Cumberland.8
Notice.“I,
William Stewart being about to sail out of this Port in a Colonial Vessel, and finding that Detainers have been exhibited against me by Edward Lamb, Thomas Laughlan, and William O'Neal, to neither of whom I am thus indebted, I thus publicly require each of the said Persons, to attend at the Civil Court, on Thursday next the 23rd Instant, to assert their Claims, as I then intend petitioning the said Court that such Detainers may be dismissed as unjust..” William Stewart
An advertisement of a Release executed by Stewart and R. Campbell, junr., 1819, shows the mistake of the W. W.
“Notice—We, the undersigned, have this day signed a release up to this 30th day of January 1819.
. R. Campbell, Junr.” W. W. Stewart
On 7th May, 1809, the brig Fox sailed for the sealing grounds of New Zealand. She visited Foveaux Strait, and on 7th October landed a gang under a Mr. Murray. Provisions for six months were left, and the Fox sailed for a six months' cruise, intending at the expiration of that time to call and pick up the members of the party.9 This vessel was spoken by the Governor Bligh before she entered Foveaux Strait for the first time, early in the year, and she was evidently in all haste to take advantage of the new sealing ground opened up by recent discoveries.
Others displayed equal activity in the same direction. With this new trade rush, tragedies continued on the coast. The old pioneer of the trade, the Endeavour, under a new captain, Goodenough, left Sydney in the middle of June, and returned on 25th August with a doleful tale. On the coast of New Zealand, when sealing, she had despatched a boat and six men to find the best station for a gang. Nothing more was heard of them. Every possible search was made along the coast, but all to no purpose. Reduced in strength by this untoward calamity, the Endeavour returned to Sydney to complete her numbers. The sad advertisement rendered necessary by this accident is here given.
“Wanted.—Ten able Seamen or Sealers free of any encumbrance, for the schooner Endeavour, able to proceed to sea on a sealing and whaling voyage, within ten days from the present date. Liberal encouragement will be given. Apply to Messrs. Kable and Underwood.”
Although the south is not mentioned here, we know that Kable and Underwood had their stations in the south, and that the centre of the sealing trade was around Foveaux Strait. Beyond this, we cannot locate the calamity.
In August, 1809, a schooner, the Unity of London, commanded by Captain Sydney Cove being found on board of her, and her captain was fined by the authorities £900. She was on the eve of
“She had been mostly about the Islands on the coast of New Zealand, and in Foveaux's Straits, which are about 700 miles to the southward of the Bay of Islands, and describes the natives as particularly friendly. About 45′ to the northward of Dusky Bay she encountered a heavy thunder storm in a port named by Mr. Grono (master of a colonial vessel), Thompson's Sound, another entrance to the southward of which is laid down in the charts by the name of Doubtful Harbour. Her foremast was struck by lightning in five places, by which the lower mast and top mast were much damaged; five men were knocked down at the same instant, between decks, and for a length of time deprived of the use of their limbs, one of them being also severely burnt on the crown, of the head. Three days after, lying at anchor in the above place, the people felt most sensibly the effects of an earthquake; the vessel trembled, and a noise like that of casks rolling about her decks lasted for 3 or 4 minutes.”
The Unity reached Gravesend on 12th June, 1811.
Grono at this time commanded the Governor Bligh, which is recorded on 13th April, 1809, as sailing for “the sealing islands,” and on 19th January, 1810, as returning from “the sealing islands” with about 10,000 skins. The above extract would show that the Sounds were visited by the Governor Bligh, and Thompson Sound named by its captain. Thompson was the shipowner, whose name has been mentioned before as owner of the Speedwell, which he had floated off after it had got ashore. Grono, it will be remembered, was her former captain and owner. He was now regularly sailing as one of Thompson's captains.
Governor Bligh was one of their vessels.10 The names of the three members of the firm are preserved in New Zealand in Lords River, Port William (formerly called Williams Bay11) and Thompson Sound.
The view generally held among shipping men is that the Sound was called after Deas Thomson, Colonial Secretary, and in support of this, it is pointed out that one of the coves in the Sound is called Deas Cove, one of the headlands, Colonial Head, and the main island, Secretary Island. Deas Thomson did not leave England until 1828, or 18 years after the Sound is here shewn, from the columns of the Sydney press, to have been named.
Two items of bad news reached Sydney early in 1810. A duty of £20 per ton was imposed on all oil the produce of Australian seas, procured by colonial vessels; and fur seal skins had fallen to an average of from three to eight shillings per skin.
The following report of the doings of the Sydney Cove, during these palmy days of Stewart Island sealing, did not see the light of day until 1826, when in a letter to the “Colonial Times,” Hobart Town, 12
“On the 8th of January, 1810, I was sent on shore with several other men from the ship
Sydney Cove, Captain Charles McLaren, at the South Cape of New Zealand, in order to procure seal skins. After leaving the vessel I made towards the shore, and was some distance from it when it began to blow a gale of wind directly off the shore. This forced us to go into a bay near the Cape, contrary to my wish, as I had passed it before, and saw it was iron-bound, having no beach. I proceeded to the north-west end of this bay to procure the best shelter I could, and found to my great surprise an inlet. At the end of the inlet there was a pebbly beach, where we hauled up our boat for the night. The next moming one of my men told me he had found a mast near the beach; I went to look at it and found it to be a ship's top-mast of a very large size. It was very sound, butto all appearances had laid in the water a long time. It was full of turpentine, which, of course, had preserved it. As I was compelled by contrary winds to remain on this inlet three days I had time narrowly to examine the mast. I measured it, and found its length 64ft. from the heel to the upper part of the cheeks; the head had been broken off close to the cheeks. There were two lignum vitae sheaves near the heel, which I took out. Each of these sheaves was 16 inches in diameter; had an iron pin. two round brass plates a quarter of an inch thick and four small iron bolts or rivets, which went through the sheaves and the two brass plates to secure them. I have been some years in the British Navy, and am well assured that this bushing was not English. On taking off the plates from the sheaves I found inside each of the plates ‘No. 32,’ which was, without doubt, the number of the vessel which the mast belonged to. Every ship in the British Navy is numbered, and I doubt not it is the case in other countries. When the ship came for me and my men I informed Captain McLaren about the mast. He looked at the work and gave it as his opinion that the bushing was French. He observed that he did not know of any vessel that was ever lost on the coast that required a topmast of that size except the Endeavour, which was towed into Dusky Bay, and everything that belonged to her got on shore. TheSydney Covewas nearly lost on the Traps one night, and I understand Mr. Kelly our harbourmaster, had also nearly fallen a victim on them. I had almost forgotten to say that, at Captain McLaren's request I gave him the sheaves of the mast to carry them to Europe; but, as the ship he sailed in was confiscated at Rio de Janeiro it is probable that they may have been lost. Captain McLaren is still (1826) sailing out of Rio, and it is very likely he may have some memorandum which will corroborate this statement of mine, the greater part of which I have taken from my log.”
In the latter part of 1809 a syndicate had been formed in Sydney to collect flax in the North Island and manufacture it into cordage and canvas. Messrs. Lord, Williams,
“As soon as I have completed the cargo of the
Experimentand dismissed her, shall continue to trade about the East Cape if possible for a short time, and then proceed to Queen Charlotte Sound, Cooks Streights, being informed here by the whalers who have been there this season that the flax plant abounds in that Sound, even to the tops of the hills. I have likewise information that there is very few if any, natives there. This sound being not far out of our way to Foveaux Streights induces me to make a tryal of it. Should it, on my arrival, promise to answer my purpose, I intend remaining in it during the midwinter months. You will therefore please to direct the master of such vessel as you may judge proper to send to our relief to make Cook's Streights. On each side of the entrance of the Sound I purpose fixing a cross, or nailing a piece of timber across a tree, as a signal of our being within it. Should we leave the Sound previous to the arrival of such vessel, I will leave directions pointing out our course, enclosed in bottles and buried at the root of trees, or crosses with a string affixed and leading above ground. If we should not be in the Sound, nor any signs remain of our having been there, it will be necessary for such vessel (the relief) to run up to the Bay of Plenty and the East Cape before the master attempts to search for us in Williams's or any other bay in Foveaux Streights. The same signals I shall make in the last as in the before mentioned streights.”13
This is the first mention of a visit to Queen Charlotte Sound since Cook last saw it in 1776, and gives us the interesting information that Cook's old Sound had been used by whalers during the season of 1809. The names of
Speke (John Kingston), the Inspector (Atlanta (Josh. Morris), the Perseverance (Fredk. Hasselbourgh), the Spring-grove and the New Zealander.
The Governor Bligh, Chace, was despatched with supplies for Leith on 27th March, 1810. Before however, she reached her destination, Leith's men had become impatient, if they had not become frightened at the state of the natives, and returned in the New Zealander under Captain Elder. The Governor Bligh meantime, failing to find the whereabouts of Leith's gang, returned via Stewart Island, reaching Sydney on 18th August. While coming through Foveaux Strait, she fell in with a gang left there by the Fox, and brought back with her the overseer, Mr. Murray, who came on to Sydney to get provisions, the gang being left in great straits, owing to their stock of six month's provisions, left them on 7th October, 1809, being exhausted.14
The Fox had gone to Amsterdam Island, where she was wrecked on 26th September, 1810. On 28th December following, the Ranger (Parker), called at the island, but on account of her destination could render no assistance. The shipwrecked men waited patiently until 3rd March following, when the Rose (Cary), of Nantucket, bound for China, called in and took Captain Cox, his mates, boatswain and an apprentice on with her. The captain went on board the Canada (Ward) in Gaspar Strait beyond Sumatra, and in her to London. Arrived at his destination, he arranged for the Mary (Laughlan) to call on her way to Sydney. On reaching Amsterdam Island, Laughlan found that eight shipwrecked mariners had been rescued by the Venus (Bunker) of London, on her way to Timor on 3rd June, 1811. The Mary reached Sydney on 7th May, 1812.15 The “New Bedford Mercury” of 16th August, 1811, records the rescue by the Rose, and states that the eight were left on the desolate island owing to the want of water on board the rescuing vessel.
The shipping report of 25th August, 1810, says: “We also learn from Mr. Murray that two gangs left by the Sydney Cove, one in Molyneux's Straits, and the other on the South Cape of New Zealand, were under similar circumstances, being left with three months' provisions in November last, since which period the vessel had not returned. Their distresses must in consequence be severe, but will be brought to as speedy a crisis as every possible exertion on the part of the owners can render practicable. The gang at the South Cape had unfortunately lost their only boat shortly after they were landed; which was however replaced by one that was spared to them from the Fox's party, without which their condition would have been exceedingly distressing.
“From his long stay in Foveaux's Straits, Mr. Murray became tolerably conversant in the native language which he describes as totally different from that of the Bay of Islands, though the people of both places dress much alike, and are nearly similar in their manners. There were two small towns on that part of the coast upon which his gang was stationed, each of which contained between 20 and 30 houses, each house containing two families. These houses are built with posts, lined with reeds, and thatched with grass. They grow some potatoes, which with their mats they exchange with the sealers for any articles they choose to give in exchange, preferring iron or edged tools, none of which they had ever before had in their possession. Those on the sea-coast live chiefly upon fish; their canoes are very inferior to those of the Bay of Islands, not exceeding 18 inches in breadth, but from 14 to 16 feet in length; which want of proportion renders it unsafe to venture at any distance without lashing two of these vehicles together, to keep them from upsetting. Their offensive weapons are stone axes of an immoderate size and weight, and large spears from 12 to 14 feet in length, which they do not throw; and as an unquestionable evidence of barbarity, Mr. M. affirms, that when two
Pararoy, they pay profound respect; and such was their deference to superior rank, that no civilities were paid to any of Mr. Murray's people unless he were present; and he also was honoured with the rank and title of Pararoy.”
All concern about the safety of the Sydney Cove was set at rest by the news in November from Norfolk Island, per the Cyclops, that the missing vessel had been there and sailed for the relief of her gangs in Foveaux Strait.
On 26th March, 1811, the schooner Boyd, a vessel constructed from the long boat of the ill-fated Boyd, of Whangaroa Harbour fame, returned from the relief of various sealing gangs in the employment of Campbell, Hook & Co., in Foveaux Strait. She reported:
“At Port William, which is distant about 60 miles from Solander's Island, she fell in with a whale boat with seven men left by the
Brothersin October 1809; from the Overseer of whom Mr. Holford (the captain) received the mortifying intelligence of several boat's crews in various employs having been barbarously murdered, and mostly devoured by the cannibal natives.”
The Brothers must have sailed from England and left the sealing gang there, as she reached England on 12th September, 1808. In November, 1811, Mr. Brothers, was in Sydney, and left word at the “Sydney Gazette” office that in Foveaux Strait he found a cask of seal skins, 42 in number, at high
16
The following further quotations from the Boyd's report are of interest:
“The
Sydney Cove, for whose safety some serious apprehension had been entertained here, Mr. H. reports to have been at Port William, and from thence proceeded to the Island of Macquarie, where it is hoped her voyage will turn to good account.“Three men who had fled from a gang in the above straits, and had gone among the natives, with a boat and a number of carpenter's implements, were also killed and devoured, and thus sadly atoned for their desertion under circumstances that intailed a series of inconvenience and distresses on their companions, as well as for their temerity in wantonly exposing themselves to the fury of the merciless hordes of savages that infest that barbarous coast.
“One of the persons brought up in the
Boydfrom New Zealand, gives an account of a hurricane that happened there on the 21st of March 1810, which he describes as most furious and terrific, dismantling forests of their largest trees, separating massy rocks, and filling the imagination with awe and terror. To a lonely European, constantly in dread of being surprised and murdered by the people upon whose soil the destinies had cast him, without a shelter from the fury of the elements, miserable and deplorable must have been his condition. But to one so lost and so seemingly forsaken for a time, it was the Will of Providence at length to find relief, and to preserve him as an example to Mankind that the Divine Aid extends itself to the most humble, and can exalt to happiness the mind that sinks beneath the cheerless gloom of hopeless melancholy.”17
In April, 1811, the Sydney Cove returned to Sydney and confirmed the account brought by the Boyd, of the loss of a boat's crew of six men on the coast of New Zealand, the victims of savage barbarity.18
No vessel's name was specified in the Boyd's report, but from the above it is plain that the boat with the six men belonged to the Sydney Cove, and that 1810 was the date when she had her gangs stationed on the coast of Foveaux Strait and Stewart Island.
In the month of December, 1809, a vessel called the Boyd, was in Whangaroa Harbour. She had on board a valuable cargo of skins and oil, and had called at that port to load timber and spars for England. While engaged in cutting down trees, her captain and her crew were attacked by the natives and killed to a man. The wild savages then attacked the ship, butchering everyone but a boy, a woman and two little children, and burning the ship to the water's edge. During the April following the captains of five vessels in the locality organized a punitive expedition which killed sixty natives and captured a large quantity of their property as well as the longboat and papers of the burnt vessel. One of the vessels engaged in this expedition was the Perseverance, under Captain Hasselbourgh. In her the longboat and papers were sent to Sydney. On her arrival there the Perseverance was fitted out for a trip to the south, in search of new sealing grounds. From this trip she returned on Friday, 17th August, 1810, and is reported simply as “from the Southward, having left part of her crew for the purpose of procuring skins.” As a matter of fact she had found new country, rich in seals, and before the news could leak out, every effort was being made by the firm of Campbell & Co., who owned the vessel, to get fully equipped vessels sent off post haste to the scene of the new oil and skin harvest. The day after her arrival the owners placed the following advertisement in the “Sydney Gazette”:—
“Wanted immediately, Ten or Twelve able Hands, to engage on a Sealing and Whaling Voyage, to whom good encouragement will be given. Apply at the office of Messrs. Campbell and Co.”
When the Perseverance arrived in Sydney, a New York brig of 180 tons called the Aurora was in that port, getting ready to sail on a sealing expedition. Having a slight start of the others in the matter of preparation, she was the first to get to sea, and cleared for the new discoveries on 19th September. Her regular master was Owen F. Smith, but for this voyage S. B. Chace was given command, doubtless on account of his experience in this class of work. No information of the locality of the find, nor even of the fact that one had been made, leaked out to the press. Only the activity in shipping circles disclosed that something unusual was in the air. The Aurora was quickly followed on 3rd October by the brig Star, 102 tons, (Captain John Wilkinson), and on 20th October by the schooner Unity, 160 tons, (Captain 1 The firm of Campbell & Co. had despatched the Perseverance and the Elisabeth and Mary, the large supplies of salt required for curing the skins having been obtained from the Government, in exchange for animal food, and from private individuals. The Sydney Cove, returning from Norfolk Island to relieve her gangs at the Molyneux and South Cape, also obtained information of the find, and, as we saw, was reported by Captain Holyford of the Boyd to have proceeded from Port William to the same destination. This was the “First Fleet” to Macquarie Island, six sail all told, starting within a few days of one another, and that no less than 99 years ago. But the discovery by the Perseverance of wreckage on the shore seemed to indicate that some previous voyager had already seen the hitherto unrecorded land.
By the end of the year the fleet began to arrive at Sydney. First to reach that port as she had been first to leave was the Aurora, on Sunday, 10th December. “A vessel was in sight on Saturday evening which did not get within the Heads till late on Sunday morning. She proves to be the American brig Aurora, Captain Smith, which sailed from this Port about ten weeks since in quest of islands, that were reported to be abundantly stocked with
Perseverance, Mr. Frederick Hasselbourg master, who, we are sorry to learn, was drowned among the islands, as was also a young woman of the name of Fahar.”2 The ship's customs entry shows that she did not bring any very great cargo, having only 100 seals skins and 140 gallons elephant oil. In the next issue of the Sydney paper the above news was supplemented with the information that the passage back was done from Campbell Island in sixteen days, and that the unfortunate Captain Hasselbourgh lost his life on Sunday, 4th November, at Campbell Island, by the upsetting of his boat at the mouth of the harbour, and that three persons perished with him.
Captain Smith supplied for public information the following about the islands: “Campbell's Island lies in latitude 52° 32′ S., long, per observation of sun and moon 169° 30′ E. of Greenwich; high water at full and change at 12 o'clock; variation of the compass 12° E. This island is about 30 miles in circumference, the country mountainous; there are several good harbours on the island, of which two on the east side are preferable.”
The captain also visited Macquarie Island, situated in latitude 50° 40′ S. longitude 159° 45′ E. and the report thereon reads:
“This island is of a moderate height, nearly flat on the top, on which are several lagoons of fresh water; the island is about twenty miles in length, and five in breadth, lying nearly in a north and south direction, a straight shore on each side, with reefs extending from the north and south point; there is no harbour, but good anchorage is to be found under the lee of the island; about twenty-five miles N.N.E. of the north point of the Island lies a small Isle called the Judge, and a Reef called the Judge's Clerk: about thirty miles S.S.E. of the south point of the Island; and an Islet and Reef which Captain Smith gave the name of the Bishop and
“his Clerk. Captain Smith saw several pieces of wreck of a large vessel on this Island, apparently very old and high up in the grass, probably the remains of the ship of the unfortunate De la Perouse.“The above islands were discovered by Captain Hasselborough in the brig
Perseverance, belonging to Messrs. Campbell and Co. during the last year; there are few seals on either of them, but there is an immense number of sea elephants on Macquarie's Island.”
The gentleman who supplied the foregoing information, suggested to the press the probability of the existence of numerous islands in the higher latitudes yet remaining undiscovered, and advised a good look out to be kept on vessels making the passage round Cape Horn.
One of the persons unfortunately drowned with Captain Hasselbourgh was George, the second son of Mr. Allwright, baker, of Sydney, a remarkably fine and promising youth,3 between 12 and 13 years of age, who had shipped on board the Perseverance. The sad circumstances attending his death cast a gloom over Sydney.
It is a matter for comment that although there is no uncertainty expressed by the “Sydney Gazette” of that date as to the identity of the discoverer of Macquarie Island, still publications from a very early date have given to Hasselbourgh the credit of discovering Campbell Island, but in regard to Macquarie Island have ascribed it to “a colonial vessel of Port Jackson.” This has always introduced an element of uncertainty into matters connected with the discovery. It should be distinctly understood that both Campbell and Macquarie Islands were discovered by the same man and on the same trip.
On 8th January, 1811, the Perseverance arrived with a cargo of elephant oil and brought the full particulars of the death of her captain, the unfortunate discoverer of these islands, and of the heroic valour of one of his men. The account furnished was as follows:—
“On Sunday, the 4th of November, the Perseverance, of which he was master, then lying at Campbell's Island, Mr. Hasselbourg ordered the jollyboat to be got ready to take him on shore to a part of the island at which his oil-casks were, about five miles from the vessel; which his left at two in the afternoon, with five persons, namely, Elizabeth Farr, a young woman, who was a native of Norfolk Island;
Letters of administration in the deceased's estate applied for by Charles Hook of the firm of Campbell, Hook, & Co.4 closes the record of the captain of the Perseverance.
Judge Advocate's Office, ,
Sydney12th Jan., 1811 .“Whereas Charles Hook Esq. of Sydney hath this Day applied to me to grant unto him Letters of Administration of the Goods, Chattels, and Effects of the late Frederick Hasselbourgh, Mariner, deceased, which were in this Territory at the time
“of his Death, the next Kin of the said Frederick, and all others claiming to be interested in the Grant of the said Letters of Administration, are hereby summoned to appear before the Court of Colonial Jurisdiction, at Sydney, on Monday the 21st Day of this instant, January, to show Cause why the same should not be granted to the said Charles Hook, Esq., a principal creditor of the said Frederick deceased.” (Signed)Ellis Bent,
Judge Advocate.
His name still survives on our coast in the Hazelburgh Islands just off Ruapuke. His name as spelt by himself, when reporting the massacre of the Boyd punitive expedition to Governor Macquarie, is “Hasselberg”; spelt in the Letters of Administration and by his employers who next to himself would know best, it is “Hasselbourgh”; spelt in the “Oriental Navigator” of 1816 and in New Zealand maps it is “Hazelburgh.” The last the author would surmise to be the most improbable spelling of the three. He named Campbell Island after the head of the firm he worked for, and Macquarie Island after the then Governor of New South Wales. The name of the discovering vessel is preserved in Perseverance Harbour, and that of Campbell's partner, in Hook's Kays, both in Campbell Island.
The third vessel of the “First Fleet” to return to Sydney was the Elizabeth and Mary (Gordon), Campbell & Co.'s second vessel. She returned on Saturday, 2nd March, 1811, with a cargo of skins. She reported that the Star had sailed from Macquarie Island for England—the first vessel to do this,—that a gang in the employ of Messrs. Kable and Underwood had met with “fine success,” and that the same firm's vessel, the Sydney Cove, and also the Unity, were at Macquarie Island.
The position of the islands having now been made known and the return of the “First Fleet” having supplied the shipping at Sydney with full information of the prospects
Aurora, cleared for the Derwent, and to proceed on to the islands. She returned on 19th May, a full ship. The Concord, a brig of 150 tons, left Sydney on 8th March and made for Macquarie Island. She reached that place early in April, 1811. On the 8th of that month she was there, and near the north end of the island “came to anchor in 12 fathoms water, strong winds and cloudy. At 5 drove off the bank, hove the anchor up, and worked the ship in-shore again. At 11 came-to again off Ballas Beach in 13 fathoms.” So she reported for the information of navigators.5 She left a gang of sealers on the island, and on 1st May returned to Sydney. On 10th April the Mary and Sally sailed for the islands, and on 1st June the Concord commenced her second trip.
On Friday, 12th April, the fourth vessel of the “First Fleet” returned to Sydney. This vessel, the Sydney Cove, brought altogether 1,000 skins6 and 40 casks of sperm oil. The report on the work of her gang was favourable.
On 4th October the Concord reached port with a tale of storm and sea in the high latitudes such as the mariner of to-day in his larger vessel is a total stranger to. Told by the press of the day it reads:—
“On Friday, arrived the brig Concord, Captain Garbut from Macquarie's Island, whither she went from hence to supply her oiling and sealing gangs. She left this port on the 1st of June, and made the Islands on the 12th of July; when being boarded by two boats from the shore a hurricane began to blow, and she was obliged to take on boats and crews, which otherwise must have perished. In bearing off the land under close reefed fore sail and fore topsail, the canvas was rent from the yards, in which condition her bulwark was dashed in by one tremendous sea. Before she could regain her place six weeks elapsed, during which period Captain Garbut adhered to the latitude as nearly as wind and weather would permit, and at length obtaining a lunar observation, found himself
Perseverance, from the last accounts received of her being in Storm Bay Passage, had not had time to be there, probably, when Captain Garbut came away, which was the 5th of August. The Mary and Sally had been seen off before the Concord's first arrival at the island, but was unfortunately unable to make it, and never had returned: she is in consequence supposed to have shaped her course for Campbell's Island, to procure elephant oil and hair seal skins until the weather should be more favourable, rather than persevere in an attempt to make Macquarie's at so tempetuous and precarious a season; and the more especially as her sealing gang, if landed, would have found little or no employ until the bodies of seals began to come up, which would not be the case for some weeks. The falls of snow had been very heavy, the whole island was covered, and exhibited a dreary scene, to which the intenseness of the cold gave additional effect.”
The Perseverance sailed serenely into Sydney Harbour on 31st October, and landed a cargo of not less than 35,000 skins without a whisper of any difficulties encountered.
The other vessel mentioned in the Concord's report, the Mary and Sally, reached port on 27th November. She had, on 12th April, sailed from Sydney for the Derwent, reaching there on 27th April, and remaining until 18th May. After sighting Macquarie Island she could not make the land owing to adverse winds and was compelled to run to Campbell Island, where she landed an oiling party. She afterwards made Macquarie Island and landed part of her sealing gang with some provisions, but was blown off the
After the terrible experience of the Concord already narrated, Garbut made every effort to get back to his men in their desolate wintery quarters in the far south. Early in the year he was at Macquarie Island killing sea elephants and seals, and bringing the skins round to the west side of the island. On 24th January, 1812, at 9 a.m., he sent a boat to the west side for skins, but the boat was upset in the surf and all hands lost. Six men were on board, but though the wreckage of the boat was found there was no trace of the bodies. This was the first boat tragedy at Macquarie Island. On 3rd February the Concord was still on the coast reporting strong gales and squally westerly weather.6 The Concord sailed from the island for England on 10th March with a cargo of 13,700 skins and 50 tons of oil.7 During the same month, presumably on her road to England, she called at Campbell Island, and, in suitable shelter, wooded and watered, but reported experiencing strong gales.8
Holding, who had sailed on 23rd February, returned on 7th May with the Perseverance and a cargo of 9,000 skins and 66 tons of elephant oil. He reported the Concord's accident to Sydney shipping circles, and the details inform us that the sad accident took place only some 20 yards from the shore, that of the six men in the boat four belonged to the Concord, and two to Mr. Murray's gang working for Campbell & Co. About two months after the accident a mutilated body was found on a bank, the only one of the bodies ever recovered.9 The account first quoted is that supplied by Captain Garbut in London, on the arrival
Concord, and is taken from the log of that vessel; the latter is from the Sydney files.
Referring to these sealing gangs, Charles Hook, who managed the business of Robert Campbell & Co., tells us that “the number varied. In the brig Perseverance he never had less than twenty men, officers included. There was also a gang of additional men on board to be left at the islands with provisions for the purpose of sealing. The vessel generally returned from her voyage without them and went to the islands with fresh supplies for the men and to receive their skins and oil they had collected. They were always upon lays, a term used for a certain proportion of the earnings differing according to the qualifications of the men.”
Holding reported success all along the line. The Mary and Sally had made Macquarie Island bound for Campbell Island on 20th March. The Sydney Cove had been at Macquarie Island two months when she was driven off on 11th March with the loss of her anchors and cables, and had not returned on 7th April, when the Perseverance left. She had received on board 11,000 skins and 70 tons of oil. The Governor Bligh had gone eastward with 10 tons of oil and 4,000 skins, and Captain Stewart in the Cumberland had procured some oil and left Macquarie Island three months before.
The Governor Bligh returning on 7th June reported that from about 20th December, 1811, to 24th February, 1812, she had been beating off and on the coast at Macquarie Island, occasionally corresponding with the shore when the weather permitted, but on the latter date she had been blown off with only three men on board besides the master, and was unable to make the island again.
Stewart in the Cumberland, on reaching Campbell Island, found that of the gang of six men left by the Mary and Sally, only one, 10 This was the second boat tragedy on Campbell Island.
With such an extensive shipping in such a wild inclement region it was to be expected that shipwrecks would not be uncommon. So far however none had occurred. As a matter of fact, throughout the period of history we have been engaged with, not one wreck had been experienced upon the coast. The Endeavour was taken into Facile Harbour and condemned. She was not wrecked. Wreckage, it is true, was found on Campbell Island when the latter was discovered, but its origin to this day is shrouded in mystery. The same may be said of the wreckage at South Cape. Both may have come from a distance. When any vessel of the New Zealand trading craft met with disaster it was generally on the Australian coast. Now however, we have to record a wreck.
The Campbell Macquarie was a vessel of 248 tons, built and registered at Calcutta. On 22nd March, 1812, under the command of Richard Siddons, she was sent to Macquarie Island to take thence the sealing party connected with the House of Underwood. It had also been agreed, that any of the other gangs that wished to be brought away could come in her.11 It was likewise intended she should do some exploration work in the way of looking for new sealing grounds in the higher southern latitudes.12 From Sydney she sailed to Kangaroo Island, and thence to Macquarie Island.13 On 10th June while there she ran aground and went to pieces. Her crew of 12 Europeans and 30 lascars were all got ashore. She had nearly three suits of sails, and when the weather cleared up the crew succeeded in getting these ashore, where they were stored in a hut, which was afterwards accidentally destroyed by fire. All her stores were lost, independently of which she had on board 2,000 prime skins, 36 tons of salt, and 118 tons of coal taken in lieu of ballast. Captain Siddons, Mr. Kelly, chief mate, and the crew remained ashore from 10th June to 11th October, when they were taken off by the
Perseverance and given passages to Sydney, where they arrived on 30th October at Broken Bay. While on the island four of the lascars died, also a seaman of the Mary and Sally named Thomas McGowen. On receipt of the unfortunate news, Mr. Underwood of Sydney made every effort to secure the relief of the men marooned by this wreck. He purchased the Elizabeth and Mary, and fitted her for a trip to the southern islands. In his anxiety to secure men he advertised in the rather unusual manner that he would be responsible for anyone's debts that would go.
“Mr
Joseph Underwood hereby gives Notice that the SchoonerElizabeth and Marywill sail for Macquarie Islands for the Relief of the Gangs there stationed at the end of the present Week, and that he will be responsible for the payment of any Persons Debts who may proceed thereon, provided they shall be brought in to him before the Vessel sails.”11
Such expedition did Underwood show, that on 7th November, just eight days after news of the wreck was received in Sydney, the schooner Elizabeth and Mary, under Captain Siddons, sailed for the relief of the shipwrecked crew and of the sealing gangs belonging to the firm generally.14 The same expedition distinguished her journey as her fitting out, and on 20th January, 1813, the relieving vessel reached Sydney with such of the rigging, stores, &c., as had been saved from the wreck.
After the wreck of the Campbell Macquarie and the return of her gangs to Sydney, the sealing and oiling trade of the far south appears to have flagged. The Governor Bligh returned on 15th December, 1813, with the gang of the Active, found on the West Coast, and the fact that her cargo contained 5 tons of elephant oil, shows that amongst other places she had visited the southern elephant ground.
In the same year, 1813, the Mary and Sally is also reported making for the Campbell and Macquarie Islands, returning on 10th April, 1814, with a cargo of 80 tons of elephant oil, got in three months, at Macquarie Island. On
Elizabeth and Mary arrived in Sydney, after placing a gang on Macquarie Island. The same month witnessed the departure from Sydney of the Cumberland and the Endeavour on the 6th, and the Betsy on the 28th.
The tragic voyage of the last named crew is recorded under another heading.
We have seen from the great falling off in the number of vessels that cleared from Sydney to Macquarie Island, that the apparently inexhaustible supplies that greeted the first visitors had been sadly decreased, if not almost exhausted, by the wholesale butchery carried on. This was not a new thing in sealing. The Bass Strait sealing had proceeded on the same lines. The supplies from the West Coast Sounds and the coast of Stewart Island had given out. Now Macquarie Island supplies were doomed to a like fate. The position at the time (1815) is well put in the following article in the “Sydney Gazette.”15
“Between three and four years ago Macquarie Island was discovered to abound in seals and above 100,000 skins were procured there in the season. The case however, is now very different, as the whole number collected there by several gangs this season does not exceed five or six thousand. The decrease of the amphibious brood may be very naturally accounted for from the practice adhered to of killing promiscuously all the seal that offer, of which the Clap Match or female seal, furnish great proportion. The Pups or young seal were also indiscriminately slaughtered, so that the means of increase were totally annihilated unless from the solitary few which escaped the vigilance of the hunters, and which would require to enjoy length of undisturbed security and repose before their numbers were sufficiently recruited to afford a competent allurement to renew hostility. These causes were sufficient to counteract the prospect of benefitting from a fitting out hither for seal for many years to come, but it might have
“been looked forward to as an advantageous scene of adventure at a future period. This prospect is however totally obliterated by the ravages committed on the younger seal by innumerable wild dogs bred from those unthinkingly left on the island by the first gangs employed upon it. The birds which were formerly numerous, and were found capable of subsisting a number of men without any other provision have also disappeared from the same cause. Their nests which were mostly in inaccessible situations have been despoiled of their young, and the older birds themselves surprised and devoured by these canine rovers, which as they multiply must every day diminish the value of one of the most productive places our sealers were ever stationed at.”
There is little room to doubt the correctness of this description of Macquarie Island; and the anticipations of the future trade are borne out by the fact that during the next five years the Elizabeth and Mary, owned by Campbell Macquarie, while under Beveridge, was blown off the island no less than seven times, losing two anchors and cables. The probability is that on that occasion she was relieving a gang which she had taken down in February, 1819, as the columns of the Sydney press give us the following advertisements.16
“Wanted, Twelve or Fifteen men principally Sealers. Apply at Mr.
“Wanted, a Cooper, for Macquarie Island Apply at Mr.
While the Betsy's gang was stationed at Macquarie Island a series of very severe earthquakes were experienced, commencing on 31st October, 1815, and continuing with more or less severity until 5th May, 1816. Mr. Thomson, who had charge of the sealing and oiling party, kept a journal of these remarkable phenomena, and as it may be of interest to scientific men to know their sequence, an extract is reproduced here.17
“The first which took place on 31st of October, 1815, at one in the afternoon, overthrew rocks, and gave to the ground the motion of a wave for several seconds. Several men were thrown off their legs, and one was considerably hurt by his fall, but soon recovered. At two o'clock the same afternoon another earthquake was felt, another at four o'clock, and ten during the night, all of which were accompanied with a noise in the earth like that of distant thunder, the wind northward and westward. The 1st of November another shock was felt; and as the people were employed in distant divisions, their observations of the effects produced by the phenomena was most general. An overseer of a gang states that he witnessed the falling of several mountains, and the rocking of others which seemed to have separated from the summit to the base. On the 3rd of Nov., hard frost and heavy snow, two very severe shocks were felt. The 5th, 9th, and 11th were attended with some alarming phenomena. The 7th, 8th, and 9th of Dec., one was felt on each day; and also on the 16th of January and 1st of April.
“The first which was upon the 31st of October, was generally supposed to have been the most alarming. It was preceded by a cloudy atmosphere of seven days duration, in the course of which neither sun, moon, nor stars were seen. The people were much alarmed and expected nothing short of the islands total disappearance, or of being engulphed within its bowels.”
Though not strictly connected with Macquarie Island trade, still the visit of a scientific expedition to Campbell Island is always worthy of mention. The Uranie bound for France left Sydney on Christmas Day, 1819, and passing the southern part of New Zealand sighted Campbell Island on 7th January, 1820. Captain Freycinet's account of the island is a description of its bare hills and absence of vegetation. A Sydney convict stowaway who had once been on the island sealing, mentioned the existence of an anchorage in the southern part, but owing to his legendary stories he was discredited. She appears to have done nothing beyond sighting the island and sailing away.
So far the Macquarie Island trade had been wholly a Sydney one and, latterly, confined to one firm which employed but a single vessel, the Elizabeth and Mary. The natural result began in due course to make itself manifest. The butchery having ceased, the reproductive powers of the seal and the elephant caused an increase in these amphibious herds, and by 1820 the hunter found it profitable to put in his appearance. This revival of the trade made itself more largely manifest at Hobart Town. It developed in a new direction in that the vessels, when laden, sailed to England with their cargoes, instead of regularly plying between the Australian ports and Macquarie Island.
On 11th May, 1820, Beveridge brought the Elizabeth and Mary into port from Macquarie Island, after a terrible fight with wind and weather.
During this visit he made search after an island laid down on some of the charts and globes of that day, by the name of Company's Island, having, as it was said, been discovered by some Spanish Indiaman, about a century before, but lost sight of. Its situation was described to be in 49° S. lat. and 142° E long. Captain Beveridge could not find it. He succeeded in getting to 135° E. and then kept an east course within 6 miles of the given bearings of the island, but none such were visible. Other commanders had also sought for it in vain; from which the Sydney navigators inferred that an error had been made in its
In August and September of 1820 the Regalia (Dixon) and the Robert Quayle (Leslie) sailed from Hobart Town for Macquarie Island, taking with them a strong sealing gang. The venture proved a complete success. On 13th November, 1820, the Robert Quayle sailed from Macquarie Island for England with no less than 150 tons of elephant oil, which with her other cargo made her a full ship. The Regalia took on board 260 tons of the same kind of oil. This large supply of 410 tons was obtained by the two vessels within the short period of six months. Captain Dixon, of the Regalia, reported on his arrival that the Island furnished elephant oil in season to almost any extent to industrious gangs and active overseers.18
Captain Dixon also reported that the two Russian Discovery Ships, the Wostok and the Mirny, had called at Macquarie Island for water.
FROM the date of the discovery of the Campbell and Macquarie Islands to the end of 1812, Foveaux Strait and the land adjacent appear to have been deserted. No imports are quoted in the Sydney Customs, and no vessels are recorded as sealing on their shores. All shipping and trade for that period was directed to the rich lands in the far south. For a revival of interest in the mainland, we are indebted to an attempt made by the Sydney merchants to develop the flax trade of the islands.
The flax plant, as a subject of trade, had been suggested at the inauguration of the settlement of New South Wales. Phillip was impressed with its use for the manufacture of cordage and canvas, two great wants in the new settlement, and asked for assistance to teach the residents of Norfolk Island the best method of treating the green leaf. In 1791, King suggested that a New Zealand native should be procured, and this was done by kidnapping two Maoris and bringing them to Norfolk Island, where they remained for a short time and were finally restored to their own country in the latter part of 1793. None of the official schemes produced any satisfactory result.
In 1810 the first attempt by private enterprise to develop a trade was made under the direction of Lord, Williams and Thompson, when the brig Experiment was sent to New Zealand with a strong party under
In Sydney, at this time, was a ropemaker named
On the return of the Perseverance to Sydney, Williams gave a report upon the trip and the prospects of the trade, dated September, 1813, which is to be found among the papers in the Chief Secretary's Office, Sydney. What is appropriate to our narrative is here reproduced:
In the BrigPerseveranceSeptember 1813.
Sir,— “I having been brought up from infancy to the manufacturing of hemp and flax, and having as a Flax dresser and Ropemaker performed those branches in several parts of the globe and made use of materials unknown in England, I determined to try some method with the New Zealand hemp and having found it possible to manufacture it, and my next endeavours were to perform it by a speedy and simple system, and such expense as would admit the exportation of it to a British market, my means were very limited and circumstances embarassed, but well knowing the encouragement held out by the British Government for procuring hemp, at this time I persevered in the pursuit and have the satisfaction to surmount all obstacles and
satisfy myself that the hemp may be brought to use at less labour and expense than any hemp in the world. “I then conceived my labour would meet with encouragement by the Governor. Knowing that hemp was an article of importance to the British Government at Home, and this colony in distress of cordage, and knowing myself capable of introducing a system of relief, represented it to the Governor by memorial accompanied by samples of hemp and cordage in different stages of manufactory, but the Governor did not pay much attention to it, telling me he did not understand it. I then informed Mr. Lord what I was able to perform. Mr. Lord proposed an engagement but not with such encouragement as I considered myself entitled to, and I declined it, and represented the business to Messrs. Hook, Birnie, Blaxwell and others, but my proposals were cooly received the business having met with so many miscarriages, but this did not prevent me to decline my pursuits, and having a few of the plants in the country I continued to improve my method and gain experience and producing such samples that convinced the public that something might be done, Mr Lord again made proposals, but we could not come to terms to my satisfaction.
“Messrs. Birnie, Hook and Gordon requested me to make proposals, which were agreed upon, namely to send a vessel with 20 men and other means requisite to perform such manufacture I should point out, if I gave proofs that my method of manufacturing answers the purpose; after signing an engagement I produced such proofs of my abilities to perform more than I had proposed, Mr. Birnie wished to commence on a much larger scale than had been proposed, but the question was, whether there was sufficient quantity of the hemp plant in being, and such were the hopes I had given on my part, that instead of commencing on the small scale proposed Mr. Birnie determined to send a vessel and explore the island, and if the hemp were in sufficient abundance to make choice of the most suitable place for establishing our manufactory, and return and then to
commence on a very extensive scale and make use of every means that could be applied, this went beyond my engagement, to go more than once, and Mr. Birnie proposed my waiting for the vessel's return, but having made my arrangements for the voyage and observing that some information might be acquired I accompanied the voyage Mr. Murray master, with a good crew, Mr. Gordon and Mr. Jones to conduct the voyage, and to represent what was possible to be done and to what extent. “When we sailed I understood we were to coast the west side of the Islands to the South Cape, where we had been informed was the greatest abundance of hemp, but whatever induced Mr. Jones to accompany the voyage I am at a loss to know, for we were not three days at sea when Mr. Jones expressed his regret at going, and heartily wished to fall in with some vessel to take him back, or that the weather might oblige us to return, this was the theme of our voyage for three weeks. Mr. Jones represented the West Coast to be dangerous to approach so that the first land we saw was Solanders Island, in about 20 days very fine weather, but variable head winds, we fortunately had fine weather to take five men off Solanders Island that had been from four to five years on it destitute of relief, and hopeless of ever being taken off, and the same night to anchor in Port Williams in Foveaux Straits a very safe and still harbour, land locked on all sides, the next day came on to rain and blow very hard but we lay very snug, but Mr. Jones did not think so, he said as there was no hemp in Port Williams and the weather continuing bad for several days, that there was no hope of doing any more and as the wind was fair to Sydney we had better return, but I was at a loss to know which commanded our expedition. Mr. Gordon seemed very interested in our expedition and would not consent, at length the weather clearing up a little Mr. Gordon and I went on shore to try some experiments on the hemp, where Mr. Gordon had the misfortune to cut his leg very dangerously with the axe in cutting wood to make a fire and no boat on shore and
a long way from the brig, it was night before we could get a boat to take us on board, this was a misfortune to our expedition, for the only hope of seconding my exertions was Mr. Gordon and he was now confined to his cabin. “Mr. Murray, master of the vessel was well acquainted with this part of the Island, and represented the hemp in great abundance on the opposite side of the straits on the main, but no knowledge of anchorage for the vessel, and it was determined to cross the straits in the boats; Mr. Jones, Mr. Murray and five hands in one, and Mr. Smith 2nd officer, with five hands and myself in the other all armed, with Provisions for several days. We were in pursuit of five objects which are necessary to be combined in one view, namely abundance of hemp, wood and water, means to collect them, and anchorage for the vessel. Foveaux Straits is about 25 miles over from Port Williams to Port Macquarie as named by Mr. Jones, the entrance of which was unknown before to be capable of receiving a vessel. I have given a chart or view of this place as far as my abilities would admit from several very commanding views with the naked eye, the entrance of this harbour was supposed to be a reef of sand banks, but Mr. Murray sounded it from side to side and found plenty of water for vessels of burthen and anchorage, inside we met with a native at the entrance of the bay, who seemed glad to see us but could get no information from having no person to speak his language, we were at a loss where to land and the tide ebbing we grounded several times, and the native seemed indifferent on the subject, at length we landed and gave our new companion to understand that we wanted to find his village, he readily made signs to follow him, we left the boats in charge of four hands and travelled several miles over marshy land covered with hemp in general over the shoes in water, no timber of any kind. Mr. Jones wished to decline going any further, Mr. Murray and myself proceeded on till we came to a large bay covered with water the natives informed us that it was fordable, Mr. Jones declined proceeding and returned with, the
carpenter to the boats, Mr. Murray myself and the rest of the party crossed the bay which did not exceed knee deep hard sandy bottom, we crossed a ridge of hills and valleys covered with hemp, on the opposite side found the native village, chiefly of women and children and a few old men, they gave us to understand that the men were gone on some expedition for some time but I was apprehensive they were lying in ambush, we spent this night with them keeping a watch during it and they made us as comfortable as they could in their huts. In the morning Mr. Murray and I examined the source of the bay we crossed the day before, and when we signified our intentions of returning, the women loaded themselves with large baskets of potatoes and accompanied us to the boats. “We found the large bay which we crossed the day before completely dry and covered with paradise ducks which induced me naming it Duck Bay, the natives took us a shorter cut back and found Mr. Jones with the boats high and dry. When he found we were so well received by the natives he proposed going to their village the next day, after getting some refreshments I asked Mr. Jones and Mr. Murray to accompany me in the search of a nearer cut and a better road to Duck Bay, which I thought was the case from the view I took the day before, for though we had seen plenty of hemp, wood and water, still there would be a difficulty in collecting them, we came to a thick brush where I expected to find a passage but Mr. Jones and Mr. Murray declined attempting it. I proceeded alone and found it a complete barrier of brush and old timber fallen down by age; on the eve of returning I fell in with an old beaten path that took me through to Duck Bay where I found a large valley of the best hemp we had seen and as regular set as if planted by man, in the middle of this brush I found an old tent hut fallen with age and it was visible that the tide from Duck Bay met here, which I considered as an object of importance to our undertakings, as a little harbour would open up a passage from sea to sea in the centre of everything we wanted. I had some
difficulty in making my way through the hemp and fern, till I came to our first track from Duck Bay to Jones Island, where the boats lay and where I arrived at dusk. I informed Mr. Jones of the success of my journey, next day our party went to the village, Mr. Jones the carpenter and myself went by the new road, as I wished them to give their opinion of what I thought our grand object, but I found our party more in pursuit of other amusements, we came to the village and Mr. Murray and myself examined the channel that led to Duck Bay and found it navigable from our boats, on our return across Duck Bay the tide was flowing and I asked Mr. Jones to go the shortest way through the brush to ascertain the meeting of the tides and determine whether this would be a proper place to establish our works, Mr. Jones told me that he had enough of it and that I might go myself, which I did with the carpenter through the new passage, and met at the boats, Mr. Jones said he would go over to the vessel in the morning at daylight, I remonstrated with him, that this bay seemed formed by nature to answer all our wishes, though we knew very little of it at present, and our principal object now wanted, was a stream of water he said he would stay no longer and we must find that next time we came, and that we had spent time enough here; in the morning the tide would not allow us to depart till 11 o'clock. I then proposed to take a walk round the west side of the bay towards the Heads. Mr. Jones said he would wait no longer than dinner being cooked, I took a biscuit in my pocket and went by myself, but not knowing what kind of travelling I should meet with, and intending to meet with the boats at the Heads, and as I had an opportuity of seeing them pass I was to fire a signal to be taken on board, in case I could not make my way to the Heads, I passed several large tracks of hemp and rivulets of water, but my time would not admit me to examine the source of them, I saw large quantities of hemp all round that side of the bay and most of it from 7 to 10 feet long and excellent soil, I found no difficulty in getting to the Heads it being ebb tide and hard sandy bottom, I made the Heads about 4 o'clock and made a fire on the hills, in an hour after the boats arrived, it was then proposed to camp there for the night and cross over to Port Williams in the morning, the only two young men we saw amongst the natives came with the boats, the rest were gone for more potatoes, but Mr. Jones would not wait their return. “At daylight next morning we launched the boats, the two natives seemed much concerned we did not wait the return of their companions with more potatoes, and bid us a very friendly adieu, rowed most of the passage and made the brig in the afternoon all well. Mr. Murray and myself had a hope of taking the brig over and acquiring more knowledge of Port Macquarie and the neighbourhood round and Mr. Gordon was of the same opinion but Mr. Jones overruled all and determined to get under weigh next day for Sydney, which was the case, we cleared the straits that night and stood along the eastern shore but scarcely saw it till we made Banks Island, and after standing towards it from daylight in the morning till one or two in the afternon came within about four miles of a fine harbour, saw a large village distinctly, it was intended to go in but Mr. Jones declined saying it would only be losing time, stood along the land until we opened a large bay saw several large smokes, stood under easy sail till daylight next morning; found ourselves close in with Table Cape, made sail, running 7 or 8 miles into the bay, fired a gun, fires were lighted on shore, saw the natives, about ship again, stood out of the Bay, Mr. Murray having some knowledge of Table Cape stood close round it, saw large tribes of natives on the shores launching their canoes.
“Hove the vessel too, the natives brought potatoes and mats for trade, a spike nail would buy a hundred weight of potatoes, but I saw no hemp, the natives gave me to understand that they had plenty of that article on shore, and went for it, but we waited not for their return, but made sail and stood along the shore; the canoes continued coming off to us trading as before, the natives in general
all along gave me to understand that they had abundance of hemp on shore, which article I'm sorry to say excited not the least attention of our party, for the grand object of our voyage seemed now totally forgot, we had a fine breeze from the west, and the vessel laid along shore under an easy sail and smooth water, we had every opportunity of visiting every mile of the coast, sailing along, and I have no doubt of our being able to have collected some tons of hemp from the natives which would have turned to good account, but Mr. Jones became impatient of getting home, said that it was no use creeping along shore, and that if we stood off land we should have a good breeze that would drive us home, Mr. Murray and Mr. Gordon were of a different opinion, but yet they gave way to him and we soon felt the effect of a stiff breeze which drove us to the N. and E. for several weeks (the vessel making great lee way) we never more saw the land. “We might have made the North Cape, but all further attempts were declined to come home, we made Port Jackson after a cruise of 12 weeks nearly as wise as we went, had not Port Macquarie fortunately been formed by nature to answer every purpose for a large establishment and though I was greatly disappointed, in not having numerous choices of situations, which most likely would have been the case had our means been made good use of, but yet it gave me a deal of consolation that I accompanied the voyage, for I found Port Macquarie so well suited in general to answer all our wishes, that I am positive much more might be done than ever was expected to be met with before we sailed, from the general information we had received, and had I not been there nothing would have been known of it for Mr. Jones would have returned with the boats to Port Williams, had I not been active in opposition to his inclinations, and the short time I was permitted to stay was always in search of such objects I knew requisite for an establishment, and every hour opened important objects in view; and though hurried away with great reluctance, still am well satisfied that great means may
be applied to greater advantages. Near the native village is a very high sandy hill commanding a view of low land as far as the eye could discern, covered with hemp, and I have no doubt it was the case where we travelled and as far as we could discern, there was no timber on the low lands except in patches and that very thick brush. The natives here seemed to be only a few families detached from the main; they were remarkably kind to us, though I was informed they had been ill treated by some Europeans some time before; Mr. Murray had lived in Port Williams many months and was dependant on them for fish and potatoes, and they would have given him as many as he pleased, but Mr. Murray had never been into Port Macquarie. “I have no doubt but these natives with proper treatment would be of great service to an hemp establishment they were very poor but I saw great industry in their potatoe gardens, which were kept remarkably clean, fish and potatoes seemed to be their chief dependence, had we but spent six days at Port Macquarie instead of three I think many more favourable advantages would have presented themselves, but such were the ideas I had formed of the situation on my departure, that I had arranged every point of an establishment independent of any further discoveries, and had not the least idea but it would have been cheerfully embraced upon our return to Sydney, but so strange were the events of this expedition, that the principal persons intended for conducting and representing the voyage, one was wounded and could not go on shore, and the other could not see, or we saw and thought of things differently, on our departure I had no particular appointment, neither on my return did I attempt to interfere with those that had a right to represent it, a few days after our return I was asked of what I had seen and why we had done so little, I then represented Port Macquarie as a suitable place for a large establishment and by what means, I was then informed that they had different accounts from those that ought to have known
them, I then gave such explanations as were requisite and referred it to Mr. Murray and officers of the vessel, whose opinion was nearly as my own, and though we had done what was expected, I understand the business was to be proceeded in; the Phoenixbeing bound for England Mr. Birnie told me he wished to send a representation of the business to England and requested me to send musters home, but I was very ill prepared for such a request for we had no means for performing my work when we sailed, neither was it intended till we commenced on a large scale; for all parties were fully satisfied my method of manufacturing was practicable and to trifle with it would give others an opportunity who were anxious to act on our principals, under these reasons I declined any experiments at New Zealand except of a few bundles of the raw plants I brought for curiosity and to ascertain what effects the voyage would make on them, in this case I told Mr. Birnie I would construct a small machine and clean the plants we had brought, and as I had some hopes and stood in need of assistance from the Governor, I therefore would request him to see it put in practice, which would do away all doubts of the business being brought to perfection and secure the merits of my own labour, I completed my machine and presented a memorial to the Governor, a copy of which I have accompanied with this, which will represent my idea of the important value of the New Zealand hemp. His Excellency was pleased to inspect the operation of cleaning and preparing the hemp, and was pleased to express his approbation by a promise to give it every encouragement in his power to carry it into effect. Mr. Birnie now signified his intentions of postponing all further proceedings in the affair till he had heard from England, his reason for so doing was owing to the representation Mr. Jones had given of it. I now found myself much hurt at this information, having put myself to a great expense and trouble and the only recompense left me was to see others reap the benefit of my labours and exertions, and of sustaining great embarrassments bybeing led astray in my expectations from my usual pursuits. I was very unwilling of Mr. Birnie's sending those musters home (which he had) being much damaged, they have been brought over in the green leaf and remained several weeks after our arrival and were only intended to show the operation of the machinery by way of improvement. “I informed Mr. Birnie the impropriety of sending them; if I had known when I sailed to New Zealand that it was intended to send samples to England I would have taken care of providing myself with means to prepare such samples of hemp and cordage as would put them beyond the reach of doubts or prejudice, the musters which were sent were too trifling for inspection, and even the best of them were lost or made away with, when I packed up the case for England, and I then gave it as my opinion that if they were not properly explained at Home, they would lead judges of hemp astray in their opinion of New Zealand hemp, which from the little information I had heard of its results, I think has been the case, this had always been called a flax, but it is hemp completely which is easily discerned by proper judges of that article, and I now shall procure musters as will convey a just idea of the value of them, and represent from my own knowledge and experience by what means and to what extent it may be brought to use, I being now employed furnishing the public with manufactured articles of an excellent quality, which I can perform with less labour than on any hemp in Europe.
“The arrangements which I conceived sufficient of forming the first establishment at Port Macquarie and which are on as small a scale as I could reduce to, are these, boys from 12 to 15 years of age would be equal to men in part of the work, thus with 40 men and boys, I am confident of producing on an average 1 ton of hemp per day including all labour fit for exportation. The machinery on this establishment would not exceed from £80 to £100—the party to be provided with 6 months provisions, and means requisite for building habitations
and store houses, the principal materials growing on the spot. The vessel to remain till our machinery commenced working which may be completed in 6 or 8 weeks from our landing. Two or three boats to be left with the party, and from my present knowledge of Port Macquarie a decked boat of 15 or 20 tons may be well employed, large boilers must be provided (or more proper salt pans) of such dimensions as could readily be removed from one place to another, the sizes from 6 to 8 feet long and 2 deep, would be sufficiently large for this purpose. I am well assured an establishment of one hundred Europeans may be employed in Port Macquarie to much advantage, and 400 with a proportionable increase of means and machinery, exclusive for extending establishments on other parts of the Coast, from which general information is practicable to great extent. I am of opinion the natives would perform the greater part of the labour in collecting the hemp to great advantage. In this statement I have paid great respect to moderation, respecting the produce of the undertaking, and could represent a number of advantages which I have referred for practice should I ever have the opportunity to perform them. “Exclusive of our furnishing the British market with hemp, this colony and others may be supplied with manufactured cordage and canvas to great advantage, for the cheap production of the hemp would admit these articles to market at a moderate price. For manufacturing the only articles wanted from England would be six sets of hatchets, a few dozens of reeds for weaving duck and canvas (a set of looms complete would be far better and cheaper). Four twine spinners jacks of small sizes and a few dozen of Wheel Bends the whole of which would not exceed £100.
“The following experiments will gave a just idea to what extent this hemp may be brought, exclusive of its natural productions, I cut from one tuft or shoot 80 blades of hemp which did not occupy more than 4 feet of ground in circumference and when brought to Sydney, seven of
these blades. produced a pound of neat hemp of 8 feet long, and the whole of them would have produced the same, had this not been damaged on the voyage, the pound of hemp was cleaned in five minutes in presence of the Governor. One slip or plant transplanted from the Governor's garden in June 1813 was cut three times in less than 2 years and then I divided it into 9 slips, the whole of these plants producing young leaves an inch long in seven days, three of these plants are going to England in the Sydney Packet.I endeavoured to ascertain the proper age and season for cutting this plant, but I find it may be cut all the year round with very little difference in the quality of the hemp and I am positive that before all the hemp in the neighbourhood of Port Macquarie could be gathered and cleaned the first cut would be fit for cutting again and produce better hemp. There are several species of the hemp plant some producing seed and some not. I have seen those producing seed 10 feet high, and others not exceeding three feet which produce the finest hemp.Castlereagh St., Sydney ,September 1813 .
“P.S.—This is a representation made by me nine years ago, much useful information has been gained since and many representations have been transmitted Home by The Honourable Commissioner of Enquiry and also by His Excellency Governor Macquarie.”
Robert Williams .
Williams tells of the difference of opinion in the party throughout the trip. The only inkling of the report from the other side is taken from the columns of the press of that day, and as it contains the better description of the Bluff Harbour, and the first description perhaps ever written, it is all the more interesting.
“Crossing the Foveaux Straits, which is about 21 miles, they discovered an excellent harbour, which they gave the name of Port Macquarie, and lies about N.N.E. from Port William. The west entrance of this harbour is high land, and the
entrance is first made by a reef of rocks extending about S.W., with regular soundings between the land on the west and the reef to the eastward of from 12 fathoms gradually diminishing to six fathoms, and from 5 to 4 fathoms at a considerable distance within the harbour, which penetrates into the country in a N.W. direction about six miles. There appears to be two channels, one near to each shore, and in the upper part of the harbour are three islands, with several small rocks and sandbanks. The boats made a landing on the largest of these islands, and gave it the name of Jones's in compliment to a Gentleman of the party. The natives hereabouts are very civil and obliging." 1
Williams also reported that the natives had “a field of considerably more than 100 acres” of potatoes which “presented one well cultivated bed, filled with rising crops of various ages some of which were ready for digging, while others had been but newly planted.”2
Though the Bluff Harbour was named Port Macquarie on this visit, Williams' report shows that the existence of some sort of a bay or inlet in the locality was known, but this visit clearly demonstrated the fact that a vessel could enter. This is borne out by Mr. R. Murray, who has already been mentioned as in charge of gangs at Stewart and Macquarie Islands, going straight to the mouth of the Harbour, though he did not know of an anchorage. The mention of ill-treatment of the natives and the “old tent hut fallen with age” would also imply a visit by Europeans. Lastly the great extent of the potatoes grown by the natives points to a trade with sealers and whalers. The name Port Macquarie is to be found in maps published as late as 1841.
When it was evident that no practical results were to follow from the expedition sent out by Birnie; Lord and several other merchants, on 18th June, 1814, called a meeting to establish a joint stock company to develop a flax and timber trade with New Zealand. To this company
The Company proposed to purchase two small vessels, and, with about fifty men, including the crews, form an establishment at Port William on Stewart Island. The raw material they intended to bring across Foveaux Strait in one of their vessels. Native labour was to be used as much as possible. If it should be found convenient the Company intended to extend the undertaking and make similar settlements where the conditions were suitable. With this object in view a careful survey of the whole of the South Island was to be made. There was the usual series of protestations that the intention was to act kindly to the natives, to encourage them in manual labour and to teach them the arts and manufactures of civilized life.3
The promoters of the scheme had obtained from the expedition of the previous year the information acquired by it as to the location of the establishment and had entered into negotiations with Williams for his services, the intention being that the latter should proceed to New Zealand to superintend the setting up of an establshment for the preparation of the hemp, and return to Sydney later to undertake the manufacture of cordage and canvas. Although the terms of the negotiations with Williams are on record4 it is not clear whether the agreement was actually completed and Williams employed. The Company afterwards advertised for a number of men for engagement for five years to proceed to New Zealand, asking specially for those acquainted with flax and its manufacture. In due course the brig Trial and the schooner Brothers were equipped and sent to New Zealand, but so far as Southern New Zealand is concerned the promoters did not carry out any part of their scheme, and the first attempt to establish the flax trade in the South met the same fate as did that of 1810 in the North Island. The request for exclusive rights of trade was ultimately refused by the Imperial Authorities.
FAIRLY in the road of steamers passing between the Bluff and any of the ports of Australia are two great detached rocks, standing like sentinels at the entrance to Foveaux Strait and visible from a long distance. They are the Solanders. The larger and more conspicuous of the two rises to a height of something like 1,100 feet, and its steep weather beaten sides are covered with such plants as can grow in the teeth of the southern gales of that locality, and can hold on to the rock where there is found only enough soil to give them sustenance. On rare occasions is the sea so calm that a landing can be effected on the exposed coastline of the larger island, and under the most favourable conditions the landing party has but the selection of two spots, one or other of which is taken according to the direction of the weather. The smaller island is even more difficult to land on.
The very fact that the islands were discovered by Cook while on board the Endeavour in 1770, and were named by him in honour of his naturalist,
On the Solanders, not long after Foveaux Strait was discovered, two small parties of men came to reside for many years, but whether by shipwreck or left as a regular gang, or from both causes, cannot be determined. While the Perseverance was bound for Stewart Island on the flax expedition referred to in the last chapter, she made the Solanders and on 12th May, 1813, found five men living there.
Her report1 says that she “there found five men, some of whom had been there four years and a half, and the others nearly three years. Their preservation for such a length of time upon that island, which is not more than four or five miles in circumference, and scarcely anything but a barren rock, can be attributed to nothing short of that divine interposition which in numberless instances no less remarkable has imperatively exercised its gracious influence. Among them was a native of this Territory, who had lived in habits of perfect amity and good understanding with his unfortunate companions. They were cloathed in seal skins, of which their bedding also was composed, and their food had been entirely made up from the flesh of the seal, a few fish occasionally caught, and a few sea birds that now and then frequent the island:— The birds they always salted for a winter stock; the catching of fish was very precarious, and the flesh of the seals they entirely lived on during the summer season. They had attempted to raise cabbage and potatoes, of which plants one of them happened to have some of the seed when unhappily driven upon the island; but their first and every subsequent experiment failed, owing to the spray of the sea in gales of wind washing over the whole island, which rendered culture of any kind impracticable. They
Perseverance went thither, had by general concurrence agreed to contribute as much as possible to each other's comforts, as no expectation of relief was any longer to be encouraged or indulged. The island upon which it was their misfortune to be cast is about 5 miles in circumference, of very difficult access on account of the high surfs, almost perpendicular rocks, and of so forbidding an appearance as to any possibility of effecting a landing, as not to incline shipping of any kind to touch there, though they had seen several at a distance. From long observation they had reported the heaviest gales to proceed from the North West.”
Though the names of the vessels are not given us, we believe we are in a position to give those of the castaways themselves from the fact that on their return to Sydney the following advertisement appeared in the Gazette.2
“Notice is hereby given to the Public, and to the Masters of Vessels in particular, that may touch at Solander's Island in these Seas, not to meddle with, or take away from thence a quantity of Dried and Salted Seal Skins, the property of the Undersigned, they having been disposed of to S. Lord, Esq., whose Brig is now about proceeding to take them away. Any Person or Persons found interfering with them after this Notice will be rigidly prosecuted.”
(Signed.)Thomas Williams.Michael Mcdonald..Henry Shippey Charles Freeman.
On 20th July, 1813, the Perseverance landed the relieved men at Sydney.
The discovery, in May, 1813, of four Europeans and one Australian native on Solander Island, some of whom had been put ashore in 1808 and the others in 1810, makes us
Contemplating the notice, it does not seem unreasonable to suppose that the four names given above were those of the four rescued Europeans, and that the seal skins were those secured during their long captivity. Of course it is possible that the castaways sold the skins to their deliverers, but as that would only be likely if the captain charged them for their rescue, it may at once be discarded as highly improbable. At that date the names of men taken on board vessels were advertised in the local press, and the only name on the Perseverance list resembling any of the four given above is
The author regards the circumstance as calling for comment, that Captain Murray made for the Solanders, although he describes the islands as “of so forbidding an appearance … as not to incline shipping of any kind to touch there,” and finding these five castaways from two different vessels, did not record the names of the vessels. Captain Murray had been a long time at Stewart Island, having been landed there by the Fox in command of a sealing gang. Could it be possible that he had heard of castaways being on the island? If he had, or actually knew that they were there at one period, it would explain his calling; and his silence about how they first came there might be explained on the supposition that they were from vessels his employers were interested in. Continuing this line of thought, the reader will recall that early in 1809
Governor Bligh fell in with the brig Fox and the schooner Antipode, in the vicinity of Foveaux Strait.
A perusal of the shipping lists reveals the names of Robert Murray and Perseverance, which sailed on 8th August, 1808, for the “sealing grounds,” and the names of Michael McDonald and Thomas Williams in the Fox, which sailed on 31st August of the same year for the “Southern Isles.” Here we distinctly have three of the names of those who were found on Solander Island. Unity, after the Fox had sailed on her last trip on 4th April, 1809. If a boat from the Unity was driven on the Solanders the date would fit in with the report of the rescuers. The Fox probably supplied those of the party who had been four years and a half on the island. Following up the history of the Fox, the mystery is unfolded. She was on 31st January, 1809, without anchors and cables and short of water, met by the Governor Bligh and relieved. On 15th March she returned with her crew in a terrible condition with scurvy, no less than 26 out of 28 of them having been taken ill, rendering it difficult for the vessel to get safely into port. She had also encountered bad weather, had suffered considerable injury to her upper works and had lost one of her boats.
One of her gangs, including Thomas Williams and Michael McDonald, had evidently been placed on the Solanders, and storm and sickness had prevented their release. On 7th May, 1809, the Fox again sailed for the sealing grounds, landing Mr. Murray and a gang at Stewart Island. If on this occasion she attempted the relief of the Solander party, Murray, in 1813, as captain of the Perseverance, would have been acquainted with the whole position. We have already seen that the Fox never returned for her gangs, but in September, 1810, was wrecked at Amsterdam Island. The Macquarie Island rush took away Campbell & Co.'s gangs to the islands in the far south and the lonely gang on the Solanders was forgotten.
Murray, who knew of their having been left there in the first instance, called in the Perseverance to see what had become of them, and was fortunate enough to end their long vigil. If the surmise of the author is correct there is no longer any wonder why Murray says nothing of the names of the vessels and why Williams' report is silent on the same point. It was to the interests of all to keep the particulars from publicity. The second party arriving in 1810 was driven on the island, so says the report. Northerly or nor-westerly heavy weather, which they complained of most, would drive them off sealing stations along the Preservation Inlet coast, and the opposite weather, which is not so prevalent, would take them off the Stewart Island sealing stations. Here is a mystery of Foveaux Strait yet to be solved, but the author thinks that when it is unravelled it will be found that the Unity supplied the boat which was driven on the Island.
The Active was a most unfortunate craft. She combined sealing and whaling, and had been driven ashore at Western Port in Bass Strait on 11th June, 1809, but succeeded in getting off damaged. She returned to Sydney and effected the necessary repairs. On Monday, 11th December, 1809, she sailed from Sydney never to return. This ship's notices, as she went to meet her doom on the rugged New Zealand coast, are of interest to us now as we gather together the scraps of her history.
“Wanted for the brig Active, shortly about to sail on a promising and pleasant voyage, several active able men, who will find proper encouragement. Apply to Captain Bader.”
Captain
Sailing from Sydney, the ill-fated brigantine made the West Coast of New Zealand, and on 16th February, 1810, left a sealing gang in that wild region. The gang was really left upon an island about a mile and a half from the mainland, and the vessel sailed for Sydney never again to be heard of, and all record of the brig or of her men appears to have vanished.
On 15th December, 1813, Captain Grono, in the Governor Bligh, arrived in Sydney from the West Coast Sounds with 14,000 seal skins and about 5 tons of elephant oil. With him also returned the men who had been left on the New Zealand coast as abovementioned. The shipping news of Sydney thus chronicles the event:
“The Active went from hence the 11th of December, 1808 (?1809) and having landed her people on an island about a mile and a half from the main of New Zealand, sailed again for Port Jackson, but doubtless perished by the way and has never since been heard of. The people who were left as above described were reduced to the necessity of subsisting for nearly four (?three) years upon the seal, when in season, and at other times upon a species of the fern, part of which they roasted or boiled, and other parts were obliged to eat undressed, owing to a nausea it imbibed from any culinary process. They were left upon a small island with a very scanty allowance of provisions, and the vessel was to come to Port Jackson for a further supply. They had a whale boat, and their only edged implements consisted of an axe, an adze, and a cooper's drawing knife. In a short time they procured 11,000 seal skins, part of which Mr. Grono has brought up. In hopes of finding upon the main some succour which the small island did not afford, they went thither, but were nearly lost by the way, as some of the lower streaks of the boat were near falling out, owing, as was imagined, to the nails being of cast iron. On their safe arrival, however, they found an old boat on the beach, which it subsequently appeared had been left there by Mr. Grono on a former voyage. With the aid of this additional boat, when both
3
On his return the mate of the Active offered for sale the seal skins brought from the scene of their long imprisonment and inserted the following advertisement in the Sydney paper.4
“This is to give Notice that several Thousand Prime Salted Seal Skins, which have been advertised
“for Sale by Private Contract, with Application to Mr. Richard Jones, will be Sold by Auction, by Mr. Bevan. on Wednesday next, the 16th Instant, unless in the meantime disposed of by Private Contract.” D. Lowriston .
No further indication is given of the spot where the men were rescued, nor is it possible to locate it with absolute certainty. “An island about a mile and a half from the main” might describe one of the islands in Dusky Sound, but the absence of food as mentioned by the party, would hardly fit in with the plenty described by navigators during their stay there. Nor does it agree with the expressed intention of setting out for the more frequented sealing places, as Dusky was a very commanding place to be left in. Rather does the above reference point to one of the northern sounds and the expedition as contemplating coming south. Secretary Island in Thompson Sound would answer the description. Grono, we know from previous information, was in the habit of visiting this sound; he in fact named it. Thompson Sound connects with Doubtful and forms an island—Secretary Island—the only one north of Dusky of any size. Knowing this, the fact that one of Grono's boats was picked up, would indicate that the men were left on Secretary Island. Failing this it is impossible to say where the gang was stationed. On comparing the above account of the loss of the Active with the advertisements of her sailing from Sydney it will be seen that the report is one year out and that the men were three, not four years, in the inhospitable Sound.
The widespread character of revenge and brutality accorded to the New Zealanders about this time renders all the more pleasant the story told by Captain Fowler of the Matilda. This vessel sailed from Sydney in August, 1813, bound for New Zealand and then on to Tahiti. On her
“The vessel was manned with lascars,5 who were emaciated by fatigues they had before been unaccustomed to; and being for a length of time without vegetables, or fresh provisions; having then also but a few gallons of water left. As soon as Captain F. informed the chief Papuee of the state of his people, he received the most friendly profers and assistance; and collecting a number of his subjects, a large fishing party was immediately formed, and a present supply procured. Their potatoes were not more than half grown, and were taboo'd until they should attain their full size. Though the natives were thus prohibited their use themselves, the worthy chief would allow of no restraints operating against the distressed strangers, and to them an abundance was afforded. Such of the crew who were most capable were afterwards employed in procuring water, which was a mile's distance; but from the impediments they met with from the flax plant in rolling the casks, the labour was more than they could perform. The chief observing this, went himself to their assistance, and shouldering one of the casks set the example which his people immediately followed; and thus was the labour promptly and effectually relieved. The good chief visited the vessel immediately at sun rise every morning, and was personally attentive on all occasions to the supply of food to the crew. He noticed the running rigging to be in a decayed state, the vessel having suffered a long continuance of very bad weather; and without any prefatory remark sat down on deck with a number of his people, women and men promiscuously, and commenced rope making after the manner of the country, which is performed by plaiting four strands of flax, something in the way that our carriage whips are made, which proved an excellent substitute for a more expensive cordage. Captain F. speaks of the chief in the highest term of regard and veneration; his stature is full six feet and a
During this voyage Captain Fowler suffered the less of no less than three boats and fourteen men on the New Zealand coast.6 One boat was stolen by the natives from alongside the vessel, the second was taken away by six of the lascar crew, and the third was sent with Mr. Brown, chief officer, accompanied by two Europeans and five lascars, and never returned. Mr. Brown's boat was supposed by Captain Fowler to have foundered. Later on evidence was discovered of the fate of the men. De Blosseville ascertained in Sydney, in 1823, that of the six lascars in the second boat, three were killed by the natives and the others were kept alive and taught the natives how to dive and cut the ship's cables during the night and how to reduce the efficiency of firearms by attacking in wet weather. Prior to the Otago Heads massacre in 1817, Mr. Kelly was told by one of the surviving lascars of the Matilda that Mr. Brown, with six men, had been killed and eaten by the natives.
In Captain Fowler's description of what took place at Otago no mention is made of the loss of his men and boats, his straitened circumstances are attributed solely to the weather and the state of his crew's health. The loss may be presumed therefore to have taken place after he left Otago, but from the evidence we can equally conclude that the scene of the disasters was not very far away from this locality.
This is the first reference to Otago which the author has been able to identify with certainty, though he believes that the port was visited towards the end of 1809. As the date of Captain Fowler's visit may be taken to be the end of 1813, there is a period of four years to account for.
Beside the story of the Betsy, the accounts of all other tragedies connected with the sealing trade sink into insignificance. As a tragedy it is a tragedy of tragedies, as a story of a disastrous voyage it has no parallel in New Zealand history.
The Betsy was a vessel in the employ of Mr. Elizabeth and Mary, another of Underwood's fleet, on her return to Sydney reported that the outlook for sealing was not so bright, and her cargo of 3,000 skins were all that had been obtained.
Having landed her Macquarie Island gang, the Betsy proceeded to Bristow's (Auckland) Island. There she lost one European (
Death soon came to end the wretched existence of the exhausted men. On 28th September, Laurenza, a Portuguese, died and on the 30th John Wilson followed. On 5th October the body of
On 23rd October the doomed vessel was off the Bay of Islands and made an attempt to run in, when a sudden squall came on, the main brace and top sail sheet gave way, the top sail was blown to shreds and the jib fore topsail went to pieces at the same time. A second time the Betsy drifted off the shore. This time however, no strength was left among the men to do anything but remain on the vessel while she drifted about, at one time threatened with destruction upon the rocks, at another with ingulfment by the sea. On the 28th the last water cask was dry.
In the jolly boat were placed four helpless men,
After 12 hours of incessant toil the whale boat reached the coast of New Zealand. Out of 19 persons who were on board the vessel, 8 got on shore alive, viz., the master (Goodenough),
The same night (2nd November), they were placed in a hut, and next morning advanced further along the coast, sinking with fatigue and long fasting. Harrassed in this manner for several days, they at length received the good news that their lives would be spared, but that they would become the property of their first captors. Fern root and dried fish were the only sustenance the place afforded, and even this was not plentiful. On the 9th a ship hove in sight but did not approach the land. On the 11th a brig coasted in near the shore, and the chiefs agreed to let them get on board if they could manage it. A canoe was obtained and every effort made, but when they had made the little craft ready for the water the brig was past. On 29th January, 1816, they left the place, called by the natives Mooramoota, situate on the N.E. part of the North Cape, and went to Rimgatan, 35 miles N.W. of the former, but being worse off here than before, they returned to Mooramoota and on 23rd February were taken off by the brig Active, the master of which had learnt their condition at Rimgatan. The four lascars were left under the charge of the missionaries at the Bay of Islands and the two Europeans proceeded in the Active to Tahiti.
Meanwhile the owners had become alarmed at the non-arrival of the Betsy in Sydney, and on 26th March,
Elizabeth and Mary, James Miller, master, sailed for Macquarie Island, intending to go from there to Campbell Island and then on to Bristow Island, sealing and oiling, but especially to find the Betsy and relieve her gangs, their provisions being expected to be by that time exhausted. The Elizabeth and Mary returned on 28th May, 1816, with a cargo of oil and the whole gang left by the Betsy in February, 1815. She also brought up a gang left by a former vessel, the name of which is not recorded. She however did not belong to the same employ, and the situation of the men is described as being deplorable from want of provisions. Their entire stock of food had been exhausted by the October preceding, and since that time until their release they had subsisted upon such trifling aid as could be afforded them by the Betsy's gang.
The same day that the Elizabeth and Mary reached Sydney, arrived also the news of the loss of the Betsy. The word was brought from Tahiti by Captain Campbell of the brig Governor Macquarie. Campbell had obtained the news from the master of the Queen Charlotte, who reported that the survivors had got over to the Three Kings and that the Queen Charlotte, going to their relief, had been blown off.
On 1st October, 1816, the European survivors of the Betsy, Endeavour from Tahiti.7
An American whaling vessel, the Enterprise, which sailed from Philadelphia in December, 1815, on a sealing cruise, reached Hobart Town on 17th December, 1816, in want of wood and water. She reported an unsuccessful sealing voyage.8 Continuing her sealing course via the Auckland Islands and the Snares she reached Sydney on 17th March, 1817, with three rescued men. The shipping news gives us the following information.9
“Captain Coffin of the American ship Enterprise, gives information of his having met three men on one of the
Adventure, Schooner, Capt. Keith, of London, under the following circumstances, as represented to them by Capt. Coffin, viz., that the Adventure had been sealing among the islands, and falling short of provisions, the Captain submitted to their choice whether they would go on shore, or starve afloat, stating it to be impossible for the provisions to hold out for the whole of the crew; that they went on shore much against their will, taking a few potatoes, which they planted and lived on the produce of, together with birds and seals which occasionally fell in their way; that their number was originally four, but one had died, and all had the same dreary prospect before them, but Providence had been kinder than their expectation and miraculously preserved them. These men had written discharges from the Captain of the Adventure, as Captain Coffin assures us; and when it is considered that that vessel might by calling at either of the settlements on Van Diemen's Land have avoided the necessity of leaving four unhappy men in a condition so truly deplorable, we either must discredit their report, or bestow upon them a portion of that sympathy to which unmerited misfortune prefers an undoubted claim.”
The Enterprise, on her return, reached Philadelphia, U.S.A., on 11th May, 1818, in 8 days from Havana where she had loaded with molasses and sugar. On her arrival the following extract from the journal of her voyage was forwarded to the press.10
“From Brister's Island we proceeded near the Snares; (small cluster of islands in south latitude 48, west longitude 166,) here we found three men who had been on an island seven years. A schooner in which they were, being short of provisions, they chose to take their chances on shore. They took with them from the vessel a quart of rice, an iron pot, and half a bushel of potatoes. The potatoes they planted, and when we were there, the whole of the side of the Island seemed to be covered with
“them. They had built five houses and had 1,300 dried skins. We took them and their skins on board, and brought them away from the Island.”
Shortly afterwards the Enterprise was put up to auction as the following advertisement shows.
Ship Enterprise
At Auction
On Thursday next the 21st instant at one o'clock, at the Merchants Coffee House
to close a concern
The Philadelphia Ship Enterprise
As she returned from sea, burthen about 280 tons copper fastened, and coppered to the heads. Inventory at Coffee House, at the counting room, No. 4 North Wharves, and at the counting rooms of the subscribers
. Jennings, Jones& Co., Auctioneers
The schooner Adventure, Captain Keith, of London, is probably the “schooner from England, commanded by Captain Keith, out eight months,” spoken by the Pegasus in Foveaux Strait early in 1809. She returned to Gravesend from the South Seas on 15th September, 1810.11 This would agree with the story told by the men. The Adventure would be sealing in the vicinity from early in 1809 until early in 1810, and when ready to sail for England, the captain, fearing he could not accommodate the men for the whole trip, put them ashore at the Snares. The “Oriental Navigator,” speaking in 1816, says of the Snares: “Within a few years the Snares have been frequented by the Australian sealers, and have been found not altogether barren; the persons left on service on the isles having gardens, &c.,”12 The fact of the party of sealers being there from early in 1810 to early in 1817, shows conclusively that the islands were not visited by sealers during that period. It would look as if Captain Keith, on his return, had supplied the information to tone down the harshness he had shown in leaving the men marooned.
The Sophia belonged to the Derwent. Her owner was Mr. 13
Outside of what Kelly reported on his return we have the statement of
The following was the published account of the voyage: “The
Sophia(Mr.James Kelly , master) sailed from Hobart Town on the 12th November, 1817, on a sealing voyage, and anchored at Port Daniel, on the south-east side of the southern part of New Zealand, on the 11th December (a place only known to Europeans within the last seven years). The master, Mr. Kelly, with his boat's crew, went on shore the same day, and met with a friendly reception from the natives, which they attributed to the knowledge the latter had of one of the crew, namedW. Tucker , who had been well treated by them, and engaged their apparent friendship on former visits, and who was called by these people Wioree. On the following day Mr. Kelly went in his boat with six men (amongst them Tucker) to Small Bay, outside of the harbour's mouth, and distant from the vessel about two miles. The natives here also received them kindly, and to them Tucker appeared equally well known, being challenged generally by name, Wioree.“Mr. Kelly made the chief of the village a small present of iron, and proceeded to his dwelling to barter for potatoes, leaving one man to look after the boat. On reaching the house of the chief Mr. Kelly was saluted by a Lascar, who told him that he had been left there by the brig
Matilda, Captain Fowler. During a long conversation Mr. Kelly inquired after a boat's crew that was said to have been lost near Port Daniel, and learned that Brown, who had charge of the boat, with six men, had been killed and eaten by the natives. The Lascar then offered his services in bartering for potatoes for the vessel, and appeared familiar with the native tongue.“By this time a great number of natives had assembled in the village, about sixty of whom were in the yard of the chief's house, where the boat's crew were standing. In an instant an horrid yell was raised by the natives, when
Mr. Kelly , John Griffiths, andVeto Viole were thrown down by the mob. Tucker, with the remaining two (Dutton and Wallon) were also seized, but got out of the mob and ran to the boat, where they found the man Robinson, who had charge, reeling on the beach from a wound in the head. Thinking it impossible that any of the rest could escape, they immediately launched the boat. In the meantime Mr. Kelly was engaged in a dreadful contest with the natives, and, luckily having about him a new billhook, he miraculously effected his escape, being only speared through the left hand, after wounding his principal opponent on the head. In escaping through the gate of the yard Mr. Kelly saw Veto lying on the ground, but did not see Griffiths any more. The feelings of Mr. Kelly on reaching the beach under such circumstances, at the moment of the boat being launched, may be better conceived than described. Tucker was still on the beach. Dutton, Wallon and Robinson were in the boat, backing her out of the surf. Mr Kelly made the boat, and was dragged by her through the surf, calling on Tucker to follow, who, however, would not attempt to do so till too late, a number of savages immediately rushing down on the beach armed withspears and hatchets. Tucker kept calling to them not to hurt Wioree, but, regardless of his entreaties, he was speared in the right thigh by the man whom Mr. Kelly had wounded on the head, and who was then covered with blood, and immediately knocked down in the surf, where Mr. Kelly and his three men in the boat saw the unhappy Wioree cut limb from limb and carried away by the savages, having only had time to utter ‘Captain Kelly, for God's sake, don't leave me.’ “Mr. Kelly and his three men before mentioned now returned to his vessel, and found on board a number of natives of the village they had first visited on the previous day. Those natives, on Mr. Kelly getting on board the brig, pretended to be very friendly and asked what had become of Tucker, Griffiths, and Peter Viole, as they missed them out of the boat. On being told that they were killed by the natives on the opposite side of the river, and that Mr. Kelly and Robinson were wounded, they became very much excited (there being at that time about a hundred and fifty natives on board, the decks, rigging, tops, and yards were full of them). Mr. Kirk, the mate of the brig, said to Mr. Kelly “They are going to take the vessel from us.” Mr. Kelly immediately called all his men to quarters, and formed a solid square on the quarterdeck under the main boom. Their head chief, whose name was Corockar, called to his men to make the attack and seize us man to man. The natives stood so close around us that they could not make use of the weapons that they had in their hands; neither could we use our firearms, as we stood so close together. There was now only one chance left for us. We were all sealers on a sealing voyage, and each man kept two large sealing-knives slung by his side. Seeing that there was no alternative, Mr. Kelly called to his men to draw their knives and cut away, which had the desired effect. The natives began to fall so fast before the knives that a great number jumped overboard and were drowned, and many were swept out to sea by the strong ebb tide that was
then running, and no chance of their getting on shore, as the tide was running five to six knots on the ebb. “The gallant chief Corockar, seeing that his men were completely defeated, made a desperate attempt to kill one of our men with a tomahawk, but was seized by his arms, thrown down into the cabin, and locked up in the store-room till next morning. We then threw overboard sixteen bodies that were killed by the knives. The number who jumped overboard and were drowned must have been about fifty, and as many were wounded in the fight. We were fortunate, however, to find that only two of our men were slightly wounded in the affray. After cleaning up and washing down the decks, we sat down and congratulated each other on the very narrow escape we had from being taken and murdered by these savages.
“We kept a good watch during the night, in case of being attacked by a large number of canoes that were laying on the beach in front of the town. The next morning about 6 o'clock a large number of natives were gathered round the canoes. We expected that they were going to make an attack on the brig, and that they thought their chief Corockar was killed: they cried out often for him to come on shore.
“We tied his hands and let him come on deck. When they saw him there was great rejoicing. He called to them to bring a large canoe-load of potatoes alongside, to pay us, as we thought, for his liberation. A canoe was launched off the beach, with two men to paddle her off to the brig. On the canoe nearing the vessel, one of the men that was stationed aft called out ‘The canoe is full of men!’ We all rushed aft, and saw the canoe had a large number of men lying in her bottom covered over with mats. Our firearms being all ready loaded, lying on the deck, we lifted them and fired a volley into her. The natives, who were all armed with short spears and clubs, jumped over the sides of the canoe, and tried to pull it alongside the brig. Had they succeeded, they must have boarded and taken the vessel in spite of all that we could do. There were nearly forty of
them, and only fourteen in all of our crew. Several of them were shot and run through with boarding-pikes in trying to get up the sides of the vessel. Corockar jumped overboard to get to the canoe, but was shot in the neck. Two of his men swam to him and took him on shore in a most gallant manner, but he died next morning of his wounds. Thus we had another narrow escape of being taken and murdered. We kept a good watch all night, expecting to be boarded and taken at daylight. “Next morning being the 24th of December, 1817, a great number of natives were on the beach making a great noise, seemingly lamenting and crying because of the death of their chief Corockar. They were preparing to launch their canoes. We thought they were coming off to try and take the brig and thought it better to stop them if possible. We immediately manned our two boats, and, taking arms and ammunition, pulled close to the beach where the canoes were lying. It was thought most expedient to destroy all their navy at once, to prevent them from making the attempt. As soon as the boats came near the beach the natives all ran away over the bank. We landed one boat's crew, and kept the other boat afloat to cover the men on the beach with their muskets. We then commenced with two long cross-cut saws cutting the canoes up, each into three pieces. They were forty-two in number, large and small, all of which we destroyed, and, as we wanted firewood, we split them up and took them on board. As soon as they saw all the canoes destroyed they rushed with clubs and spears up to their necks into the water trying to get hold of the boats, but they did not succeed in wounding any of our men.
“They having become more excited and inflexible at this attempt to seize our boats, we determined at once to land, set fire to the town and burn it to the ground. This was the 26th of December, 1817. It was a fine, clear summer day, blowing a fresh, hot wind from the north-west. We landed nine men, but kept the boats afloat. On our approach the natives all ran to the rising hills, and left
us in full possession of the town. This town consisted of about six hundred fine houses, and perhaps a finer town never was seen in any part of New Zealand. The fire was lighted at the weather end, and in about four hours the beautiful City of Otago, as we then called it, was laid in a heap of ashes. We now required fresh water for our sea stock. There were several fresh-water holes on the beach where the canoes were lying. We observed the water in those holes of a curious colour, and recollected that Tucker had told us the natives were in the habit of poisoning the water if they expected their enemies were coming to invade them. This poisoning was done with a large blue berry broken up and thrown into the water, which had the effect of poisoning both man and animal that drank of it. On this information from Tucker we declined taking or using any of the water. On the 27th December, 1817, at daylight, we weighed our anchor and left Port Otago, and sailed for Chatham Island. Hundreds of natives came down to the shore to see us off. We fired a volley of musketry towards them to say ‘Goodbye.’ “We have little to add to the narrative. Captain Kelly regrets having listened to the persuasions of Tucker and the wish of the other men to go shore the second day without firearms, to which the loss of three unfortunate men may be attributed. Tucker's confidence, however deceived, was founded on some experience, and Captain Kelly has some reason to believe that these natives (though certainly not to be depended upon) were fired in their revenge by the recollection of two or more of their people being shot by Europeans.”
At this juncture the attention of the Sydney public was rather prominently called to the traffic in human heads with the New Zealand natives. This traffic, so far as it can be traced, is supposed to have started in Foveaux Strait among the sealers. A very interesting correspondence took place in the press, and a perusal of extracts therefrom will
A writer stated:—
“In passing through George Street in this town a few days since my attention was suddenly arrested by a very extraordinary sort of a bundle under the arm of a man who was passing me on the footpath…. I called to and asked him what the handkerchief under his arm contained; judge my astonishment and horror, Sir, at beholding a human head, with long black hair, in a state of perfect preservation …. As soon as I had recovered myself, I asked the man if what he showed me was really a human head; with perfect indifference as to my feelings and consternation the man replied it was the head of a New Zealander, which he had purchased from a person lately arrived from that country, and that he was going to dispose of it for two guineas to a gentleman who was about to embark for England.
“I remember, about 7 or 8 years ago, to have seen in a private house in this town two human heads of the same kind, tattooed and ornamented in a manner customary among the natives of the higher classes in New Zealand, and so far as my recollection serves me, I think they were valued at twenty guineas each head.
“If the import of human heads from New Zealand be so far countenanced and encouraged that the price shall fall, in the course of seven years, from 20 guineas to 2 guineas each, the inference must be, that human heads, having become by practice the objects of trade or barter, the dealers in that traffic are not only supplied in proportion to the increased demand, but even on terms much lower than formerly; and that in all probability, in a few years, they will be so easily acquired as to be exposed to market at a dollar each.”
I am, Sir, yours, &c., Verax.Sydney ,8th January, 1820 .
In the next issue appeared the following reply:— To the Printer of the Sydney “Gazette.”
Sir,— “The letter signed “Verax” which appeared in your last Paper, I complain of as being too general in its animadversion. It speaks about dealing in human heads from New Zealand as though it was an established medium of barter, and evidently proceeds from the pen of a writer who has no knowledge of his subject. New Zealand has been for many years frequented by sealers, who committed every species of depredation upon the natives, for the purpose of obtaining curiosities, as they are termed, such as their war implements, mats, and so forth; and though they might have been safe so long as they continued civil, yet the wish of making money of such spoil as they could any way pick up, upon their return to Port Jackson, was a temptation irrestible to the generality of that class of men; who, after toiling under excessive hardship for a year or two in Foveaux Straits, would spend their hard earnings in a week upon their return to Sydney.
“To apply the term traffic to so vile an instance of depravity as must characterize the individual who would barter for a thing so appalling to humanity, is not just; because the writer might upon enquiry have been aware that the persons engaged in vessels going to New Zealand are all prohibited by their articles from trading or bartering in any shape whatever with the natives; from which it follows, that these heads, so far from being made an article of traffic, are conveyed on board by stealth, and secretly kept until their arrival here, otherwise a forfeiture of pay or wages would ensue.
“These heads are exhibited by the various chiefs of the island as trophies; but since the Missionary establishment, this savage custom gradually declines; and I can in no better way account for a greater number having been of late brought here than was before known at any one time, than that the natives, abating in the desire of exposing the heads of their conquered enemies as trophies of victory,
yet being extremely indigent, would rather barter them away with sailors than dispose of them in any other way. “The first of these heads that I remember to have been brought up was by a wild fellow of the name of Tucker, in 1811, who got it by plunder; and so tenacious were the natives at that time of these heads, that a whole boat's crew were nearly cut off for the crime of this villain, which was not known until he exposed the head for sale in Sydney. The crew had an hour before the sacrilege committed by Tucker, being upon the most friendly footing with the natives; when suddenly an alarm burst out, and had the vessel had not immediately got away, a hundred war canoes would have boarded her at once. This man has since been killed at New Zealand.”
I am Sir,
Yours, &c.,
Candor.
It is on record—but after careful search the author is not satisfied that it is authentic—that the head mentioned as being the first taken to Sydney was got by Tucker from the Maoris at Foveaux Strait. It may however have been at some point on the Otago coast line. Tucker returned to New Zealand in the Sophia in 1817, and, with two others, was killed by the natives of Otago when landing to purchase potatoes.
Countless pages of literature execrating the traffic have been published from time to time but, in the midst of all the condemnation of the trade, it must be kept in mind that the finest collection of Maori heads in the world is the private property of a major-general in the British Army, and that every acquisition thereto is photographed and published in the leading papers of the Dominion. Great pressure, too, has been brought to bear upon the Ministry of the day to purchase this collection. We should not blame the poor sealer, who in those far-away days traded with the Maori for the same article, but at a much lower figure than present day quotations. Some of the same heads which were then hawked about the streets of Sydney
When we remember that even in civilized society to-day ordinary rules of meum and tuum are rarely observed by curio collectors in their eagerness to obtain rarities, no matter to whom belonging, and that locks and keys are always wanted, we can easily see how matters would be viewed by the sailors on the small sealing craft, when they realised that in these strangely preserved human heads was a rare opportunity for profit. They naturally tried to secure them. The first idea of the native, on the other hand, was not to part with his possession. The very circumstances attending the obtaining of it were opposed to the parting with it. It was only when tempted by a large price and when gradually debauched by the first flush of trade with the rough sealers, that he yielded to temptation and began a regular traffic.
ALEXANDER I., Czar of Russia, in March, 1819, decided to despatch two scientific expeditions, one to visit the northern polar seas, the other the southern. The command of the latter, in which we are interested, was given to Commodore Roschmanow, but that officer having been shipwrecked and thereby broken in health, the command was handed over to
The expedition consisted of two vessels, the corvette Wostok, under Bellingshausen personally, and the sloop Mirny, 530 tons, under Lasarew, an officer who had obtained his sea training in the British marine. Both these men had already circumnavigated the Globe and both were men of the highest experience.
Bellingshausen sailed from Sydney on 8th May, 1820, intending to round the north coast of New Zealand and make for the Society Islands, as he did not anticipate fresh discoveries in the neighbourhood of Australia. Opara was selected as the rendezvous. After leaving Sydney however, he met with such persistently adverse weather that he had to abandon his idea of passing to the north of New Zealand, change the rendezvous to Queen Charlotte Sound, and steer for the entrance of Cook Strait.
Copies of Bellingshausen's work in Russian are very rare. The author has only had an opportunity of examining one, in the British Museum, and he is not aware of any in Australasia. In 1904, in Germany, there was published an abridged translation of the original Russian, and this work can be readily procured to-day. No English translation has been made and the references to Bellingshausen in English books are exceedingly few and very
“Having lost much time in waiting for a favourable wind I decided not to run any longer the risk of a similar failure. At 2 o'clock in the afternoon (23rd May, 1820) a signal was given to the sloop
Mirny(The Peaceful) to follow us eastwards, and I entered the Sound of Captain Cook, which divides New Zealand into two parts, the Northern and Southern.“At midnight the wind had abated. The night was clear and the sky strewn with stars, whilst on the eastern horizon clouds gathered, sometimes torn by lightning. We guessed that the clouds were over the shore.
“At dawn (24th) we perceived at a short distance from the sloop several fires; the shore appeared nearer than we had imagined, and we therefore kept more southwards, directing our course in parallel line with the shore. At seven o'clock, when it became quite light we were in sight of New Zealand covered with clouds. Although the majestic Mount Egmont could be quite distinctly discerned, its summit was cloudcapped and snow was underneath the clouds. The sloping shore surrounding this southern giant was covered in many places with trees and bushes. The morning dew spread over the sloping valleys, and on various spots of the shore, smoke, carried in the direction of the wind, served as the only sign indicating the existence of a small settlement.
“At midday on the 25th we found that the place was 39° 47′ 38″ southern latitude and 174° 58′ 56″ eastern longitude, the promontory of the Egmont was therefore 39° 19′ 40″ southern latitude and 173° 47′ 45″ eastern longitude. According to the observations made on the
Mirny, it was 39° 24′ latitude and 173° 57′ 30″ longitude. The difference in the observation is evidently due to thefact that, Cape Egmont being round, one cannot find a specially proper spot for observations. “Mount Egmont itself is 39° 14′ 40″ southern latitude, and 174° 13′ 45″ eastern longitude. According to observations made on the sloop
Mirnyit is 39° 15′ 30″ and 174° 14′. The wind was favourable till 4 o'clock in the afternoon when it turned southwards and increasing considerably compelled us to play windward. Around the sloop a number of dippers (goosanders) were plunging and swimming. The compass on our entry into the sound shewed 13° 1′ Eastern.“In the morning of the 26th of May the wind increased so that at 8 o'clock it blew with such vehemence that we were compelled to take in two reefs from the topsail. At that moment our course was directed S.W. According to our observations Cape Stephens was 40° 43′ 10″ southern latitude and 177° 3′ 20″ eastern longitude. The private map of Captain Cook showed the figures of 40° 36′ 10″ and 174° 53′ 40″. The difference is certainly considerable. The position has evidently been determined by triangles and not by astronomical observations. The southern shore or the Cook Sound forms several bays covered with islets and shores. The shores of these bays consist of pointed ridges, rising one above the other, and the highest of them covered with snow, whilst those nearest the sea are covered with trees and bushes, especially in the gorges. At half past twelve we came quite near to the stones lying in front of Admiralty Bay, and tacked about to the right, N.E.
“At four o'clock Mount Egmont was quite clear of the clouds; it was at a distance of 87.3 miles and we could only see its majestic silvery summit rising above the horizon. During his second voyage round the globe Captain Cook was at this promontory on October 6th, 1774, and he writes: ‘We perceived at S.E.½E. Mount Egmont covered with eternal snow and at a distance of eight miles from us. The mountain has a magnificient aspect and is not lower
than the famous Cape Teneriffe, which, according to the statements of M. de Bordeau, measures 12,199 feet in height.’ “Mr. Forster, the companion of Captain Cook, in his capacity of naturalist makes the following statement: ‘In France under the northern latitude of 46° eternal snow is to be found on elevation of 3,280 or 3,400 yards above the surface of the sea.’ But as in the course of the experiments made by Mr. Forster, in the equal latitudes of the southern and northern hemispheres, he found that the cold is severer in the first, the climate of the Mount Egmont, situated in 39° of the southern latitude, being equal to that of France in 46° northern latitude, the snow line on the Mount Egmont is therefore according to our Mr. Forster's calculations situated at a height of 3,280 yards; and as a third of the mountain is covered with snow, the height of the mountain must therefore be 14,760 English feet.
“I do not think that these calculations are quite reliable. It is a well-known fact that in summer eternal snow is to be found in the Northern Hemisphere on the coast of Greenland on the very horizon, whilst at the same period and in the same latitude no snow is to be found on the Norwegian mountains. At the northern latitude of 48°, I met an ice block on May 27th, 1805, at the Island of Sakhalin. This latitude corresponds to that of the Bay of Biscay, where no one has ever encountered an ice block. It will therefore be evident that it is quite impossible to fix the height of the mountains from the snow lines.
“Captain Cook, as well as our compatriots on the vessels of the Russo-American Company, have found no ice in the Cook River, or in the so-called Bay of Kenay (?), whilst there is eternal snow on the very horizon in Greenland, in a corresponding latitude. This fact simply proves the difference of temperature in the air at the surface of the sea in the same hemisphere. I therefore think that it is quite impossible to determine the height of a mountain according to the snow line, with the exception of those
mountains which are situated on various islands at a short distance from each other. “Thus when one mountain is situated on an island, whilst another is on the shore of the mainland, the snowlines on both mountains will be unequal; the shore, warmed in the course of the day by the sun's rays, communicates the heat to the air and thus causes the snowline of the mountains on the mainland to rise, whilst on the other hand the sea is receiving and communicating less heat, and the snowline of mountains on the shore is therefore lower.
“Mr. Forster, basing his calculations upon these unreliable comparisons between the hemispheres, determines the height of Mount Egmont as 14,760 feet, much more than it in reality is. M. Savadovsky made astronomical measurements during our voyage and fixed the height of Mount Egmont at 9,947 English feet, above the surface of the sea. M. Lazarew fixed it at 8,232 feet, and in spite of the difference between these two figures it is in any case much lower than that accepted by Forster and Captain Cook who compare it to Cape Teneriffe.
“Towards the evening the wind abated, and during the night and the following day,
i.e., Thursday the 27th, we continually endeavoured to keep in the middle of the Sound, as it was raining and the shores were wrapt in darkness. At 2 o'clock in the afternoon two green parrots appeared on the sloopWostokfrom which we derived a great deal of entertainment. They also visited the sloopMirnybut could not be caught, and returned on shore. We saw one penguin, a number of dippers and small sea pigs.“We sailed on boldly relying upon the private map of the Sound of Queen Charlotte, made by Captain Cook during his first voyage. At four o'clock in the afternoon (28th May), on account of the unfavourable wind, currents, and the approaching darkness. I cast anchor on the northwestern side of the island Mothuareau (Motuara) on a depth of 9 sazhens where the bottom was slimy.
“We were at that moment surrounded by high, steep mountains, mostly covered with forest. Towards the north
we perceived the southern slope of the northern part of New Zealand, also rather high. On the western side we perceived a fenced-in space and apparently inhabited. Soon afterwards two boats approached us from this side, one containing 23 men and the other 16. Over the stern side of the boats rose a rectangular squared beam of about 6 feet. The oars were like shovels, like those employed by all the inhabitants on the shores of the Southern Sea, and painted dark red. The men were rowing two and two. When they reached a distance of a few sazhen from our vessel they stopped. One of them rose and gesticulating wildly, pronounced a loud speech. We understood nothing of course of what he was talking, and I answered with the universally accepted signs of peace and friendship. I waved a white flag and asked them to approach. The islanders consulted among themselves and at last approached our vessel. I invited the old man who had delivered the speech, and who appeared to be their chief, to come on board. He came trembling and seemed quite lost. I treated him in an amiable manner, made him a present of a few trifles, such as glass beads, a mirror, printed linen, a knife. He was greatly delighted with these presents. I then explained to him that I wanted some fish, pronouncing the word in New Zealandese (giyka) fish. He at once understood me, laughed aloud and communicated my request to his comrades, pronouncing the word giyka. All the men in the boat seemed very pleased at it, they also repeated the same word and clearly expressed their readiness to serve us. When it grew dark they hastened on shore. “All the men were clad in a garment made of a tissue, reaching down to the knees and buttoned over the chest with a bone or a basalt. They were all girt with a rope and had a piece of tissue thrown over the shoulder by way of a felt cloak. Their garments were woven of the New Zealand flax which grew in large quantities on the shore. Their faces were tattooed with regular figures of a dark blue colour, but these ornaments were evidently the
privilege of the elder or distinguished people. Their knees were rather thin which was due to the fact that they are sitting with their legs underneath them. “The sloop
Mirnymade only a moderate course and could not manage to run into the Sound before dark. She was therefore compelled to manoeuvre with all her sails in unfavourable wind. When it had grown dark I gave orders to raise two lanterns, one above the other, on the sloopWostok, and also to raise blue lights from time to time, so that M. Lazarew should not mistake the shore, where the inhabitants had lit fires, for the sloopWostoktoward which he was regulating his tacks.“The current coming from the Sound had hindered them a great deal, and when it changed he made several tacks and cast anchor at eleven o'clock, near the sloop
Wostokin a depth of about 11 sazhens, the ground consisting of green slime.“I gave orders that the sailors standing on watch should have loaded firearms, and that they should be ready for action. These measures were absolutely necessary in consequence of the well-known cowardly attacks of the New Zealanders, who were waging a constant war among themselves, and were known to eat the flesh of their enemies. A cool wind was blowing all the night from S. by E. The sky was covered with clouds and raindrops began to fall. The place where we had cast our anchor was not free from danger, on account of the strong wind blowing from N.W. At nine o'clock in the morning both sloops therefore raised anchor, manoeuvred between the two islands Dolgy (?) and Mothuareau (Motuara) in a very unfavourable south wind. The depth decreased from 10 to 7 sazhens. We made about 25 tacks and cast anchor at midday at the island of Mothuareau (Motuara) in a depth of 12 sazhens.
“The island M. was N.B. 16° from us, and the southern promontory of Ship Cove S.W. 37°; the place where we had cast anchor was free from danger, protected from winds, the depth was small, the ground good, and we could
raise the anchor in every wind; we had also water and wood near. Whilst we were manoeuvring to windward, two boats full of New Zealanders were trying to approach us. They were rowing after us following every tack, evidently not understanding the movements of the sloops. When we had cast our anchors they boarded the Wostok; they had brought fish for sale. I gave orders to the purser to take about seven pounds in exchange for various trifles, such as mirrors, nails, &c.; we also took in exchange various objects they had fabricated.“We acknowledged the old man upon whom I had yesterday lavished my gifts (in the opinion of the New Zealanders) so freely, as their chief. I received him with all the amiabilities customary in the Southern Ocean, and embraced him, rubbed noses with him and we confirmed our mutual friendship which we kept up during our stay in the Sound of Queen Charlotte. It was dinner time and I invited the old man to dine in my cabin. We placed him in the seat of honour between me and M. Lazarew. He took up everything on the table and examined it with amazement but did not begin to eat until we had set him the example. Only then he carefully and somewhat awkwardly put the food into his mouth with a fork. Wine he did not appreciate. At table we again assured each other by means of signs and a few words I had learned, of our mutual friendship. In order to convince him even more completely of my friendship I made him a present of a beautifully polished hatchet. He was so delighted with it, that he could no longer in his joyous excitement sit at table and asked to be taken on deck. There he straightway rushed to his companions and embracing me with great joy repeatedly cried, ‘toki! toki!’ (hatchet, hatchet).
“The other New Zealanders were treated on the quarterdeck to biscuits, butter, gruel-porridge and rum. They ate everything with a good appetite, but one cup of rum was sufficient for the whole company. This sobriety is a sure sign of the rare visits of the Europeans among them. Wherever the latter settle they teach the inhabitants to
make use of strong drinks, to smoke, and to put tobacco into their mouth, and when these uncivilized people afterwards suffer the bad results arising from drink, then the Europeans endeavour to prove to them how abominable it is to follow such bad inclinations as drink, &c. When they had finished their dinner, the New Zealanders sat down in two rows facing each other, and started singing quite harmoniously. One of them always started and the others took up the refrain, finishing loudly and abruptly; then the same singer began again and so they continued. It appeared to us that the songs of the New Zealanders greatly resembled the melodies in use among our own lower classes and consisted of various short couplets. Our drum and flute at first attracted their attention, but they listened almost with indifference to the sounds of these instruments, and their chief explained that they also used musical instruments the sounds of which resembled those of the drum and flute. M. Michailow drew a portrait of the chief. “Having remained sometime with us the New Zealanders returned on shore. They were very satisfied with the success of their transactions. They had provided us with fresh fish sufficient for supper for the two sloops. On leaving they invited us to come on shore….
“After dinner I gave orders on the
Wostolcto fire a few cannon, and when it grew dark to let off a few rockets, this was done in order to inform the inhabitants in the interior of the island of our arrival, supposing that on the next morning they would arrive in large numbers from various parts of the island.“We let down from both sloops the rowing vessels and started to draw up the rigging which, in consequence of the constant struggle against unfavourable winds, had been spoilt.
“The next morning (30th May) the New Zealanders again appeared in their boats, and whilst some of them visited the vessel
Mirnythe others went on board theWostok.Among those who visited theMirny, was, theold man who was their chief, as well as several other chiefs. M. Lazarew treated them to dinner. What they liked best was cow's butter and they swallowed it eagerly, even when it was spoilt. In the meantime we were spreading out the shrouds on the Mirnyand were pulling up the casks from the holds. The New Zealanders willingly and with great zeal helped us in the work, dragged the ropes, pronouncing a loud sufficiently melodious sound. When a rope broke and they suddenly fell down they laughed aloud. They then enjoyed themselves and danced their dances consisting of various grimaces, accompanied by a loud song, stamping of feet and gesticulations. They made such grimaces that it was almost painful to look upon them; they turned up their eyes as much as possible. This dance proved to be a war dance, expressing disdain for the enemy and victory over him. M. Michailow make a sketch of the dancers, he drew the grimaces of their faces, the position of the various parts of the body and the highly strained muscles. He also drew the portrait of one of the chiefs. The latter was invited into the cabin, where we placed him on a chair, and in order to make him sit still we occupied his attention with various objects new to him, whilst the boat in which were his wife and family was brought up near to the stern so that he could see them.“In the morning (of the 30th) I went with the officers to Ship Cove to find a favourable place for providing ourselves with water. On our entry into the bay we were struck by the song of birds which resembled the sounds of a piano and a flute; it enraptured our ear, long disused to such pleasure. We landed in the bay and disembarked. At a distance of a few sazhens we perceived a river of fresh water, running from high mountains and passing through a dense forest, which consisted of bushes and winding lianas, entwined with each other and equalling in thickness wild vine shoots. In the forest near the river we perceived a small hut made of leaves and containing some fish, a number of small mussels known as sea ears. The hut evidently served the purpose of a refuge for a
small family. The officers accompanying me shot down a few cormorants and a few small birds, evidently belonging to the same species which were described by the two Forsters during the voyage of Captain Cook. After a while we returned to our sloop, and I then gave orders to send out long boats for water. It happened that the inhabitants near the place where we were taking the water were behind an insurmountable mountain, and thus we were not disturbed in our work. We cast our nets but caught only little fish. “On my return to the sloop M. Savadovsky informed me that he had tried to buy from one New Zealander an implement made of green basalt and resembling a tiny shovel, but as the islander wanted Mr. Savadovsy's cloak in exchange the transaction was abandoned.
“In the morning (of the 31st) I invited Messrs. Michailow, Simanow and a few officers from the sloop
Wostok, Messrs. Lazarew and the officers of the sloopMirnyto visit the islanders. We left in two cutters placing a swivel gun in each. Each of us was also armed with a gun and a couple of revolvers. We thus could fear nothing from any cowardly attacks of the inhabitants.“We approached the nearest settlement, at the first promontory northwards of the Ship Cove, at the very spot where Captain Cook had found human flesh. The inhabitants had dispersed, one of them only approached us but he was trembling for fear, but when they saw that we treated him in a very friendly manner, the other inhabitants also came back. Their chief, a man of already advanced age, was seated on a mat in an open hut. I went up to him. The curiosity of this family made them conquer their timidity. At first his wife appeared and then his daughter, and both sat down on the mat. I made them a few presents, and as the daughter was rather good looking I presented her with a mirror, so that she might convince herself that she surpassed other women in beauty. They at once made me a present of a piece of tissue made from New Zealand flax and ornamented with designs. The chief's wife then
proposed an exchange and I consented. All these settlements are very small. I passed some time with the people and then we went northwards to see my friend the old man. He came to meet us, embraced me, we rubbed noses, and the old man was very pleased to see me. We went on shore, leaving a watch on the boats. “The settlement is surrounded from the seaside by a palisade, a little higher than a man; through a gate in the palisade we entered the settlement; a small river was winding its course through the habitations scattered about irregularly; the shore was paved with cobble stones and we passed on cross beams into the chief's house. I did not enter it but cast a look inside. The construction consisted of pillars placed in three rows, the middle ones being about twiee as high as a man; on each pillar the image of a man is carved and painted red. Over these pillars the roof is placed, and consists of girders covered with leaves. About 6 feet from the entrance the ante room is fenced off. The interior is everywhere tidily and neatly covered with mats, and mats were also placed on the floor where the inmates are wont to sit down and also to sleep. The walls all along the house are covered with spears 24 feet long, with a mace (sceptre) the insignia of chieftainship and with various other human images made of wood and painted red. The other habitations were not so beautifully arranged. Further down in the wood, where we went out of curiosity, we perceived a small hut constructed over a big tree, the branches of which had been hewn off, at a height of 20 feet. As we could not look into the hut nor express ourselves in the language of the country we remained ignorant of the contents of the hut. Beneath this hut we also saw the skin of an albatross, stretched on a hoop, and a few black feathers bound together in a plume. This attire was evidently used for war purposes. A little farther we saw a tree of the height of 2½ men and measuring 1½ foot in diameter; the upper part was carved in the shape of a man. I almost thought that we had come to a cemetery, but I saw neither mounds nor
any other signs of graves about. The idol had perhaps something to do with their religious worship, but as our stay was a very short one I could not ascertain anything. When we came on shore we were met by the men, but now the women also joined them. My friend, the chief, evidently still thinking of the presents I had made him during his first visit on our sloop, was eager to treat and oblige me. “On our way back to our landing place we noticed an open hut containing a large number of wooden hooks and cords for fishing; we concluded that these implements were the common property of several families, as the quantity was too large for one family. That these implements were for sale we could scarcely imagine, considering that everybody could easily manufacture such himself. During our stay in the settlement we exchanged several tools and other objects worked by hand. When on the point of taking leave the old man detained me for a moment, and by his order a mace about 8 feet long was brought out. The upper part resembled a halberd, it was sculptured and let in with shells and hooked like a narrow shovel. I imagined that he was making me a present of it, when he noticed that I ordered some one to carry it on the cutter, he caught hold of it with both his hands. I then understood that he only wished to exchange it for something else. To gratify his request I gave him a piece of about two arsheen (56 inches) of red cloth, which pleased him so mightily that he louldly related his fortune to his countrymen. Returning to our sloop and sailing along the shore we noticed on the promontories, land highly situated and cultivated. We stopped in one place where we perceived a long row of baskets full of potatoes, just dug out from the ground. We took a few with us and having boiled them found them very tasty and as good as the English potatoes.
“We also landed on the island Mothuareau (Motuara). I wanted to gather the seeds of the New Zealand flax, in order to plant it on the southern shore of the Crimea, the climate and the soil being similar. I thus hoped to be able
to render a great service to that district and to my native land. I did not find any seeds but nevertheless did not regret having landed on the island, as we gathered such a quantity of wild cabbage that we had sufficient for one meal of cabbage soup for all the servants and the officers. “M. Savadovsky went on shore to the Ship Cove. On his return (1st June) on the sloop he told me that he had been joined by M. Lazarew and that both of them went along the river through the thick forest grown and entertwined with lianas but it was quite impossible to proceed even for a mile. No human foot ever trod those spots, for it was so covered with various plants that one was obliged to cut a passage at every step. The birds were so little frightened that a sailor caught one with his hand. M. Savadovsky shot a blackbird; it had a grizzled beard near its neck and two white curly feathers on its chest, it was as big as a merle and sang very beautifully, like our nightingale. They met no New Zealander on the shore.
“At three o'clock in the afternoon (of 2nd June) a cutter and a long boat, which had been sent out under the direction of Lieutenant Lyescow to fill the casks with fresh water returned. The wind grew fiercer from hour to hour, a heavy rain was falling and the thunder re-echoed from the mountains.
“Early in the morning (3rd June) the midshipman Adams was sent out to collect the small casks which had been thrown out from the long-boat; he found nine, some of which were already broken, and the inhabitants were already proceeding to collect the hoops but immediately returned them when ordered to do so. We raised anchor and in a favourable wind, under stay-sails proceeded to another place. I sailed with M. Lazarew into the interior of the Sound. We landed at various spots, collected a quantity of cabbage and garden cress; we went into the interior for about 13 miles and in many cases we came across abandoned temporary huts. These huts are evidently used by the inhabitants settled on the western shore opposite Mothuareau (Motuara), as dwelling places whenever they
sail in the Sound. We noticed no settlements and there practically could be none, the place being inappropriate for storing food, because New Zealanders chiefly live on fish which is to be found in large quantities at the mouth of the river in shallow places, whilst in the interior the depth is as much as 25 sazhens. The farther we went into the Sound the more mountains we saw which had no green but showed a yellow colour; trees were only to be seen on the lower parts nearer the water. On our way we shot a few cormorants, and towards evening we returned to our sloops. Had we however been detained by the weather we would not have suffered from hunger, as Mr. Lazarew did not forget to take a large quantity of provisions with him, and we each also had guns and powder with us, whilst kitchen green was to be found in quantities. On our return to the sloops I learned that the inhabitants had again visited both sloops and effected some transactions. They had brought spears, various sculptured little boxes, fishing hooks, maces, insignia of chieftainship, hurlbats, made of a green stone, hatchets and various clasps and ornaments made of green basalt, which they usually wear on their necks. They also brought tissues. All these things which they manufactured with great labour from wood or stone they endeavoured to exchange for hatchets, chisels, gimlets, shirts, mirrors, hammers, and glass beads. “In the morning (4th June) we were quite ready to lift anchor. In the meantime the New Zealanders did not omit to visit us (wishing to exchange various trifles for objects highly valuable to them). I made a few more presents to the chief, giving him to understand that we were about to leave them. He expressed an unfeigned regret, and all of them entreated us to return to them. When they saw that we were raising anchor the chief embraced me and sadly repeated the words: eh! eh! eh!
“One young islander expressed his desire of remaining with us, but the others dissuaded him and entreated him to return on shore. I left it to him to decide for himself. The inhabitants of Queen Charlotte Sound are of middle
stature, strongly built and sufficiently well formed, only their knees are a little thick, their bodies and faces are of a dark yellowish complexion, their eyes dark and lively, their hair dark, all of them have their ears pierced, and in a great majority of them also the cartilage of the nose. Their faces they speckle with cut, and curved but sufficiently regular lines, which they fill in with a dark blue colour, the distinguished people more so than ordinary folk. Some women had only their lips streaked. In this habit the inhabitants of New Zealand resemble those of the island Marquis Mendoza, whilst by their speech they belong to one of the groups on either the islands of Marquis Mendoza, Amity or Company Islands(?). Being accustomed from their earliest youth, never to restrain their feelings and to give vent to their good as well as bad emotions of the heart, the inhabitants of New Zealand, though passionate in their friendship are rather fickle and the smallest pretext suffices to cause quarrels among them, leading to pernicious consequences. The New Zealanders are rather agile and seem always ready to fight, but nothing happened in our presence. When the chief was dining with me I asked him whether he liked human flesh and showed him my hand. He explained that he liked human flesh very much indeed, and it seems to me that there is very little doubt about it indeed, as Captain Cook has been an eye witness of the fact and saw the New Zealanders devouring with great appetite the flesh of their enemies slain in battle. In 1772 the unhappy Marion and seventeen of his companions fell a victim to this disgusting revenge. Those sent out to his assistance on an armed sloop reported afterwards that they had found portions of their bodies cut up for a meal and some parts of their colleagues already roasted. In 1773 the English naval officer Rowe and ten men from the English vessel Adventure, in consequence of a superfluous outburst of anger against one of the islanders who had stolen a jacket from one of the sailors, also fell victims to this revenge on the part of the New Zealanders. The sloop sent after them found on the shore the clothes and the cut up members,part of the heads and the stomachs of their comrades. The New Zealanders cover their body, from below the chest down to the middle of the thighs, with a piece of white tissue, and are girt with a narrow girdle; over their shoulders they usually throw a piece of white or red cloth very artistically ornamented with a design all round. It is clasped together on the chest with clasps of about 4 or 5 inches long and made of green basalt and bones, probably human, or perhaps of dogs, because apart from dogs no traveller has come across any other animals in this part. The clasps are suspended on thin cords so that they should not be lost. In cold weather they put on a shaggy felt cloak similar to those of the Tsherkesses. Thus my friend the chief was arrayed, the younger ones had only the one above mentioned attire on their shoulders; the majority of the young people usually wore nothing except the felt cloak, and even this they wore loosely. Their hair they arrange in a bunch, pushing a few white feathers through it, they also put through their ears a piece of skin from some bird with white down on it. On their chests they usually wear human images, clasps, or some kind of a little knife made of a green stone or simply of bones. “All these objects they very willingly exchanged and it is therefore impossible that they should form part of their idols. Their weapons consist of long, thin sharp spears, made of a dark wood and measuring about 30 feet in length, and also of short hurl-bats which they call
petouand of the bones of sea animals or of a green stone with a carved work from 15 to 18 inches long, 4 inches wide and 2 inches thick. They are so arranged that they can be easily handled, a hole being made in the handle. The hurl-bat is held in the hands by means of a cord put through the hole. The Zealanders further possess two other kinds of weapons made of the above mentioned dark coloured wood. One is about 8 feet long, a little wider towards the bottom, whilst the upper part is something like a halberd, some ugly human image is carved on it, with shells of a reflecting green colour, set in the eyes. Theother weapon is a kind of hatchet only half so long as the first. These objects seem to be more the signs of distinction of the chiefs and serve for their defence. Captain Cook measured the big war boats of the New Zealanders and found that they were 68 feet long, but during our visit, the longest boat was only 47 feet long and 4¾ feet wide. These boats too contain carved human images, with a thrust-out tongue and eyes made of shells known as sea ears and reflecting a green colour. Even now the islanders consider the gift of a nail a great acquisition, and give in exchange for it their weapons petou, upon the construction of which they waste a good deal of labour; their oars are also ornamented with carved images and are usually about 5½ feet long. When they are pursuing someone they row standing, the boats then glide along more quickly.“On his first visit in the Queen Charlotte Sound, Captain Cook met on the shores of the Sound several families, numbering in all about 400 men. He visited this place again during his second voyage and expresses himself to the following effect: ‘The majority of New Zealanders who lived in the neighbourhood of Queen Charlotte Sound in 1770 must either have been driven out or must have wandered out voluntarily.’ Their number at present,
i.e., June, 1820, does not exceed 80 souls. Such a diminution is not astonishing considering the continual wars these people are waging among themselves. Captain Cook must also have exaggerated the number of inhabitants, counting also the visitors who came from other settlements anxious to see a big vessel for the first time, or in the hope of seeing killing and eating one of the Europeans, as they knew by tradition that their forefathers had done so.“Considering their small number, the New Zealanders have plenty of food. They have sufficient fish and mussels for nourishment. We daily caught some, sufficient for both sloops. At present the New Zealander also grows potatoes which are as good as the English species. They learned to grow this vegetable from Captain Cook, and although after 47 years they grow sufficient quantities they
only use the potatoes for themselves, but do not part with any. During our visit in Queen Charlotte Sound, I gave my friend the chief, and the other elderly people, many other kinds of seeds, such as turnips, carrots, pumpkins, large beans and peas. I showed them, as well as I could, how to put the seeds in the ground, and they understood me and were well satisfied, promising to grow these vegetables in their orchards. “Pastor Marsden of New South Wales is now dwelling in the northern part of New Zealand, his intention being to teach the inhabitants the gospel and enlighten them.
“We saw no quadrupeds except dogs of a small species. Captain Lazarew bought a couple. They are rather small, have a woolly tail, erect ears, a large mouth and short legs.
“I think that often sea bears are coming out to rest on the stones on the shore, as I obtained a kind of a garment, a kind of jacket, made from the skins of these sea monsters. When the sloops were setting out on June 3rd, corresponding to December 3rd on the Northern Hemisphere, all the trees were still very green and we saw as yet no signs of approaching autumn.”
(From the German.)
“As we proceeded through the passage between Motuara Island and another rather long stretched island (Long Island), the wind freshened from the west. We there had tc be more careful in our steering, as the channel we were navigating was bound on both sides by cliffs and rocks. We steered in various alternating courses towards the S.E. in order to get out of the bay, and as we did so it became more and more rainy and misty, so that we were forced to creep along under reefed topsails. During the night of June 5th, we had the same weather, increasing to heavy rain, and afterwards to snow and hail. From what we saw in the vicinity I am of opinion that electric meteors were frequent, for during this night thunder roared sometimes without a break, and the vivid lightning disclosed to us how near the land we were, and in what danger we
sailed. Also in the morning the tremendous wind accumulated heavy clouds from all directions, and I can truly say that we experienced during these hours, in addition to the buffetings of the wind, the worst weather conditions which intense atmospheric action can produce in the Southern Hemisphere. And the weather was certainly no better during the night, and towards morning the wind had risen to a regular hurricane with driving rain, snow and hail, and even in the middle of the day we were scarcely able to see anything on the ship, and were certain from these circumstances that we were near the land. We accordingly shortened sail. The weather did not improve until the night of June 6th when for a few moments the moon and stars could be seen through the storm driven clouds. “The
Mirnyhad not been answering our signals, and I hoped she would be in the neighbourhood of the north coast of the bay. At noon on June 6th our reckoning showed our position to be 40° 16′ 15″ south latitude, and 174° 5′ 46″ east longitude. From this it appears that the gale had driven us 65 miles into the middle of the Strait. In the afternoon the wind had abated, but it was not a fair wind for our course. I ordered all sail to be set and to beat to windward. Up to the following morning we had seen nothing of theMirny.Finally on June 7th, the strength of the wind was completely broken and we had only a light air and a S.W. current, which was very favourable to us. In consequence I shaped the course towards the outlet of the Straits. The wind soon freshened and we made a good speed, the corvettes going 8 to 9 miles per hour. At 10 o'clock in the evening the wind died down entirely and during the night was faint and changeable. At 4 in the morning of June 8th, the fine weather was again gone, exactly when we were at the exit of the Straits into the ocean. S.E. squalls set in blowing hard with snow, hail and rain; and as we reached the open ocean the wind increased to a gale, and we were compelled to seek shelter under the lee of theland. Therefore I got the ship under storm topsails and made for the shelter offered by Cape Stephens. “Lasarew followed us and we could see his ship rolling heavily. About 3 in the morning of June 9th the wind moderated, and at 6 o'clock we were able under a westerly breeze to steer out of the bay, when we had the opportunity of seeing the terrible strength of the breakers on the reefs which we had the good fortune to escape. At 4 o'clock in the afternoon I had to shorten sail again to keep in close company with the
Mirny.Still the weather was threatening and the sky overcast with heavy clouds. This narrow passage in Cook Channel between Cape Terawitta (Terawhiti) and Cape Comaroo (Koamaru) is altogether only 15 miles wide. After leaving Cape Terawitta (Terawhiti) astern the Straits opened out. In passing out we observed that some of the islands in the Straits were heavily timbered. Owing to the state of the weather up till now our outlook did not reach far; but from what we could see of the nearest land we were satisfied, as we thought all along that the country on the coastline at least was very suitable for settlement and cultivation according to European methods. In the middle of the headland there flamed a mighty fire, probably raised by the natives to attract us there. At midnight we sighted Cape Palliser bearing N.E. 18° about 11½ miles distant.“We had now a light southerly breeze, which gradually died away in the morning. While the darkness lasted I ordered special lights to be hoisted in the main rigging without receiving any answering signal from the
Mirny, and I afterwards ascertained that the fog was so thick on the water that our lights could not be seen. Not until 10 in the morning did we see her on the horizon in the S.W. About noon on June 10th, theWostokwas in 44° 50′ 4″ south latitude and 175° 50′ 28″ east longitude, Cape Palliser now bearing N.W. 70°. At the outlet of the Straits we saw two high snow covered mountains, one of which was in S.W. 70° and the other in S.W. 62°. We took soundings but found no bottom at 250 sazhens.Around the ship there swam large flocks of white and gray albatrosses, sea gulls, stormy petrels and other marine birds. From noon on June 10th, to noon on June 13th, we sailed eastward under westerly to southerly winds. We saw on the surface of the sea much sea weed and roots of plants which had probably been torn away from the reefs and cliffs of New Zealand. At noon on June 13th, we were in 40° 9′ 6″ south latitude, and 182° 6′ 26″ east longitude, the magnetic declination being 10° 21′ 30″. NOTE.—A sazhen equals seven feet.
BEFORE proceeding to deal with the early twenties, advantage will be taken to refer to some sealing on the mainland of New Zealand by the Governor Bligh during the latter portion of the second decade, the better to enable us to understand the position of trade when the period to be dealt with in this chapter commences. We are fortunate in having the required information from a man who accompanied the Governor Bligh on several of her voyages, given before Mr. Commissioner Bigge in May, 1821.
The seals were sought for off the West and South-East Capes and at Campbell Island. There were two seasons—April, when the pups were six months old and were killed for the China market, and Christmas, when the seals gathered together in herds. They were to be found in the bays, and a vessel of from 100 to 200 tons was required to weather the coast. Knives, steel, and salt were the stock-in-trade of the sealer. Skins intended for China were dried by being pegged out on shore, while those for England were cured with salt. Oil was also obtained from the seals in quantities which varied from two gallons from a pup, to five or six from an old male.
Sometimes the voyages were prolonged to an inordinate length. One of the voyages of the Governor Bligh lasted no less than seventeen months—from 9th May, 1815, to 4th October, 1816. In addition to skins and oil the Governor Bligh took in a little timber cargo as well. Logs of red and white pine were cut and brought to Sydney to make boats for the ship's use and for topmasts, for all of which purposes this timber was held in high favour.
Governor Bligh and potatoes and mats purchased from the natives.
Her crew varied in number from sixteen to twenty, and were paid by the lay, for the first voyage the 75th lay, and for old sealers a 60th lay, which meant one skin in 75 or 60. The price of skins in Sydney varied from five to eight shillings. The last three voyages made before the third decade were as follows: May 9th, 1815, to October 4th, 1816, Grono, 13,000 skins. December 7th, 1816, to February 2nd, 1818, 10,841 fur, 500 hair skins, 200 gallons oil. May 7th, 1818, to March 30th, 1819, 10,516 skins; or no less than 34,857 skins in three trips.
The third decade of the nineteenth century saw the sealing trade reduced from one of such a magnitude that vessels could be fitted out for it and sail from Sydney seeking nothing else but a cargo of skins, and obtaining the results given above, to one which only supplied a portion of a cargo, the balance having to be made up with flax, spars, potatoes, whale oil and pork. Had nothing else developed in the way of trade, the pinch of lessened profits would have ensured the seal rookeries being left unmolested and the natural increase would have replenished them; but history shows that the flax trade was first attempted by the Sydney merchants, then the timber was looked to as a supplementary agent, and lastly shore whaling produced enough oil to enable men to be continuously on the ground. These branches of trade producing a livelihood to the sealer, he was always there and ready to kill everything that looked at him, although the produce of his slaughter could not possibly be said to reimburse him. The seals, though not actually exterminated, became vastly reduced in number. If left alone and without legislation to protect it, no wild animal which becomes the
The great bulk of the trade was a Sydney one. Outside of that, we have three distinct sources, but it is questionable whether all these put together equalled the Sydney portion. The three referred to were the Hobart Town, the American, and the English trade. Sydney has earned a reputation for the ephemeral nature of its records and those of private firms appear to have been as short lived as those of the State. Hobart Town did better, but at best the share of the sealing trade that went to that place was small. American and English sources have not yet, to any extent, been examined. An accurate and continuous narrative is thus impossible, but such scraps as we have may be pieced together and so give a general idea of the movements of the trade during the period under review.
The third decade opened with keen competition in seal skins from a newly discovered field in another part of the world. Captain William Smith, commander of the brig William, on a passage from Monte Video to Valparaiso in 1819, discovered the South Shetland Islands away to the south of Cape Horn and reported seals to be there in abundance.1 Immediately the news became the property of the world, a rush of sealers took place to the islands, and so great was the destruction wrought by vessels from different parts, that during the years 1821 and 1822 it is computed that 320,000 skins and 940 tons of sea elephant oil came from this little group of islands.
This activity in connection with the South Shetlands was accompanied by a corresponding lull in the New Zealand sealing. On 27th January, 1820, the Elizabeth and
Mary, a regular trader to Macquarie Islands is reported as having arrived from New Zealand with a cargo of 4,397 skins.2 The Governor Bligh, referred to above, reached Sydney on 3rd April with 5,500 seal skins, but the year 1820 produced nothing eventful until on 24th October, a brig called the Hope, commanded by 3 To the surprise of the people of Sydney she returned on 6th February, 1821, to recruit the strength of her crew, having lost the chief officer and five men, about 30 miles to the south of Open Bay.4
“Mr. Claridge, with six men, left the vessel about six in the morning, to effect a landing, but, upon gaining the place proposed, it was deemed not only unsafe but very dangerous, when the boat was seen from the vessel to bear up for the northward about 7 or 8 miles, and attempted to land in the entrance of a bar-mouth creek, into which the sea was rushing with excessive violence, and from the rapidity of the stream the boat was unable to make way through the surf, and speedily filled. The unfortunate men were then left to swim for their lives through a heavy and boisterous sea, and an impetuous current, in which Mr. Claridge and five of the men, out of six, were shortly overwhelmed. One alone, an Otaheitan and an excellent swimmer, survived to tell the mournful disaster. He could not give the least satisfactory account of the motive that could have induced Mr. Claridge to act contrary to the instructions given him by his commander, as the very spot he was directed to land at, Captain Grimes had been ashore on only two days before, and that at night with a boat laden with skins, which was then looked upon as an extremely safe landing-place. The names of the deceased men are, Richard Claridge, chief officer, Richard Brown, John Frankish, Francis Curtis, Joseph Hills, and Robert Richardson; Hope has only been absent since the 20th of November, and has on board 800 skins.”
The Hope, in prosecution of her voyage, sailed on 10th March for England via New Zealand and Tahiti.
The feature of the sealing trade of 1821, next to the loss sustained by the Hope, was the arrival in Sydney of the Governor Bligh, under the command of Captain Dawson, on 17th February, with a cargo of no less than 12,000 skins. The enterprising firm to which this fine cargo came, was Messrs. Jones, Riley and Walker. It is not to be supposed that this rich consignment came from the mainland, nor even largely from the southern portion of New Zealand. From subsequent events, it is fairly certain, that pretty well all the southern islands were drawn upon, as well as substantial supplies from the mainland. The only islands, which were distinguished by special reference in the columns of the Sydney press, were the Campbell and the Macquarie Islands. The happening of special events only enables the others to be identified.
From that time on and for a considerable period the sealing trade appears to have almost ceased, little but sea elephant oil being imported into Sydney. With an idea of reviving New Zealand trade and, if possible, finding something to take the place of the lost sealing, the New South Wales Government despatched the Government cutter Snapper, under Captain Edwardson to report upon the prospects of trade. On 7th November, 1822, he sailed. No sooner had the Government cutter departed, than Captain Grono returned from his shore occupation to the sea and in command of a new brig called the Elizabeth, on 11th November, sailed on a sealing voyage calculated to take up twenty months.5 As results showed she had better luck in some directions than her captain anticipated but was most unfortunate in others. This was the trip in which Grono picked up the gang of the General Gates and brought them on to Sydney. He reached port on 21st January, 1823, with 1,500 skins, but evidently his voyage had been cut
The Wellington (Day) returned to port on 25th September, with from 4,000 to 5,000 skins and some oil, doubtless seal oil. She is reported as coming from Saunders Island which probably means Cape Saunders or the Otago Peninsula, a very likely place for a cargo. The Wellington was followed by the Elizabeth on her second trip, on 2nd October, with a cargo, the details of which are not supplied. The sealing trade appeared to have taken a new lease of life.
Trade prospects underwent a mild revolution in 1823. The Snapper returned from her trip to New Zealand on 28th March, with very favourable reports on the flax trade, which were followed up by the despatch of the Mermaid under the command of Kent, which sailed on 7th May and returned on 15th August. Unfortunately information regarding the details of her trip are not available. Edwardson, however, did most of all for the regeneration of the sealing trade, in capturing the naturalized New Zealand chief, Caddell, who with his adopted tribe had harassed the sealing gangs along the coasts of Foveaux Strait without let or hindrance, adding the prospect of supplying material for a cannibal feed to the terrors the sealers had to face in the ordinary prosecution of their calling. Caddell spent some time in Sydney, and doubtless advantage was taken of his presence there to come to some understanding with the sealers. Whether this course was followed or not, cannot with the information at our disposal be asserted as a fact, but it is significant that renewed activity in sealing followed. The Perseverance, which had for some time acted as a hulk, was refitted and sent off sealing. A number of other vessels were also put into commission. On the lists of those sent away we notice the names of St. Michael, and Wellington. These are names of men who afterwards became prominent in New Zealand history.
More directly bearing upon the giving out of the South Shetland sealing was the fitting out of American vessels to range over the whole Southern Ocean in search of the fur seal. This year (1823) Messrs. Byers, Rogers, McIntyre and Nixon of New York fitted out a schooner called the Henry under the command of 6
Edwardson's work in bringing samples of flax to Sydney by the Snapper in March, 1823, followed by Kent's expedition in the Mermaid, did much to awaken interest in the development of that trade; and for the purpose of obtaining a cargo of phormium the Elizabeth Henrietta, under the command of Captain Kent, sailed for New Zealand on 5th November, 1823.
As it has been stated that the object of the trip of the Elizabeth Henrietta was “to complete certain enquiries… of a delicate character to the natives themselves7 the following letter at present in the Chief Secretary's Office in Sydney, which sets out officially her mission, is here printed.
Pitt Street, Sydney ,20th January, 1826 .
Sir, “Returning to you the enclosed letter and Memorial of Mr.
John Busby , I have the honour of acquainting you in reply to your enquiry of the“13th instant, that the object of the last voyage of the brig Elizabeth Henriettato New Zealand, was to promote the civilization of the inhabitants of the island by supplying them with British Manufactures in exchange for their flax.”I have the honour to be Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, . F. Goulbourn
The HonourableAlexander McLeay ,
Colonial Secretary.
On the night of 25th February, 1824, the brig was at anchor in Ruapuke Bay, Goulbourn Island, now known as Ruapuke, when a gale came on so violently as to part the chain cable and cause her to lose two of her anchors. Owing to this calamity and notwithstanding the efforts of her crew, the vessel was driven on shore. Captain Kent remained with the wreck and sent the chief officer with the official report to Sydney, on board Mr. Wellington, just then returning from the sealing islands with a cargo of seal skins. The brig reached Sydney on 3rd April, 1824. The report, so far as it leaked out, was that with proper and timely aid the wrecked brig might be restored to the public service, but that otherwise she would have to be broken up.
As soon as what had happened became known in Sydney, every effort was made to send relief, and by the 15th of the month H.M.S. Tees, under the command of Captain Coe, was fitted out for the voyage and sailed to her aid.
Captain Coe made Solander Island on the 28th April and on the 29th ran through Foveaux Strait into Port William, where he cast anchor in the evening. The following day the pinnace and a cutter were sent over to Ruapuke under the command of the first lieutenant, with fifty men and everything necessary for floating the stranded vessel. From the 30th of April to the 4th of May was spent in the attempt to float her off, and on the latter date the party returned to Port William. On the 9th of May they
Elizabeth Henrietta, leaving only the master and two of the crew upon the island.8 The Elizabeth Henrietta had been by the united efforts of all hands moved for a distance of five yards, and it was thought that success would crown their efforts. All was vain however; a gale set in about 10th May and the vessel was driven higher up on the beach. After other fruitless trials it was decided to leave her. Captain Kent and his party remained at the wreck and the others returned with Captain Coe to Sydney to obtain further instructions as to the steps to be taken pending the arrival of a vessel to take away the stores, etc. Kent appears not to have given up hope, but Coe was satisfied that nothing more could be done, and the only thing that remained was to burn the hull and save the ironwork. The Tees reached Sydney on 3rd June, 1824, after an absence of about seven weeks.
For a second attempt the Government secured the services of Mr. Earl of Dalkeith, when wrecked on the coast of Northumberland in 1808. After interviewing those who had already made the attempt, and reading Captain Coe's report, he was confident that the vessel could be saved, and as a result, on 29th June, 1824, sailed in the Mermaid, for New Zealand via Hobart Town, leaving the latter place for Ruapuke on 18th July.
Having arrived on the scene, with the aid of only six men, in the space of 26 days, Busby completed his task. The vessel was quickly rigged, and accompanied the Mermaid to the Bay of Islands, 800 miles distant, where Mr. Busby left her. The crew were out of provisions, and had been living for some time on almost nothing, in which privations Mr. Busby participated.
Busby returned to Sydney in the brig Calder under Captain Dillon.
On 12th March the Mermaid returned to port under the command of Captain Elizabeth Henrietta ranged up alongside of her.9
Mr. Busby's own account of his work is to be found in his application for remuneration, dated 20th July, 1825.
“By saving the vessel I saved also a cargo of New Zealand flax as both vessels returned with cargoes. To look on the other hand at the expense by which all this was accomplished. Captain Coe recommended that I should not take less than fifty men, as that number would be required. I was aware that if my means were applicable a much smaller number would suffice. In addition to the
Mermaid'screw of sixteen, I required only a carpenter and a blacksmith. On the arrival of theMermaidwhere theElizabeth Henriettalay, I determined on not even detaining her. I took six individuals, and said to Mr. Kent, ‘You are at liberty to go and collect your cargo of flax; these men will serve my purpose.’ We were left with ten weeks provisions. In 26 days we got the vessel afloat. TheMermaiddid not return till upwards of fourteen weeks had elapsed, and we were reduced to lengthen out our scanty provisions with the addition of shell fish, and fern root. The cordage and stores expended could not exceed £10 in value.“I now solicited Mr. Kent to despatch the
Elizabeth Henriettawith her cargo, and follow“himself when the cutter should have obtained hers. He was, however, anxious to bring both vessels home with him, and we were detained by adverse winds upon the coast, at one time out of sight of land with only one days provisions on board, till eight months after I had left my family, who never during all that time heard of me and who were now in extreme distress.”
On 13th February, 1826, the Board of General Purposes recommended that Mr. Busby receive a gratuity of £300.
The men of the Wellington, which had been in the vicinity of Foveaux Strait when the Elizabeth Henrietta went ashore and who rendered valuable assistance to the wrecked vessel as well as brought the news to Sydney, were recommended by the commander of H.M.S. Tees for a substantial reward.
On 19th March, 1825, only a few days after his arrival, Captain Kent met Messrs. Tyerman and Bennett the deputies from the London Missionary Society, at Sydney, and these gentlemen reported that he had brought with him 25 tons of flax for the Government. In his description to them of New Zealand, he spoke of Foveaux Strait as Tees Strait, after a vessel which he says first found a passage through. The inhabitants in the vicinity he describes as exceedingly fierce and cruel, yet he lived among them upwards of a year. During that time however, a boat's crew were surprised, captured, killed and eaten for some pretended wrong.10
The allegation that the Tees was the first vessel to find a passage through was entirely wrong, unless it was meant that she was the first man-of-war, in which case it is subject to doubt. The name Goulbourn given to Ruapuke also indicates a desire to place names suggested by himself on the various places to the exclusion of those they had long borne. The mention of the boat's crew, does not clearly indicate the General Gates massacre, as that took place in 1823, and before the
In the Memoirs of the late Pastor J. T. H. Wohlers, in the translator's account of a visit to Ruapuke in 1873, it is stated that mice were first brought to Ruapuke in the Elizabeth Henrietta, and at that date continued to be known to the natives as henriettas.
Amongst the possessions of Ruapuke to this day is a small cannon alleged to have been taken ashore from the Elizabeth Henrietta. So far as official records go there is nothing to support the contention that the cannon ever belonged to the wrecked brig. She was not a man-of-war and would be no more likely to have cargo of that nature than the Snapper which had visited Ruapuke in the previous year, or the large number of Colonial. American, European and British ships, which for years frequented the coast. After having been buried in the sand for some time it came to light in December, 1907, and was removed to a place of security.
When the vessels, which had been despatched towards the end of the year 1823, began to return to Sydney, their cargoes were found to be such as to give fresh encouragement to the seal merchants and to those engaged in the shipping trade. Speaking of the prospects, when some of the first of the fleet arrived, the Sydney press said “The seal fishery by the late arrivals seems to promise ample success to our Colonial speculatists.”11
Up to the end of May the following cargoes were recorded as having arrived:
A list of Sydney owned vessels sailing out of that port to the seal fishery at the date was as follows:
A vessel the property of Captain Watson of the Aguilar.
The writer “Scaevola” who supplies the above information also added:—“And we may reasonably anticipate that the above ten vessels, with any tolerable success, will bring to this port 40,000 to 50,000 skins which will of course be sent to the English Market.”
This optimistic estimate appears to have roused the ire of one at any rate, of the sealing traders, and Mr. Levey penned the following in reply:—12
To the Editor of the “Sydney Gazette.”
Sir, “You will perform a public duty by inserting this unvarnished truth, in answer to a letter that has a tendency to ensnare the unwary or to hoax those enterprising speculators, who are so ably recommended by Scaevola to the Government patronage and Public esteem. I beg leave to reply to such part of the letter as concerns myself.
I am sir, your most obedient servant, . S. Levey
“Friends in England! Beware of a letter in the ‘Sydney Gazette’ of July 1, 1824, signed ‘Scaevola,’ the following being a true account.
“It is publicly known, on the discovery of New Shetland, that a great annual supply of seal-skins was expected from that very extensive island; and, in consequence of the
superior fur on skins from that place, with the great quantities brought to the London market, all other resorts for seal were abandoned for about three years, when Mr. Grono left this port for the purpose of getting seal skins on the coast of New Zealand, or such other place as they were likely to resort. Since that time it is nearly two years, and Grono has brought three returns to this port, making in the whole 12,000 fur skins, but this may chiefly be owing to his accurate knowledge of the seal's resort, having been twenty years in that trade on the same coast. The next brig that left that place was the Wellington, Mr.Joseph Underwood owner, with other vessels, all of which have not brought to the port forty thousand fur seal skins, in the period of two years; and all those acquainted with sealing, can safely pronounce, that there will not be so many procured in the next two years, even allowing they had time to increase; whereas of late they have been harassed and driven from the ground; therefore, how can Scaevola assert to the Public, that next year we may reasonably anticipate (says this ingenious writer) 40 or 50,000 skins will be brought to Sydney. Surely this is attempting to undervalue the skins, or he could never attempt to infringe on common sense, by asserting, so confidently, that in one year we are to have more skins than were obtained in about two; when the reverse seems so probable. No doubt he wants to purchase the seal skins; and for his information I do inform him, that a Sydney merchant gave me, for upwards of 5,000 skins, fifteen shillings each; and it is to be hoped, that they will get dearer, as it is likely there will not be one skin caught this season to every three the former….I remain,
A Shopkeeper.
No. 72 George St., Sydney.
Anything in the nature of a trade correspondence by parties engaged in sealing at that early date is so rare, that many points of great value are to be obtained from these letters, and out of the subsequent ones another extract is given to show to what extent the seals on the New Zealand
“I do assert of late the southern and western coasts of New Zealand have been infested with Europeans and New Zealanders, who, without consideration, have killed the pups before they are prime, and the clap matches before pupping, for the sake of eating their carcasses; the consequence of which is, that the increase of seals will be totally extinct in about three years on the coast. This circumstance will illustrate what I am about to observe, when I state that the seals will not resort to the ground frequented by man. The rookeries they are found at, in the various latitudes, induce me to say, with confidence, that four vessels well fitted out, with proper knowledge of the coasts, would procure as many seal skins as ten vessels; the only difference that would arise, being that of the quantity which must be divided among the ten.”
13
There is no doubt, from the above correspondence, that the Sydney sealers were doing with the New Zealand seals what they had formerly done with the Bass Strait seals and what called for the warning from the French Commodore, Baudin, in 1802. What more destructive system of killing could be devised than waging war against the young and the mothers in young? The further narrative will show how prophetic was the statement that three years would see the last of the trade.
Early in 1824, an English captain while passing through Cook Strait had an interesting experience. On 26th February, while on a journey to Lima and lying becalmed about five or six miles from the land, in the vicinity of Kapiti Island, Captain Reynolds of the Urania was astonished to see three canoes of Maoris coming towards the vessel. Alarmed at this apparently warlike demonstration, preparations were made for action, and when the canoes came within hail they were ordered to keep off.
14
Captain Reynolds was placed in a very awkward position. The Maoris could only be kept off by firing into the canoes, and to do that meant a legacy of trouble for any English ships which might thereafter visit the coast in search of protection from the elements. Under the circumstances the peacefully disposed canoe could scarcely be prevented from coming alongside, and when she was allowed to do that, the chief,
Captain Reynolds did not give up hope of getting rid of his self-invited passenger, and the following day, at the eastern mouth of Cook Strait, attempted to land him. In doing this the Urania was very nearly lost and the Captain had to reconcile himself to the inevitable, much to the satisfaction of
Notwithstanding what had happened, the Maori chief was very handsomely treated by the captain of the Urania and, when the vessel was at Lima, Monte Video and Buenos Ayres, lived ashore with him. On board he sat at the captain's table and everything was done to familiarize him with European manners and customs.
After his arrival in Liverpool, on 13th February, 1825,
In June, arrangements were made for his return in the Henry Porcher, a convict ship, but as he was suffering from spitting of blood and chicken pox at the time, his medical attendant, Dr. Traill, would not permit him to depart. So far he had not seen the King. A suggestion was made that the chief should be sent out by the New Zealand Company's expedition, but it came to nothing. Finally an opportunity presented itself with the Thames, a Government hired ship bound for Sydney, and
During a stay in Liverpool of about eight months
From that time until his return to Kapiti his movements are rather obscure, but the Thames went to Ireland and sailed from Cork on 14th November with a number of emigrants for Sydney, reaching that port on 11th April, 1826. On her voyage she called at Teneriffe and Pernambuco, leaving the former place on 29th November and the latter on 11th January. After his arrival in Sydney 15
For a general account of
THE period under review opens with the visit of the Russian Expedition to Macquarie Island. It is not our province to follow Bellingshausen during his long voyaging; it is sufficient to mention that he returned to Sydney and sailed thence via Macquarie Island for the Antarctic, on Sunday, 31st October, 1820. Macquarie Island was sighted on 17th November. The visit of the expedition is told in the leader's own words in the narrative following, which, as in the case of the preceding chapter, is translated from the Russian, and attention is called to it, firstly as a translation from an exceedingly rare work, and secondly as the best word picture of the life of the Macquarie sea-elephant hunter, ever penned. When we recollect that our nation supplied, almost without exception, the skin and oil hunters of the far south during these early days, it seems marvellous that we should have to go to a Russian source to learn how they did their work.
“At three o'clock in the morning we put on sail; with the dawn the shore soon appeared before us at 82° N.E. which we recognised as the island Macquarie; we saw a great number of columbine storm-birds, a few albatrosses and one Port-Egmond hen. At 5 a.m. I directed our course towards the northern end of the island. At 9 a.m., coming nearer, we perceived rocks washed by the breakers; I recognised the rocks as the very same which are indicated on the Arosmith map under the name of ‘the Judge’ At 1 p.m., having gone round these rocks on the north side for about half a mile, I directed my course to the north-east side of the island Macquarie, and approaching it
protected by the shore, I brought the ship to leeward, whilst I sent M. Zavadovsky on a skiff into the bay to the lower isthmus, which divides the high northern promontory from the island. I told him to see if he could find a streamlet where we might fill our casks with fresh water. M. Michailow also went with M. Zavadovsky in order to make a sketch of the view, and Messrs. Simanow and Demidow accompanied them out of curiosity. M. Lazarew and a few officers from the sloop Mirnyalso went on shore.“We had imagined that the island Macquarie was covered with eternal ice and snow, like the island of Southern Georgia, as both are situated in the same hemisphere and in the same latitude. We were therefore greatly surprised when we discovered that the island Macquarie is covered with beautiful green, with the exception, of course, of the stone cliffs which are of a gloomy dark colour. We looked through the telescope and found that the coast was covered with gigantic sea-elephants, known as the
Phoca proboscidea, and with penguins. A great number of sea birds were flying on the shore.“At 4 p.m., I was glad to notice a rowing-vessel coming towards us from the south along the shore, on the east side of the island; soon a second vessel followed the first. These vessels belonged to traders from Port Jackson; they were sent out for the train-oil of the sea-elephants; one detachment remained on the island 9 months and the other 6 months. The merchants complained that they remained four months without work, they had filled their casks and had no empty ones, and as their provisions were beginning to be scarce, they were not at all pleased to hear from us that the vessel
Marie-Elizabeth, which was coming to take their place was still busy taking in timber at Port Jackson at the moment of our departure and could therefore not be expected so soon.“I learned from these traders that there was a great quantity of fresh water on the island, the most convenient place to fill the casks being in the middle of the island where
they had camped; they offered their services. I gave orders that they should be regaled with biscuits and butter and also with grog,—of which drink, highly esteemed by them, they had been deprived for months; they grew more loquacious in consequence and offered their services even more heartily than at first. “At 5 p.m., a big sea-elephant bleeding from its wounds was swimming alongside the sloop
Wostok. We sent another two bullets into him and a long stream of blood remained on the surface of the sea. I intended to send a boat in pursuit, but the traders told me it was impossible to kill him in the water, whilst on the shore there were great quantities of them and we could easily pick out the finest.“At 8 p.m. our skiff returned; we had remained all the time near the shore whither they had been sent.
“M. Zavadovsky informed me that on approaching the shore he saw the breakers dashing against the rocks. He choose a place where the shore was steep, the swell was very heavy, but there were inlets and he managed to land although with some difficulty; then our travellers saw before them a wide stretch covered with penguins of three different species and with hugh sea-elephants, whose peaceful sleep nothing could disturb. Two species of penguins belonged to those which we had already seen before, near the island Georgia, and on the ice, whilst the third species in greater numbers than the two first, M. Saunders had already met on the island Querhelen and mentioned it in the third voyage of Captain Cook. A shot fired by M. Zavadovsky at one of the sea-elephants awoke them all, but they only opened their eyes, began to low and again fell asleep. Some of them were very big. One, however rose on his hind legs, opened his jaws and began to roar. M. Zavadovsky fired a case shot right into his mouth, at a short distance, but the monster did not fall, he only threw himself backwards into the sea, swimming away; it was evidently the same we saw wounded near our sloop.
“Continuing along the shore they noticed a row of casks with iron hoops as well as huts with closed doors: The skins taken from the sea monsters were being dried there; our travellers also noticed a great quantity of birds. M. Demidow, not budging from the spot, shot about twenty Port-Egmond hens. A little further along the shore they met a great quantity of penguins, which the merchants call ‘royal ones.’
“These penguins did not get out of the way and they had therefore to be dispersed. M. Zavadovsky and the others noticed that each bird had an egg which it kept between its legs, pressing it to its belly with the beak so that it formed a small cavity, its lower part resting on the feet, the egg was thus held tightly; in order not to drop the egg, the penguins do not run, but jump on both feet at once. Our travellers also saw a penguin covered with a shaggy skin, like that of a racoon only a little softer. On their way back M. Zavadovsky took with him one penguin with a shaggy skin, and several of the royal penguins; he also took a number of eggs, various kinds of herbs, stones and several skins of young sea-elephants and their train-oil; he also shot some Egmond-hens, sea and other gulls and one parrot, but he could find no fresh water.
“Having lifted the skiff on to the bumkins we turned from the shore and directed our course during the night, to N.N.E. The wind from N.W. became stronger, the sky was covered with clouds so that we were obliged to take in two reefs in each of the top-sails. The night was very dark. At 10 p.m. the same evening whilst I was walking on the deck we suddenly felt two shocks, as if the sloop had touched a shallow place. I gave orders to throw the sounding lead, but no ground was touched for 60 sazhens; we therefore concluded that we had either knocked against a sleeping whale or had passed a layer of stones and knocked against it, which of course, might have been disastrous to us. The sloop
Mirnywas then under the wind across. M. Lazarew sent the lieutenant Annenkof in a rowing vesselto inform me that his sloop had touched a shallow place, but that they could find no ground with the sounding lead for 50 sazhens. This information somewhat dispelled my doubts. The two shocks felt by both vessels at the same moment could not have been caused by a sleeping whale nor by submarine-sands. I informed M. Lazarew that exactly the same thing had happened to us and that the shocks were evidently the result of an earthquake, as only in such a case could we have felt the same number of shocks at the very same moment. Towards midnight the wind increased and we took a third reef in the top-sails. At midnight we could touch no ground with the sounding-lead of 65 sazhens. I was then quite convinced that there were no shallow places in the vicinity. Before daybreak we returned towards the shore adding sail and beating to windward. We searched for a streamlet where we could fill our casks with water. At ten o'clock the traders came from the shore and pointed to their habitations, which however we could hardly distinguish from the shore, as they were very small and of the same colour as the coast. At midday we reached the place and bringing our vessels to leeward sent rowing-boats, under the command of Lieutenant Lyeskof, with one trader on each, so that they should pilot them through the rocks; the sloops remained under sail not far from that place. “At 2 o'clock p.m. I went on shore with Messrs.Lazarew, Torson and Michailow; approaching the sharp rocks against which the back waves were breaking with great noise, we could see no way to the shore until lieutenant Lyeskof made a sign to us from the shore to show us where there was a passage between the rocks. We landed just at the huts. The rowing-boats were quite out of danger; they were protected from the breakers by the rocks. The head-trader met us and took us into his hut which was 20ft. in length and 10 in breadth; the walls inside were covered with the skins of sea-elephants whilst outside they were covered with grass, that grew on the island. At one end of the hut there
was a fire place and a lamp in which a fire was kept continually alight. As there were neither wood nor coals, a piece of fat of sea-elephant was burning on the hearth, whilst the lamp was filled with molten fat; near the hearth stood a bedstead; in the other half of the hut the provisions were kept; it was so dark and gloomy from soot and smoke-black that the glimmering lamp-light and the chink filled up with a bladder could scarcely light the interior of the hut, and until we got accustomed to the darkness we had to be led by the hand; the dwellings of the other traders were better. “The head-trader also told us that last night they had felt two shocks of an earthquake. He himself had already lived on the island Macquarie for 6 years; occupying himself with the melting of the fat of the sea-elephant; the
Phlca proboscidea; of other sea animals there were none on this island, which had only recently become a centre for the majority of the merchants from Port Jackson. The abundance of sea-bears had been the cause that a great number of vessels came straight from South-Wales for the skins which were much in request in England, where a good sea-bear skin was worth as much as one guinea; but an unlimited demand soon resulted in a complete destruction of the sea-bears.“At present on the island Macquarie they only dealt with the fat of the sea-elephant. Having killed the sleeping animal, they cut off his fat, put it in large kettles placed on stones, so that there should be room for the fire, which is made up with the same fat. Then the casks are filled with the liquid fat. One part is sent to New South Wales, whilst the remainder is shipped direct to England, where a good price is paid for it. There were, at that moment, two parties of traders on the island, one consisting of 13 and the other of 27 men. Their manner of life was somewhat more bearable than that of the traders whom we met in South Georgia; both live on the same sea birds, on the paws of the young sea-elephants, the eggs of the penguins
and other birds; but the traders on this island have the advantage of a better climate and have also at their disposal an excellent remedy against scurvy in the shape of a certain wild cabbage, which is found in great abundance on this island. This cabbage is distinguished from the other herbs growing on the island by its dark herbage; it has large horizontal leaves bordered with festoons. The surface of the cabbage is dark, whilst the inner (lower) part of it is of a light green colour; the stalks, which are about one foot long, and the leaves are rough, the colour of the middle stalk is white like that of a cauliflower; the greatest part of the root which is about two inches wide, is on the ground and the off-shoots of the same grow into the ground. The taste of the root is something like that of a cabbage stump. The traders scrape the roots and the stalks, cut them up very thinly and boil them for soup. We collected a great quantity of that cabbage, stocking ourselves with it for our servants, whilst for the officers' table we made pickles from the roots. We prepared some tasty cabbage soup out of the (fermented) preserved pieces and regretted that we had not obtained more. The naturalists Messrs. Fischer and Eichenwald in St. Petersberg afterwards examined the leaves of this herb and named it Gunnera, the second kind of herb they calledCryptostules, whilst the third sort with which the whole island is covered they said was an undefinable, colourless herb. It appeared to us, however, to be an ordinary grass, the only difference being that it grows a little higher on account of the humidity of the climate; the sheep ate it very willingly.“Of quadrupeds there are on the island Macquarie wild dogs, and cats, which hide amongst the dense herbage; they have been brought over by the Europeans and left behind. Thus Lieutenant Oberneebessof of the sloop
Mirnyleft behind a dog and if the traders do not treat it kindly it will certainly join the wild dogs. We went along the sandy coast to have a look at the sea-elephants who sleep for 2 or 3 months without moving from their places. One of thetraders accompanied us, he carried with him an implement with which the elephants are beaten. This implement is 4½ ft. long and 2 inches thick, the exterior end of it has a spheric shape, is 4 or 5 inches in diameter, is iron-mounted and bound with sharp pointed nails. When we approached one peacefully sleeping elephant, the trader hit him with his implement on the bridge of the nose; the animal opened its jaws and began to roar in a plaintive voice, but had no strength to move; the trader took a knife and saying that it was a pity to see the poor beast suffer cut it four or five times in the neck, the blood welled up like a fountain, forming a circle; the elephant heaved one more sigh and died. The big elephants, besides this blow with the implement, are also pierced right through the heart with a spear, so as to keep them on the spot. “The old male animals whom we saw were about 20 ft. in length. They have a trunk of about 8 inches long and at the end of it there are nostrils. They usually come out of the water upon the grass and lie in holes which seem to be made by the heaviness of their bodies, as the soil here is rather porous. The snout of the female elephant and of the young males resemble that of pug-dogs. They also have no trunks; on their paws which serve them as fore legs they have 5 united toes with nails; the traders use these paws as food and say that those of the young ones are very tasty. The elephants have no tails; they have large dark eyes; their skin is used to line (clout) boxes and cases.
“We had by this time met in the Southern Hemisphere three species of penguins and all three were to be found on the island Macquarie; they do not mix on shore; each species occupies a separate place and forms a particular herd. The albatross, the Port Egmond hens, the columbine stormbirds come to the island to lay their eggs and to hatch their young. During our presence there they were already hatching. The traders require no arms nor powder, they simply kill the birds with sticks and use them as
nourishment, considering them a very tasty food. There is an abundance of fresh water on the island; it flows from the mountain, near the camp of the traders, and it is quite easy to fill the small casks. Besides, we have seen fresh water in many other places, where it is flowing directly into the sea, but it is not easy to make use of it on account of the breakers. To our great surprise we saw on this half-cooled down island a number of middle size parrots, all belonging to the same species. According to the traders this island was discovered by the vessel Hazelbourgfrom New South Wales in 1810 and is part, as it appears, of a submarine mountain range, the summits of which form a chain of islands, such as: New Hebrides, New Caledonia, Norfolk, New Zealand, the islands Lord Auckland and Macquarie. The surface of the island is nearly everywhere of the same level and is covered with a porous soil overgrown with bushes and grass, similar to that in the northern regions. It is 17 miles long and 6 miles wide; its direction is N½E. S½W. Its latitude in the middle is 54° 38′ 40″ southern and its longitude 158° 40′ 50″ eastern. The rocks known as the Judge and the Scribe are surrounded by a bank ¼ of a mile long, and are situated in a latitude 54° 23′ 5″ southern, and in a longitude 158° 45′ 50″ eastern. On the map of Mr. Arosmith the island Macquarie is situated 1° 5′ more towards the east, whilst the rocks the Judge and Scribe are placed 13′ more southwards.“The winds in this island are mostly western, the north wind is always accompanied by humidity and rain, the south wind is very cold, whilst the east wind occurs rarely but is very violent. Having no thermometer the traders could not calculate the temperature in winter; everyone described it according to his feelings and all differently. All however, agree that ice is carried by the current in winter towards the island from the south, remaining on the coast for a considerable time.
“At 5 o'clock we returned to our vessels with our booty, which consisted of 2 albatrosses, and 20 dead and
one live parrot, the last one of the traders sold me for 3 bottles of rum. “During the following inspection of the island a barge and a skiff kept the sloops constantly supplied with water.”
Accompanying the narrative is a very fine chart of the island showing the position of the watering places and the movements of the vessel. There are also views of the island and of the landing place showing sea-elephants and penguins in characteristic attitudes.
Encouraged by the success of the other Hobart boats in making up a cargo at Macquarie Island, the Emerald (Elliott) in May, 1821, took down a gang of 25 men, fitted out for 12 months, and left them at the Island. She returned on the 11th of June having been absent only 25 days.1 The following year she sailed from Sydney for the relief of the gang she had left, calling en route at Hobart on 7th September, 1822. On 31st October she returned to Hobart with 150 tons of oil and the Hobart Town gang she had relieved.2 On 4th December she sailed for England with her cargo of oil.
The new system of carrying on the Macquarie Island sealing trade spread to Sydney. In the “Sydney Gazette” of 20th August, 1821, occurs the following advertisements of two ships getting ready at the one time to sail for Macquarie Island:
“The Ship
Midas, Captain Beveridge, will proceed at an early Period, to Macquarie Island; all Claims are therefore to be presented to Mr.Joseph Underwood , George Street.“The Ship
Surry,Thomas Raine , Master, is about to proceed forthwith to Macquarie Island, and will return direct to Sydney; Captain Rayne avails himself of this Medium of soliciting the Patronage of Holders of Colonial Produce, in Hope, by this timely Intimation, they will reserve their Freight for England for the ShipSurry, to sail in all January, 1822.”
The Surry sailed on 4th September and the Midas on the 27th of the same month, and they returned to Sydney on 6th December and 23rd January, 1822, respectively.
The year 1822 produced nothing in the Sydney trade calling for special mention beyond the Lusitania, Langdon, sailing Home from Hobart Town, via Macquarie Island, on 14th February and the visit of the Mariner from Sydney about the end of the year. Captain Douglass, the master of the latter gives us a most invaluable description of the class of men who constituted the gangs on the island.3
“As to the Island, it is the most wretched place of involuntary and slavish exilium that can possibly be conceived: nothing could warrant any civilized creature living on such a spot, were it not the certainty of industry being handsomely rewarded; thus far, therefore, the poor sealer, who bids farewell, probably for years, to the comforts of civilized life, enjoys the expectation of ensuring an adequate recompense for all his dreary toil. As to the men employed in the gangs, the most appalling account is given:—They appear to be the very refuse of human species, so abandoned and lost to every sense of moral duty. Overseers are necessarily appointed by the merchants and captains of vessels to superintend the various gangs, but their authority is too often invariably contemned, and hence arises the failure of many a well-projected and expensive speculation. The overseer is clothed with no other power than that of mere command, a compliance with which is quite optional to those under him. We are happy, however, to bear testimony to one fact, which is indeed pretty proverbial, that the native youths of this Colony still maintain their character for industry and exemplary attention to their employer's interest. Some few of these young men are upon this Island and their unceasing industry, combined with their alacrity always to obey, so
“engaged the attention of Captain Douglass, that this Gentleman actually declares he would not take a gang to any of the islands, unless they consisted of the native youth of New South Wales because, from their assiduity, he should be able to calculate upon the most ample success to any reasonable undertaking. This is a character, we trust, that the Australians, in every sphere of life, will endeavour to preserve from the very appearance of blemish.”
Referring to a period in Macquarie Island history coinciding with that described by Captain Douglass, Cunningham thus picturesquely describes the wild savagery and lawlessness which characterized the life of the gangs on this desolate “mountain on the boisterous bosom of the Southern Ocean.4
“Gangs of men remain on the island throughout the year, to kill the sea-elephants that frequent it, and to boil down the oil. Parties belonging to two or three individuals are frequently living here at one time, and as keenly contested wars have occasionally raged among them for the dominion of a half mile of coast of this dreary purgatory, as ever took place between the rival heroes of Rome for the dominion of the world; and the combatants, in their long beards, greasy seal-skin habiliments, and grim, fiend-like complexions, looked more like troops of demons from the infernal regions, than baptized Christain men, as they sallied forth with brandished clubs to the contest. Their provisions are supplied from Sydney, the fire for cooking, and the light for their study and their toilet, being all derived from the oil, which is kept burning in a dish with an ample wick; and the wretched stone and turf-walled and grass-roofed hovels they inhabit, are rendered as dingy and dismal thereby as the interior of an Esquimaux palace, and send forth an odour to which that of nightman's museum of foul abominations
“is myrrh and frankinsense. They are paid according to what oil they procure, and expend their earnings chiefly on the island in such necessaries as they may want, but principally in wines, spirits and tobacco.”
The system of utilizing Macquarie Island to pick up cargo for the return voyage to England continued.
“For London direct. The fast sailing ship
Regalia(A1) William Collins Commander. Will sail in 10 days for Macquarie Island, and expected to return to Sydney in about 6 weeks, when she will immediately proceed direct to London, with such passengers and wool as may offer; for the former this ship is well known to be particularly adapted. Apply to Robert Campbell, Agent, Campbell's Wharf, 18th February, 1823.”
The Regalia sailed on 13th March and returned on 30th May, with 280 tons of oil and the Sydney gang which had procured it.5 While the author was searching the files of the “New Bedford Mercury” of 1828, he found, under date 18th July, mention made that the Palmyra had, on 4th November, 1827, called at Amsterdam Island and taken off two men, Jas. Paine and Palmyra, Paine recognised the voice of his old chief mate on the Regalia, when he had been with her at Macquarie Island.
The same year (1823) the Lynx, Siddons, procured 150 tons of oil and during her voyage met with very heavy weather, being blown off Macquarie Island for 7 weeks, losing a cable and anchor. For relief she had to make for Hobart Town.6
We have seen to what condition the sealing trade had been reduced at Macquarie Island by the year 1815, owing to the indiscriminate slaughter carried on with such short-sighted policy. It was a race for wealth comparatively easily obtained, and the end was reached without a
A vessel called the Caroline, of the House of Edward Lord of Hobart Town, now engaged in the Macquarie Island trade. She is first noted as returning with sea elephant oil on 11th July, 1823.7 She sailed again with Captain Taylor on 25th September, and is reported in Hobart Town on 30th January, as having reached Sydney from the island with a full cargo of oil. She returned to Sydney on her third trip with 90 tons of oil on 22nd April. During this trip Captain Taylor discovered a reef of rocks, which he reported for the information of shipping.
Caution to Mariners. N.W. by N. (by compass) six leagues from the Northernmost breakers and the Judge's Clerk, lays a very dangerous reef of rocks under water. The sea broke very heavy on two different parts. I passed close to it with the ship. It was seen by myself, my officers and whole crew.
D. Taylor.
The Caroline again left Sydney on 17th November, 1824, and arrived at Macquarie Island on 15th February following. This proved her last trip to Macquarie Island. There a cargo of 160 tons of oil was put on board of her. On 16th March everything was in readiness for her to sail to another part of the island for the remainder of her cargo. The weather at this time was moderate and
Wellington on 30th August. The wrecked vessel was not insured.8
Meanwhile concern began to be manifested in Sydney and Hobart Town. An American vessel called the Yankee brought to Sydney the news, that the Elizabeth and Mary would on her return bring tidings of the long missing vessel. In Hobart, Dr. Hood, the agent of Mr. Lord to whom the Caroline belonged, chartered the brig Cyprus to go down to Macquarie Island, remove the oil collected there, and bring away the gang left by the ship now so long missing.9 On 1st September the Wellington sailed for Sydney, taking Captain Taylor and some of his crew to procure a vessel to take off the oil from the island. After she had sailed the Cyprus arrived, and, on the 17th of the same month with the remainder of the crew and with 66 tons of oil, sailed for Hobart, where she arrived on 1st October. While lying at Macquarie Island the Cyprus lost an anchor and a chain cable, worth upwards of £100. She also lost all her bulwarks in a gale. Among her passengers, the Cyprus took up to Hobart a prisoner, who had been on the island for no less than three years.10
Among the manuscript Hobart Records11 the author unearthed the actual manifest of the Cyprus for this voyage. It reads as follows:—
Manifest of Cargo laden on board the Brig
Cyprus, Geo. K. Todd Master from Macquarie Island to Hobart Town British built and of the Burthen of 108 tons or thereabouts.
|
Marks | Nos Packages | Shippers | Consignees | |
None | No of casks unknown containing 16,800 gs or 66 tons 168 gs. | T. Dodds | S. Hood | |
| 1 cs Hollands | | | |
| 1 Cask Flour | | | |
| 1 Tierce Beef | | | |
| 1 Puncheon bread | | | |
| 5 Bags do | | | |
| 1 Chest tea | | | Geo. K. Todd.
On the arrival of the Wellington at Sydney, the owners of the wrecked vessel decided to sell her, and on 6th October, 1825, the sale of the wreck was advertised in the following form:—12
Sales by Auction
by Mr. Pritchett.At the King's Wharf, on Saturday next, the 8th inst., at noon precisely, on account of those concerned.
Sundry Articles, as they now lay on Macquarie Island, appertaining to, and saved from, the Wreck of the Ship
Carolineand more or less damaged; comprising a nearly new main-top-sail; mainsail, main-trysail, mainstaysail, foretopsail, foretopmast-staysail jib, and mizen-topsail; the fore, main, and cross-jack yards; fore, main, and mizen-topsail yards; also, the fore, main, and mizzen top gallant yards; about 90 fathoms of 15 inch bower cable, new, in 3 lengths; about 90 fathoms of 1 1.8 inch bower chain“cable; part of a stream cable, and part of a hawser; best part of the lower standing rigging and topmast rigging complete; a quantity of blocks, double and single; hooks and thimbles; a quantity of sheet copper and copper bolts. Also, the Ship's Long Boat, quite new, cut in two, and lengthened to 30 feet keel, 12 feet beam, and 6 feet in depth, more than half finished, and, when completed, would make a most useful craft of 25 to 30 tons burthen. Conditions—Ready money; and the purchaser to abide by all chance and risks.
The last portion of the advertisement, where it mentions that the ship's long-boat had been cut in two and lengthened to a 30 feet keel, 12 feet beam and 6 feet in depth, would indicate that Taylor and his men had begun to despair of relief and had tackled the problem of getting off the island in the ship's long-boat, which they had half-finished when the Wellington arrived. The sale realised £37 10s., the purchaser being Underwood, the owner of the relieving vessel Wellington. On 26th October, Underwood's two vessels, the Wellington and the Perseverance, sailed for Macquarie Island, evidently to secure what had been purchased of the wreck. They returned to Sydney on 22nd and 27th December respectively with 125 tons of oil between them.
The year 1826 rather belied the prophecies of those who stated that the Macquarie Island trade was ruined. Considering the Hobart Town trade as well as the Sydney, as great an amount of shipping made for the extreme southern islands as had ever been known to seek its storm-bound coast. No less than eight visits were made by six different vessels, but nothing of moment is recorded for our information. Mr. Underwood, who was interested in the southern trade, visited the islands in the Perseverance, as also did Mr. White in the Brutus. The Sydney Packet, which sailed in August, took 22 men and their stores to Mr.
The following year the trade continued with equal vigour. The Sydney Packet, having taken in 56 tons of oil from the west side of Macquarie Island, left for Auckland Island, where she procured wood and water, intending to go round Cape Horn and so on to England. Captain Taylor sailed on 4th March and made eastward, but after being 10 hours at sea, it was discovered that the vessel had sprung a leak and could not continue her journey. An attempt was made to reach Sydney, but such a steady succession of northerly weather was encountered that the idea of reaching that port had to be abandoned, and a course was shaped for the Derwent, which was reached on 8th March.13
Of the other vessels in the trade this year the Perseverance made two trips, bringing in all 88 tons of oil to port, and the Governor Arthur, which had been purchased by Mr. McQueen for £900 for the Macquarie Island trade, two trips, with 23 tons. The Elizabeth and Mary brought seal skins with her other cargo and called at New Zealand. In her one trip the Lord Rodney brought up 100 tons. The Rolla completed the list for the year, sailing for London via Macquarie Island.
The busy trade of 1826 and 1827 appears to have been too much for the islands to maintain, and beyond one trip at the end of the year, there are records of only two voyages in 1828. One of these was by the Elizabeth and Mary (June to September), when she met with very severe weather, losing her boats and bulwarks. The other was the last voyage of the Perseverance. This vessel left Sydney on 7th September with fishing stores, and a call at New Zealand was in her programme. Two years passed before tidings were heard of her. On 22nd September, 1829, the Elizabeth and Mary returned to Sydney with her crew, with the news that the vessel herself had been wrecked at Campbell Island in October, 1828. Beyond a statement that two of the crew were drowned, no particulars were given.
The Perseverance, it will be remembered, was the discovery vessel of Campbell Island in 1810, and, with the
Faith, on 22nd December—and on her return brought two gangs of men who had been left there thirty months before. For all that time they had lived for the most part on mutton birds, which is the first reference to that southern table delicacy we have found. They reported that the swarms of elephants and seals had now left the island, owing to their continued persecution. Several men belonging to the gangs are stated to have got away, but it is not explained in what manner. When the Faith appeared off the island, the cook of one of the gangs became so overjoyed at the termination of his long exile that he laid his head between his mate's feet and quietly expired. The gangs had collected 200 tons of oil, of which 60 were brought up in the Faith. The sailors caused considerable amusement in Sydney by bringing up numbers of Macquarie Island parrots, “which are the glibbest birds of the loquatious tribe,” to sell or give away among their friends.
Again, as is the case of the Solander Island gangs, it is to be regretted that no mention is made of the vessel which left these men ashore. If correctly described as having been left there for thirty months, at a date which would probably be about February, 1830, the gangs must have been left there about August, 1827. The Elizabeth and Mary left Sydney for Macquarie Island on 13th April and 2nd August, 1827, and we have no record of a vessel between these dates. The Perseverance, however, sailed on 20th August, and left Macquarie Island on her return on 25th September, visiting the island again about the beginning of 1828. On her next trip she was, in October, wrecked at Campbell Island. The story of the gang fits in with the movements of the Perseverance.
IT is hard to decide under what designation to classify the voyage of the General Gates. She was called after an American General in the War of Independence, was one of the numerous band of American sealing vessels which frequented the Australasian coasts, sailed from Boston on 20th October, 1818,1 under the command of Abimeleck Riggs,2 and reached Sydney on 4th June, 1819.
Her subsequent inglorious career has made her notorious in history.
After being fitted for the voyage she sailed on 29th June for the Bay of Islands. Among her passengers were the Revd. Mercury incurred the ire of the Governor at Sydney for stealing a convict woman, the Americans had taken away from Sydney a great number of convicts. Paterson, when Lieutenant-Governor, as far back as 1804, had attempted to stop the evil, and in a proclamation dated 11th August of that year, mentions “the injury His Majesty's service sustains by the numerous convicts that have escaped and been received on board American ships on their departure.” Riggs surpassed all previous records. He enticed five convicts on board, and allowed another five to stow away. He also took a freeman, who had not obtained a clearance. Eleven men left in the one ship, and what made his action the more serious was that the very best mechanics in the Government employ had been selected. On arrival at the Bay of Islands the men were formally put on the ship's articles and employed in ordinary work on board.
On 15th September, she sailed from the Bay of Islands on a sealing expedition which took her in due course to Dusky Sound. There the frightful character of the captain manifested itself in imprisoning the men, placing them in irons, tying them up to the rigging, flogging them and then rubbing brine into the wounds caused by his punishment. The chief objects of his brutality were the prisoners he had smuggled on board while in Sydney and he put forward the pretext that the men were going to steal one of his boats. His stay at Dusky was not a success. He, however, landed a gang on the south coast, and returned to the Bay of Islands. Two other places called at were named Camel Island, where the ship went ashore, and Chanchi Harbour, probably Chalky Harbour.3
On 12th April, 1820, H.M.S. Dromedary was in the Bay of Islands returning from Sydney, and on the look out for a cargo of spars to take to England for the Navy. The General Gates was there too. Having received information of the condition of affairs that prevailed on the American ship, Captain Skinner paid her a visit, and found, as had been represented, that a large number of Sydney convicts were on board. These were all gathered together and taken on board the
In due course, the captain was brought before the Sydney Court, upon the charge of having violated the usual bond under the Port Regulations not to take away a convict without the Governor's permission, and fined in 12 penalties of £500 each; 11 for carrying away so many persons, and one for quitting the harbour without a clearance. In giving judgment Mr. Justice Field said, “It appeared by the evidence before the Court, that this American, being suffered to refresh his ship here, while partaking of a valuable fishery, which we might, if we
5
This judgment was given on 15th September, 1820. When it was satisfied is not recorded, but it must have been before the end of November, 1820, because on the 25th of that month, we find the captain advertising the list of men who were accompanying him. American files report that after a detention of nine months in Sydney, the General Gates was liberated in January, 1821, and in February sailed for the prosecution of her voyage after seals.
She appears to have sailed from Sydney for the islands to take off the sealing parties she had left there before her seizure in New Zealand. After relieving them, she visited Hobart Town, sailing from that port in further prosecution
7
New Zealand Cannibals.“In the
Sultanafrom London arrived Mr.Joseph Price of Wilmington, Del., who was one of the crew of the brigof Boston. He furnishes the following account of the capture and butchery of most of the boats crew that landed on the coast of New Zealand.General Gates “Sailed from Hobart Town, Van Dieman's Land, August 10, 1821, and on the 21st myself and 5 others, viz.: Thomas Router of London; James Webster; William Rawson of N. London; William Smith and
James West both of New York, were landed on the coast of New Zealand in a whale boat with provisions, for the purpose of procuring seal skins.“In six weeks we procured 3563 skins and the 11th of October we were taken by the natives of New Zealand between 10 and 11 o'clock at night. They set fire to our huts, burnt our skins, and the provisions we had left. They tied our hands behind our backs and we were marched by them to Lookinglass Bay which was upwards of 150 miles. During the whole of this time we had nothing to eat but roasted fish which the natives subsist on themselves:—Thence to Sandy Bay which is better than 200 miles; —when we arrived here, there was a tribe of savages who took us before their King and Queen, and the moment we were brought before them
John Router , of London, was ordered to be killed. They tied him to a tree, and two Savages one before and one behind him, with a club each, knocked him on the head. They then cut off his head and buried it; the rest of the body these inhuman people deposited in a kind of oven, under ground, and roasted it as a person would roast an animal—of this they gave us to eat, and having nothing else we partook of it, which tasted very much like roasted pork. Consider dear reader, what a state our mind must be in at those awful moments. They tied the remaining five of us to a tree with fifty toguard us; the next day James Webster was killed and roasted; the day after this William Rawson of New London was killed and roasted; and the following day William Smith of New York, shared the fate of his unhappy companions. On the next day from what we could understand from the chief, James West , of New York, was to die; but fortunately for us, the night previous to his intended fate, a heavy squall rose from the east with rain, thunder and lightning, which so frightened the natives that they all ran away towards the west, making such a yelling noise as I never heard before, leaving us under the tree. We now untied each other, and walked away towards the beach where our boat was laying, which was about seven miles as nigh as we could guess. We now found our boat, two oars and the steer-oar, with her masts and sails. At the joy of finding our boat, I thought I was so strong as to carry her myself; we immediately launched her into the surf, and happy for us that Providence directed us to depart so soon as we did; for we were not thirty yards from the beach when 700 of the New Zealanders came in search of us. We were in the boat three days, having nothing to eat when we were picked up by the brigMaguary, captain White, belonging to Sydney, New South Wales, where we were landed on the 10th of November 1821.—Thence I sailed in English shipAdmiral Cockburnto the Isle of France:—thence in the shipJulia-Annof Calcutta to London. West was left in Sydney Hospital, sick.”
The account of the above in the “Boston Patriot” is in the third person. There is added “On each day the hands of their victims were assigned to the Queen, the feet to the King and the trunks to their subjects.” The brig is called Maquary. It has at the foot “M. Hall Books,” meaning evidently Mercantile Hall Books.
A similar account of the above gangs experiences is to be found in Polack Vol. I, p. 50, and there is little doubt that this writer obtained his information directly or indirectly from the Boston papers of fourteen years
Campbell Macquarie and the Governor Macquarie, trading out of Sydney and that the latter arrived from the Friendly Islands in November 1822, after an absence of fourteen months from Sydney, during which time she had visited New Zealand and then spent twelve months in the Society Islands. She arrived under Captain Hunter, but is evidently the rescuing vessel referred to. The Admiral Cockburn sailed for the Isle of France on 23rd February, 1823, under Captain Briggs. The report given to the Boston paper is therefore one year in error in fixing the date as November, 1821.
As Price and Webb reached Sydney in November, 1822, and sailed in February, 1823, they were there when Mr. Grono appeared before the magistrate with the gang of the General Gates (see post). It is to be wondered at that Price makes no mention of Grono's action. The brutality of
After placing this unfortunate gang on the southern coast the General Gates sailed for the Bay of Islands where she arrived in August with a gang which she had relieved. Her intention at that time was to call for her sealing gang in January, 1822. So stated Clark who left the vessel at the Bay of Islands and returned to America. On 10th November, 1821, she anchored at Matavai Bay with 11,000 skins on board, and on the 15th of the same month she sailed for the Leeward Islands.8
From what came to light afterwards it may be presumed that the General Gates did not proceed to the South Cape in January, 1822, as intended. She sailed from Whampoa (Canton) where she was on 15th March, 1822,
9 she steered for Hobart, which she reached on 2nd November, 1822.10 Here she remained until 5th December when she sailed for New Zealand. On 18th December she dropped anchor in Chalky Sound, looking for her sealing gang, when it was found that they had, only a few days before, been relieved by the Government vessel the Snapper under Captain Edwardson. Of the original crew of eight men, four had been devoured by the natives11 and one lost.
The crew stated, on being relieved, that they had been left ashore seventeen months before, which would make the date June, 1821, an improbable one in view of the known movements of the General Gates. It is more probable that this gang was left ashore during the same trip as Price's gang, —some time in August, 1821, or a period of fifteen months before. The seventeen months stated by the crew would mean that in August, 1821, though the General Gates was in the neighbourhood she had overlooked them.
A gang was left by the General Gates on this second trip to the south and it appears to have had as rough a time as that experienced by the first gang.
On 21st January, 1823, Captain Grono brought into Sydney the brig Elizabeth from the sealing grounds off New Zealand with 1,500 seal skins. In the press references appears the following:
“Mr. Grono, master of the
Elizabeth, colonial brig, appeared at the Police Office yesterday, together with 7 men, 5 of whom were Europeans, 1 an American, and 1 a New Zealander. Mr. Grono brought these persons from the West Coast of New Zealand, under the following circumstances:—Upon theElizabethmaking the coast, a boat came off, manned by seven men. They told the person in charge of theElizabeth, the master then being absent, that the natives were very hostile to the crews of vessels, and to the gangs in the vicinity; that a party of them hadlately killed four of their gang; and therefore advised them to be cautious. They further said that their boat, with themselves, belonged to the American ship General Gates,Captain Riggs , which was cruising off the Islands, leaving the chief officer Burnham with them. This latter individual is the American alluded to. When Mr. Grono came to a knowledge of this occurence, he proceeded on shore with a boat's crew, and took the men prisoners; under the idea, so he wished to impress the magistrates, that they were runaway convicts, and had now turned pirates in our seas. One of the men avowed himself to be an escaped prisoner of the Crown, but the others asserted their freedom, which no one was prepared to deny. They said there was not the smallest doubt but that Capt. Riggs would come after them to Port Jackson, as soon as information reached him of the event; which had before now occurred, from the gang of Mr. Grono stationed on the spot he took this party from. The free men were directed to be remanded till ample satisfaction could be procured as to their actual freedom, and the prisoner was ordered into custody, to be dealt with in the usual way. With regard to the conduct of Mr. Grono on the novel occasion, the Magistrates, in this state of the proceedings, could not withhold expressing their entire disapprobation at the perpetration of such an act.”
Grono is our old friend who, in the Governor Bligh, in one of the West Coast Sounds, relieved the survivors of the Active ten years before, and who, earlier still, was one of the first in Foveaux Strait. He got into trouble over this matter, and appearances suggest that he well deserved to. The fact that he left a gang where he took the other from, suggests that the gang in possession was taken away because its members had a good sealing spot which Grono wished to obtain possession of. Four men being spoken of as having been killed, would lead the reader to suppose that this referred to the gang which had been left at Chalky
Elizabeth returned to the Fisheries on 13th February, 1823, and probably took the gang back with her.
Light has been thrown upon what may have actuated Grono to take the extreme step of arresting the men and taking them to Sydney, by the unearthing, from among the manuscript Hobart Records, of the following official document.12
Sydney, New South Wales, 20th Nov., 1824. I hereby certify to all whom it may concern that I have it in recollection (tho not a distinct recollection) that His Excellency the late Governor, did authorise, and I believe request Mr. Jonathan Griffiths, Mr. Grono, and other Masters of Colonial Vessels to apprehend at sea, or wherever else they should meet with them, all persons whom they might know or get ascertained to them to be runaway Prisoners of the Crown, or persons escaping from the Colony to the injury of their Creditors, and in defiance of the Port Regulations, and that the said Masters of Colonial Vessels should deliver up all persons so secured or detained by them, to the proper authorities in any Port or Place within the limits of the territory of New South Wales and its Dependencies whereat they should first arrive.
, J. T. Campbell
Secretary to the Government of New South Wales during the administration thereof, by the late Major General Macquarie.
Of course if Macquarie appointed Grono practically to be a water police magistrate, his action may be defensible. The document is published, as it appears to have some bearing on the question.
The troubles of the unfortunate sealing gangs of the General Gates were not yet at an end. On 31st March,
Samuel, commanded by Captain Dawson, arrived from the southern coast of New Zealand with some news of the General Gates.13
“Mr. Dawson, the commander of the
Samuel, has brought with him this voyage a black Native woman with a child two years old. She had been taken by the American shipfrom Kangaroo Island and left on the South Cape of New Zealand, with a gang of sealers. After these men had been there some short time, a horde of the savages came upon them, and nearly massacred all the party. The poor Native, with her little one, took shelter under a rock, till the New Zealanders left the spot. For eight months the mother and child lived, without fire, on birds and seals. They are yet on board theGeneral Gates Samuel, and were in good health when rescued by Mr. Dawson from danger.”
This would give the date of the massacre as June, 1823, or perhaps a month or two earlier according to the length of time the native woman had been on the Samuel. This clearly indicates one of the gangs placed on shore after leaving Hobart. If it was June, 1823, that this massacre took place, it is plainly a different one from that described by the gang seized by Grono in January of the same year. We therefore appear to be in possession of evidence which indicates that there were three massacres.
On 18th June, 1823, the General Gates arrived at Tahiti from the Marquesas.14 The date upon which Riggs returned and found his men butchered cannot be given, but that he did return in due course was sadly experienced by the natives of Ruapuke, and their graphic account of the revenge taken, is given in the language of the Revd.
“It must have been about 1820–1830—I knew a few who were present—when the Maoris in the south first came into touch with the Europeans. The captain of a whaling vessel placed a few of her people in an uninhabited bay in Stewart
Island to catch fur seals, whilst he went whale-fishing with the rest of the crew. The natives, however, did not approve of this. Soon a number of men and women went across from Ruapuke to Stewart Island, fell upon the sealers, and killed and cooked them. They then looked for their provisions. At that time they were quite unacquainted with European things. They took the flour for white ash, and amused themselves with throwing it at one another and watching the white dust fly. Then they found something that looked like provisions, and they chewed it till foam came out of their mouths (it was soap), but it was not to their taste. Still worse did the tobacco taste, which they, therefore, called Heaven's gall (Aurangi). A vessel held some black seed (gunpowder), which they scattered about as a useless thing. Then when they had satisfied themselves with the flesh of the dead men and in the evening sat around a bright fire—oh! what a fright—lightning and flames of fire suddenly broke out amongst them. The fire had lit the powder they had thrown away. Some time afterwards some canoes with all their crews were lost, and no one knew for a long time what had become of them, until later some whale fishers came from Australia, who became friendly with the natives, and these brought the news that an American whaling captain known to them, when he found that the men he had left on Stewart Island had been killed and eaten, whilst sailing about, meeting some canoes, had sailed them down.” 15
Thus do we learn that Abimeleck Riggs took a terrible revenge upon the natives for the murder of his men. Mr. Wohlers speaks of the natives having just come in contact with the Europeans. Early as the date was, we have seen that 10 years before, the Europeans traded with the natives in this locality.
As further recording the movements of the General Gates, it may be mentioned that in March, 1824, she sailed from Waihoa for Manila, and in February, 1825,
16 What became of this vessel that commenced by stealing convicts, that experienced arrest by a man of war, that found her officers imprisoned, that ultimately had her gangs plundered and eaten by the Maoris or kidnapped by captains of sealing vessels, and what was the end of the inhuman monster who commanded her, remains a mystery. Diligent search by the author in the shipping files of the Boston papers failed to throw any light upon the question, and the burning of the Customs records of that port seems to close up all avenues to further information.
FOR the narrative of the visit of the Snapper to the coasts of Foveaux Strait we are indebted to the investigations of the scientists of the French Government and to the publication of these investigations in Paris in 1826. On 18th January, 1824, a French expeditionary vessel called the Coquille, commanded by M. Duperrey, 18 months out from France, reached Sydney and remained there until 19th March, when she sailed for the Bay of Islands. On board this vessel was a senior midshipman, M. Jules de Blosseville, who utilised his spare time collecting information relating to New Zealand from the captains of the various sealing vessels which then visited that country. Being at Sydney some 10 months after Edwardson returned in the Snapper, he obtained access to that gentleman's diary and observations and, in addition to this, had the privilege of interrogating Caddell the Maori chief and from him obtaining information first hand. The narrative following is from de Blosseville's pen.1
“Captain Edwardson had been instructed by the Government of New South Wales with the task of gathering phormium on the southern coast of Tavai-Poenammou (Te Wai Pounamu): he was given command of the
Snapper, a colonial sloop of 29 tons: he set out from Sydney on November 6th, 1822, and sighted the coast of New Zealand on the 19th: deceived by the appearance of the country (a) he entered Chalky Bay, and dropped anchor at the end of the creek Canaris, near a little island,(
a)The points of most of the headlands found in the neighbourhood of Dusky Bay and Chalky Bay are shaped like the fingers of a hand upraised.in six fathoms of water. The wind was blowing hard and the water was so shallow that, in passing the north point of the opening, the ship slightly struck on one of the rocks called Providence, although they are usually covered by 16 feet of water. The wind blew strongly from the north all the day; on the morrow it varied, blowing from the north east by east with the same violence: on the 22nd from the south east, east south east by south south east in a whirl-wind: on the 23rd it jumped from south east to north west, and was accompanied by large clouds of rain and hail: on the 24th the weather became less stormy, but still rainy, the wind being north north east. At last on the 25th it was fine with the wind varying from north east to south east.
“Captain Edwardson took advantage of the fine weather to explore the country. He found high mountains covered with snow for a third of their height. The woods were thickly tangled and impenetrable, and it was only possible to push forward by following the bed of the ravine His search on behalf of his mission was, however, futile, for he could not find a single plant of phormium. On the 29th he changed anchoring ground, and moored his ship in the little port which goes by the name of South Port. He had hardly dropped anchor when several sailors came on board from an American ship, the
.General Gates Captain Riggs had left them on this coast 17 months before to hunt for seals. The unfortunate men were in a most deplorable state and looked like skeletons: they had lived miserably in horrible suffering, fearing famine as well as the natives. All help and succour that humanity could suggest was given to them, but they were so weak that they could at first only take tea. When these poor sailors, twelve in number, were left by their ship they were given two barrels of salt bacon, and dry provisions to last eight months, but very soon the place where these stores were hidden was discovered by the natives: they took possession of them after having killed and devoured the young apprentice, who wasin charge. For about eight months the Americans had been hunted from place to place by the Islanders: two of them had been captured and at once eaten. Their hut at Chalky Harbour contained some disgusting specimens of their usual food: they considered themselves very lucky when they were able to have a little fish or the flesh of seals. They still had a small quantity of powder which equally divided between them all was their only means of lighting a fire in the woods when they lost their way. In spite of their miserable condition they had gathered together 1,165 skins of seals from various points on the coast. Mr. Edwardson agreed to take them on board. A few days afterwards the Americans having recovered strength, set out with their boat on an excursion to Windsor, a little river some leagues to the south east where boats could enter. “A long sojourn on this coast had given these sailors great experience: their advice turned Mr. Edwardson from the plan he had formed of going immediately into the Strait of Foveaux, then very little known. As he was told that he would not have temperate or settled weather until the month of February, he thought that if he kept out to sea he would surely lose his ship on account of the violence of the wind which blows successively from all points of the compass, and the enormous height of the waves which sometimes rise within an hour without any previous warning. The
Snapperhad been considered large enough to sail on this coast, there was no time now to repent of the choice made for this voyage. Happily the little ship bore herself bravely in all circumstances.“During the stay in Chalky Bay from the 20th November to the 26th December, the wind from the north-north west by west north west was accompanied by rough weather, heavy squalls and rain: the wind from the south east brought moderately clear weather, but they only had one really fine day.
“On the 12th December, Collins, captain of the American boat came on board with the news that he and his companions had been completely routed by three large
pirogues full of men, women and children, and a number of dogs. The unfortunate men, taken by surprise, abandoned all they possessed, and went into the woods towards Preservation Bay, which they crossed on a sort of catamaran hastily constructed of floating wood: they arrived in this way one after the other, except one man, who was never found. Soon a band of natives were noticed coming through the bushes round the southern headland. Mr. Edwardson went towards them in his little boat, and was astonished to find amongst them a white man who spoke to them in English, and another man called Stuart: both declared themselves fellow-countrymen. Mr. Edwardson took them on board with three chiefs. The man Stuart had come from Kangaroo Island with a wife of the country and two children to settle in New Zealand: but having with his family been taken prisoners by the natives, he had adopted their customs, and was employed by the Chiefs Paihi, Toupi and To Ouherra as a pilot round all the points of the coast and for finding all the different hiding places of the Americans. The chiefs behaved very well on board the Snapper, and were induced to give up the small boats they had just seized.“On the 18th December, the ship
dropped anchor in the North Port:General Gates Captain Riggs claimed the seal skins: they were all given to him with the exception of those belonging to three sailors, who, on account of their past sufferings would not return to their old ship: the crew was thus reduced by eight men, counting the four who had been eaten by the natives and the one who was lost. On the 22nd the boats were sent to Windsor to fetch the booty seized by the savages: the Chief Paihi forced the women to give it up in spite of all their efforts to keep what they had taken. Paihi and James Coddell, the first of the two Englishmen, embarked on theSnapper.“On the 26th the
Snappersailed out of Chalky Bay by the South Channel and made for Foveaux Strait. On the 27th we saw to the north the country inhabited by the tribe belonging to Paihi, the village standing at thefurther end of an open bay and on the slope of a hill. At half past five Old Man's Bluff Point was rounded and anchor was dropped in Port Macquarie in three and a half fathoms of water. While vainly seeking a better anchoring ground, Mr. Edwardson visited the native houses built on the foreland at the opening: these formed the village of the Chief To Ouherra: they were quite deserted, so care was taken to disturb nothing. This part of the coast produced phormium in great abundance, but there was no wood to heat the water necessary for its preparation. “On the 29th of December they set sail for the Island of Rouabouki, one of a little archipelago, which stretching from north to south forms a sort of barrier at the eastern side of the Strait of Foveaux. A boat was first sent to take soundings, and then the
Snapperdropped anchor in a good port on the western side, to which she gave her name. The Island itself was called Goulburn in honour of the Secretary of the Government of New South Wales, who had taken great interest in the advantages to be obtained from phormium. This is a very important place for the culture of this useful plant, and preferable to all other parts of the southern coast.“Mr. Edwardson, accompanied by James Coddell, now his interpreter, the Chief Paihi, and five sailors well armed, went by land to the native village, which was at a distance of about two miles. In this expedition he crossed very extensive tracts of phormium, and found everything to confirm the report given to him of the situation and population of the village, and of the abundance of this plant. Two women were engaged to come and work near the ship, with the promise of fish-hooks, nails, knives, scissors, hatchets, razors, glass beads and trinkets. They had brought two machines from Sydney, one large and one small for separating the fibrous part of the leaves of phormium from their covering, but these machines did not answer the desired purpose, and only became an object of scorn to the natives. So they were obliged to give up using them and to have recourse to other means for
facilitating the work of the women. The sailors of the Snapper, after having cut the phormium, buried it in large holes or placed it in a current of water, but at the end of several days it had undergone no alteration. They were then obliged to boil it in large boilers, a long and difficult operation, as firewood is never to be found in the places where phormium grows plentifully. Ten men working eight hours, boiling and then preparing the phormium with the large machine only produced sixteen pounds,—a much smaller quantity than the women could furnish. In fact, a woman working very quickly could make ready nine pounds a day, but the average result of steady work was five pounds a day. The phormium that had been boiled for twelve hours, and that which had been in the boiler for only half that time seemed to be in about the same condition. The only instrument used by the women was a mussel shell sharpened on a stone. They sat on the ground holding the shell in the left hand, which they rested on the big toes of the right foot, and pulling the leaves toward them with the other hand.“During the stay at Port Snapper one boat was almost always employed in seal hunting, and a good number were killed. The weather was usually bad, the wind blowing from the south west, west south west, west north west. On the 1st January, 1823, the weather was particularly bad, the wind blowing violently from the west north west, accompanied by sudden and frequent squalls. The sea was too rough to land on the shore.
“On the 18th January the
Snapperhaving got under sail lay-to off Old Man's Bluff Point. Mr. Edwardson landed on the west side of this point, and opposite some houses on a beautiful beach. He only found women and children in the village. The chief To Ouherroa was absent with the men. Continuing her route the little vessel was at noon in 46° 37′ south. She passed between Centre Island and the mainland. This dangerous passage was favored by a strong breeze. At three o'clock she entered Paihi Bay but not finding any shelter there, and the swell beingtoo great to allow of any communication with the land they headed to the south and lay-to during the night. The next day they approached the coast, the Snapperentered the bay, and the captain landed in order to go to the village to which Paihi belonged with whom he wished to conclude a bargain for phormium. Until then the relations with the tribe had been very friendly. Suddenly the natives conceived the plan of seizing the English and massacreing them. Their infamous design nearly succeeded.“Here is Mr. Edwardson's account of the incident,—‘I had just sent my sailors to the boat with the phormium which had been paid for when Toupi, Chief of the Island of Rouabouki advised them by means of James Coddell to be ready with their arms and to launch their boat as soon as they could. At this moment I was separated from James and my companions, and was going towards the gardens when happily I understood from some words exchanged between Paihi and the natives that they were meditating treachery and that the chief agreed without wishing to join in it. Immediately and without knowing what had happened to the others I walked quickly towards the beach, keeping very close to Paihi. I was resolved to revenge myself on him, and on a young child he carried on his back for any harm which might happen to me, but I intended at the same time to continue our trading if I was well treated… On arriving at the beach James and the other Englishman told me to make haste and get into the boat, which was at a little distance from the shore, because the natives wanted to take it and then attack the vessel… I got into the boat at once and we went towards the
Snapper, leaving Paihi to follow us in his pirogue with the potatoes he wished to sell. He soon came on board, and I reproached him warmly for his perfidy. But he maintained unblushingly that he had no knowledge of the plot. I left him promising to remain at peace, trade with him and give him presents if he would be straightforward and peaceable, but threatening him at the same time to come back to his country, and lay it waste if hemassacred any more white men. I also told him that in about eighteen days I should return to the Bay to take any phormium he might have ready. James asked to remain with Toupi in order to get to Rouabouki. I consented and we separated on good terms. Then it was that I discovered that during our stay on land Paihi's brother and another native were on board the sloop. It was to the fear, that they would be killed in revenge and to Providence that we owed our safety. Another circumstance also helped a little. The Chief Toupi fearing that if the boat was attacked the ship would return to his island and destroy his tribe disclosed the plot and strongly opposed it.’ “On the 20th January at noon Mr. Edwardson set sail for Port Mason; fearing by the signs of bad weather he could not reach the entrance he went to Easy Harbour. The sloop passed between the islands and dropped anchor in four fathoms, the wind blowing from the north with frequent squalls and abundant rain: on the 21st it blew with renewed force, violent gusts came down the mountains from the east to the north west with showers of rain and hail. On the 23rd the weather became less violent, and Mr. Edwardson was able to visit the neighbouring country. He found the water soft, stagnant and very bad. The thick bushes were overgrown with brambles, ferns and convolvulus. The ground was rocky with the soil formed of decomposed vegetation. There were no trees to be seen. Seals hid in the thickest part of the brushwood. The sailors killed a large number of birds, amongst others, linnets, pois, whattle birds, and saddle-backs. Phormium was very scarce, but there were some beautiful bushes of it with leaves fifteen feet in length. Bad weather prevented them from visiting Kackokow one of the islands which shelter Easy Harbour. This island is interesting on account of an Englishman's stay there. The unfortunate man pursued by natives hid himself in a cave on this island, and managed to subsist on shell fish. After a long time he was rescued by a passing ship and taken back to Port Jackson.
“On the 6th February the wind having changed from west to south west they put to sea again, and during the whole of the crossing Mr. Edwardson took his bearings frequently in order to make a map. On the 8th the
Snapperentered Codfish Harbour, formed by the island which bears this name (b) and Stewart Island. She dropped anchor in seven fathoms, with sandy bottom, well sheltered. The north point of Codfish Island was a mile to the north west by west; the rocks out to sea off Raggedy Point to the north east, four miles away.“After staying a day, the
Snappergot under sail for Paihi Bay, stopping broadside on before the village. The chief came on board with three hundred pounds of phormium, and received in return knives and iron tools. Passing afterwards by the north of Centre Island, the current drew the ship between this island and Triangle Rocks. There they were becalmed and dropped anchor in twenty-three fathoms.“On the 11th the sloop entered Port Williams by the north coast of Stewart Island, and dropped anchor in a sheltered spot in three fathoms and a quarter. The weather was very bad; wind and rain coming with redoubled force announced a violent gale from the west. Indeed on the 16th and 17th they experienced a frightful hurricane from the west point south west by west north west. The sea was so rough that the entrance to the harbour was like a line of breakers. In the sheltered places even the wind caught the surface of the water and caused a surf of eighteen or twenty feet on the shore. Hail and rain fell in torrents,—it was a terrible storm. On the 17th the weather calmed.
“The
Snapperset out on the 25th for the Island of Rouabouki and the next day dropped anchor in six fathoms and a half in the harbour to which she had given her name.(
b)The natives named this island Fenoua-ho(New Land).This island has only lately been discovered by the natives since they have extended their maritime expeditions.Mr. Edwardson seeing that in spite of all his efforts he was not able to load his ship with prepared phormium only, shipped a large quantity of potatoes for Sydney and left the Island of Rouabouki on March 5th.
“On leaving the harbour the sloop proceeded to Port Macquarie, and lay-to before the sandy beach, near the village of To Ouherroa. The captain made a present to this chief, receiving from him a small quantity of phormium and agreed to take one of his relatives with him to Port Jackson. They afterwards went to Paihi Bay. There the chief also brought them some phormium, but the waves were too high for his pirogue to bring any more. He seemed to regret that his bay was not suitable for ships, and pointed out a good harbour more to the east. This information was however false.
“Bad weather and the direction of the wind prevented the
Snapperfrom reaching Chalky Bay. She went in sight of land but was forced to put about. On the 8th, the wind blowing a gale from the north west, she was carried to Port Mason where she found a sheltered place in three fathoms of water with sandy bottom. On the 10th the wind subsided making the round of the compass. The weather was dull and wet. On the 11th the breeze freshened from the north east, rain fell in torrents and the weather looked very bad. At four o'clock in the morning squalls came up from the east north east and at nine o'clock they were out at sea. At noon the hurricane burst with such violence that the strongest and heaviest man could not keep on his feet against the wind. The ship laboured heavily. At eight o'clock the wind subsided and a deluge of rain fell. On the 12th the sloop set sail for Chalky Bay. On the north of Port Mason is a long reef stretching three miles and a half to the north west point west from the north point of the island.“On the 13th the
Snapperdropped anchor in Chalky Harbour in ten fathoms. On the 14th she set sail again and arrived at Sydney on the 28th of March.“The ships cargo consisted of tow of phormium, specimens of the plant in different states, potatoes, skins of birds, articles of dress, and objects of curiosity belonging to the natives. The collection of birds was fairly large, the naturalists thinking that it contained many new kinds.
“The ill success of the
Snapper'svoyage having shown the defects of the instructions given and the need for a larger ship, they sent the next year on the same errand the sloopMermaid, formerly employed in taking the plans of the north-west coast of Australia, and a scheme was drawn on a much larger scale for a voyage to be made by a brig around Tavai-Poenammou (Te Wai Pounamu).”As the voyage of the
Snapperhad chiefly for its object the collection of a cargo of phormium, it seems appropriate to add here the observations on the phormium or New Zealand flax, by Captain Edwardson, of theSnapper. This information was also supplied by him to the Coquille Expedition.2“This very useful plant of which there are seven known varieties more or less suitable for divers purposes, generally grows near the sea, on low and swampy plains. Its stem attains sometimes a height of fourteen feet, but the length of the leaves is rarely more than from ten to twelve. The length is only 10 feet even when the leaves are fully grown but as the ends have to be cut off, being good for nothing, threads of five feet can only be reckoned on. The roots penetrate two feet into the soil; the plants are propagated by shoots and not by seeds, as is commonly believed, at least this is what the natives say. It was not possible to make sure in what time a shoot once planted would attain its full growth.
“The lower part of the plant, near the roots, is extremely bitter; the native women make use of them when they wish to wean their children, rubbing the extremities of their breasts with the juice. When a young plant is broken off at about a foot from the soil each break furnishes a small quantity of a white and transparent gum.
“It is believed that the seed ripens in September and October, for in November there are no more to be seen. When it is squeezed it gives a yellowy scarlet colour with which the natives dye their mats. Before the seed is formed the stalk bears a red flower at the extremity; at a certain period the natives crush it; it then contains a little water of an agreeable flavour; of this they are very fond. When the stalks have been well dried they are used by the natives in the making of catamarans in which they cross the arms of the sea and lakes during their travels along the coasts.
“This plant is used for various purposes; it furnishes clothing, roofs for the huts, cordage, the largest nets and the string with which to attach the pieces of wood of which the canoes are composed.
“As the natives are very indolent and never prepare a larger store of flax than is indispensable for their needs a very large quantity of roots, &c., is lost. If a systematic trade could be established with the islanders, regular cuttings would tend to improve the plant and to increase its production.”
Press references tell us that Captain Edwardson returned with his vessel laden with curiosities of almost every kind from New Zealand. During the trip he had the misfortune to lose one of his seamen, 3
Of Caddell, mentioned in Captain Edwardson's narrative, additional information is given in the local press. He accompanied the Snapper to Sydney and was the hero of the hour there.
“Captain Edwardson, of the
Snapper, brings from New Zealand two chiefs, one of whom is accompanied by his wife. One of them is a youth of about 16, and the other is 30 years old. The name of the latter is James Caddel, an Englishman by birth, and whose history is briefly as follows: In 1807, or thereabouts, the shipSydney Cove, a sealer out of this port, was cruizing off the Bay of Islands, and had either stationed or despatched a boat's crew consisting of five hands and a boy (James Caddel the presentchief) to one of the islands, in quest of seals. The boat was taken by the savages in the vicinity of the Southern Cape, and the hapless men, with the exception of Caddel, were killed and eaten. Fortunately, in his fright, the boy flew to an old chief for mercy, and happened to touch his ka-ka-how(the outward mat of the chief) and thus his life became preserved, as his person was then held sacred. Being in too distant a part of New Zealand to indulge the hope of hastily escaping from a wretched captivity, Caddel became resigned to his apparent destiny, and insensibly adopted the manners and customs of the natives. About nine years since he was allied to a chief's daughter, who also is sister to a chief; and, by this twofold tie, he became a prince of no small influence among such subjects as those barbarous despots are destined, in the present constitution of things, to have control of…. He was in pursuit, with some other chiefs, of any boats or gangs that might unfortunately become subject to their capture, when Captain Edwardson succeeded in taking him. Just before a boat, belonging to the(American), which vessel Captain E. departed from on the 26th December last, had been taken, but the crew fortunately escaped. Caddel lost his own language as well as European customs, and soon became transformed, from an English sailor-boy, into the dauntless and terrifying New Zealand chief. It required some argumentation to induce him to visit New South Wales, and he would not have come without his partner, to whom he appears to be tenderly attached. For some days he paraded our streets, with his princess, in the New Zealand costume; but now, we believe, he seems to be inclined to return to civilized life, of which none can estimate the comforts but those that enjoy them. It is said that those people will return to their own country by the first opportunity.”General Gates
Rutherford in his narrative4 mentions this same man, whom he calls James Mowry, evidently meant for James the Maori. A meeting was alleged to have taken place between them at Taranaki, and Caddell was accompanied
The date given for the loss of the boat's crew, “1807 or thereabouts,” is probably a mistake, the correct date being 1810. We have seen that the Sydney Cove was at the South Cape in January, 1810; further than this, she reached Sydney on 12th April, 1811, and confirmed the information which had been received by the Boyd on 26th March of that year, of the loss of a boat's crew of six men on the coast of New Zealand. Though it is not absolutely stated that the crew belonged to the Sydney Cove, no other reference had been made by that vessel to a lost boat's crew, and it is more than probable that the crew referred to was that of the Sydney Cove's boat of six men including Caddell. This surmise, if correct, would make the date 1810, instead of 1807.
Further facts regarding Caddell are to be found in the description given by Edwardson of the natives of the South Island of New Zealand and contained in the next succeeding chapter.
Dealing with Rutherford reminds the author that towards the end of 1828, the Sydney press published a statement, that a man named Rutherford, who had been shipwrecked on the coast of New Zealand, and tattooed by and naturalized among the natives, was then in London practising the trade of a pickpocket under the character of a New Zealand chief.5
The whole of Edwardson's reports show him to be a man of more than ordinary intelligence and of considerable
6
During the last year of his life he was in the pilot service at Sydney, and the closing scene of all is thus recorded in the “Sydney Gazette” of Saturday 4th February, 1826.
Died.
At his residence, Sydney, universally respected, on Thursday last, Mr.
A Press notice describes him as “deputy harbour master and pilot for some years past and appeared to be generally esteemed, particularly among his masonic brethren.”7
His name is preserved to us in Edwardson Sound, the northern arm of Chalky.
IN addition to the work done by Captain Edwardson in developing the flax trade in Foveaux Strait that gentleman has also provided a most complete and interesting account of the natives of the south of New Zealand. Beyond the few scraps of information regarding the natives, which came under public notice in connection with their cannibal assaults upon sealing gangs, Captain Edwardson's information is the sole contribution made to science on the subject of the South Island natives. Like the rest of the Captain's information it comes down to us through the Coquille expeditionary officers, in the shape of an Essay published in the “Nouvelles Annales des Voyages” (Paris 1826). Tome XXIX., p. 161. The author subjoins a translation of this interesting and instructive contribution to New Zealand Ethnology.
Essay on the Manners and Customs of the Inhabitants of the Southern Part of Tavai-Poenammou(Te Wai Pounamu).“As up to the present we have had no definite information concerning the southern tribes of New Zealand, this sketch of their manners should be of interest. It will show that these savage people are in no way less cruel nor less warlike than the natives of the North Island and that generally they very much resemble them. The natives of Ika-na-Mauwi have been very truthfully described by travellers as being mendacious, superstitious, slanderous, proud, cruel, dirty and greedy, but at the same time brave, cautious, respectful to the aged, kind parents and faithful
friends; these vices and good qualities are also the characteristics of the inhabitants of Tavai-Poenammou (Te Wai Pounamu). “The natives who inhabit the shores of Foveaux Strait are of medium height, well proportioned, stout and robust; in colour they are darker than mulattoes, but the shade is changed by the diagrams and the deeply cut designs which they tattoo on their skins. The women are generally short and there is nothing conspicuous about their appearance; they consider tattooing as a prerogative of the nobility. These people, in their savage state, are treacherous, cunning and vindictive and push these vices to extremes. The greatest kindness and the longest friendship are counted as nothing when compared with some slight momentary offence. They are cannibals to the full extent of the word, and far from making any mystery of it they describe with complaisance their odious practices. Addicted alike to theft and lying they live in a condition of perpetual mistrust. Each has his own special retreat in the forests, where he hides everything he possesses. Their perversity is carried to such a degree that any idea of crime is foreign to them, and the guilty receive no punishment. If a chief pilfers anything from another, war breaks out at once between the two tribes, but if the larceny is committed on one of the common people, this latter can only indemnify himself by retaliating upon individuals of his own rank; he has no recourse against a well born thief. War is the ruling passion of these pillage-loving tribes; it is to their system of destruction that must be attributed the smallness of the population. They only attack openly when they feel assured of their superior strength and of a rich booty. In this case the loss of a few warriors of the lower class is not taken into account; but, on the contrary, if a chief be killed, his party gathers together his friends and his relatives and when victory rewards the band, death becomes the inevitable fate of the whole tribe of the murderers. If, on the contrary, the band does not feel itself strong enough, trickery comes to its assistance; it tries to surprise and
capture a few of its enemies and appeases its wrath in devouring them. The death of these unfortunates is seldom avenged. All the prisoners are adopted by the victorious chiefs, or else killed and devoured; their heads are preserved by a very simple process. The person who prepares these heads must not eat during the first twenty-four hours. During the second day he must not even touch any provisions, his food is given him by a slave. These men are armed with a spear about 20 to 30 feet in length, one of from 10 to 14 feet, and the pattou-pattou, which is to the natives of New Zealand what the dagger and the knife are to the Italians and the Spaniards. They never throw the larger spear, and seldom the shorter one, but they rush up at once and fight with the pattou-pattou, which is made out of a whale bone or a piece of the green stone which they call poenammou(pounamu).“The children are very mirthful and display great friendship for each other. They display a remarkable agility in their exercises. They amuse themselves by making kites, whips, and other playthings and little canoes; they dance together and use slings. The young men are not considered to have reached full manhood until they have attained the age of twenty; then, if they have learned how to use the spear and the pattou-pattou and if they are of a certain development they are tattooed all over and are declared warriors. The operation of tattooing round the eyes often causes them frightful sufferings of which the result is sometimes blindness.
“All these islanders, men and women alike, are modest. They observe upon this point most scrupulous strictness and are always completely covered by their clothes which consist of a rude mat made of flax and daubed with red ochre. Over this, in cold and rainy weather, they wear a second one made out of the bark of a tree named the
ohe;the first mat is the work of the woman, the other is made by the men. Their hair is gathered in a knot on the top of the head; on special occasions the men deck themselves with large white feathers which they fix horizontally in theknot and attach others at the same time to their ears. The women also adorn themselves with garlands of red and white flowers and with greenery which they arrange with distinct taste. Red is their favourite colour and shares with green branches the honour of being the emblem of peace. These leafy ornaments are not worn from any religious ideas, they are simply adornments. These savages cannot endure either the white or black colours; they cover themselves with paint and ornament themselves with flowers on the approach of a stranger whom they greet with these words, miti arowi, at the same time rubbing their noses against his, a very disagreeable ceremony for the visitor, but the only proof of his safety. Polygamy is permitted; during the absence of their husbands the wives are prodigal of their favours without distinction; the husband indeed considers himself flattered by all the attentions which a white man may pay his wife.“Old age is the object of profound respect: even a chief gives food to a man of low rank whom old age has deprived of his faculties, but no sentiment of affection is the motive of these good deeds. Nevertheless nowhere are the laws of friendship and the ties of relationship more respected. The men live generally to the age of eighty, and the women from 85 to 90. Upon the death of a chief, his tribe assembles and delivers itself up to joy. Birds, eels, potatoes are eaten, but no entrails or raw meat. Half an hour after death the head is cut off and preparations are made for preserving it. The body, placed in a box which is stood upright in a hut built on purpose, remains there for two years; after which the bones are taken out and burned and the coffin receives a new occupant. Common people and the slaves are enveloped after death, in their own mats, and thrown, like dogs, into a hole dug behind the huts; sometimes, but very rarely the friends of the defunct come and weep over his tomb for about half an hour; after which no one troubles about him for a long time. It frequently happens that the body of a defunct of this class is taken away and eaten during the night, but this is a crime punishable by death. If this
body remains buried, the bones are taken out after a certain time and are burnt. The bones of vanquished enemies are not consumed by fire; fish hooks, flutes and other objects are made from them and are worn as trophies. Death preys severely upon children of two years of age; the same ceremonials are observed for them as for their chiefs; women also are treated in the same way; with the exception of slaves whose bodies are immediately burned. “The principal diseases of these islanders appear to be elephantiasis and pian (the yaws) a malady very common in the Antilles; it appears to be caused by extreme indolence and the habit of remaining seated upon the ashes in the huts. Natives can be seen who have lost their feet and hands; their bodies are frightfully thin and their extremities rot away. Many of them also suffer from scrofula. Although diseases of the eyes are common amongst them as a result of tattooing and of the smoke in their huts, blindness is rare before old age and generally it is the women who are attacked. Diseases of the teeth and deafness are unknown. When a limb is broken or dislocated it is placed back again in its natural position and is fastened with splints and palm leaves and exposed twice a day to the steam from dampened herbs thrown on the fire.
“In building their villages the natives select the slope of a hillock facing a point on the beach where they can land and remove everything which could prevent their seeing the canoes and ships arrive. Their houses are neat and substantial; they are sixteen feet in height, ten in width and thirteen in length. The floor, which is raised a foot above the ground, is covered with a kind of wattling bound together with creepers; small openings are left in which they light fires when the weather is cold and wet. When a native falls ill, or a woman is about to bear a child, a small hut is built specially, a few fathoms away from the other houses; it is set fire to when it is no longer occupied. As a rule the gardens are situated a certain distance from the houses. Potatoes, cabbages and other kitchen vegetables
introduced by the Europeans are cultivated. During the winter season the potatoes are preserved by the same process as that employed by the Irish. “The men hunt, fish, build the houses, construct canoes and work in the garden; but they would rather die than carry their provisions; the women carry all the burdens. During the fine weather season, they kill the albatross, wild fowl, seals and rats, etc., etc. They smoke these animals and preserve them whole, closed up in bags, for several months. These winter provisions are sheltered from the rats on a platform on the top of a smooth post to which they ascend by means of a movable ladder. They make fire by rubbing quickly a pointed stick in the groove of the same kind of wood, the dust of which ignites in an instant. Their manner of cooking food consists in roasting meat or fish on the fire, or else they scoop out a hole in the ground, heat therein a large number of stones, wrap up what they wish to cook in green leaves and then cover up the whole with earth. The crew of the
Snapperadopted this method in baking their bread by means of red hot stones. Their canoes, which are well constructed and decorated with carvings, do not well resist a heavy sea, but when the sea is calm and smooth the rowers can send them along at a great speed. The war canoes are generally plain, and are from 70 to 100 feet in length; this is also the number of warriors and rowers; they travel with an extraordinary swiftness. The large fishing nets are from one to two miles in length and between ten to twelve feet in width; they are made of the fibres of the phormium without any preparation. The sea is full of fish.“Fresh water is found almost everywhere but it is not always of a pleasant taste. The country is infested by rats; no venomous reptile is to be met with. Small bats, iguanas, lizards, mosquitoes in great numbers, large flies, bees, crickets and grasshoppers are all plentiful. The sight of a lizard frightens the islanders although they often eat more unclean animals. These people had no pigs at the time of the
Snapper'svisit. Captain Edwardson gave them several,of which they have taken the greatest care. They appear to have fully understood the importance of this gift. “The inhabitants of Tavai-Poenammou (Te Wai Pounamu) believe that a Supreme Being has created everything, except that which is the work of their hands, and that he will do them no harm, they call him Maaouha. Rockou-noui-etoua is a good spirit whom they supplicate night and day to preserve them from all evil. Kowkoula is the Spirit, or Etoua who rules the world during the day, from sunrise to sunset. They call upon Rockou-noui-etoua and Kowkoula to come to their aid. Rockiola is the Spirit of night, the cause of death, of diseases and of all the accidents which may happen during the hours of his reign. It is for this reason that the natives call upon him and Rockounoui-etoua during the night. There exist fabulous traditions on the subject of a man or a woman who dwells in the moon. The beautiful and curious articles which they see in the hands of the Europeans make them regard the latter as a species of devils or spirits, heetouas. They watch the white men with the closest attention and spy upon their doings. Dissimulation, which amongst these people, spoils some good-natured inclinations, their vindictive character and their crafty spirit make them sensitive to the slightest offence; it then becomes most difficult to pacify them. If one chief receives a less valuable present than that given to another or if a present be made to one of the common people, the anger of the first knows no bounds. This touchiness makes the position of a stranger, who negotiates with these people and who, whatever happens, must try to please everybody, most awkward. The deaths of several white people may be attributed to the lack of prudent conduct. Amongst the numerous victims of the ferocity of the islanders may be mentioned Captain Tucker and the crew of his cutter; five men from the cutter of the
Sydney Cove, a whaling vessel, killed by Hunneghi, chief of Oouai on the coast of Foveaux Strait; four men from the schoonerThe Brothersmassacred at Molyneux Harbour; several sailors from theGeneralGates, and finally, three lascars of the brigMatildawho had deserted on account of ill treatment. Three others, who were spared, taught the natives the manner of attacking the Europeans during the heavy rains when their guns could not be used and also how to dive in order to cut the cables of the vessels during the night.“James Coddell, an ex-sailor on the
Sydney Cove, was captured at the age of sixteen years and had spent as many more years amongst the natives of Tavai-Poenammou (Te Wai Pounamu) when theSnappertook him to Port Jackson, where the officers of theCoquillesaw him. The man, who had married a young native woman, named Tougghi-Touci, had so fallen into the manner of life of these savages that he had become quite as open a cannibal as any of them. He had embraced their ideas and beliefs, accepted with faith their fables, had yielded to all their customs, so much so that one might have believed that New Zealand was his true native country. His vicious and crafty nature had caused him to be favourably received by the natives. In the first interviews he had with Captain Edwardson he had some trouble to make himself understood, and had so greatly forgotten his mother tongue that it was difficult for him to act as interpreter. He was considered a very dangerous man, but by not placing too great a confidence in him they found him of considerable assistance.”
The author is indebted to Mr.
Notes.“A tree named the Ohe” from the bark of which the natives made mats. This is evidently the whauwhi or houhi, the ribbonwood or “lacebark,” from which the Maoris in some parts, at the present day, make waist-mats for use in ceremonial dances. I have seen a dancing party of Taupo Maoris wearing these rough maro made from the inner bark of the whauwhi.
Names of Maori Gods.“Maaouha”. This is probably meant for Maui.
“Rockou-nui-etoua” “a good spirit.” This is, I think, meant for Rongo one of the few beneficient Polynesian deities. The South Island dialectical variation of “K” for “ng”, accounts for the change of pronunciation to “Roko”. “Nui” is great, and “atua”, god or spirit.
“Kowkoula”, a spirit or Atua.
This is Kahukura (lit., “Rainbow”), the principal national deity and war-god of the South Island people. In the North Island Uenuku is one of the great war-deities; Uenuku and Kahukura are both classic Polynesian names for the rainbow, which was the visible sign or incarnation (aria) of the god.
There are numerous places in the South Island, on the sites of the old Maoris pas, pointed out to this day as the shrines (tuahu) of Kahukura; an image carved in wood and tattooed, representing the god, was kept in this sacred place and consulted by the priests. On the summit of Te Pa-a-Te Wera, the historic peninsula-pa commonly known as Karitane, at Puketiraki (near Waikouaiti) Otago, the Te Irika-o-Kahukura is still pointed out by
Mr. T. Parata , M.P., as the atua of his mother's people.“Rockiola” a god, “the cause of death, of diseases”, etc.
This must be Rakiora (or Rakeiora) one of the ancient Maori atua. Some authorities say Rakiora was the son of Rongo.
.J. Cowan
MONSIEUR JULES DE BLOSSEVILLE made good use of the stay of the Coquille at Port Jackson in not only procuring for us from Captain Edwardson the account of the voyage of the Snapper and the essay upon the manners and customs of the inhabitants of the South Island of New Zealand, but also in interviewing the various captains of sealers at Sydney and giving us a descriptive sketch of the conditions surrounding that trade and of the character of the coast line. It shows us what detailed knowledge they possessed of the coast and makes us wonder that while such knowledge was in existence, the charts remained so incomplete. Probably the description given of the class of men engaged in the sealing trade and the absence of the scientist, were responsible for this result. It is not very complimentary to our national vanity, to be indebted to another nation for a record of the doings of our own people in South New Zealand, in the first days of its trade. De Blosseville's information is extracted from the same source as the two preceding chapters and is here given.
The fact that no harbours are described north of Milford Sound and that the eastern coast line is left untouched in a description of the South Island of New Zealand shows what an insignificant portion of the Southern New Zealand trade, up to 1823, centred outside of the limits of Foveaux Strait and the West Coast Sounds.
Island of Tavai-Poenammou (Te Wai Pounamu).“The coast of Ika-Na-Mauwi was one of the weak points in Cook's exploration. The entire island of Tavai-Poenammou (Te Wai Pounamu), with the exception of Queen
Charlotte's Sound, shares in Cook's account the same poverty of interest as the Southern Coast. There is nothing of importance till Dusky Bay is reached. This immense labyrinth was the only locality visited and then only with little success. Vancouver went in there afterwards, but added only a few details to those which the first passage of the Englishmen had made known. The Natives, who were hardly ever seen, consist of only a single family not permanently settled in this district, and one can well imagine, that the very slight relations to be had with savages of a very distrustful character would furnish but a few facts for observers. The natural history of the district was alone studied in a fairly efficient manner. The geography of the region leaves much to be desired. That is Cook's own opinion. I do not under-rate the excellent work done, as I am aware of all the various causes, which prevented it being more perfect. My only object now is to indicate the immensity of the task, which still remains to be completed. This task naturally belongs to the people, who by an ambitious desire for possession, have extended their government over these countries and the neighbourhood of the admirable colony of Port Jackson should provide the English with all facilities possible for attaining their end. At the same time it was no liberal ideas but merely the love of gain, which brought the English to these stormy coasts. “The spirit of discovery and adventure led to the belief, that the hunting of the seals, which frequent these rugged shores would produce large profits. The results came up to the expectations and this mine of wealth, opened up by the colonists of Sydney, and shared only with the Americans, is not yet exhausted. When a ship is fitted out for an expedition of this kind, it is provisioned for the whole duration of the campaign and its crew shares in proportion in the profits. How powerful must be the love of gain, when it can induce men to support the fatigues and privations which fall to the lot of the seal fishers! Having arrived on a shore which appears promising, they embark
in boats, and leaving the ship sometimes for several days, they explore the smallest bays and storm beaten rocks, knowing that where the sea is the most stormy, there will the animals, which they pursue, be the most numerous. The least useful men are left on the ship as a guard. The vessel remains in a safe haven and receives any necessary repairs,—sometimes even it is partially dismantled. Often it is the case, that if the hunt promises to be lucky, a detachment of eight sailors is left on these savage coasts with their arms, a boat, powder and such provisions as are necessary. The ship, which may be considered as a floating metropolis, then goes away to distant islands to establish other temporary colonies, separated at times by several thousand leagues. At the end of several months,—sometimes even a year, and longer still,—the men, who compose these little colonies, with the fruits of their labours, are called for,—that is, when they do not become the victims of a disastrous wreck, of which they know nothing, and which cuts them off from the entire world, but of which they would prefer the danger to the uncertainty which torments them. A long sojourn and continual exploration make them acquainted with the smallest inlets, the most hidden retreats, the full nature of the coast and the prevailing winds. No peculiarity of the region escapes their notice. They become acquainted with the productions of the soil and the animals which it nourishes; even the interior of the country, on whose coasts they have settled, often becomes the goal of their expeditions. “The seal fishing industry deserves separate consideration, and the only reason, why I touched on this subject, was that I wished to show with what care and in what detail the fishers explore the shores they visit. Did they possess the zeal and the knowledge which are necessary to ensure exactitude, the maps which they might draw would be of great value, because they would then be complete on every point. But as they are pressed for time and have none to spare for exact methods, the details which they supply, can hardly be considered suitable for the filling in
of the rough outline which Cook has left us. His principal definitions will therefore be preserved, and any new discoveries inserted in their proper place, until such time as a scientific navigator can verify and co-ordinate the whole. “The seal fishery is not the only speculation which has attracted vessels to these shores. Many have simply put in to one of the harbours for water, and others have collected cargoes of pine timber and flax (
Phormium tenax ) which grows here in abundance. It was to collect this useful plant, that the sloopSnapper, was despatched in 1822–3, by the Sydney government. Captain Edwardson, the commander, lent me his journals, from which I have compiled the account of his voyage, which will be found at the end of this narrative. I have thought it undesirable to omit any of his hydrographical and meteorological data. It is certain that sailors at least would have had reason to complain had I acted otherwise. The island of Tavai-Poenammou (Te Wai Pounamu) has certainly been much more carefully explored than that of Ika-na-Mauwi (Te Ika-na-Maui). Nevertheless it is much less known. It is only in quite recent maps that the supposed Banks Isle is shown to be joined to the mainland by a sandy isthmus, that Stewart Island is separated from the main island by Foveaux Strait and that Ports Pegasus, Facile and Mason are duly marked.“These corrections are due to the English vessel
Pegasus, but the existence of Milford Sound, Chalky Bay, Preservation Inlet, Macquarie Harbour and Snapper and Williams Harbours is only known to a small number of persons.“The Southern New Zealanders have only occupied the two extremities of their island and a few points on the eastern side. The west coast of the island is but one long solitude, with a forbidding sky, frequent tempests, and impenetrable forests. The height and rugged nature of the mountains, combined with the constant humidity of the soil are local circumstances which have impeded the development of the population. Two other powerful reasons must
be added, the barbarous habits of the natives and the lack of animals and useful vegetables, which have not long been introduced amongst them. These islanders possess well built canoes, notwithstanding which they never travel far away from their settlements, and unlike the natives of the North Island, they have supplied no information as to their coasts to the Europeans. They have only given a little information as to the interior of their island whence they sometimes penetrate. When engaged in these laborious journeys, they travel generally about ten miles a day through the woods, stop for sleep at sunset and only set out again an hour after sunrise. From these travellers it has been learned that an active volcano exists about 120 miles, or twelve days' journey to the north of Foveaux Strait, and that not far from there is to be found the greenstone, or Poenammou, which is so precious to these islanders that the search for it can alone attract them so far from their homes. This district has become a general meeting place for all the natives, even for those of the North Island; the object of the journey is sufficient to make them surmount every obstacle. “I shall now proceed to set down certain information, which is all the more reliable in that it originates from Europeans alone. From the data so obligingly furnished me by Captains Edwardson, Charlton and other English seamen I will describe those harbours of the southern coast, which are not to be found on any maps, afterwards giving certain information which has appeared of interest to me on the general character of the island. I shall commence by Milford Sound which has been recently discovered.
“
Milford Sound.—This harbour, which is situated on the west coast, may be marked (on the map) according to the position of the southern headland at its entrance which is to be found in 44° 35′ southern latitude. At about five miles towards the south may be observed an opening, which appears to lead into a harbour, and which might cause a dangerous mistake were the weather hazy. Great care must therefore be exhibited when the wind blows fromthe offing. In front of the entrance to Milford Harbour is a rock, which has the appearance of a ship under sail. As it stands about five miles from the harbour, it is an excellent guide; the channel to the south of this rock is the best, the northern passage being dangerous. A mile past the southern headland is a little island close to a projecting point of the land. Keeping close in to this island, a southern direction should then be taken, anchoring in the most suitable position. The depth varies from 10 to 5 fathoms. No inhabitants are to be found on this part of the island. In the forests spars of excellent quantity, large enough to serve as top masts for ships of the first class, are to be found in abundance. Enormous mountain ranges covered with perpetual snows can be seen in the interior. “Between Milford Sound and Dusky Bay there are several little bays or inlets, which deserve the attention of navigators, but I do not possess sufficiently exact information to attempt their description.
“Dusky Bay.—I have no details of importance to add to the information given by Cook and Vancouver. I only know that Facile Harbour and Luncheon Cove are preferred by the numerous ships, which are attracted to the bay by the seal fishery and that these animals frequent by preference Five Finger Point, Green Island and Iron Island.
“
Chalky Bay.—To the south of the West Cape is to be found the entrance to Chalky Bay, in the middle of which stands Chalky Island, from which the name of the Bay is derived. This island, which was noticed by Cook on his second voyage, resembles the Isle of Wight on the south coast of England and is formed of rocks of a whitish colour. The chart, which accompanies this narrative, renders a detailed description unnecessary, but it may be useful to state that the safest passage, by which to enter, is that on the south, leaving on the starboard side the table rock, which projects a few yards above the water. The bay, which extends in a north-westerly direction, is exposed to the winds from this quarter. They blow with greatviolence and vessels might find themselves in some danger although there is good anchor-hold and the shores are very steep. The best anchorages in all weathers are the northern and southern harbours; the first is especially preferable, for a vessel in distress it is a veritable basin. Rivulets and cascades afford easy watering but no river flows into this bay, which is as much frequented by the whalers as Dusky Bay. “
Preservation Bay.—This bay lies directly to the south of Chalky Bay. It is also deep but much less safe. Ships rarely anchor there and I have only marked it on the map from a carelessly drawn sketch-chart. I trust that the inaccuracies of this rough chart may be corrected. The South West coast of Poenammou is so cut up by inlets that a canal two or three miles long would establish an inland communication between the three bays, Dusky, Chalky and Preservation, which take up thirteen leagues in all and whose extreme arms almost come together at the same points, forming two great peninsulas.“
Windsor River.—This little river, navigable by ships, is all the more remarkable in that no other river is known on this coast. The sea breaks with great violence on the bar when the wind blows from the west.“
Port Macquarie(Bluff Harbour).—This harbour, the only one we know of on the south coast, is merely according to Captain Edwardson, an open bay, dangerous and much worse even than that of the same name on the east coast of Australia. It is blocked by sand banks, separated by a narrow channel, and the tides are so strong that a boat manned by five sailors can hardly master the current. The Old Man's Bluff point, at the entrance of the harbour, appears to be incorrectly named, for it slopes downwards and ends in some low lying rocks. I believe that Port Macquarie (Bluff Harbour) is known to many seamen under the name of Massacre Bay, some English sailors having been killed there by the natives, whose provisions they had plundered.“
Port Snapper.—This harbour is reputed to be very good. It lies on the west coast of Rouabouki Island which is also known as Green Island and Goulburn Island.“
Stewart Island—Port Williams.—The seal fishers all praise this harbour which is situated on the north coast of Stewart Island; it appears to be well sheltered. Its depth is from 8 to 10 fathoms with a sandy bottom.“On the banks of a fresh water creek extends a great plain covered with fine trees, of the pine species, which are of excellent quality. Although the ground is swampy it produces no flax (
Phormium tenax ).“Stewart Island possesses several other harbours which are not well known. To those which bear the name of Pegasus, Cod Fish Harbour, Mason Harbour, and Easy Harbour I shall not refer as I have found them all marked on a good map by Nozie, published in 1820. This same map has supplied me with the latitudes, which I have copied in preference to those of Captain Edwardson, whose authority did not seem to me to be sufficiently reliable to warrant the alteration of definitions already adopted by geographers. All the longitudes are based upon that of Cape West as to which the observations of Cook and Vancouver are in agreement. I believe that the chart, which accompanies this account, will rectify many errors, but I am far from believing it to be exempt from inaccuracies, in spite of the trouble I have taken to co-ordinate the data that I had at my disposal. On this chart
two Solander IslandsWill be noticed, separated by a narrow channel which Captain Edwardson says he saw when passing between these islands and the Middle Island.“
Foveaux Strait.—All the navigators who have visited Foveaux Strait have been struck by the resemblance it offers to Bass Strait and this similarity has seemed to them to be almost as exact in detail as in general outlines. Indeed, Solander Island is situated, very nearly, in the same position as King Island, at the western entrance of the Strait. The chain of the Rouabouki (Ruapuke) Islands represents that of the Fourneaux Islands, the land is, inboth instances, lofty on the southern side and low on the northern side, where the mountains are distant from the shore; Raggedy Point resembles West Cape, and Port Macquarie recalls Port Phillip and Western Harbour. Finally, if it is desired to extend this comparison to Tasmania and Stewart Island, Port Dalrymplemay be represented byPort Williams, and Entrecastreaux Channel replaced by Port Pegasus. The spectacle of isolation presented by two of the great promontories which face the South Pole has attracted the attention of scientists. To the valuable observations of these gentlemen may be added a new fact rendered more curious by a detailed comparison and more intelligible by reference to the map. The currents are much stronger inFoveaux Straitthan inBassStrait and the tides are also very different. Whirlpools are frequently to be met with and the position is one of great peril, when the direction of the waves is contrary to that of the wind. The most dangerous passage is between the centre island and the mainland; it would be most imprudent to attempt it in a light wind or at nightfall. The flow and the ebb rush through alternatively during the course of a tide, from all points of the horizon, with a speed of sometimes as much as from 5 to 6 miles. The water rises 10 feet and at new and full moon there is high tide at three in the afternoon. The triangular rocks which are visible at low water add to the danger.“The winds most to be feared in these latitudes blow from south west to west by north west. They prevail in the months of December, January and February, and are sometimes replaced by squalls from the east. Should a vessel be caught by one of these squalls in the Strait, it must get out of the Strait and gain the offing to the west with all possible speed.
“Without going into details as to the remarkable fertiltiy of the North Island and as to the products of every description, which it can supply, I have indicated how prodigal Nature has been in its favours to this region. I might even have contended that this superiority of
natural advantages could not be challenged by any of the numerous islands of Oceaniea or any part of Australia. If, however, a glance be cast upon the South Island, which is separated from its northern neighbour by a strait of only a few miles in width, there is nothing to be seen but the picture of a complete upheaval. Its surface is covered by enormous masses of mountains which, after raising to the sky their naked peaks whose barrenness is often hidden by snow, become clothed, towards their base, by a rich vendure and descend to the sea with suddenness and rapidity. No river can make its bed between their sides, so close are they together; the accumulated waters form rapid torrents, or else they burst forth, and leaping over every obstacle, fall to the sea in cascade after cascade. Those only, who have seen these wild landscapes and these scenes of disorder, which are caused by the action of subterranean fire, can possibly describe them, but even a rough glance at the map will furnish the observer with one curious fact, relating to hydrography and this fact again shows the most striking contrast, which exists between the two islands. “In the place of the splendid rivers of the North Island which bear to the numerous harbours the tribute of their waters, or which themselves form at their mouths bays as spacious as secure, in the South Island there are only vast gulfs, whose numerous arms conduct the waters of the ocean into the interior of the land. The traveller, who penetrates to the inland extremity of these deep inlets, only finds a few scanty rivulets, at every moment he meets with the same disappointment that he encounters on the coasts of Australia. All the bays of
Tavai-Poenammou(Te Wai Pounamu) terminate indeed in the same manner as do the bays and gulfs of this curious continent and I would cite, in support of this fact, to which there is no exception, Queen Charlotte Sound, Admiralty Bay, Milford Sound, Dusky, Chalky and Preservation Bays, and finally Port Pegasus. I am even inclined to think that Blind Bay, Dark Bay (La Baie Sombre) and Cloudy Bay were they more carefully examined would still further strengthen this statement.“Fine trees, useful for all maritime purposes, flax in abundance and numerous seals whose furs are very valuable—these are the resources that
Tavai-Poenammou(Te Wai Pounamu) has to offer. At one time they attracted the attention of an industrious people (the Americans) but it appears that the project of establishing a factory (for the fur trade) has been abandoned for political reasons. The study of these limited advantages, as well as the existence of certain favourable situations and of several districts suitable for agriculture, may soften the gloomy colours of the picture I have endeavoured to draw, but it is none the less, taken as a whole, completely true. If some day these lands are colonised by Europeans the South Island will only be a branch of the North, unless some valuable mines concealed in its ranges and already talked of by the natives give the island an importance later on, which it is at present impossible to foresee.”
THE period under review opens with a terrible catastrophe which befell the Samuel on the shores of Cook Strait and resulted in the loss of her captain and several of her men. Captain Dawson was well known among the commanders of New Zealand trading vessels. His usual track was to Foveaux Strait and down to the Southern Islands, and only as late as 2nd April, 1824, he had landed at Sydney a black woman saved from a General Gates sealing gang in the extreme south. On the succeeding trip, the
One of the English bound vessels, the Midas, which sailed from Sydney on 16th August, took advantage of the sealing grounds in the vicinity and called at the Auckland Islands on 27th August to fill up her cargo with skins. In 10 days she procured 1600 with the slight inconvenience of some heavy weather when off the islands. She then made for England, calling in at St. Helena.2 No doubt she was but one of many to adopt this course, and only to the
Another event of this year in the sealing world, was the report of a visit from an American vessel at the sealing grounds. Robert Campbell, junr's, schooner, the Newcastle, reached Sydney on 10th October after an absence of about three months, with a cargo of 900 skins, mostly clapmatches and wigs, and brought the news that a Yankee clipper, called the Thomas, had appeared off the coast, and as she had very few men on board of her, it was feared she would carry off some of the sealing gangs.3 This had been a particular weakness of American vessels during the days of the Bass Strait sealing, but no cases had been recorded in the New Zealand sealing. In the case of one American vessel—the General Gates—it was a charge which could be levelled against a Sydney captain.
An analysis of the sealing trade with New Zealand for the year 1825, taken from the columns of the Sydney press, gives us ten cargoes landed by, what might be called, the regular craft. Given in tabular form for facility of reference, the particulars are to be found in the following.
These do not include the specified trade with the Macquarie and Campbell Islands, excepting so far as the cargoes belonging to the Wellington and the Elizabeth and Mary, in September and December, are concerned. Both these vessels went south of the Aucklands, and it is impossible to say how their cargoes should be divided, but a substantial reduction from the total and the average must be made.
To obtain an estimate of values is a matter of extreme difficulty. In April, English quotations dated 16th November, 1824, gave the price of South Sea seal skins as ranging from ten to twenty-one shillings. The probabilities are that these figures deal with fur skins only, and do not cover the hair seals, which formed a large proportion of the total catch.
On the arrival of the Wellington in March her cargo of 500 fur and 2000 hair skins was spoken of as a “great success” and we may conclude that the voyage was a profitable one. In July the advices to hand per the Samuel were not of the most flattering kind, and it was apprehended that 1825 would be so scarce a year for seals, that each skin would cost on an average, from ten to twelve and even fourteen shillings.4 At anything like that cost, in the first instance, the London prices would indicate a substantial loss on all small cargoes.
The Alligator and the Wellington, sealing craft also, were both on the grounds when the Samuel was there, and had trouble of a most unfortunate kind with their own men and with the natives. The carpenter of the Wellington, which belonged to Mr. Wellington was reduced to great straits and had to be assisted by the master of the Samuel. All attempts to retake the boat and the absconders proved unavailing. The natives were reported generally to
Alligator, the crew narrowly escaping with their lives.
Sydney had a visit about this time of one of the American vessels engaged in the trade. The schooner Yankee, Captain Thayer, which left New York on 1st August. 1824, had been sealing at the Auckland Islands, and having secured 2000 fur skins, put in to Sydney to refit and to obtain a supply of provisions. The fine lines of the American build were much admired by shipping men and she was recommended as a model to the colonial builders. As a sample of her sailing powers, she had come up from the Aucklands in twelve days.5 She stayed at Sydney from 7th to 19th August, 1825.
The description “sealing grounds” as the places where the seals were obtained, completely hides the localities where the trade was mostly carried on. We are, however, told of the Elizabeth, in March, that she left New Zealand from Dusky Bay.6 Its glory had departed from the time that vessels could fill up in its immediate locality, but there was still enough to be got to make it worthy of a call. The only other place mentioned is Auckland Island, and the author's opinion is that about this time and perhaps earlier, the maximum amount of attention was directed to its sealing rookeries. The brig Queen Charlotte, under the command of R. Jameson reached Sydney on 14th March with 2200 skins and 2 tons oil. She had come from Bristow's Island —another name for the Auckland Group—having sailed from that place on 27th February.7 The American schooner had been there and had seen the Wellington (Day), and the Elizabeth and Mary (Worth), both pursuing their occupation. The Wellington had sailed on 6th May to land a gang of upwards of 40 men at New Zealand, and then sail on a speculative voyage. The outfit was estimated to cost the owner £2500.
The Auckland Islands were also the scene of a melancholy boating disaster late in the year. The Sally,
Sally was not successful, spending three months to secure 200 skins.8 The Samuel also on her last trip for the year brought up 2000 skins from the Auckland Islands, which she left on 5th December, reaching Sydney in 17 days.9
Significant of coming events in the shape of a decaying seal trade having to be supplemented by another product to make up a cargo, we find a regular sealing vessel, the Alligator, after her boat had been stolen by the natives, bringing two tons of flax to Sydney in October, along with her cargo of 1460 seal skins. The overlapping of the Campbell and Macquarie Islands trade points in the same direction.
On coming to 1826 the decadence of the Sydney seal trade begins to be apparent.
It should be noted that in the case of the Liberty and the Alligator their totals are believed to include some Bass
Elizabeth and Mary visited Macquarie Island as well as New Zealand. The Queen Charlotte had sailed in quest of new sealing grounds, but without success. Her experience of the New Zealand natives was that those of the South Island were becoming more industrious in preparing flax for barter, hence her cargo.
About February 1826, the Sally, of Hobart Town, came up to Port Pegasus from her unsuccessful sealing at the Aucklands, where she had spent a period of about three weeks. There she came in contact with the expedition, under Captain Herd, sent out by the New Zealand Co., also the members of Stewart's timber and shipbuilding settlement. From Stewart Island, Lovett made for the Antipodes and the Bounty Islands, but without much success. Returning to New Zealand the Sally sailed through Cook Strait, where some flax was procured at a place called Tonggatamouree, and then down the West Coast to the South Cape, leaving New Zealand on 9th May and reaching Hobart Town at the beginning of June, with the paltry cargo of some 460 seal skins and 12cwt. flax, for six months' work and the loss of six men. While she was at New Zealand the Alligator (Farley) had sailed for Easy Bay on the south-west coast of Stewart Island, sealing. This vessel returned to Sydney on 13th May with the large cargo of 4400 skins. The Samuel had also arrived from the Auckland Islands. Her cargo, when she made Sydney on 28th May, was 3400 skins and 1 ton flax. The Samuel had taken her last cargo from the same place. The Elizabeth (Kent) was setting out for the Chatham Islands. Lovett, who is spoken of as an intelligent young man, on this trip found the natives very friendly and he brought with him two young New Zealanders who were put on board his ship by their people, a musket to be given for their services on their return.10 Unfortunately the Sally was lost at Launceston on 30th June with the loss of 13 lives. The two New Zealand boys were, however, saved.
On being referred to for information regarding the name “Tonggatamouree,” Mr. Percy Smith wrote: “Tonggatamouree
i.e., Tanga-ta-Maori, and apparently the Maori when asked the question as to the name of the place, mistook the question as an inquiry who were the people there, and answered, ‘We are tangata Maori,’ or natives of the place.” By this simple mistake we are therefore prevented from learning where the flax was procured. The Maori may, however, have meant to convey the idea that they were the natives of the place as opposed to others in the vicinity who had come from a distance; in which case it would point to the neighbourhood of Kapiti, then under the control of
The year 1826 witnessed the collapse of the sealing trade. Seven vessels laden with skins from the sealing grounds of New Zealand, supplemented from Bass Strait and Macquarie Island, brought 18,570 skins, or an average of 2653 per trip. These were the regular traders, the captains of which knew every rookery on the coast. The Sally, to Hobart Town, and the Samuel, to Sydney, returned with very small cargoes. The Hobart Town press of July, speaking of the Sydney sealers said, “The vessels from that port, which had gone on sealing expeditions to New Zealand, had met with little better success than the unfortunate vessel the Sally lately did. The seal appears to have wholly deserted these coasts. We reiterate our wish, that some effective steps were taken to protect and cherish this valuable article in our own straits and islands.”11 Another Hobart Town authority says: “The total annihilation of the fur seal, though insignificant when put in the balance with the moral evil, is notwithstanding, very important in a commercial point of view to these Colonies. Some years ago it was no uncommon thing for a vessel to obtain in a short trip from 80,000 to 100,000 skins, which at that time, owing to ignorance of a proper method of curing them, were as commonly spoilt. We stated in our last, the great numbers formerly obtained at South Georgia, and the Island of Desolation, where these valuable animals are now
12 The last decent cargo, 4500 skins, was brought up by Captain Drysdale in the Samuel on 18th March. After this date the size of the cargoes is seldom given, but they are stated to comprise skins, flax, potatoes and spars. The words of Mr. Levey of Sydney in 1824 were prophetic. Three years exactly had come and gone and the sealing as the sole trade of a small Sydney fleet was almost over.
Connected with the voyage of the Samuel, when she obtained the last big cargo of seal skins, is the loss of the Glory which had been engaged in the sealing trade for a considerable time.13 The Glory, commanded by Captain Swindells, was anchored at Pitts Island, one of the Chathams, on 15th January, 1827. At eight o'clock she struck the ground. A stream anchor was carried out and efforts used to warp off the vessel, but in vain. There was a heavy ground swell at the time. Warned by her striking again very heavily, Captain Swindells ran her ashore on the beach, saving her sails and rigging, provisions, 800 skins, 6 or 8 tons of flax, and a quantity of pork in casks. No lives were lost. The long-boat was got on shore, pitched, painted and provided with washboards, masts, sails and a supply of provisions and Captain Swindells with five others stepped on board and set sail for New Zealand, a distance of 800 miles. They made the Bay of Islands (although a heavy wind blew all the time), just as the Samuel was coming out of the harbour, and by her were taken on to Sydney. Captain Swindells, it appears, owned one-half the cargo and R. Campbell, junr., and Mr. Emmett each one-fourth. The hull was insured for £1200. Captain Swindells' voyage from the Chathams to the Bay of Islands, in a ship's long-boat, must be regarded as one of the most adventurous boating experiences of the early sealing period.
The event of the year 1827 was the visit of the Astrolabe, and the survey of the northern coastline of the South Island by D'Urville. The stay of the French
About this time Dusky was visited by a series of earthquakes. The Revd.
About this date a peculiar settlement took place on Codfish Island off the south-western coast of Stewart Island. At first the sealing trade passed through the stage when men were simply placed at a station for a few weeks or months to kill seals and then picked up again. Any inclination which the men might have manifested for taking up with the natives was largely kept in check by the well known treacherous character which the latter at times manifested. The Caddell incident indicated organised hunting of the sealing gangs in Foveaux Strait for plunder and
Wellington, in 1826, ready to desert and join them. At this time it must have been possible to live among them and the author inclines to the belief that about this date was started the European settlement at Codfish Island.
A number of white sailors took unto themselves wives from among the Maori maidens in the south and went to live at Codfish Island. The very nature of the settlement, under no head, working for no firm in any of the large centres of population and possessing no permanent trade of its own, prevented the possibility of handing down a record of their doings. One statement has remained unchallenged amongst southern natives, and that is that the first halfcaste child born on the island was the late Mr.
A glance at the table tells its own tale. Not only are the cargoes made up with flax, oil, pork, &c., but all
Elizabeth, which belonged to Cooper and Levey, was, on her arrival in January, put up for sale, with her cargo of 20 tons of flax, 10 tons of pork, and 140 seal skins.
On 17th November the brig Haweis, of 110 tons, and having a crew of 14 men, commanded by New Zealander. The balance of the crew, who were absent at the time of the massacre, were got safely on board Captain Clark's ship.14
On 25th September the Elizabeth and Mary, which, on her return from Campbell Island with the crew of the wrecked Perseverance, called in at New Zealand, reported the wreck of the schooner Hunter, on 8th June, at Entry Island (Kapiti). The crew were all saved.
Another vessel sighted by the Elizabeth and Mary about the first week of September, was the old Cyprus, which had once traded to Macquarie Island. Now she was sailing under a piratical flag. On 9th August she was conveying prisoners from Hobart Town to Macquarie Island, and put into Research Bay in consequence of bad weather. While some of the officers were absent the convicts rose, captured the vessel, and put the soldiers and officers, and some of the prisoners, ashore. The Cyprus then sailed away under one William Swallow (commonly called Walker). When seen by those on board the Elizabeth and Mary she was at Port Underwood, and went by the name of the Friends of Boston. She was freshly painted black and her figure head
Elizabeth and Mary got some fish hooks from those on the brig and they were wrapped up in a piece of Hobart Town paper.
The next mention of the Cyprus comes from Chatham Island. Mr. Worth sailed in the Samuel for New Zealand on 29th November, and returned on 7th February, 1830. He visited Chatham Island to obtain the skins collected by a party of sealers in the employ of Mr. Street. When he reached his destination he was informed that the whole kit had been carried off by the Cyprus, which had called there with about fifty hands on board. The vessel was stated to be in a very crippled condition, dismantled of part of her rigging, and with all her sails split and some in ribbons.
Her career came to an end at Canton. While the Charles Edward lay at anchor there in February, 1830, four men came on board and stated they belonged to the Edward, which had foundered off the coast. Before the President and Select Committee of Supercargoes at Canton suspicion was aroused through a second boat's crew giving themselves up and their stories not agreeing. They were committed for trial on 10th October of that year and stood their trial at the Admiralty Sessions, commencing on the 25th of that month, with the result that they renewed their acquaintance with the prison accommodation of Van Diemen's Land.
Of these vessels the Haweis is reported as coming from Stewart Island, the first record of such an event. The Caroline, too, traded in the vicinity of Foveaux Strait, and Williams, the captain, was making the arrangements necessary for the establishment of a shore whaling station at Preservation Inlet. Flax, pork, potatoes and timber were now looked to, to make up a cargo for the old sealing vessels. It is unfortunate that we cannot follow more closely the movements of the Sydney craft. If we could, the author thinks we would find many more vessels trading to the southern portion of New Zealand; but being limited to selecting them by the presence of seal skins amongst their cargoes, those which failed to secure any skins and were limited to the other branches of trade, escape detection. The reader's attention is called to the fact that though the number of skins became few in number there were still great numbers of men at hand to kill at every opportunity.
It was at this juncture the whaling trade commenced.
To show how completely the seals had been cleared off the outlying islands by the end of the twenties, the experience of Captain Antarctic will be quoted.15 Morrell sailed from New York on 2nd September, 1829, and anchored at Carnleys Harbour on 28th December of that year. On the 31st he made preparations for examining the island for fur seals and sent two of his officers to cruise round in two boats. On 4th January, 1830, they returned, having pulled round the island without seeing a single fur seal, and not more than twenty of the hair kind. Quoting his own words:—
“Although the Auckland Isles once abounded with numerous herds of fur and hair-seal, the
the Snares,’ one hundred and eighty miles north of Auckland Group and about sixty south of New Zealand… We searched then in vain for fur-seal, with which they formerly abounded. The population was extinct, cut off, root and branch, by the sealers of Van Dieman's Land, Sidney, etc.”
The great seal trade was over.
From the Snares Morrell visited Pegasus, called by him South Port, and then spent a few days at the Molyneux. There he found a village situated at the head of the harbour, Tavaimoo, a village of twenty-eight miserable huts. The best of the dwelling places he describes as being like barns, about ten feet high, thirty long and twelve or fifteen broad. The insides were strongly constructed and fastened with supple vines. The same materials which they used for daubing their faces they also used for painting their whares red and black. The huts were entered through a hole just large enough to admit a man stooping, and smoke escaped and light entered by a still smaller aperture. An inferior class of dwelling found in the village was about half the size of the above, and seldom more than four or five feet in height, framed of young trees and thatched with long grass. A few bags or baskets containing fishing gear and other trifles constituted the only furniture.
The natives of the Molyneux, in January, 1830, were evidently of a very low standard of civilisation, and although they must have been in touch with Europeans for some time before the visit of Captain Morrell, the contact had evidently not elevated them. The American makes no
Antarctic skirted the coast as far as Cape Campbell, all along the route the natives inviting those on board to land as they passed, but they sailed across Cook Strait and did not come to an anchor until some fifty natives met and took them ashore at Flat Point, beyond Cape Palliser. In this long weary journey Captain Morrell was accompanied by his wife.
Several American Museums had their ethnological collections supplemented to a very considerable extent by the voyage of the Antarctic.
FOR some time
The year 1825 was an important one in New Zealand history. Though the colonization of Australasia was still in its infancy, no less than three different schemes for establishing colonies in far away New Zealand were before the emigrating public of the Mother Country. These three were: (1) The New Zealand Company, prominent figures in which were George Lyall, Stewart Majoribanks, George Palmer, Colonel Torrens and the Earl of Durham. (2) A scheme by one Baron de Thierry, which, with the first named, related chiefly to the North Island. (3) The Stewart Island scheme inaugurated by our friend Pegasus.
The first came in contact with the third later on at Stewart Island, before it finally came to grief in the North Island. The second went so far that the Baron set himself up as Sovereign Chief of New Zealand, but the natives and everybody else laughed at his pretensions, and his reign was short lived. The history and fate of the third scheme, so far as the author knows it, will be found in this chapter.
In 1824, and early in that year too, Captain Stewart was in England, and judging from the terms of correspondence which passed between de Thierry and
Downing Street ,10th Dec., 1823 .
The Baron
Charles de Thierry.
Sir, “I am directed by
Earl Bathurst to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 2nd inst., and to acquaint you in reply that as the questions which you have proposed to his Lordship respecting the Island of New Zealand are founded upon the assumption that that Island is considered as a Possession of the Crown, it seems necessary to apprise you that you have been misinformed on the subject.”I am,
R. Wilmot Horton.
De Thierry was not satisfied with this reply and, fearful that Captain Stewart might succeed in obtaining some Government sanction and thereby prejudice his own scheme, he wrote the following letter to
30 Budge Row ,21st April, 1824 .
My Lord. “After the nature of the answers to the letters which I had the honour at various times to address to your Lordship, I would not again intrude upon
“your time respecting the Islands of New Zealand, if it were not that I claim an act of justice from His Majesty's Government, to obtain which, I cannot better address myself than to Your Lordship whose impartiality and Justice are so well known. The Act of Justice which I plead for is, that should any privileges be granted to any Individual in New Zealand, that H.M. Government will bear in mind that I was the first to seek this assistance, and the first to set on foot the colonization of New Zealand; I should not therefore be the last to be listened to with a favourable ear.
A Captain Stewart, of the whale trade, is to wait upon Your Lordship, to request that Government will grant him the Island which bears his name, on the Southern extremity of New Zealand. I will not enter into any length on the hostile tendency of the step towards myself, and will confine myself to two facts, the one, that he Deserted from H.M. Royal Navy, and only dared return to England on the general pardon some years back; on the other, that he has Deserted me, who had employed him not knowing his former offence.
I write not to you, My Lord, as an informer, but simply that Your Lordship may be enabled to draw a line between an aspirant who Deserted the service of the King, and a claimant who has served him faithfully, and will ever be at his disposal.
I have the honor to be, &c., . C. de Thierry
P.S.—After deserting H.M. service Mr. Stewart was prize master on board a privateer.”
If bitterness in a letter could have settled poor Stewart and his attempt to form a trading colony at Stewart Island, nothing more would have been heard of that proposal. If there is one virtue in officialdom, it is the impenetrable calm with which violent expressions are received in correspondence. No doubt the incident ended with the receipt
Prince of Denmark from London, reaching Sydney on 2nd March, 1825. One passenger, a Mr. Matthew, accompanied the vessel.1
The men Stewart completed negotiations with were Messrs. T. and D. Asquith, and it was left to them to continue the correspondence with the British Government. It was not until Stewart had reached Sydney that they made approaches to the authorities to further the scheme. This correspondence, or rather a portion of it, is to be found amongst the great mass of manuscript records, which after costing a mint of money to obtain, are now in Sydney, awaiting, apparently with little prospect of success, authority from the New South Wales Government for publication. The details available are contained in this letter.
Lewisham ,11th April 1825 .
To the Right Honourable
the Earl of Bathurst.“Permit us to call your Lordship's attention to the following statement.
“In the month of October last year we entered into a speculation the object of which was cultivating flax and procuring timber at that part of New Zealand called Stewart's Island, to accomplish which we have engaged a person named Stewart, a man apparently well qualified for the undertaking, and from whom the island takes its name.
“To forward the enterprise we have since purchased another vessel named the
Lord Rodney.She is now in the London Dock nearly ready for sea, the expense attending both ships amount to about £5000.“We further beg to inform your Lordship that one Company is already in existence and another forming for the same purpose, namely collecting
“Flax and Timber at New Zealand their intentions agreeably to their professions will be to form Settlements on the more Northern parts of the Country, but to guard against any interference on their part at Stewart Island we have taken the liberty of thus addressing your Lordship under the persuasion that having advanced Capital to the above amount you will not refuse granting us protection for that portion of New Zealand we have already made choice of.” We have the Honor to be, &c., T. and D. Asquith .
Two vessels are spoken of as being covered by the speculation, but only one of them, the Lord Rodney, is named. The arrival of Stewart at Sydney gives us the name of the first vessel and removes from our minds all doubt of what was Stewart's position when he brought the Prince of Denmark to Sydney. He came in the employ of the Messrs. Asquith, representing the syndicate that had been formed, and the Prince of Denmark was sent out by them. After his departure, they set about getting a second vessel and secured the Lord Rodney.
Arriving in Sydney in March, 1825, Stewart lost no time in getting his arrangements made for going to New Zealand and he inserted the following advertisement in the local papers.
“For New Zealand, to sail in fourteen days the Fine fast sailing schooner Prince of Denmark,
The fourteen days had to be prolonged to over two months before the Prince of Denmark left “for New Zealand, and thence on an unknown speculating trip.” She left for the Bay of Islands, on 19th May.
What Stewart did at New Zealand during this trip is not quite certain. The author would like to be able to fill up all gaps, but a desire not to invade the realm of fiction compels him to say, that little definite information is available beyond that the Prince of Denmark sailed from New Zealand on 1st, and reached Sydney on 18th, December, 1825, having on board only 450 seal skins and one passenger, Mr. John Lee.2
The schooner, in the course of her voyage, went into very high latitudes, and experienced weather of the utmost severity. One man well known in Sydney, Captain Rook, got frost-bitten, lost the use of his limbs, and died. While the vessel was lying at the Bay of Islands, with only seven men on board, the rest being absent with the sealing gangs, Hongi, the Maori chief, went on board with a number of natives and took away everything moveable and within his reach. No violence was used, but everything was taken and the natives went quietly ashore. So quickly was the whole think done that although there were two whaling vessels at hand no assistance could be rendered.
From what transpired subsequently the presumption is that Stewart on this voyage visited Stewart Island and decided to establish a timber and shipbuilding yard at Port Pegasus, the harbour he had surveyed in 1809. The object of the syndicate was to collect flax and timber and this would naturally occupy Stewart's attention first.
Judged by the cargo, Stewart's first trip in the Prince of Denmark, was a complete failure. A cargo of 450 seal skins would hardly pay the crew's wages. Of course plans may have been put in train for subsequent trade.
On 19th January, 1826, Stewart sailed on his second voyage. He made for the Bay of Islands and there met an English shipbuilder named Prince of Denmark and to bring with him a number of Europeans, who were at that time about the Bay. The names of all these—seven in number—are not available but the following accompanied
Stewart took the party to Port Pegasus and there commenced a timber and shipbuilding yard, probably at Shipbuilders Cove. While stationed there, in 1827, Cook's second son, Harry, was born. Harry Cook is still alive and residing at the Bay of Islands. The skill of his father in boat building still lives in the hand of his son, who at fourscore and two years of age can build a boat or pull an oar to the envy of the second generation.3
Giving Stewart two months to get his shipbuilders to Pegasus would bring the date to about April, 1826, and operations had not long been commenced when the Port had the honour of a visit from the emigrant fleet of the New Zealand Company, which was being floated in London when Stewart was there preparing his own little venture.
The Company, having commenced operations, despatched two vessels to New Zealand, at an expense exceeding £20,000. It obtained the promise of a charter from the Government of George the Fourth, and acquired tracts of land, among other places at Herd's Point on the Hokianga, at Manakau, on Waikeke Island, and at Paroa, and on the borders of the Thames.4 The first batch of their immigrants reached New Zealand in 1826, in the ship Rosanna and the cutter Lambton, the former under Captain Herd and the latter under Captain Barnett. Herd had command of the expedition. That gentleman took them into Port Pegasus on their road to the Thames, their intended destination in the North.
The New Zealand Company's expedition is thus described by Captain Lovett, of the Van Diemen's Land sealer Sally, which called it at the port before Herd left:—
“His ship had on board a full cargo of emigrants, proceeding in the same vessel to form a new English Settlement on the banks of the River Thames at New Zealand. Captain Herd merely touched at Stewart's
“Island for the purpose of getting his firearms and ship's guns ready for their protection, in case of an attack from the New Zealanders on their arrival at their destination. His vessel had also on board many sheep and cattle and other live stock. Captain Herd intends to take in a return cargo of New Zealand flax.” 5
Lovett also added that both vessels were provided with arms and intended to cruise for the protection of the colonists and to fish, for a period of three years.6
Herd spent six weeks in Port Pegasus, much of the time being devoted to ascertaining the correct position of the various spots in and around, and found that as given by Stewart in 1809 they were not to be relied upon. Surprised at some of the inaccuracies he called the attention of Stewart, who was there at the time, to the discrepancies, and learned that all Stewart's work had been done with a quadrant and a boat compass but with no artificial horizon. The wonder was that the chart was as accurate as it turned out to be.7 Herd's positions were generally accepted as correct by the mercantile marine of the world.
Describing Southern Port, Herd says:—“This harbour or sound would contain the whole Navy of Great Britain secure from all winds; at present it affords a Station for New South Wales seal fishers, who are not very successful. A ship bound from India to Peru, or Chili, may, in case of carrying away a topmast or yard, supply herself here or recruit her water; which, by the way is not very good. When we were here it had a reddish tinge, and imparted that colour to every thing it touched, and was also very astringent, which we thought was caused by the decayed vegetables it ran through. This is the most rainy and boisterous part of the world I was ever in.”
On his road to Pegasus he passed the Snares and took particular note of their position and general appearance.
Sailing from Stewart Island, Herd skirted along the eastern coast of the Middle Island, calling in at Otago and giving the following description of that port:—
“Port Otago is an inlet, or arm of the sea, running up about 9 miles S.S.W. making a peninsula of the land on which is Cape Saunders, bearing from the said cape N. b W. by compass, about 2 leagues distant. This is a well-sheltered harbour, with a bar across the entrance, having 3½ fathoms over it at low water, and from 7 to 9 fathoms inside. The course in, is S. b E. keeping the larboard, or east shore, on board, until a mile and a half within the heads, when a vessel will be completely land-locked. As the bar is within the heads, there is never any sea on it. Variation 17° 5′ E. High-water full and change 20 minutes past 3 p.m. The tide rises about 9 feet. In latitude 45° 24′ 26″ and longitude 170° 50′ lies a reef nearly level with the water, and about 3 miles from the shore, on which we had nearly struck.”
As a result of very careful calculations made on the coast he states that from Point Lookers On to Cape Campbell, Cook had placed the land 15 or 20 miles too far to the east. Herd was the first navigator to give details of Port Underwood, which he calls Mangi Nui Harbour, and Port Nicholson, which he calls Wangi Nui Atra or Nicholson's Harbour. Arrived at his destination the conditions were such as to deter him from going on with the settlement and the expedition left New Zealand on 30th January, 1827, and sailed on to Sydney, where it arrived on 11th February.
It would appear that Herd on leaving Sydney for England sailed through Cook Strait, as in the “Nautical Magazine,” when giving his method of determining various places mentioned there, he describes the steps taken “on the outward voyage” which would mean the voyage with the expedition in 1826, and continues: “Homeward bound, nine days from Sidney (where the chrons. were rated), the situations were corroborated by the means of three chrons.” If so, Herd, who sailed for London on 15th June, 1827, must have looked in at Ship Cove about 24th June.
Captain Lovett was the first to bring to Hobart Town the news of Stewart's settlement:—“Captain Stewart of the ship Prince of Denmark had also arrived from England and had commenced his settlement on his own or Stewart's Island, which since the discoveries of Captain Cook was supposed to form the southern extremity of Tavai Poenamboo (Te Wai Pounamu), or the southern island; but which Captain Stewart first discovered to be an extensive island separated from the main by a strait of 20 miles.”6 Here we have set up, for the first time apparently, the claim of Stewart to be the actual discoverer of the Island, at a date 17 years after the event. The editor of the “Oriental Navigator” when publishing Stewart's surveys in 1816 did not mention such an interesting piece of history. Herd, who spoke to Stewart himself when at Pegasus at this time, says nothing of the claim. It remained for Lovett, of the small Hobart Town sealer, to declare that fact to the world. The author therefore concludes that it is one of Stewart's contentions, made when the syndicate was being formed, which found its way into the prospectus but was ineligible for a place in the Warden's report.
Stewart left New Zealand on 21st August and returned to Sydney on 8th September, 1826, with 460 sealskins and a ton and a half of flax. Probably he sailed from Pegasus. Another voyage a failure. So far the prospects of success for Stewart were not bright.
The third—and the last—voyage was commenced on 3rd November.
Away down on the lonely isles of the Antipodes, on an almost precipitous ledge of rock and tussock, is a solitary grave. Over it, until recently taken away by some vandal, was an old totara board with a very faded inscription. In the year 1888, it was reported to have been deciphered, by a party who then examined it, to read as follows:—
To the M—— Foster, chief officer of the scho
Prince of Denmark, who was unfortunately drowned —–ke the Boat Arbour—–
14th day of December 1825.8
The date cannot have been deciphered correctly because the Prince of Denmark was within four days' sail of Sydney on 14th December, 1825. It could be 1826, because she sailed from Sydney on 3rd November of that year. The month or the year has been wrongly deciphered. Captain Bollons of the s.s. Hinemoa, who saw the old totara board, states that 1826 was the date thereon, not 1825. This little fragment, picked up in that out of the way spot, shows us what desperate attempts Stewart was making to bring in a profit to his syndicate. The trip was away down to the southern islands and to the Antipodes in particular. This was 1826, and we remember that in 1805, when in the employ of the firm of Campbell & Co., it was Venus, who opened the trade.
Stewart's scheme was doomed. The third trip of the Prince of Denmark did not redeem the financial failure of the first two and the inevitable had to take place. What the exact position was is not clear but it was such as to bring into existence the following advertisement:—
“Vice Admiralty Court, New South Wales, September 4, 1827: On Monday next, the 10th Instant, at the Kings Wharf, at 1 o'clock, will be exposed for Public Sale, for the Benefit of the Claimants, the Schooner
Prince of Denmark, with her Tackle, Apparel, and Furniture, as she now lies in Sydney Cove, Burthen 127 Tons. An Inventory of her Stores may be seen on board, at Messrs Raine and Ramsay's, or the Sheriff's Office. By order of the said Court.”
After the sale, the schooner appears running between Sydney and Hobart Town, under the command of Captain
Stewart's colonization and trade scheme ended in disaster. His two rivals of 1825 suffered a like fortune, both schemes coming to an untimely end.
IN the year 1826 an expedition was fitted out in France for an extended voyage of discovery and exploration and particularly to investigate the fate of Coquille. D'Urville, hoisted his flag on board the old Coquille, now under the name of the Astrolabe, and sailed from Toulon on 25th April, 1826.
In the pursuit of his voyage D'Urville sailed from Port Jackson on 19th December of the same year, with the object of visiting Chalky Inlet or the southern portion of the South Island and completing the exploration of the coastline in the vicinity of Foveaux Strait, a portion of New Zealand, which, though well known to the early sealing craft, had so far not been visited by the scientist. This portion of New Zealand had been the subject of extensive enquiries by the officers of the Coquille while that vessel lay in Sydney in 1823, and advantage had been taken of their presence to procure, from sea captains resident in Sydney, very valuable information regarding New Zealand's coastline and trade. This information was placed upon record and has been made use of in an earlier part of this work.
Unfortunately the French corvette encountered such a succession of bad weather that D'Urville was reluctantly compelled to abandon his scheme so far as it affected the southern portion of the South Island and to make for the northern portion, where a considerable extent of coastline
D'Urville changed his course on 8th January, 1827, when in the latitude of 43 degrees. Sighting the Paparoa Range on the tenth he sailed up to the coastline and finding it continuous, sailed along it until he sighted Cape Foulwind the next day. The Three Steeples at Cape Foulwind were seen and named on the twelfth. Immediately the last named rocks were passed vegetable debris and mud, discolouring the sea far and near, showed that what is now known as the Buller River was in flood. No natives could be detected along the shore. On 13th January Rocks Point was passed and in the evening of that day D'Urville, tempted by appearances, sailed up to the mouth of the West Whanganui River, but found the entrance barred by breakers.
Having traversed the West Coast, D'Urville did as Tasman and Cook had done before him and followed the land round Cape Farewell, running close alongside the long sandspit and noting the basin of Golden Bay bordered by high mountains topped in the distance with snow. While the Astrolabe was being steered close round the point of the spit into Golden Bay breakers were seen out to a distance of several miles; her course was altered and D'Urville sailed into the Bay, so far as we have any record, the first since Tasman visited it in December, 1642, or in a period of 185 years.
Closely studying the configuration of the Bay D'Urville noted that the Blind Bay of Cook consisted of two well marked bays separated by a clearly defined point, to which he accordingly gave the name Separation Point, and the first Europeans we know of landed on the shores of Tasman Bay, within a few miles of where the dead body of Tasman's sailor had formed part of the cannibal
About noon the anchor was weighed and the Astrolabe sailed along the western shore of Tasman Bay. Two small islands were detected close in shore, a native village with its inhabitants, a group of tall pine trees, then came the mouth of the Motueka River. That night the anchor was cast off Moutere Bluff, the officers of the expedition being in great delight that the small Blind Bay of Cook had disclosed such an extensive stretch of water to its first explorers.
The morning of the sixteenth showed D'Urville that he had reached the head of the Bay which near here terminated in low-lying marshy land. He accordingly, after completing his observations, crossed over to the eastern shore and to within three and a half miles of what is believed to be Mackay's Bluff, seven miles north of Nelson. Here two canoes from the head of the Bay approached the ship but for some time would not come on board, the occupants being satisfied to remain at a distance resting on their paddles in spite of the attempt of D'Urville, by hailing them in the native language, to induce them to come on board. Tired of inviting them the vessel made a show of sailing away when the Maoris at once boarded the Astrolabe.
The party consisted of 19 in all, half of fine physique and tattooed like chiefs, half without tattoo, and of so common appearance as to resemble men of another race. The latter were the slaves and probably were the remnant of the Ngati-Tu-mata-kokiri which had dwelt there in the time of Tasman, and which had since been conquered and enslaved by the Ngati-Apa-ki-te-ra-to. The natives understood the effect of firearms but knew little, strange to say,
When the vessel began to drift away from the shore all but four of the chiefs took to their canoes and left for their village which was situated on the coast, saying that they would return next day to the anchorage. The four chiefs accompanied D'Urville to Astrolabe Bay where he anchored in the evening.
Here the vessel remained at anchor from the seventeenth to the twenty-first. From the behaviour of the natives D'Urville concluded they had never met Europeans before but had only heard of them through their warriors who had encountered them elsewhere. They stated that men with guns came from the north-west and plundered them. They cultivated the potato, but knew the pig only by name. On the morning of the first day three canoes containing some 40 persons, men and women, came alongside. There they spent some time exchanging mats and other articles for European goods, after which they went ashore and occupied some empty native huts near where the observatory had been established. These huts they occupied throughout their stay. Their general demeanour satisfied the French Commander of their peaceful and kindly intentions. On the second day the natives were joined by another canoe.
The five days spent here were very busy ones for D'Urville. A suitable watering place had to be found. The country had to be scoured for natural history specimens, and the general appearance of the land and of the Bay had to be noted. Four days were spent in continual tramping over the hills, climbing bluffs or walking along the beach. During these expeditions Torrent Bay was discovered and the native potato plots there visited. Astrolabe Bay was sounded and charted and everything which busy men could, in a fairly rich scientific field, procure, was procured and “an unbelievable quantity of new objects” brought on board the Astrolabe.
From the summit of one of the hills visited in one of his excursions, D'Urville spied a deep opening in the opposite coast which made him suspect that there was some communication between Tasman and Admiralty Bays, and he determined to explore it.
The site of Tasman's anchorage is discussed by D'Urville, who suggests that perhaps the anchorage was west of Separation Point and not in Tasman Bay. This conclusion, we have seen, was the correct one, thereby making the name Tasman Bay a misnomer.
Early in the morning of the twenty-second preparations for departure were completed and the ship was visited by crowds of natives to dispose of a few trifles and to say farewell. D'Urville sailed across the Bay to the opening he had detected from the high land on the western coast and by evening had reached his destination, to which he gave the name Croiselles Bay after the name of his mother's family.
Off the entrance, the ship lay becalmed all night and in the morning the anchor had to be let down to prevent her being carried by the rollers on to the rocks on shore. Early in the forenoon, however, a wind took the vessel off and D'Urville steered along about two miles from the shore, to attempt the second opening which he suspected communicated with Admiralty Bay. Everything went well until late in the afternoon when the vessel had reached the channel. Then the commander was astonished to hear the look out announce that the pass was barred by breakers at a distance from them of about three or four cable lengths. No sooner was it confirmed than sail was lowered with all haste, the anchor let go in 26 fathoms in mid channel and the vessel brought to a standstill.
The first thing D'Urville did was to send away two boats to explore the channel and after four hours of excessive toil they returned to the ship and reported that, with the exception of the narrowest part where it entered Admiralty Bay, the channel was practicable but that at the head of the Bay there was a very violent current which
Not an eye closed that night on board the Astrolabe. As the hours passed the sea grew heavier and heavier and the corvette pitched with great violence and, held down as she was by her anchor, some of the biggest seas went right over the forecastle, until those on board feared she would founder at anchor. Towards midnight more cable was given out and when she started to drift, a second anchor with a chain was let go, and with the two anchors holding her from certain destruction on that ugly coast the night wore slowly on. Just before three o'clock the starboard cable parted and the vessel once more commenced to drift. Sixty fathom more of cable was paid out and another anchor got ready, but just then as by magic the wind fell, the sea went down and the sky cleared. At daybreak, when the chain was hauled in, it was found that one of the flukes of the anchor was broken off by the rocky bottom. Marvellous had been the escape of the vessel.
D'Urville then commenced his attack upon the French Pass. He got under weigh shortly after nine o'clock and sailed up the channel, keeping about 200 fathoms from the eastern side. When he had come about 400 fathoms within the Pass he found it barred by rocks showing just above the water. A boat was sent out to reconnoitre, and the Astrolabe came on quietly under very little sail. The report brought back was that the current had commenced to enter and that without a strong breeze it would be difficult to contend against it. D'Urville however determined to try it and made sail for the passage.
When the vessel was within a cable's length of the Pass the bar became covered with boiling foam and the water rushed through in powerful whirlpools. The strong current caught the corvette and, whirling her round and round several times, carried her back into the bay she had
To suitably impress the sailors, as well as efficiently utilize the services of men who were of no value in a crisis on board the vessel, D'Urville sent the scientific men to carry on their work ashore while he fought with the elements at the entrance of the Pass. In the evening he visited the Pass and decided that without a knowledge of Admiralty Bay beyond it was not wise to attempt the passage.
Next day, 25th January, D'Urville went at low tide and was carried by the current through to Admiralty Bay. Here he found conditions of perfect safety and canoes belonging to natives, but as he had come through at low tide and could see that dead low water would prove most favourable for a return he had not much spare time to look about. On returning to the Pass he found the current entirely absent and was able to sound and explore the passage with the utmost ease. He ascertained enough to satisfy him that the passage could be negotiated, and he determined to await favourable conditions and take the corvette through. Before returning to the vessel he visited the island which now bears his name. The third day closed with the corvette dragging her anchor, necessitating two to be let down. The weather was fresh, with squalls, rain, thunder and lightning.
On the morning of the fourth day of the struggle another attempt was made to sail through. The anchor was hauled up at 9 a.m., sail quickly set, and the vessel moved forward. Unfortunately the wind fell and the current swept the unfortunate corvette among the whirlpools, and
D'Urville determined not to be beaten in his attempt to sail through, and in order to ensure that the vessel would be moored in a spot from which the Pass could be negotiated when wind and tide were favourable, he went out in a yawl and sounded the approach. He was fortunate in finding a sandbank at a convenient distance where he saw stream anchors could be let down. He at once returned to the ship and shaped his plans accordingly. Owing to the proximity of the Pass it was not until three in the afternoon that he found himself in a position to get under weigh at the first favourable wind.
Another visit was paid to the island in the evening and in going through the passage it was found not to be so bad as it looked, if care was only exercised in working the boat. This day natives came from Admiralty Bay, but beyond establishing communication, did not come on board.
The fifth day (28th January) saw the triumph of the French commander.
“At last I saw arrive a day which announced itself under happier auspices, and presaged to me a favourable wind. So as not to neglect any precautions in my power, at 4.30 a.m. I went to the S.E. point of the pass, and climbed to the top of the ridge overlooking it. It was not an easy thing to do, on account of the steepness and the thickets of impenetrable fern which covered the slopes for some distance; but I succeeded, and from a hillock my view plunged down on the pass, demonstrating that it was practicable with extreme precaution. Nevertheless, I did not dissimulate from myself that the enterprise might have a fatal ending. In looking towards the corvette I could not prevent myself fancying involuntarily that that machine, so well organised, so imposing, and destined for such a long career, would be for some instants, by the sole effect of my will, exposed to be lost on the rocks situated at my feet. Ten officers, an entire crew, inhabitants of that floating city now become their veritable country, might in
a few hours find themselves reduced to seek safety on a sterile and inhospitable shore, to lead a miserable existence, and perhaps perish without ever seeing again their relatives and friends. Such reflections for a moment shook my resolution; but it strengthened itself shortly, and I returned aboard decided to try my fortune. “At 7 a.m. the stream-anchor was got up and dropped near the ship, in 6 fathoms. A short time afterwards the breeze appeared established and moderate in the W.S.W., the tide was also slack, and I decided to get under way at once, so as to be master of my movements. We had taken the short cable to the stern, which presented the bows towards our route, and put us in position to catch the wind in the sails when unfurled. This was executed with great celerity. At the same instant the foresail, jib, the mizzen and lower topsail were set, and for some minutes we steered very well; but at the moment when we entered the pass the wind failed, and the current, coming against us with impetuosity, caused us to swerve to port. In vain I instantly put the helm up, and furled all after-sail, to try and approach the coast to the right—to touch it, as one might say if it were necessary. The corvette would not obey at all, and, mastered by the current, she could not avoid being carried on to the rocks at the end of the reef, on which I knew there was but 10ft. or 12ft. of water. Shortly after the
Astrolabetouched twice. The first shock was slight; but the second a lugubrious cracking, accompanied by a prolonged shaking, by a sensible pause in the movement of the corvette, and by a strong inclination to starboard, caused us a serious doubt that she rested on a rock, and would not come off. The crew at that moment involuntarily raised a cry of alarm. ‘It is nothing; we are over it!’ I cried, with a loud voice, to reassure them. In fact, the current, continuing to drag the corvette, prevented her from remaining on the rock; beyond that the breeze freshened, and we got steering way on her, and shortly, free of all fears, we sailed along under full sail in thepeaceful waters of Admiralty Bay. We got off with the loss of several fragments of the false keel which the shock detached, and which floated in the wake of the ship. “Entirely occupied in the manoeuvres of the moment, it was not possible for me to occupy myself with what passed around me. But those of my companions who could give attention assured me that it was at that time an imposing spectacle to see the
Astrolabe, first heeling over as if ready to sink in the whirlpools that surrounded her, and then rising again gracefully and nobly, advancing through waters now become peaceful.”
The Pass was won, and won perhaps by the most daring piece of navigation which the history of New Zealand exploration has to place upon record. Well did it merit the name given—the French Pass—and worthily did the Island earn the name of D'Urville Island.
Having negotiated the passage D'Urville sailed on, aided by a favourable wind and an equally favourable current, past the Chetwolde Islands and the opening of Pelorus Sound in the direction of Cook Strait. At two o'clock in the afternoon he passed Cape Jackson and sailed across the opening of Queen Charlotte Sound, making no attempt to enter as the Sound had been so well explored by Cook. The appearance of currents which are seen off the headlands and which had created alarm in the breasts of so many former navigators, caused some anxiety in D'Urville's mind until the sounding line showed a great depth when he concluded the strange appearance was due to the currents of the Strait or to the sea passing from immense depths to those not so great.
As they sailed past Koamaru fires on shore appeared to invite them to land and the same happened at the mouth of Tory Channel.
D'Urville intended to visit Cloudy Bay, not known by him to have been explored up to that time. He had an idea that it connected with Queen Charlotte Sound. It is to be regretted that he was carried by the strong current
Cook had left the southern coastline of the North Island undefined at one or two places. One of these was the bay on the shores of which the City of Wellington now stands. As a matter of fact it had been entered and surveyed during 1826 by Captain Herd, but probably D'Urville was not aware of this. At any rate he made for the entrance to try whether there was any anchorage inside Barret's Reef, but the wind did not permit of entering the Harbour and he was forced to direct his course to Palliser Bay.
The author desires to acknowledge his indebtedness to the translation of D'Urville's work made by Mr. S. Percy Smith and published in the “Transactions of the New Zealand Institute” 1907, pp. 416 to 447. Not only is Mr. Percy Smith's work valuable as a translation, but the notes on native matters, upon which he is qualified to speak with so much authority, give it a special interest to the New Zealand reader. Mr. Percy Smith also supplied additional matter to the author. While on this question of foreign explorations on the New Zealand coast, it is surely a reflection upon our countrymen, that of the work of the greatest of French explorers the only translation available to the World is the small portion supplied by Mr. Percy Smith, and of the work of the greatest of Spanish and Russian explorers, the only ones available have been procured by the author and are published in this work.
D'Urville's plates should be perused by everyone who is desirous of examining the type of Maori who inhabited the shores of Tasman Bay in 1827. The French artist may have introduced a suspicion of the Frenchman into the
PRIOR to the beginning of this period, and for a very long time, New Zealand had been intimately associated with the whaling trade. From about 1794 whalers were off the northern coast and frequented the Bay of Islands to obtain refreshments for their ships. These were sperm whalers and hunted the special class of whale they were interested in on the open sea. As a trade, sperm whaling cannot be associated with any country in particular, it belongs to the ocean. The whaling trade, which we now come to deal with, was a very different trade and consisted of pursuing and capturing the right whale at certain seasons of the year when these animals frequented the bays of New Zealand.
Diffenbach, the naturalist of the New Zealand Company, writing in 1839, says that the whales arrived off the coast of New Zealand in the beginning of May, coming from the northward, and, skirting the coastline of the northern island, passed between Kapiti Island and the mainland and then entered Cloudy Bay. In June they appeared at the Chathams. In October they made to the east or to the north. Some of the whales however did not come to the east through Cook Strait but by way of Preservation Inlet and Foveaux Strait. In the early part of the season the whales were in Cook Strait, in the latter part, in Cloudy Bay.
Several firms in Sydney at this time had vessels pursuing the sperm whale in the open sea, in company with the whaling vessels of England, Europe and America. Some of these vessels captured the right whale when opportunity offered and took sperm or right as they were available. As the sperm came to be reduced in numbers
Bay whaling was carried on from the decks of vessels lying at anchor in a bay, or from stations established on the shore. In the former case the whaling vessels simply carried on their whaling at anchor instead of while sailing. In the latter case several boats were sent from Sydney and stationed at some suitable spot, where they could be readily manned when a whale appeared and where the captured cetaceans could be drawn up ashore and the blubber melted under the most favourable conditions. A small vessel of perhaps 100 tons visited the shore station from time to time to take away the oil and bring stores in return. The station was permanent. In the case of the anchored whalers the vessels were much larger in size and were self contained, and when they left at the end of the season, took with them their whole cargo of oil and bone, leaving nothing behind. An anchored vessel might also keep a gang or gangs ashore. The oil obtained from the right whale was sometimes called black whale oil.
The Rev.
The first cargo of whale oil which can be identified as coming from the South Island of New Zealand, reached Sydney on 3rd February, 1830, in the Waterloo, a small schooner of 66 tons under the command of Captain Guard. The cargo was consigned to R. Campbell & Co., and from what appeared afterwards must have come from Cook Strait. This oil must have been procured during the year 1829, and is evidence that whaling had commenced at the northern extremity of the South Island in that year. In addition to her oil, the Waterloo had on board 1185 seal skins which she had procured in the south, as she reported meeting the Caroline, Williams, off Chalky Inlet the day the Waterloo sailed. Her sealing trip would explain the delay in getting to Sydney the oil of the season of 1829.
On 7th February, the Samuel, Worth, returned from the Chathams. Her cargo comprised timber, pork, potatoes, flax and skins. The details of her voyage have already been noted.
On 13th February, the Harlequin, 71 tons, Scott, sailed from Sydney with a cargo of muskets, gunpowder, pipes, tobacco and rum, for Cook Strait and returned on 30th March with a cargo of flax.
In March also the firm of R. Campbell & Co. purchased the brig Hind and fitted her out for the black whale fishery, and the William Stoveld, 187 tons, Davidson, belonging to Bell & Farmer, sailed on a whaling cruise to New Zealand on 26th April. The Hind followed on 4th May. Both vessels made for Kapiti and when the brig Tranmere arrived from that island on 25th June, with a cargo of flax which Captain Smith had procured from William Stoveld and the Hind were engaged in bay whaling there, and at the time of her departure the former had 25 tuns of oil on board, and the latter 16, with one whale alongside.
Reports which reached Sydney in July regarding the prospects of the bay whaling were very favourable. These
William Stoveld on 13th August with 50 tuns of oil and 25 tons of flax. This vessel appears to have had a party stationed ashore in connection with her operations. On the day of her arrival in Sydney, the Norval, Harrison, sailed for the New Zealand black whale fishery.
On 11th October the flax trading brig Industry, Young, returned from New Zealand with 21 tons of flax and a passenger named Murphy. She reported speaking the brig Elizabeth with nothing on board, the Waterloo with 10 tons of flax, the Dragon with nothing, the Currency Lass two months before with nothing and the Hind at Cloudy Bay on 28th August almost full of oil. The Waterloo returned to port on the 23rd with 14 tons of flax.
The following month, as the season had closed, the remaining bay whalers returned to Sydney. The Norval and the Hind sailed together and the former put into Cloudy Bay for several days, eventually reaching Sydney on 2nd November, with 100 tuns of oil, 10 tons of flax, and 6 tons whalebone; the latter reached Sydney on the 13th with 160 tuns of oil and 6 tons of whalebone.
Captain Young reported having spoken the Elizabeth when on the New Zealand coast. This vessel had sailed on 23rd August and had gone to Kapiti the great centre of the southern flax trade. There she embarked on a venture which has made the memory of her captain and his voyage execrated in New Zealand history.
Argo, 168 tons, Captain Billing) and sailed from Sydney on 11th September, 1830. He first of all went ashore at Kawhia where he purchased some land and then sailed south. It was his intention to visit the
At Kapiti lay the brig Elizabeth, just returned from Akaroa from a marauding expedition against the southern natives. Captain Stewart related the circumstances connected with the raid, which, as supplemented by Montefiore, were to the following effect:—
After Elizabeth sailed from Sydney to obtain a cargo of flax from Kapiti. On board she had the usual medium of exchange of that day—muskets, flints, gunpowder and tobacco. Arrived at his destination Captain Stewart was informed by
When the brig arrived at the site of their opponents' stronghold, the Kapiti Maoris were all stowed away in the hold and were not visible to the chiefs who boarded the vessel. The Elizabeth was a fairly well armed vessel, carrying eight guns and well equipped with small arms, and when the visiting Maoris saw this, they became alarmed and asked if Elizabeth. Fifty of the Akaroa natives were killed and a like number taken prisoners, as against one man only which
The Elizabeth then returned to Kapiti Island with the captives which were there to be eaten. Arrived at their destination 2000 slaves were sent out to prepare the flax required to pay for the charter of the vessel and meantime the captive chief was kept on board in irons. Argo to continue her voyage without him and decided to return to Sydney in the very brig in which the chief was lying in irons. Time wore on and the natives did not supply the 50 tons as promised. Montefiore, taking advantage of the delay in payment, expostulated with Stewart on his conduct and tried to induce him to take the captive chief on to Sydney, but, though he admitted the folly of what he had done, he would not accept the advice tendered. To crown all, before sailing he handed over Tamaiharanui without receiving his promised payment. The captive met his fate before the Elizabeth sailed. Montefiore saw the whole process of the chief's intended sacrifice, and before he left
One of the relations, Ahu, of the murdered chief, who was also on board the Elizabeth, was taken on to Sydney and there obtained the protection of Marsden, by whom the native version of the story was brought under the notice
1
Captain Stewart on arrival at Banks' Peninsula, enticed the chief with his brother and two daughters on board. When there he took his guest's hand in a friendly way, conducted him and his two daughters into the cabin and showed him the muskets and how they were arranged. When all was ready the door was closed, the chief was seized, his hands were tied behind his back and with a hook stuck through the skin of his throat under the side of his jaw, he was kept fastened to the cabin until they reached Kapiti. One of his daughters was dragged from her father's side by one of the sailors and hurled off, when her head struck against a hard substance and she was killed. Ahu, who had been sent to the forecastle, managed to get as far as the capstan and saw the old chief in the situation described. The Maori version also added that after Tamaiharanui had been captured natives came off in canoes with flax when they were killed by the Kapiti men and by the sailors of the brig who fired at them with their muskets.
Montefiore stated in his evidence before a Select Committee of the House of Commons in 1838 that it was not correct that the chief had a hook fastened under his chin as described by the natives. He says however that he was cruelly confined and when in the brig at Kapiti his legs were in a state of mortification. To Montefiore, Tamai-haranui denied having murdered a boat's crew of H.M.S. Warspite as contended by
Stewart's actions do not require to be discussed to arrive at a correct estimate of his iniquity. A bare statement of the facts is enough. The same cannot be said of the action of the Sydney authorities in permitting him to escape from his well earned punishment. It is satisfactory however to know that the Secretary of State for the Colonies,
“It is impossible to read, without shame and indignation, the details which these documents disclose. The unfortunate natives of New Zealand, unless some decisive measures of prevention be adopted, will, I fear, be shortly added to the number of those barbarous tribes who, in different parts of the globe, have fallen a sacrifice to their intercourse with civilised men, who bear and disgrace the name of Christians… There can be no more sacred duty than that of using every possible method to rescue the natives of those extensive islands from the further evils which impend over them, and to deliver our own country from the disgrace and crime of having either occasioned or tolerated such enormities.”
The Argo did not reach Sydney until 28th May. Her cargo consisted of 55 tons of flax, 10 tons of potatoes, 30 pigs, 2 sacks of wheat and 30 jars of pickled oysters. Amongst trade pioneers the Argo probably claims the honour of being the pioneer of the oyster trade.
During 1830, Kapiti Island, more than Cloudy Bay, appears to have been the popular resort for whalers, but the exact separation of the two places is not very easy to make. The cargoes of oil which they took to Sydney amounted in all to 212 tuns, with 12 tons of bone. At the London prices of £28 for oil and £125 for bone the whaling products would amount to £7436. The whalers also took away 35 tons of flax. In addition to the Sydney whalers
Deveron had gone to the Derwent from Cloudy Bay with 250 tuns of oil and a large quantity of bone. Probably only a portion of her cargo was obtained at Cloudy Bay.
In the early part of 1831, and before the whaling season commenced, considerable activity was shown in the Kapiti Island flax trade. First of all, as has been recorded, the Elizabeth returned on 14th January with 30 tons. She was followed by the Currency Lass, 90 tons, Wishart with 30 tons, and reported that she had left the brig Argo and the schooner Speculator at Kapiti with small quantities of flax in each. The last named reached Sydney on 5th March with a cargo of 13 tons. Then came the Waterloo on the ninth with 15 tons of flax and 700 seal skins, and finally the Argo on the twenty-eighth with 55 tons. These five flax vessels brought to Sydney, in three months, 143 tons of prepared fibre, mostly from Cook Strait. When we remember that the flax was prepared at Kapiti to enable arms and ammunition to be purchased we can see that the defence preparations of the Kapiti Administration must have been in a very forward condition.
When the whaling season came on the first vessel to arrive from Cook Strait was the Waterloo, Brady, on 12th June, with 3 tuns of oil, the product of one whale. The Waterloo had left New Zealand on 28th May and reported the following vessels there when she sailed.
The Elizabeth, moored off the bay, having taken one whale.
The Courier, without oil and with her crew in a state of mutiny.
The Venus, empty.
The Currency Lass, empty.
On the 25th September, the Waterloo returned from Campbell's shore whaling establishment on her second oil trip, with 40 tuns oil and 3 tons bone. Readers will notice that Guard commanded the Waterloo outside the whaling season, but when the shore establishments were busy another
The season proved a very profitable one and on 27th July, when it was past its best a letter written on board the Elizabeth and sent to Sydney per the Dragon stated the position of shipping at the Bay to be as follows:—
The Dragon, full.
The Elizabeth, 1000 barrels and in a fair way of getting more.
The Courier, 300 barrels.
The Venus, 800 barrels.
The New Zealander, empty.
The Juno had sailed about three weeks before for Banks Peninsula
The Jane had arrived 26th July.
Mossman's shore gangs had procured 170 barrels.
When the season was ended the return of the vessels which had visited Cook Strait was as follows:—
This year Messrs. Enderby of London, the well-known whaling firm, sent out to explore the high southern latitudes an expedition of two vessels, the brig Tula of 148 tons, under the command of Lively, of 49 tons under the command of Captain Avery. The expedition sailed from Gravesend on 14th July, 1830, and as a result of its work placed Enderby's and Graham's Lands on the map of the World.
The Tula and the Lively arrived in due course at Van Diemen's Land and from there sailed round the North Cape of New Zealand to the Bay of Islands, which was reached on 30th October. On 5th November they continued their journey to the south and made for Chatham Island. On the seventeenth the 44 degree rocks were sighted and land
Glory, lost there in January, 1827. On the twelfth sixteen skins were procured on the Sisters rocks.
From there the expedition made for the Bounty Islands, which were sighted on the twenty-fourth. The boats were sent ashore but returned without anything, having seen only five seals which could not be approached. Landing on one of the rocks they found a hut, the roof of which was formed of skins and wings of birds, a baking dish, a water cask, a bottle half filled with oil, some pieces of firewood and an Irish provision cask. So far, the expedition had failed to find likely sealing ground. From the Bounties Biscoe made southward. With his Antarctic explorations we are not concerned, but Biscoe in his little craft earned
Before the 1832 season opened Guard brought up the Waterloo with 115 seal skins and 9 tuns of oil to R. Campbell & Co., on 3rd March, and, on the twenty-fifth, took back a whaling gang to Cloudy Bay for the season just commencing. H.M.S. Zebra sailed from Sydney on 1st March for Cook Strait. She first of all called in at Taranaki and finding everything quiet there, sailed on to Kapiti, which she reached on 16th March. There she found that the chiefs and fighting men were away south putting to use the munitions of war gained through their industry in the flax trade by attacking the Banks Peninsula natives, and she accordingly sailed on the eighteenth through Cook Strait and on to Tahiti, which she reached on 9th April. When at Kapiti the schooner Currency Lass, on the lookout for flax, was also there and reached Sydney on 22nd April with 62 tons of it. As passengers she brought up Mr. Wishart and Messrs. Lane and Ward.
The Waterloo brought up her first cargo of the new season's oil on 22nd August—40 tuns—and returned to Cook Strait on the twenty-seventh. Hall was now master and her cargo consisted of supplies for the men on the whaling gangs. Her next cargo, on 2nd September, consisted of 40 tuns of oil and 4 tons whalebone. Two days after the Waterloo reached Sydney another of Campbell & Co.'s vessels—the Harriet, 254 tons, Wyatt—reached port from New Zealand with 188 tuns of oil and 10 tons whalebone. She had sailed on 12th October, 1831, from Sydney.
The barque Vittoria, 281 tons, S. Ashmore, belonging to R. Jones & Co., brought up 37 tons of flax, 50 pounds whalebone and 5 butts whale oil to Sydney on 12th November. She also brought up very sad news of a sealing gang. It appears that about seven months before that, an old captain from Sydney named William Kinnard, accompanied by two whites and several New Zealanders, proceeded in the Admiral Gifford to Rocky Point, for the
Admiral Gifford, after leaving the men there, returned to Sydney on 9th June with 11 tons of flax. The Vittoria, on this trip, went round to pick them up, when, to their astonishment, they found that the natives had seized and devoured the whites and taken away their boats and stores.
Details of the 1833 season are not very full. There appears to have been a considerable quantity of oil left over at the beginning of the year, and, on 25th February, Hall brought the Waterloo up to Sydney with 38 tuns of oil on board and 6 seal skins. Her next voyage was to bring up oil from Captain Bunn's establishment at Preservation Bay. On 25th September she brought up 45 tuns of oil, having sailed from Cloudy Bay on the ninth.
The following was the position of shipping at Cloudy Bay when the Waterloo sailed.
The Harriet, Irvine, 150 tuns.
The Caroline, Blinkinsopp, 100 tuns.
The Denmark Hill, Finlay, 90 tuns, in a leaky condition.
These had all put in to the Bay and were about to proceed to sea again.
Captain Guard's gangs had procured 240 tuns of oil and whales were very numerous.
The Waterloo had made a very expeditious trip, having been only six weeks away from Sydney. Her end however had come. The next trip she was doomed to leave her bones on the rocky coast of Cook Strait.
The Tasmanian vessel Mary Anne, the property of Messrs. Hewitt & Smith, returned from Cloudy Bay with 200 tuns of black oil, 11 tons of bone and 10 tuns sperm. She reported that at Cloudy Bay whales were so plentiful that any number of ships might be loaded.
On 5th September a vessel called the Sarah, 308 tons, Jack, commander, left Sydney for England and put into Cloudy Bay leaking. There she left a Mr. 2
(To the Editor of the “Sydney Gazette.”)
Sir,— “My attention having been directed to a paragraph in the ‘Sydney Gazette’ of the 25th of January last, stating upon information derived from the whaling barque
Harriett, that ‘you were surprised to learn that I and my family had left the brigSarahat Cloudy Bay, where she had occasion to touch,in consequence of a disagreement with the captain.’ I have to request that you will do me the justice to correct the gross misrepresentation which has been palmed on you and on the public to my prejudice by the following statement of facts, which will also save me an irksome and fatiguing repitition of disasters I am anxious to forget, but for which I have no escape, in reply to the kind inquiries of my various acquaintances, and other gentlemen who are so obliging as to take an interest in my misfortunes. The pumps were obliged to be worked in theSarahlong before she had lost sight of Sydney Heads, and she was so leaky, making from 3 to 5 inches of water in an hour, that it was necessary to pump her out every watch day and night. This the commander and crew generally were aware of before she put to sea, as whilst lying in the harbour she was pumped out every night, and before daylight every morning but of course I was totally ignorant, and without suspicion of anything of the kind, or I would never have taken a passage in her. The captain, however, well aware of the circumstances, directed his course from the Heads to Cook Straits, New Zealand, for the purpose of causing a survey to be held on her, by which he said he should be bound to abide, and which alone could exonerate him. The following is the report of the Board of Survey“forwarded to Sydney for the information and guidance of the owner and underwriters.
Whaling Harbour, Cloudy Bay ,September 26, 1833 .“We the undersigned Masters of vessels lying in this harbour, having been requested by Captain Jack, commander of the brig
Sarah, bound from Sydney to England, with a general cargo (which vessel put into this port on the 26th instant, in a leaky state) to hold a survey upon her, we have repaired on board, and having perused her log and questioned her commander his chief and second officers and passengers, and having ourselves with the assistance of two carpenters, examined her upper works, and having ascertained that the above-named vessel makes whilst lying in the harbour, three inches of water per hour, we the undersigned are unanimously of opinion that the brigSarahis not seaworthy for a passage to England, and we have earnestly recommended her commander for the benefit of the underwriters and those concerned, to cause her topsides to be caulked, and to proceed with the least possible delay to Sydney for further inspection.Signed John Blinkinsopp Com. of the barqueCaroline
John Irving Com. of the barqueHarriett
Com. of the barque John Finlay Denmark Hill
Com. of the schooner John Guard Waterloo
“The brig was accordingly caulked above water, and two planks were discovered as rotten as tinder, and the carpenter declared the whole bottom to be in the same state, and they, the two mates, the seamen and Captain, all expressed the greatest alarm at even returning in her so far as Sydney, for fear of some other, and worse leak springing in her bottom; but it was Captain Jack's avowed intention to return, who repeatedly declared, he could not do
“otherwise, even if he considered her safe, as it would be illegal, and the insurance would of course be forfeited; however, when such repairs were nearly completed as could be effected in the Bay, it transpired that Captain Jack would not return to Sydney, by his dismissing the second mate (the only person in the brig who understood navigation besides himself) because he, as well as the seamen in general, refused to go in her to Valparaiso, whither he said he would run the chance of proceeding, as he considered the brig was as likely to reach that port as Sydney, and there, if she should appear tolerably safe and tight, he would obtain a supply of provisions and proceed on to England, or if she should still be in a dangerous state cause a fresh survey to be held, when if she should be condemned, the passengers might get a passage in some other vessel, and all who did not choose to go on with him, might go to hell. This was the reason of myself and family leaving the Sarah, and obtaining a refuge at Mr. Campbell's whaling establishment, at Cloudy Bay, intending to return to Sydney in theWaterloo, at that time daily expected, but about a week after the sailing of theSarah, the news of the total wreck of theWaterloowas brought to us by Mr. Hall the master, who with his men crossed the straits in a boat, after narrowly escaping with their lives from the cannibals, who pillaged and then set fire to the hull of theWaterloo.I then entreated Mr. Irving to give us a passage in theHarriettto the Bay of Islands, where we might have remained in safety and comparative comfort, and from thence obtained a passage to Sydney three months ago, but he was inexorable, which I thought was unfeeling, and under these circumstances, inhuman towards my wife and children, as we were existing among a gang of whalers not only destitute of every comfort (and“subsequently of common necessaries, as we foresaw must be the case, from the exhaustion of provisions) but in the greatest terror of a descent from a powerful tribe of one or two thousand natives from the Southward, under a chief called Tyroa (Taia-roa), who are at war with the tribes about the Straits, and last year destroyed fifty tons of barrels, and some oil with the huts and the property on the same beach, belonging to Mr. Mossman, and at the reported approach of which hostile tribe, the natives in Cloudy Bay were so much alarmed that they (our chief protectors) deserted us and fled away into the bush. “That we further had some disagreement with Captain Jack is
alsotrue, and I will thank your informant to explain how it could possibly have been avoided, as he well knows that the command of the vessel was obliged to be taken from him, after his twice, within the nearest trifle, running her on the rocks; and that by his violence he had twice frightened my wife into fits, besides assaulting me whilst holding my little girl in my arms.“What I have stated, and much more, which I hope it will be unnecessary for me to bring before the public, I am enabled to prove by the clearest testimony.”
I am, Sir, Your humble and obedient servant, .Nathaniel Lipscomb Kentish 20 Princes Street Sydney March 3, 1834 .
The first news of the wreck of the Waterloo reached Sydney by the Harriet on 22nd January, 1834, when it was stated that she had been wrecked in Cloudy Bay. In a letter3 it is stated that she was lost about 30 miles from Mana about the middle of October. Adding this information to the story told by Kentish, it would appear that the
Waterloo was wrecked on her return trip to Cloudy Bay on the North Island shore of Cook Strait in the vicinity of Terawhiti, not far from where, as this is being penned, news has come to hand that the Penguin has gone to her rest and 75 of our fellow creatures found a watery grave.
THE Preservation Bay whaling station has long been held to be, or to share with Cook Strait the honour of being, the first shore whaling establishment in New Zealand. Both Williams and Shortland, of whom the former managed and the latter recorded its doings, make the date of the founding of the establishment as 1829, and Shortland further says that during that year three boats were employed and 120 tuns of oil taken at it.
So far however as New South Wales records can be ascertained they do not indicate that any oil was received at Sydney from Preservation Inlet during 1829. The Caroline, Williams, brought from New Zealand, flax, seal skins and timber, but no mention is made of oil. Her first cargo of that commodity reached Sydney on 11th August, after the whaling season of 1830 had commenced. Unless therefore the oil of the previous year was sold at the station to sea-going vessels, Shortland must be incorrect. We know of one detail at least regarding this station in which he has proved inaccurate. He names Williams as the owner of the station. Williams was not the owner. Caroline, trading backwards and forwards to New Zealand. After he took over the management, the command of the Caroline devolved on Farley, and later on Anglem, after whom Mt. Anglem is called. Judged from the nature of the cargoes brought up in the Caroline, the establishment of the station for sealing and for timber cutting only can be claimed as early as 1829. All evidence points to 1830 as the date of the
The Caroline made the first two trips of the year in February and in May with cargoes of flax and seal skins. Then came up the first oil recorded from Preservation. The first cargo consisted of 60 tuns and the second of 40, with 4 tons of bone and 125 skins. The season was a very satisfactory one and the July reports stated that at Dusky Bay the whales were tumbling over one another like porpoises and the only danger was that there might not be a sufficient supply of casks.
In his evidence before the Lands Claims Commissioners, Williams stated that in 1830 he built a dwelling house for himself and his family, and a store capable of holding 300 tons of goods for trade and to supply shipping. Six houses were erected for whaling companies and a boatshed for 16 boats. From 50 to 60 men were employed whaling during the season and, when that was over, sealing and sawing timber. The contents of the store may be judged from the ship's manifest on her voyage from Sydney to the station on 25th August:—2 pun. rum, 3 casks, 1 case slops, 10cwt. biscuit, 3 tons flour, 56Ibs. musket balls, 3 packages ironmongery, 1 cask vinegar, 3 doz. quart pots, 1 box medicines, 1 box raisins, 2 coils rope, 12 coils coir rope, 12 iron pots, 1 doz. whale lances, 2 jars turpentine, 2 grindstones, 1 bag rice, 1 box pepper, 40 tons casks and stores. No exception can be taken to the nature or variety of the material supplied.
During the year two other vessels took part in the sealing trade, the Fairy and the Emma Kemp. The former arrived in Sydney on 27th February with 600 skins and some flax, while the latter, under the command of J. H. Skelton, arrived on 12th November with 113 skins, 8 tons flax and 4 tons pork.
Before the whaling season opened, on 28th March, 1831, the schooner Samuel, under the command of Captain Anglem reached Sydney with a cargo of 500 seal skins and 10 tons of flax, and the following day the Prince of
Denmark followed her with 25 tons of flax. These two vessels brought the distressing news that the Industry, under the command of Captain 1 The captain, ten seamen, and six native women were drowned. Two men only escaped and were expected to come up to Sydney in the Caroline. Wiseman is described as a remarkably active and fine looking man whose father resided at the Hawkesbury. He was married to a daughter of Mr. Industry and left a widow with one child. Wiseman had been in New South Wales and connected with its shipping for a long time, and in the course of his trading voyages had visited New Zealand, South Shetland, South America and various places in the South Seas. Tradition among southern natives says that the Industry called at Codfish Island, where she was when the gale came on, and ran for shelter to Easy Harbour under the direction of Chaseland, one of the few who escaped a watery grave.
The captain of the Prince of Denmark, on the voyage on which he reported the loss of the Industry, brought with him a large number of human heads to sell to the collectors of curios at Sydney. A Maori chief staying with Marsden visited the vessel as she lay in port and was shown the contents of the captain's locker when he was horrified to recognise, among 14 heads placed before him, some of those of his own friends. In a great state of mind he immediately sought the assistance of Marsden who waited upon the Governor and urged that steps should be taken to get possession of the heads and have them sent back to the friends of the dead Maoris. As a result of this intervention the Governor issued the following proclamation.2
GOVERNMENT NOTICE.
(No. 7.)Colonial Secretary's Office, Sydney,
April 16, 1831 .“
Whereasit has been represented to His Excellency the Governor, that the masters and crews of vessels“trading between this Colony and New Zealand, are in the practice of purchasing and bringing from thence human heads, which are preserved in a manner peculiar to that country: And whereas there is strong reason to believe that such disgusting traffic tends greatly to increase the sacrifice of human life among savages, whose disregard of it is notorious, His Excellency is desirous of evincing his entire disapprobation of the practice above-mentioned, as well as his determination to check it by all the means in his power; and with this view, His Excellency has been pleased to order, that the Officers of the Customs do strictly watch and report every instance which they may discover of an attempt to import into this Colony any dried or preserved human heads in future, with the names of all parties concerned in every such attempt. His Excellency trusts, that to put a total stop to this traffic it is necessary for him only thus to point out the almost certain and dreadful consequences, which may be expected to ensue from a continuance of it, and the scandal and prejudice which it cannot fail to raise against the name and character of British Traders, in a country with which it has now become highly important for the merchants and traders of this Colony, at least, to cultivate feelings of mutual good will: but if His Excellency should be disappointed in this reasonable expectation, he will feel it an imperative duty to take strong measures for totally suppressing the inhuman and very mischievous traffic in question. “His Excellency further trusts, that all persons who have in their possession human heads, recently brought from New Zealand, and particularly by the schooner
Prince of Denmark, will immediately deliver them up for the purpose of being restored to the relations of the deceased parties to whom those heads belonged; this being the only possible reparation that can now be rendered, and application“having been specially made to His Excellency to this purpose.” By His Excellency's Command,
. Alexander McLeay
The year 1831 records nothing special about Bunn's establishment except the regular visits of the Caroline, taking up to Sydney 114 tuns oil, 2 ewt. whalebone, 674 skins and ½ ton of flax as follows: —
On arrival on 26th December permission was obtained to proceed from Sydney to Neweastle and tranship her oil to the barque Integrity lying there.
From Bunn & Co. 's. in 1832, the Caroline, Anglem, came up to Sydney on 2nd April, 17th June, and 4th September, bringing up with her 80 tuns oil, 12 ewt. bone, 685 skins, 26 tons flax and 12,100 feet of timber. At the end of the season Bunn put on the Bee, 134 tons, Burrel, and brought from Preservation another 90 tuns oil, 5½ tons whalebone, 3000 feet timber, 700 baskets of flax and 15 skins. Her passenger list comprised Mr. James Joss, Mr. Griffiths, Mr. Wareham, Mrs. E. Barker and a Maori woman.
About the end of the year Williams purchased from the local chief, 3
“To all whom it may concern be it known that I Taboca Rangatera or Chief of the Southern Territories New Zealand, have this (9th) ninth day of November In the year of our Lord One Thousand Eight Hundred and thirty two sold unto Peter Williams of New South Wales his Heirs, Executors, Administrators or Assigns for ever all my right Title and Interest in and to all that portion of my territory situated being and lying on the West side of the Middle Island New Zealand beginning from the North Head of Duskey Bay in Latitude 45° South and 166° 15′ East and ending at the South Head of Preservation in Latitude 46° 30′ South and 166° 43′ E. also all those Islands within those boundaries and all the other Islands not herein mentioned including also all Rivers Streams Inlets Fisheries Tenements Buildings Cultivations &c. &c. to him the said Peter Williams his Heirs Exicutors Administrators or Assignes from henceforth and for ever in Consideration of which I Taboca Rangatera Acknowledge to have received Sixty Muskets In Witness whereof I have this day set my hand and Seal in my Tatto likeness Opposite.”
(The Chief's Tatto.)
Middle Island or Tavai Poenammoo .
his
Witness James X Spencer,
mark
(Signed)Peter Williams.
The Rev.
In 1833 the Caroline, after bringing up the very creditable cargo of 1000 seal skins with some timber and bone, sailed south on 18th April with fishery stores. During the succeeding months Anglem was occupied in visiting
Caroline's place was taken by the Sydney Packet, a vessel of 84 tons, under the command of Captain Joss. This vessel reached Sydney on 24th June, 2nd September, and 11th November, with 409 casks of oil, 332 skins, and 259 bundles of bone. In addition to these cargoes the Waterloo, on 2nd August, brought up 39 tuns of oil from Preservation.
On 11th November the Sydney Packet came up from Bunn's establishment at Preservation Inlet, which she had left on 25th October, with 259 bundles whalebone, 127 casks oil and 200 skins. Captain Joss brought up an oar branded “Mosman,” supposed to belong to a vessel wrecked at Auckland Island between February and August. He stated that there could also be seen strewn on the beach wreckage of the vessel, wool and oil staves in abundance, cabin furniture made of cedar, flooring timbers, pitch pine spars, cedar plank and part of a wool press.
It appears that the wreck was discovered by a party of sealers belonging to the Caroline who were stationed on the island and who brought up the marked oar, part of an iron bar on which was W.C. in a circle and a five gallon keg on each end of which was branded “Knowles & Co.” Anglem of the Caroline, after bringing up these articles from the islands, gave them to Joss of the Sydney Packet who deposited them in Bunn's stores in Sydney. It was Anglem's intention to visit the scene of the wreck upon his next trip and see it for himself. The Sydney press suggested that as much anxiety was felt locally over the wreck a small craft should be fitted out to run down and ascertain whether further information could be got of the vessel which was believed to measure 400 tons.
The Caroline returned from the Auckland Islands on 14th March, 1834, having on board Mr. Edwin Palmer who had been sealing there and who had examined the wreck. He reported that no informatian could be got of the vessel's name. Many tons of the wreck had been beached and consisted of wool, oil and shipping stores
Eleanor, when returning from Macquarie Island in May, endeavoured to make the island for the purpose of examining the wreck but was prevented by heavy weather. Joss, returning in the Sydney Packet in August, reported that not a vestige of the wreck was then visible. The opinion prevailed in Sydney at this time that the wreck was that of a vessel called the Rifleman.4
On 9th January, 1834, Mr.
On 14th March the two Preservation Bay vessels came up to Sydney. The Sydney Packet, Joss, sailed from New Zealand on the second with 185 skins, 68 casks oil and 14 tons flax. The Caroline came up with a cargo of 350 skins. She had been at the Auckland Islands from which Mr. Edwin Palmer, who came up in her, brought a description of the wreck there, and she had sailed from New Zealand on the first. On her passage up she had spoken the Penelope, of Hobart Town, all well but with no success in sealing.
At this stage a sad accident took place in connection with the Preservation Bay whaling station. A boat's crew went to Ruapuke Island for a few days' recreation and as they did not return for some time, another boat was sent in search of them. On arrival at Ruapuke they were told that the boat had sailed for home. Nothing had been heard of them when the Sydney Packet sailed. Their loss was a severe one to the whaling establishment as three clever headsmen and two boat steerers were among the number.
The Sydney Packet returned on 7th April, taking down a quantity of whaling gear for the supply of the gangs belonging to the house of Bunn & Co. Her general cargo consisted of 12 casks flour, 24 casks beef, 11 casks pork, 22 bags sugar, 2 casks ironmongery, 2 casks slops, 2 boxes soap, 1 cask beer, 2 chests tea, 2 puncheons, 1 hogshead rum, 2 kegs tobacco and stores. The Caroline returned on 20th May, in ballast, but Anglem had taken over the Lucy Ann belonging to Weller, and his place was now taken by Bruce.
The Caroline, Bruce, returned on 21st July with 104 casks black oil, and as passengers, Messrs H. Harding, Sydney Packet returned from New Zealand, from which she had sailed on the first, with 150 casks black oil and 2 casks seal skins. The consignee of the cargoes of the two vessels was E. B. Mowle, that House having evidently taken over the business of Bunn & Co.
The Caroline, Bruce, reached Sydney on 11th September with 97 casks of oil. The “Sydney Gazette” says: “When the signal from New Zealand was yesterday displayed, we were anxious to know whether any and what information was brought from that quarter and on applying to Messrs. Mowle & Co. we learn that the Caroline is from Port Bunn where everything was tranquil. No intelligence of the Alligator has, of course, reached Sydney by this vessel.” She came up in eleven days, during which time she encountered very rough weather and a sea carried away seven of her starboard staunchions and bulwarks and broke in two the ironwork of the pump. Captain Bruce saw no vessel either going or returning. The excitement in Sydney was caused by a report brought up from Otago in the
Lucy Ann that the natives had become very troublesome and that some of them had gone to Port Bunn to cause trouble there. H.M.S. Alligator had left for New Zealand to recapture the remnant of the Harriet's crew wrecked at or near Cape Egmont. From the report brought up in the Caroline the excitement under which the natives laboured while at Otago had effervesced before they reached the southern station.
The Sydney Packet, Joss, sailed with fishery stores on 26th September and returned on the twenty-first of the following month with 40 tuns oil and 8 tons whalebone. In the shipping report it is stated that E. B. Mowle & Co. had a large establishment at Port Bunn. The natives were reported to be in a state of perfect tranquility. The Customs record gives Williams as the master of the Sydney Packet. Probably he came up from the whaling station, as it was the end of the season, to make arrangements for next year's work rendered necessary by the death of Captain Bunn. At what date exactly the property was disposed of is not certain but it was owned by Jones and Palmer in March, 1835.
Throughout the year's traffic it will be noted that the timber trade had ceased, oil, whalebone and seal skins being the staple articles of export.
As a part of the southern trade the arrival of the brig Bee, Robertson, at Sydney, with stores from Macquarie Island, is here recorded. She had gone down and placed a gang there to ascertain whether the former glories of this island were still existent. On 3rd January she returned from Sydney for her men. Captain Robertson was however doomed to disappointment. He was unsuccessful in obtaining either oil or skins and was compelled to return to Sydney with a clean ship, bringing up a gang of 12 men and some 300 tuns of empty casks. He also called at the Chathams and found there some eight or ten runaways. He landed his men at Sydney on 19th May.
The day after the Bee left, the Sydney Packet, Bruce, sailed for her usual destination and returned on 12th
On 11th March the New Zealander reached Sydney, having sailed from the southern part of New Zealand on 28th February. The schooner was under the command of Captain Cole and had on board oil and potatoes. Mrs. Cole was a passenger, but the places called at by this vessel were not given.
Early in April the schooner Sydney Packet was purchased through Mr. Polack, for £800 by Mr. Jones, for many years a waterman of Sydney Cove. By her new purchaser, who was now the owner of the Preservation Bay whaling station, she was fitted out for “bay whaling” and sailed on the twenty-first under the command of Captain Bruce. Her first voyage under the new ownership ended on 12th July when she reached Sydney with two passengers—
In trying to ascertain the first record of Venus in 1808.
It was noticeable that renewed activity was imported into the movements of the Sydney Packet when she came under the ownership of
It will be remembered that
Peter Williams now applied to the new dominant chief and got his old grant confirmed, and that was done by a document of which he submitted the following as a copy.
“To all whom it may concern be it known that I Toawick are now become Rangatera or Chief of these Southern Territories do hereby Testify that the above deed is true and correct and that the above Tatto is the true likeness of the late Chief Taboca—likewise for and on behalf of myself I do Grant the same unto Peter Williams his Heirs Executors Administrators or Assignes for ever in Witness whereof I have set my Tatto likeness Opposite this 31st Day of December 1835.”
(Signature)Peter Williams.
Witnesses—James Ives.
George Moss Mowry, X his mark.
Tomarama Mowry X his mark.
Barago Mowry X his mark.
TOWARDS the end of 1831 the Weller Brothers of Sydney decided to form a whaling establishment at lishment at Otago Harbour, and, with that object in view, purchased a barque of 214 tons, called the Lucy Ann, from the New South Wales Government, and sent her away with the stores necessary, and under the command of Captain Owen. Her cargo for the first trading establishment at Otago combined the arts of peace and war to a charming degree: 6 cases muskets, 10 barrels and 104 half barrels gunpowder, 1 case axes, 2 iron boilers, 5 casks beef, 1 case whaling gear, 1 case whaling line, 1 pipe gin, 2 puncheons rum, 5 kegs tobacco and stores. Probably the ammunition was required for the natives, the alcohol for the whalers.
When the Lucy Ann returned on 29th February, 1832, she brought a cargo comprised wholly of timber and flax: 100 spars, 10,649ft. planks, 1200 trennails and ½ ton flax, consigned to J. B. Weller. It is not stated where the timber was obtained but the author is of opinion that it was loaded on board the vessel at Port Pegasus.
In the beginning of April, 1832, and before the whaling season opened, word reached Sydney that a fire had broken out accidentally at Otago and burnt about 80 houses, totally destroying the whaling establishment. Through the fire a considerable quantity of gunpowder also exploded. This was a terrible blow to the Wellers and meant the loss of a whole whaling season. On 28th May Mr. George Weller went down to Otago in the Lucy Ann.
The first record of oil from the Otago establishment is on the arrival at Sydney of the Lucy Ann on 7th November, 1833, under the command of Captain Wm.
Worth, when she brought up 130 tuns oil, 7 tons whalebone, 1 ton flax, 8 tons potatoes and 1 cask seal skins. She also brought up 5 New Zealanders as passengers. Worth reported that whales were so plentiful when she left that twice the cargo could have been procured had she possessed a sufficient supply of casks. He also reported the wreck at Auckland Island.
At a date which the author has not been able to ascertain, the Wellers arranged for the building of a schooner at Port Pegasus, by the shipbuilding party left there by Stewart about 1826. Captain Morrell, who called in there during the first week of 1830, says that a gang of men from Sydney were engaged in building a vessel then. This was probably Cook and his party, at the vessel which later on became the Joseph Weller. As the Wellers decided in 1831 to establish a station at Otago, this may have been the year arrangements were made between them and Cook's party, and the vessel which Morrell saw upon the stocks may probably have been gone on with for the Otago firm. From the nature of her cargo it would appear that the Lucy Ann called there in 1832 and she is, as we have seen, recorded as sailing from Port Pegasus when she came up with her first cargo of oil. She brought up, at the same time, news of the launching of the Joseph Weller, the first vessel recorded as having been built at Stewart Island. While examining the old Custom's records in Sydney, the author stumbled over a portion of the correspondence which took place in the matter of an application for a register for the vessel, although she had not been built in New South Wales. The correspondence opens with a letter to Mr. George Weller.
Sydney ,19th November, 1833 .
George Weller, Esq. “We beg to acknowledge receipt of your letter addressed to the Controller stating that your brother had launched a schooner at New Zealand, and requesting that a sailing letter may be granted to her to trade between the islands in the South Seas and
“New South Wales and Van Diemen's Land, requesting also to be informed whether the produce of New Zealand when brought in the schooner to New South Wales will be treated as foreign. In reply, we have to acquaint you that vessels built at New Zealand can bring the produce of that Island only to New South Wales or Van Diemen's Land, and that hitherto no duty has been levied upon such produce in this colony. We are, however, invested by law with no authority to grant licences to foreign built vessels, which precludes us in this instance complying with your request. pC. James Brown
Cont. Bueman Langa
The Joseph Weller reached Sydney from New Zealand on her first trip on 31st December, 1833, under the command of Captain Morris, with a cargo which included 33 bales flax, 7 ironwood timbers, 25 rough hand spikes, 4901bs whalebone, 13 casks oil and 3 fur seal skins. On her arrival she was the subject of the closest scrutiny by the Customs and the correspondence shows that her arrival must have excited more than ordinary interest amongst the officers.
1st January, 1834 .
Captain Roach,
Revenue Cutter.“We request that you will immediately report to us whether you boarded the
George Wellerwhich vessel has anchored this morning in the Cove, and if not you will be pleased to state your reasons why that important part of your duty has been in this instance neglected.”pC. Jas Brown
C. Bueman Langa
Tradition says that Cook and his party of shipbuilders went to Sydney on board of the schooner, and when they landed there, one of the first men met on the street was Stewart. The old captain of the Prince of Denmark came
The trading difficulty was afterwards overcome by the receipt of orders from London to issue licenses to vessels built at New Zealand. A license was issued for the Joseph Weller and the Home authorities advised in the following terms:—
4th September, 1834 .
No. 37.
Honourable Sirs, “In compliance with the directions contained in Your Honor's Order of the 20th December 1833, No. 36, we report that the undermentioned vessels built at New Zealand have been furnished with Licenses to trade as British Ships between that Island and the Australian Colonies since the receipt of that Order on the 12th June 1834.”
, Coll. S. GibbesContr. Burman Langa
“No. 1
Joseph WellerSchooner 49 69/94 tons Ralph Snowden Master belonging to George Weller Merchant Sydney, built in the year 1831.”
On 17th February, 1834, the Joseph Weller, Morris, sailed for Otago with stores.
On 22nd April the Lucy Ann, Worth, which had sailed from New Zealand on the twelfth, returned with a cargo of 10 logs of timber, 890 rickers, 165 handspikes, 13 casks black whale oil, 6cwt. whalebone, 2 casks seal skins, 3 tons flax, 86 bundles coopers' flags, 2 tons potatoes and 23 barrels of salt fish, consigned to George Weller. She then took in whaling stores and a gang of whalers and sailed for Otago
Caroline, whose place was taken by Captain Bruce.
The Lucy Ann returned from this voyage on 16th August, having left New Zealand on 21st July with 100 tuns of black oil, ½ ton whalebone and 3 tons potatoes. She brought with her as passengers several Maoris taken away by Anglem against their will. The following day the Joseph Weller came into port, having called in at Port Nicholson and Cloudy Bay and brought Guard, of the shipwrecked Harriet, to Sydney. Her cargo was 120 tuns black oil, 4½ tons whalebone and 3½ tons of potatoes.
Captain Anglem's account of his Otago experiences was as follows:—
“While the
Lucy Annwas at Otago, a very-large body of natives, about five hundred, arrived from Cloudy Bay, where they had been at war with a contending tribe. They treated the residents with much insolence, and struck Mr. Weller repeatedly, and assaulted Captain Hayward and most of the gentlemen there. They took the pipes out of the mouths of the servants, and went into the houses and broke open the boxes, taking whatever they thought proper from them. After this about half of them left Otago for the purpose of going, as they said, to Port Bunn (the establishment ofGeorge Bunn & Co.) which they did. The rest remained behind, and while there a child belonging to one of the chiefs died, which, under some superstitious impression, they attributed to the visit of theLucy Ann.In consequence of this they resolved to take the vessel and assassinate Mr. Weller, Captain Hayward, Captain Anglim, and the rest of the Europeans. On going ashore for a raft of oil, Captain Hayward was informed, by one of the native boys, of the intentions of the natives to murder them all and take the ship. Captain Anglim immediately left off work, and before daylight next morning theLucy Annwas in a state of defence.“The natives soon found that the Europeans were acquainted with their intentions, and gave up the idea of taking the vessel for that time. Captain Anglim previous to his departure, for the better security of the lives of the residents at Otago, and its neighbourhood, persuaded some of the Chiefs on board, and having got them below set sail for Sydney in the most secret manner, and kept the natives as hostages for the good conduct of their tribe during the absence of the
Lucy Ann.The utmost consternation is felt about this part of New Zealand, by the labourers belonging to those gentlemen who are residing near Otago, and very little work can be done by them.”
The Lucy Ann had the misfortune to lose three of her men while whaling off the coast, through a boat capsizing while they were fast to a whale. She brought up a sample of New Zealand coal which was represented as clean and bright burning and likely to form another article of commerce with the islands.
At the same time an extract from a letter dated 21st July, which came up in the Lucy Ann and which is evidently from the pen of Mr. Weller, was published in the “Sydney Gazette” of 18th August.
“I am very sorry to inform you that the natives have been very insolent and troublesome; they were on the point of taking and plundering the
Lucy Annbut for the activity of Captain Anglin, who repulsed them. The brigMary Elizabeth, Captain Lovatt, from Hobart Town, very narrowly escaped capture, by making a precipitate retreat; they took her boat, gear, and dead whales, and also took out of the vessel whatever they thought proper; I did not fare better myself, as they took from me whatever they pleased, and would have killed most of us, had there not been a Chief's son residing with you in Sydney, and whom I told them would be hanged if they destroyed any of us,—this had the desired effect.“I shall be obliged to leave the place if some sort of protection be not afforded to the Europeans. What havoc have they not been making at Cloudy Bay.”
The Joseph Weller returned to Otago on 4th September.
About this date Mr. Weller decided to ship some of the Otago oil direct to England instead of via Sydney, and he made enquiries of the Customs officers whether that could be done. The difficulty which presented itself was as follows:—The law of England imposed a duty on whale oil according to whether it was caught by the crews of British ships and imported direct from the fishery or from any British Possession in a British ship, when it was one shilling per tun, or whether it was the produce of Foreign fishing, when it was £26 12s. per tun. Mr. Weller wanted to know whether the oil taken at his establishment at Otago could be imported direct into England. The Sydney authorities were unable to advise and stated the following case for the opinion of London.
25th October, 1834 .
Honourable Sirs “Application having been made to us by Mr. Weller a respectable merchant at this place, for information as to whether oil shipped under the following circumstances would be admitted as British.
“We beg leave to submit the case to your Honours' Consideration.
“Mr. Weller has an establishment at Otago, New Zealand, for catching fish and preparing the Oil, which Establishment is wholly British, the men the gear and the Boats, and the party is furnished with provisions from this Port.
“Mr. Weller then wishes to know whether if he sends from home a British vessel, to take on board and carry direct to England the oil thus cured, and obtain from the Resident at the Bay of Islands, a
“certificate that it is so caught, it will be admitted as English.” Coll. J. Gibbes
Cr. Burman Langa
Unable to ascertain whether he could ship direct, Mr. Weller chartered the John Barry, 540 tons, Robinson, to proceed to Otago for oil and return to Sydney with same before proceeding to London. The chartered vessel left on the 24th September with a supply of whaling stores.
Four days after the John Barry left Sydney the
Otago New Zealand 28th September 1834 .“The schooner
Joseph Wellerarrived on the 21st of September, all safe, I believe, through her timely arrival, our lives have obtained a respite of a few weeks, that is to say, as soon as theLucy Annshall arrive, and the two Chiefs which went up in her shall return. They make no hesitation in telling us that they will murder us all, and divide our property among them, each man having made his selection. Since their return from Cloudy Bay, they have been so much emboldened by their success in plundering the white people there, and they take from us whatever suits their fancy, such as our clothing, and food off our very plates—help themselves to oil, in such quantities as they require, from our pots. They say white people are afraid of them, for great numbers of vessels have been taken and plundered by them, and white men killed, and Europeans dare not come and punish them for so doing; and if they did come they (the natives) would all run into the bush, where they would be enabled to kill all the Europeans; but white men do not know how to fight with a New Zealander. We asked them why they wished to kill us? they answer with as much indifference as a butcher would do, that it was necessary for their safety, for then ‘no one would know what would become of us.’ We areunder constant apprehension of being burnt in our beds every night; and of the Natives robbing and shooting those that remain, as they attempt to escape. Once or twice Tabooca ( Te Whakataupuka ), who is one of the worst disposed Chiefs, and a horrid cannibal, came up with his mob with, that intention, armed, but was persuaded to desist by the relatives of those Chiefs in Sydney, until the arrival of theLucy Ann; when after some consultation, they departed, having first endeavoured to provoke me to quarrel. However a fire they would have, and they burnt down a Native's and a European's house. The schoonerJoseph Weller, having brought the news that two ships of war were coming to New Zealand to seek revenge for the murder of the people of theHarriet, surprised them a little but when they heard the small number of men (nearly sixty) they laughed at the idea. Notwithstanding, that very circumstance has saved theJoseph Wellerfrom being taken, and all of us from being massacred, the night after her arrival. Had those chiefs come down that went up to Sydney in theLucy Ann, all would now have been over with us, for as soon as it became dark, a great number of strangers crowded on board, under pretence of bringing women, when they began an indiscriminate plunder—some opening the hatches and going below—others taking whatever they could lay their hands upon, but were once more stopped by the relations of the Chiefs in Sydney; so you see everything is got ready for an immediate attack, and God only Knows what our fates may be. We put great hopes in the statements which have appeared in the Sydney Papers, that two men-of-war were on the coast, and in all probability they will visit this place; if they do not come here after having told the natives they would, and seek revenge if they should kill us, our fates will then be certain. However we are all prepared for the worst, and we are determined to die like men, and not give up the ghost without a struggle. We are all well armed, and are determined to sell our lives as dearly as possible. We have petitioned the Governor for assistance, but I am fearfulthat it will arrive too late to rescue us from destruction. If you should get this letter, send down another vessel well armed with the Lucy Ann. I have only landed part of the goods from the schooner; the remainder I return, and have despatched Mr. Snowden in hope that he may arrive in time to make arrangements for sending down two vessels to bring up all our property, as the whole of us intend to abandon the place should our lives be spared.”
Snowden reached Sydney on 15th October with 28 tuns oil and 3 tons of bone. He saw no other vessels, going or returning, nor did he hear anything of the movements of the Alligator or of the Isabella.
The next trip of the Joseph Weller Mr. John Barry was at Otago at the same time and sailed three days before the
The plethora of news from Otago during the year 1834 gives place to a very commonplace repetition of arrivals, departures and cargoes during 1835.
On 8th January, 1835, the Lucy Ann sailed, with Captain Anglem in command, but beyond the fact that she left New Zealand on 23rd April and returned on 19th May with 50 barrels of oil on board, nothing is known of her trip.
On 14th February the Joseph Weller sailed from the “southern part of New Zealand” with 1½ tons whalebone, 31 casks salt fish, 65 seal skins, 4000 dried fish and a cask of sundries, and reached Sydney on 4th March under the command of Stitt. She sailed again on the seventeenth of the same month and returned on 11th May. Captain
On 11th March the brig Children, 254 tons, Durocher, sailed for New Zealand. She had been chartered to convey stores to Otago, intending to call at another part of the country for a cargo of flax.
Shortly after the Joseph Weller left Otago on her last trip, Mr. Joseph Weller, who had been suffering from consumption, died. His remains were preserved in a puncheon of rum and shipped on board the barque Sushannah, Ridley, on 6th September, when she was loading for Sydney. She reached Sydney on the twenty-seventh and reported that measles was making headway among the Maoris.
The Lucy Ann which had so long traded with Otago now began to seek for fresh places for the pursuit of whales and sailed on 1st June for Port Cooper. On 22nd September she left that port with 90 tuns oil and a few tons of whalebone. She had been absent from Sydney for only about five months and Captain Rapsey stated that had it not been for rough weather he would have filled his vessel in that time. The Joseph Weller was the only vessel in Port Cooper when the Lucy Ann left. The former afterwards sailed to Otago and, taking on board a gang of whalers there on 2nd December, returned to Sydney on the eighteenth, with 8 casks of oil, 13 tons whalebone and 400 bags of potatoes, consigned to G. Weller.
On 29th September the Collector of Customs received from the Board of Customs, London, a reply to Mr. Weller's queries of the previous year.
Customs House London
30th May 1835
Gentlemen “Having read your Letter of the 25th October last No. 49 requesting to be informed whether Oil taken
“By a British Establishment at Otago in New Zealand and shipped from thence on board a British Vessel to this Country accompanied by a Certificate from the Resident at New Zealand, would upon its arrival here be admitted as British. “We acquaint you that as New Zealand is not a British Possession, oil imported from thence will be liable to a duty of £26 12s per tun.”
John DeanHy. LeggeW. L. Haberly.Sydney, New South Wales .
The following reply was then given to Mr. Weller:
29th September 1835 .
George Weller Esq.
Sydney “By a letter received this day from the Board of Customs in reply to our communication of the 25th October last we are informed that as New Zealand is not a British Possession Oil imported from thence into Great Britain will be liable to the duty of £26 12s. per tun.
Coll. J. Gibbes
Act. Cont. R. S. Webb
OF the vessels which were mentioned in the survey certificate of the Sarah, the Waterloo was, as we saw, wrecked shortly afterwards, the Harriet arrived in Sydney on 22nd January, 1834, having called in at the Bay of Islands with the crew of the Waterloo and with 133 tuns of black oil, and the Denmark Hill reached Sydney on 20th March, with 860 barrels. Another vessel, the Hind, called in at the Bay and leaving with Mr. Kentish and his family on 12th January, landed them at Sydney on 28th February.
When Captain Elley brought the Hind to Sydney he reported “a very dangerous sandbank in Cooks Straits which seems to have hitherto escaped notice and is not marked on any chart of that coast at present extant.” He described it “From Cape Farewell there is a sandspit bearing about due east, to a distance of 9 leagues and cannot be seen until within a mile from it. It is without exception, the most dangerous place in Cooks Straits; and, if not aware of its position, destruction is inevitable. From Cape Farewell, however, as long as your vessel can carry canvas, and may be depended upon, East and by North will keep you clear.” It must appear to the reader strange that the discovery in 1834, of a sandspit which had been seen by Tasman and D'Urville, and particulars of which had been given by both, should have entitled Elley to “the thanks of the mercantile community.” It shows what poor charts of the coastline were at the disposal of shipping.
Mr. Kentish, in his letter of 3rd March, had mentioned the fear of an invasion by the southern natives under which the shore whaling gangs at Cloudy were at that time labouring. The fear proved in due course to be well founded. On 29th March, the schooner Harlequin, 71 tons,
“It appears that some time ago the natives of Cloudy Bay, then at war with those belonging to the province of Otargo, had taken a Chief of the latter place (Eacho) (? Tamaiharanui) with his daughters, both of whom they killed. In revenge the natives of Otargo had come in great numbers to Cloudy Bay to seek revenge for their injuries. Upon the 6th instant headed by Tiharoah (Taiaroa), Tarbooco (
Te Whakataupuka ) and another chief, they proceeded in a body about 400, with the intention of commencing war against the Cloudy Bay tribes, who, it appears, were in the interior engaged in civil war among themselves. Not finding them, they proceeded in the work of devastation. Every station was completely annihilated—those of Messrs. Campbell and Captain Blinkensoppe in particular—their men taken prisoners, and one or more of the women shot—two of the white men, accompanied by several native women, escaped in a whale boat. On the 7th March theHarlequinschooner came to anchor in the Bay. Three boats, filled with natives, bringing the remaining two white men (for whom they expected ransom) boarded her, and commenced plundering the vessel of sails, colours, muskets, &c., cutting part of her running rigging, &c., and but for the good policy of Captain Shaw, the vessel doubtless would have been taken, nearly two hundred of the natives being on deck searching for plunder and scarcely a part of the vessel but what underwent their scrutiny. However, Captain Shaw, with much address, persuaded the New Zealanders to go on shore, and immediately made sail for Cavity (Kapiti) Island, where a similar fate awaited him, from which he also luckily managed to extricate himself.”
On 13th April Captain Harriet, 240 tons, Richard Hall, for Cloudy Bay. There were also on board, Mrs Guard and two children, two mates, and 23 seamen. On the twenty-ninth the vessel was driven ashore at Cape Egmont and became a total wreck but all hands were safely landed with three boats and some muskets, powder, &c.
No sooner had the shipwrecked party secured themselves ashore than a new danger presented itself—some 30 Maoris visited them on 1st May. On the fourth two men deserted to the savages and on the seventh about 200 Maoris came down and told them they were to be killed. On the tenth an attack was made in force when 12 Europeans were killed and Mrs. Guard and her two children captured. The others fought their way through to the beach and escaped. On their road to Mataroa they fell in with another party of Maoris to whom they surrendered. Fortunately their lives were spared and they were handed over as slaves to their captors.
In about a fortnight, learning that one of the boats was safe,
The following narrative is given by Guard of their voyage.1
“June 20.—Captain Guard and six Europeans, accompanied by three natives, started for Cloudy Bay in a small whale-boat, and which was in such a bad state, that it required one hand to be constantly engaged bailing the water out. After being at sea in an open boat for two days and two nights, we reached Blind Bay, and hauled our boat on the beach, being unable to proceed further at that time
“on account of the wind blowing strong from the north, with heavy rains. “June 22.—Started from Blind Bay; the night, however, coming on, and a heavy sea from the N.E. caused us to put in at a small river, where we again fell in with a party of natives, who robbed us of what we had in the boats, and our oars, and if we had not known some of them, they would have stolen our boat, and perhaps have done what was worse. We were here detained one day.
“June 25.—Started and reached Stephens Island where we had the pleasure of a meal of mussels from the rocks; we were afraid to visit the native settlements, expecting, if we did that we should be taken prisoners or slaughtered, or lose our boat.
“June 26.—About 4 p.m. (and we have much reason to recollect the hour) we arrived at the European Settlement, Queen Charlotte Sound, where we had the pleasure of hearing of the schooner,
Joseph Weller, Captain Morris, which was lying at Port Nicholson. For the kindness of Captain Morris, we shall always feel grateful.“June 27.—Reached Cloudy Bay.”
At Cloudy Bay they found Captain Sinclair of the barque Mary Ann who lent them a boat and gave them things with which to ransom the captives. On board this boat they reached Port Nicholson on 30th June, and Captain Morris at once agreed to help them.
On 14th July the Joseph Weller set sail (presumably from Cloudy Bay) for the purpose of picking up those left at Mataroa and afterwards calling at Port Egmont for Mrs Guard and the children, if it were possible to redeem them. The wind however proved unfavourable and the Joseph Weller had to go on to Sydney, where Captain Guard and the three chiefs were landed on 17th August.
In the meantime the brig Eleanor, Manley, with 130 tons of flax and 1 cask of oil, consigned to R. Jones & Co.,
Martha.”
Captain Blinkinsopp, in the barque Caroline, left Cloudy Bay on 3rd June with a cargo of 100 tuns of black oil and 60 tuns sperm from Campbell's establishment. When the vessel left, the natives were quite peaceful and in the Bay were the Hobart Town whaler, Mary Ann, and the American whaler Erie of Newport. The sperm oil on the Caroline had been obtained at Curtis Island. The Erie, Dennis, was the pioneer ship of the immense fleet of American whalers, which, during the next few years, filled every bay in the South Island with vessels. The Caroline did not reach Sydney until 5th July.
A writer, R. W. S., about this time sent to the Sydney press an interesting account of a trip round the North Island of New Zealand. It records the fact that the first farming operations had been commenced on Mana Island by a Mr. Bell, and that fresh meat and vegetables could be then procured by the shipping at reasonable rates. In addition to this we have one of the few references to the visit of H.M.S. Warspite in 1827. The portion relating to Cook Strait is here reproduced.2
“Owing to contrary winds on my arrival in Cook's Straits, I was necessitated to beat about for several days previous to reaching my first destination, the Island of Manna (Mana), (the Warspite Island of Captain Dundas, R.N.), during which I discovered a shoal, not previously noticed, lying about ten miles south-west of Manna (Mana), upon which (as far as I could judge from the great way on the vessel) there is about five fathoms of water. You approach the roadstead of Manna (Mana) either from the northward or southward, the only danger being a reef (visible at half tide) which runs out about a mile off the southermost head-land of a Bay or Harbour on the opposite shore, called Purri-rua (Porirua), which is immediately facing you on entering from the northwest, and which vessels may
When the Joseph Weller was at Cloudy Bay on 14th July, the Mary Ann and the Erie were still there and they had been joined by the Denmark Hill and the Essex, the latter an English vessel which had been out for three years and was not yet full. This is the first mention in Sydney papers of an English whaler taking up the South Island black whale trade. A schooner and a brig, supposed to be the Shamrock and the Carnarvon, were coming in when the Joseph Weller left.
The Joseph Weller had come from Otago where the local whaling station was in fear of an attack by the natives at any hour. When she reached Sydney it was found that the Lucy Ann had arrived from Otago the day before with a full account of the dangers which beset Mr. Weller's establishment. Probably a conference between the captains of the Joseph Weller and the Lucy Ann was responsible for Guard's next step. Although he had set out to ransom those left behind at Mataroa, he now abandoned the idea of ransom and applied, under date 22nd August, for the assistance of the New South Wales Government and stated his own and Captain Anglem's willingness to assist any party sent down to punish the natives and to teach them to respect the British. In saying, as they did, that they would be able to conduct any vessel to the best ports, the two captains evidently had in view a visit to Otago.
The proposal of a punitive expedition was adopted by the Executive and it was decided to apply to Captain Lambert, of H.M.S. Alligator, then in port, to proceed to New Zealand and effect the restoration of those detained,
H.M.S. Alligator, with Lieut. Gunton and 25 rank and file of the 50th Regiment, and the Colonial schooner Isabella, with Captain Johnson, Ensign Wright and 40 rank and file, sailed from Port Jackson on 31st August. The expedition arrived off Cape Egmont on 12th September when the interpreters were landed to ask the restoration of Mrs. Guard and her children. Finding that she was in another place the Alligator sailed thither but the natives refused to give them up without a ransom.
The following morning heavy westerly weather compelled Captain Lambert to run for shelter to Admiralty Bay and he anchored in a little bay to the west of Point Jackson to which he gave the name of Gore's Harbour, after the Commander-in-Chief in the East Indies. A few deserted huts were seen but no natives.
On the sixteenth the Captain left Gore's Harbour and the following day took on board the two interpreters who had failed to accomplish the object of their mission.
On the eighteenth a N.W. gale compelled them to seek once more the shelter of the South Island, in a harbour to which they were piloted by Guard. Here the soldiers were landed and exercised in ball practice, in view of the demands likely to be made upon them during the next few days. This harbour, which was named Port Hardy, was left on the twentieth and Mataroa reached on the twenty-first.
On this occasion, as soon as demand had been made for the seamen and the New Zealanders had been put ashore, the captives were surrendered without any further trouble. It was the twenty-fifth before communication could be re-established when it was found that Mrs. Guard and her children were there but would not be given up. One
Nothing more could be done until the twenty-eighth when an armed party was landed and the chief captured. On the twenty-ninth the pah was destroyed. On the thirtieth word was sent to the natives that until Mrs. Guard was given up the chief would be kept as a hostage. On 1st October Mrs. Guard and one child were given up alive, and as the other child was under the control of another tribe, the captive chief was handed over. The same day, while taking steps to secure the return of the boy, a shot was fired by the natives. As a punishment the Alligator bombarded the settlement.
Bad weather drove Captain Johnson back to Port Hardy and kept him there from the second to the fifth, during which time the survey of the harbour was completed by Lieut. Woore.
On the sixth the expedition arrived at the native settle-men, reconnoitred it on the seventh and landed an armed party with four days' provisions on the eighth. The same day the child was brought in, tied to the back of a chief who asked for a ransom. When told that it would not be given he tried to get away with the child, when the latter was cut clear of him and the chief shot.
Owing to the weather the troops were not got on board until the eleventh and during the intervening time a good deal of fighting and destruction of their habitations took place. In one of the pahs the head of a seaman named Clarke, of the Harriet, was found.
The object of the expedition having been attained, Captain Lambert sailed on the eleventh for Kapiti, which he reached the following morning and found that the information had already preceded him and caused considerable alarm. There, on a low tongue of land which runs out like a natural pier, was the native village with numerous canoes drawn up on the beach. The opposite shore was covered with huts and canoes. Several natives came off
The Alligator and the Isabella stopped only a few hours at Kapiti and then sailed through Cook Strait en route for the Bay of Islands. Before he sailed, however, Captain Lambert issued a notice to the most powerful chiefs on the Island. The document (which is wrongly dated) reads as follows:—
His Britannic Majesty's Ship ,Alligator,
Entree Island11 October, 1834 .
George Robert Lambert, Captain.“Two ships of war, belonging to His Majesty King William the Fourth, having arrived on this coast in consequence of the horrid murder of part of the crew of the
Harriet, the remaining part having been made slaves by the people of Mataroa, Nummo, Taranachee, and Wyamati, and to require the said people to be given up, which has been effected after a most severe punishment inflicted on the said tribes, by burning their pahs, their property, and killing and wounding many of them; and at the same time to point out to the other tribes that, however much the King of England wishes to cultivate friendship with the New Zealanders, the indignation he will feel“at a repetition of such cruelty to his subjects, and how severely he will punish the offenders. , Geo. Robt. Lambert
Captain of H.M.S.Alligator.”
Early in November word was received in Sydney that the schooner Shamrock had capsized and sunk in Queen Charlotte Sound, and that 3 Europeans and 7 natives had perished. The master escaped. The vessels at that time in Cloudy Bay were the Denmark Hill with 150 tuns, and the Cornwallis with 2 whales alongside. Captain Blinkinsopp had 130 tuns of oil. On the ninth of the month Finlay took the Denmark Hill out of Cloudy Bay with 190 tuns oil and 1122 bundles of whalebone consigned to J. H. Grose, 99 bundles whalebone to J. Williams, and 23 bundles to J. Findlay. The captain and five men of the Shamrock and three men from the Harriet came as passengers. She reached Sydney on the twenty-fourth and was followed two days later by the Caroline, Blinkinsopp, with 200 tuns of oil and 11 tons of whalebone.
H.M.S.Alligator, with Mrs. Guard and two children, arrived at Sydney on 14th November.
The “Sydney Herald” of 24th November states that the commander of the William Stoveld had made extensive arrangements for the improvement of a small fertile island in Cook Strait where in due course he intended to locate himself and his family. Probably the news was brought up by the Denmark Hill. The commander's name was Davidson and in the issue of the same paper under date 25th January, a correspondent from the “Island of Manno, Cook's River,” writing on 9th November, 1833, reported the arrival of the William Stoveld about six weeks before. The fertile island in question must therefore have been Mana—the island of which such a perfect view can be obtained from the train while passing the Plimmerton Railway Station. The William Stoveld returned from London on 22nd December.
THE first cargo of oil from Cook Strait for the 1835 season came up in the New Zealander, Cole. She sailed from Cloudy Bay on 10th June and landed her cargo, which consisted of oil from the Cornwallis and Denmark Hill, in Sydney on 7th July. Captain Brown of the Proteus, who had resigned his command to the chief mate, came up in her as a passenger.
In Cloudy Bay when the New Zealander left were:—
The Caroline, Cherry, 80 tuns.
The Denmark Hill, Finlay, 60 tuns.
The Socrates of Hobart Town, about 60 tuns.
The Cornwallis, 50 tuns.
The Proteus, 25 tuns.
The Louisa, Hayward, 50 tuns.
The Charles, Hawkins, of London.
The Warren, of America.
The Halcyon, Thomson, of America.
The crews of the Charles and the Halcyon were in a disorderly state. The Socrates had lost her second mate and five of her hands in a dreadful south-east gale. One of the Proteus' boats was nearly lost in the same gale and passed the boat's crew of the Socrates holding on to the bottom of their capsized boat. No help could be afforded them however and when the men of the Proteus looked again they were gone.
On 17th September the Louisa, with 140 tuns, and the Denmark Hill left Cloudy Bay for Sydney, where they both arrived on 8th October. Mr. Louisa.
Between the sailing of the New Zealander on 10th June, and the 17th September, the Socrates had left the Bay, and
Bee, a brig commanded by Robertson, had arrived. All the vessels had made substantial progress with their cargoes. During that three months the Caroline had added 120 tuns, the Proteus 175 and the Cornwallis 70. The Charles was now 26 months out and had 1600 barrels, the Warren 23 months with 300 tuns and the Halcyon 27 months with 240.
The Bee came up on 22nd October with 108 tuns of oil and 6 tons whalebone consigned to Wright and Long, and was followed on the twenty-sixth by the Halcyon with 361 tuns.
On the arrival of the American whaler at Sydney her captain appears to have excelled himself in supplying “copy” to the press reporters. He stated that information had been obtained at Cloudy Bay that the whole of the southern natives had armed themselves and were on the march to the north to seek revenge upon the English and the northern natives in Cloudy Bay and elsewhere for the depredations which had been committed in 1830 by the brig Elizabeth under Captain Stewart, as well as to obtain satisfaction for the Maoris drowned in the Shamrock in Queen Charlotte Sound. The natives were said to be determined to take and destroy everything which came their way. As a result the Europeans were obliged to remove from Cloudy Bay. The whole of the shipping had left but the Caroline, Proteus and Hind, which remained in company for mutual protection, the captains meantime completing their cargoes before they would leave Cloudy Bay deserted by Europeans. The Proteus had 270 tuns, the Caroline was full and the Hind had a cargo waiting for her. The Cornwallis had left the Bay to fish on the coast before returning to Sydney.
The last-named reached Sydney on 1st November, with 130 tuns.
The Hind, Wyatt, sailed from Cloudy Bay on 27th October with Captain Collins, James Campbell and Mr. and Mrs. Thomas on board as passengers. She reached Sydney on 12th November and brought up word that the story of the Halcyon was greatly exaggerated. What had happened
Proteus was about to sail on the twenty-seventh when the Hind left and the Nimrod from Sydney had called in for cargo. The last named, Hepburn, master, reached port on 25th November from Poverty Bay with 13 casks of oil for Robert Campbell & Co. Mr. Harris come over as a passenger.
On 5th December the schooner Success, Captain Richard Buckle, reached Sydney with 208 casks black oil, 630 packages whalebone, 1 bundle seal skins and 2 spars, consigned to the House of R. Jones & Co. Captain Buckle reported that while at New Zealand he met the schooner New Zealander, Cole, filling up at Queen Charlotte Sound on 8th November, the Jolly Rambler in Cook Strait on the tenth, and the Proteus at Entry Island on the eleventh with 200 tuns of oil. She also reported that an American vessel had been there and that the Lord Rodney had visited the Sound.
Of the vessels spoken by the Success the New Zealander reached port on 18th December with 20 tuns oil for R. Jones & Co., 1 bundle of whalebone for Captain Ashmore, and 1 cask seal oil, 2 casks seal skins and 30 bundles whalebone for J. H. Grose & Co. Her passengers were Mrs. C. and Mr. William. The Lord Rodney had a very exciting experience before she reached Sydney. Her captain, Harewood, reported it to the “Sydney Herald” of 28th January, 1838, as follows:—
“We arrived at Entry Island, Cook's Straits, New Zealand, on the 16th of October, after a passage of seventeen days from Sydney, sailed from Entry Island on the 19th and reached Cloudy Bay on the 21st; started from the latter place on the 25th, and arrived at Port Nicholson on the 26th at noon. The
Caroline, Cherry, of Sydney, was the only vessel in the port. When theRodneybrought up, the Natives appeared to be remarkably friendly, and anxiousto barter for potatoes, hogs, &c. I purchased what I wanted from them, and hearing there was a quantity of whalebone to be purchased about 25 miles from Port Nicholson, on the 30th, sailed for that place. Mr. Dawson, my trading master, having advised me, I took the Head Chief of Port Nicholson, and four other Natives to facilitate the purchase of the whalebone. On reaching the destination, the Natives would not part with the bone, unless I would consent to take them to Chatham Island; there appeared to be a muster of about 300 Natives at this place. Having been unsuccessful in my trip, I ran back to Port Nicholson, the Chief on board (“A-Murry”), saying he would compensate me for the loss of time, by a present of some hogs, &c. The next day after reaching Port Nicholson, “A-Murry” the Chief, sent a number of canoes away, and they shortly returned filled with hogs, &c., also two spars, as a present; there was also a quantity of hogs and potatoes on shore, which the Chief requested me to look at; for this purpose, I left the brig, taking with me a good boat's crew. A short time after landing, I discovered that some of the Natives had taken the boat from my men; I immediately called out for the boat to be brought back, but they refused; one of the Chiefs also told me that the ship was taken, and I should very soon know it. At 11 a.m., Mr. Davis, one of my passengers, was sent on shore by the Natives, to inform me that the ship was in the possession of the New Zealanders, and that there were about 300 of them on board. Mr. Davis also informed me, that they had rushed upon the crew, and tied their hands behind them, saying, they did not want to hurt any one on board, or plunder the ship, but would have the vessel to convey them to Chatham Island, as a tribe of Natives had declared war against those of Port Nicholson, and would massacre the whole of them if they remained. I at once saw that any opposition on my part would perhaps be the means of losing the vessel entirely, or that the affair would end in bloodshed. I therefore resolved to accede to their demands, and wait an opportunity of recapturing the brig. The Natives were unwilling that I should go off to the vessel at once; I therefore sent a verbal message to the Chief Officer, to run the vessel under the lee side of the Island; this order, however, was not attended to. Shortly afterwards, “A-Murry” came ashore with one of my crew, and requested me to go off to the ship, which I did, the Natives keeping some of my crew ashore until I brought the brig within gun-shot of the place. At 4 p.m., there were about 400 Natives on board, with about 50 canoes alongside the vessel. At dusk, all the natives, except 20 Chiefs, left for the shore. Amongst those on board I discovered “A-Murry” and another Chief, who appeared extremely suspicious whenever I spoke to the crew. On the morning of the 6th November, they brought about 70 tons of seed potatoes on board of their own, making me a present of about 20 hogs; they said they would give me all their powder, muskets, potatoes, hogs, &c., after I had safely landed them on Chatham Island. On the 7th, they employed themselves watering the ship. I remarked that my bowsprit was too bad to proceed to sea with; about 40 of them immediately went in search of a new one, which was brought to the ship next day. The crew, during this time, was employed killing and salting pork the Natives had brought on board. They frequently asked me if the Governor of Port Jackson would be offended at what they had done, not having taken any lives or plundered the vessel; that they were not like the Taranaka tribe, who killed the people belonging to the Harriet, Captain Hall. They seemed to be much afraid of a man-of-war coming after them. The wind being contrary, nothing particular occurred up to the 14th, when we had a fair wind for Chatham Island, for which place we weighed anchor at 10 minutes past 5 a.m., with about 300 on board; at 30 minutes past 5, about 600 mustered on the vessel, with about 40 canoes alongside. The whole of them appeared anxious to go (although the crew could not move about the vessel to work the ship, the Natives were so thick) I ran as far asthe Heads and brought up again. About one hundred of them left the ship in the canoes, taking with them as a hostage my second officer, who they promised to retain until I returned for the remainder of them. The wind being favourable, I weighed anchor and proceeded with about five hundred New Zealanders, principally women and children, with only about three tons of water on board. I had previously told them they must do without water for three days, after putting to sea, which they consented to, or any other privation, if they could but get away from Port Nicholson. On the 15th and 16th most of the Natives were sea-sick, and on the 17th the women that had young children were calling out violently for water, when I ordered them to be supplied; the strongest of the men, however, only got water, leaving the women and children without. At 1.30 p.m. saw Chatham Island, when the Natives gave a terrible shout, and the women cried for joy, as is the custom in New Zealand. At 6.30, brought the brig up in the best place I could find, not having any chart of the Island. The Natives immediately commenced landing, and about two hundred of them went ashore. Some Europeans came alongside in a whaleboat, and informed me that the best harbour was about two miles higher up, to which place we made all sail, and at sunset all the Natives, except eight, went on shore. I consulted about making an attempt to get away, and it was agreed to, and at 7.30 p.m. made sail and proceeded to sea; Mr. Ferguson and Mr. Davis being engaged loading muskets the Natives on board overheard them, and made a great noise so that those on shore should hear them; I told them the wind was driving into the harbour, and that I should return to Chatham Island in the morning; they appeared dissatisfied with this statement, and I allowed them to go on shore. The wind blowing fresh from the southward, I had my doubts whether I could work out of the Bay, having to beat to windward against a short cross-head sea for about fifteen miles. After the Natives had left the brig about five minutes, Murry the Chief and a crew came alongside in the European's boat, and observing they were not armed I allowed the Chief to come on board. I told him I should return in the morning, but he would not believe me. He gave orders for the other Natives to go ashore, and he remained in the vessel. The weather was very squally during the night, and the Chief seemed to be nearly heartbroken. The vessel tacked about the Bay (which is fifteen miles wide) every two hours, until we carried away the square mainsail, main trysail and the jib-boom. With every prospect of the continuance of bad weather, having progressed but six miles during the night, I resolved to run back immediately, and at 7 a.m. brought up again in the harbour. Some of the Natives said they thought I had run away with all their seed potatoes, &c., they said they had been crying during the whole of the night, doubting my return to the Island. They immediately commenced taking out their potatoes which they completed about 4 p.m. Several of the New Zealanders expressed themselves much dissatisfied with my going away in the night, and Murry the Chief said that if I had not split my sails, &c. I should not have returned. The 21st and 22nd, it still continued to blow fresh from the southward. On the 23rd the wind being from the N.W. weighed anchor, when several of the Chiefs came on board, and wished to proceed back to Port Nicholson. When outside I asked Mr. Dawson, my trading master, whether he thought any thing would happen to the mate at Port Nicholson, if we ran direct for Port Jackson. Mr. Dawson having had sixteen years in the New Zealand trade said, that he would certainly be killed if we did not return. I made sail for Port Nicholson, and reached that place on the 20th (?) at 10 p.m. On the next day my second officer came on board, and informed me that the Jolly Ramblerhad been in the harbour during my absence, which the Natives would have taken but she was too small for their purpose. The New Zealanders had also killed several dogs, and hung them up in different directions, for the purpose as they said of driving the ship back to them. The savages also killed a young girl of about twelve yearsof age, cut her to pieces, and hung her flesh up to posts in the same manner as the dogs, saying that she was the cause of our detention. It took the Natives all the 27th to talk over what they had seen at Chatham Island, after which they gave me in payment 2½ tons of pork, 41 old muskets, about 360lbs. of powder, one cannonade, a nine-pounder, two fowling-pieces, and about 7 tons of potatoes. On the 30th of November, took in 7 canoes from 35 to 60 feet in length, about four hundred Natives, and proceeded on my second trip to Chatham Island. Having a fair wind all the way, I arrived at 30 minutes past 7, a.m., in the harbour. The Natives immediately disembarked, and took all they had from the brig. I was doubtful whether the New Zealanders would not, at the wind up of the proceedings, plunder the ship, but in this I was agreeably disappointed; although they had certainly made free with many things in the vessel, which I attributed to the negligence of the seamen. On the 5th December, having completed my forced expedition, I made sail, being accompanied to the Heads with ‘the two Chiefs,’ who craved tobacco of me; having given them about 20lbs. of the same, they left the brig, since which I have not heard anything of them or their tribe.”
Amongst the troubles which the Sydney oil merchants had to put up with a not insignificant one was the supplying of evidence that the oil delivered was British, not Foreign. A small duty of one shilling per tun was imposed upon the former while the latter had to bear an impost of £26 12s per tun. The Sydney officials were ever on the watch for evasions of these duties and called in question 11 tuns of oil which arrived by the Fortitude from the Bay of Islands on 6th January. The oil in question had reached the Bay of Islands in the American ship Erie, the first American vessel recorded as “bay whaling” in the South Island, sent up to that port by a shore whaling party as regular cargo. The Sydney authorities contended that the oil was “Foreign,” the consignees that it was “British.” The point in dispute was referred to London, the oil meantime
21st March, 1835 .
Sir,— “A seizure having been made at this Port of a quantity of Black oil, brought up from New Zealand in the
Fortitudeand entered as British Caught, but which was in fact taken by the Boats of the American ShipErie, we request that you will have the goodness to call upon Mr. Bowditch and any other person who may be acquainted with the circumstances to fill up the form herewith sent and swear to the truth of the same or make such other affidavits as may be thought more applicable in order that all necessary information may be furnished to the Lords of the Treasury to whose decision the case is left, the oil having under that condition been delivered up to the Party. We have in our possession an affidavit sworn before you by the Men who caught the Fish, and it is to be regretted that enquiry was not made as to who they were, because it would in all probability have been discovered that although they were Englishmen they were sailing under the American Flag, and using American Gear and Boats, and that their object was to get Foreign caught oil brought into consumption in Great Britain at the low duty, thereby defrauding the Revenue, and injuring the British Fishery under all which circumstances we trust that you will endeavour to throw as much light as possible on the case, and that you will be pleased to send us the necessary documents by the earliest conveyance.“We beg to observe that we are in possession of much of the particulars but not detailed or both.”
J. Gibbes Collector.R. S. WebbAg. Cont.J. Busby , British Resident, New Zealand.
Busby's reply was not very satisfactory.
Gentlemen “I have had the honour to receive your letter of the 21st March last requesting me to procure certain information on oath relative to a quantity of Black Oil which was sent from this place in the Schooner
Fortitudeand enterd at Sydney as British Caught oil, but, which it is alleged was taken by the Boats of the American ShipErie, and therefrom entered as British Caught in order to deprive His Majesty's Revenue.“I regret that not having Authority to administer an oath it is not in my power to procure the information you require.
“As far as my memory serves me the person who made the declaration before me (which he professed his readiness to verify on oath) stated that he and his party had been pursuing the Black Whale Fishery at I believe Cloudy Bay, at which place I have understood there are parties so engaged who are not immediately connected with any Ship; and that he merely took advantage of the American Ship coming to the Bay of Islands to get the produce of his Fishery conveyed hither.
“He was evidently a native of North Britain and there was nothing in his appearance to indicate an improbability of his having been engaged in such a speculation.”
J. Busby .11th May 1835 .
Busby's information was not to the liking of the Sydney Customs officers and it was some time before the nature of the reply was communicated to London, in the following letter:—
August 11, 1835 .
Honourable Sirs “Referring to our letter of the 10th February last No. 3 we beg to state that we wrote to the British
“Resident at New Zealand on March last (copy of which letter we enclose) requesting that he would procure the affidavit of the person who had given the information in respect to the oil, but he states in reply that he is not authorised to administer an oath and consequently could not comply with our request. We therefore presume that nothing further can be done in the matter unless your Honours should consider the circumstances of the oil having been carried from one part of New Zealand to another in an American Ship sufficient to condemn it. “We believe it has not before been mentioned that the oil came here in American casks but the parties say that those casks had been entered here, and the duty paid, subsequent to which they were exported to New Zealand.”
Collr. J. Gibbes
A/C. R. S. Webb
Impatient at the delay in forwarding the promised information the following sharp letter came from London.
Gentlemen “I have it in command to refer you to your Letter of the 10th February last No. 3 reporting the seizure of a quantity of Oil and stating that you would immediately obtain and forward to the Board Affidavits from certain parties in New Zealand in proof of the Oil being
foreign taking, and to call upon you forthwith to transmit the Affidavits in question and to explain the cause of the delay.”I am Gentlemen Your most obed. Servt. J. Ker.Custom House
London10th Decr. 1835 .Sydney, New South Wales .
The correspondence on this subject is brought to a close by the following letter:—
Custom House London 26th February 1836 .
Gentlemen “Having had under consideration your Letter of the 11th August last No. 29 further reporting in regard to the seizure of 21 Casks of Oil brought from your Port in the Schooner
Fortitudefrom New Zealand, but subsequently delivered upon bond being given to abide our decision.“We direct you to cancel the Bond given by the Parties in the case.”
. John DeanH. Richmond.W. Cuel.
Whatever may be said generally of the inability of the Imperial Authorities to realise the conditions under which work was, in those days carried on, there is no doubt that in this matter the position was not understood in Sydney while it was understood in London. The correspondence, unearthed from the files of the Sydney Customs House, is here published for the first time.
Note.—When no numeral is attached to the reference the latter indicates where the earliest known account of the events mentioned in that chapter can be obtanied. Authorities in the various chapters are, on their first mention, given in a full, afterwards in a contracted, form.
Cook's Journal (1893).
Banks' Journal (1896).
Parkinson's Journal (1773).
Log of Endeavour, Library of
Historical Records of N.S.W., Vol. I., pt. 1, p. 308.
Cook's Second Voyage.
Forster's Voyage.
Historical Records of N.S.W., Vol. I., pt. 1, p. 352.
Historical Records, Vol. I., p. 16.
Appendix to Journals of H. of R., 1901, C. 1, p. 135.
Shortland's Southern Districts of N.Z. (1851), p. 128.
Pickersgill's Log, Record Office, London.
Cook's Second Voyage.
Forster's Voyage.
Milet-Mureau,
Bligh, A Voyage to the South Seas, (1792), pp. 55 and 56.
Vancouver's Voyage (1801).
Historical Records of N.S.W., Vol. I., pt. 2, p. 312.
H.R. of N.S.W., Vol. I., pt. 2, p. 451.
Cook's Second Voyage.
Wyld's Map of New Zealand, 1841.
Appendix to Journals of House of Representatives, 1901, C. 1, p. 133.
Forster's Voyage, Vol. I., p. 153.
Appendix to Journals of H. of R., 1902, C. 1, p. 84.
Collins' History of New South Wales (1798), Vol. I., p. 235.
Collins (1801), Vol. II., p. 317.
Collins, Vol. II., p. 215.
Historical Records, Vol. I., p. 177.
Collins, Vol. I., p. 236.
H.R., Vol. I., p. 149.
Log of Britannia, Essex Institute. Salem. Mass., U.S.A.
Collins, Vol. I., p. 301.
H.R., Vol. I., p. 167.
H.R., Vol. 1., p. 154.
Collins, Vol. I., p. 322.
H.R., Vol. L, p. 182.
Collins, Vol. L., p. 322.
“Salem Gazette,” September 1, 1797.
Malaspina, Viage, de las Corbetas Descubierta y Atrevida, Madrid (1885), p. 249.
Marchand, A Voyage Round the World (1801), Vol. I., p. c.x.
Historical Records of N.S.W., Vol. II., p. 253.
Historical Records, Vol. I., p. 197.
H.R., Vol. I., p. 198.
H.R., Vol. I., p. 204.
H.R., Vol. I., p. 203.
H.R., Vol. I., p. 205.
Collins' History of New South Wales (1798), Vol. I., p. 466.
Collins, Vol. I., p. 461.
H.R., Vol. I., p. 230.
H.R., Vol. I., p. 219.
Collins (1801), Vol. II., p. 38.
Collins, Vol. II., p. 48.
“Aurora General Advertiser” (Phil., U.S.A.), June 26, 1797.
“Southland Times,” November 30, 1882.
Historical Records of New Zealand South (1903), p. 175.
“Nelson Colonist,” February 27, 1896.
Collins, Vol. II., p. 287.
Sidney's Three Colonies of Australia (1852), p. 54.
Historical Records of N.S.W., Vol. IV., p. 591.
Historical Records, Vol. I., p. 225.
H.R., Vol. I., p. 245.
H.R., Vol. I., p. 242.
Historical Records of N.S.W., Vol. V., p. 832.
Pinkerton's Voyages (1812), Vol. XI., p. 905.
H.R. of N.S, W., Vol. V., p. 311.
H.R. of N.S.W., Vol. IV., p. 254.
Turnbull's Voyage Round the World (1813), p. 416.
Turnbull's Voyage, p. 505.
“Sydney Gazette,” August 28, 1803.
S.G., October 9, 16 and 23, 1803.
S.G., May 15, 1803.
H.R. of N.S.W., Vol. V., p. 270.
S.G., November 7, 1812.
“Columbia Courier” (New Bedford), February 3, 1804.
S.G., April 1, 1804.
S.G., October 28, 1804.
S.G., March 15, 1807.
S.G., May 11, 1806.
S.G., September 28, 1806.
H.R. of N.S.W., Vol. V., p. 696.
Historical Records, Vol. I., p. 273.
Fanning's Voyages, New York (1833) pp. 314 to 329.
Historical Records of N.S.W., Vol. V., p. 532.
Delano's Voyages and Travels (1817), p. 472
H.R. of N.S.W., Vol. V., pp. 745–6.
“Sydney Gazette,” June 1, and July 6 and 13, 1806.
H.R. of N.S.W., Vol. V., p. 746.
H.R. of N.S.W., Vol VI., p. 126.
Dillon's Discovery of the Fate of La Perouse (1829), Vol. I., p. 215.
H.R. of N.S.W., Vol. VI., p. 234.
H.R. of N.S.W., Vol VI., p. 108.
Ross' Voyage, 1839–43 (1847), Vol. I., p. 137.
H.R. of N.S.W., Vol. VI., p. 271.
Ross' Voyage, Vol. I., p. 138.
Westgarth's Australia (1861), p. 148.
Oriental Navigator Tables (1816), p. 87.
Lloyds' List, November 28 and December 5, 1809.
H.R. of N.S.W., Vol. VI., p. 405
Nicholas' Voyage to New Zealand, Vol. II., p. 380.
S.G., May 15, 1808.
“Sydney Gazette,” March 12, 1809.
Lloyds' List, September 18, 1810.
S.G., March 19, 1809.
Historical Records of N.S.W., Vol. VII., p. 180.
S.G., April 9, 1809.
D'Urville, Voyage de L'Astrolabe, Paris (1831), Tom. 1., p. 22.
Colonisation of N.Z. Imp. Parl. Papers (1841), p. 106.
S.G., October 17, 1812.
S.G., August 25, 1810.
H.R. of N.S.W., Vol. VII., p. 331.
H.R. of N.S.W., Vol. VII., p. 333.
“Colonial Times,” December 8, 1826.
H.R. of N.S.W., Vol. VII., p. 333.
S.G., August 25, 1810.
S.G., May 16, 1812.
S.G., November 9, 1811.
S.G., March 30, 1811.
S.G., November 10, 1810, and April 13, 1811.
“Sydney Gazette,” October 6 and 27, 1810.
S.G., December 29, 1810.
S.G., January 5, 1811.
S.G., January 12, 1811.
Oriental Navigator, Tables (1816), p. 88.
Historical Records of N.S.W., Vol. VII., p. 551.
S.G., May 9, 1812.
Oriental Navigator, Tables (1816), p. 89
S.G., May 9, 1812.
S.G., June 27, 1812.
S.G., October 31, 1812.
S.G., March 21, 1812.
S.G., June 27, 1812.
S.G., November 7, 1812.
S.G., April 22, 1815.
S.G., December 26, 1818.
S.G., June 15, 1816.
“Hobart Town Gazette,” March 3, 1821.
“Sydney Gazette,” July 24, 1813.
S.G., September 4, 1813.
Historical Records, Vol. I., p. 325.
H.R., Vol. I., p. 473.
“Sydney Gazette,” July 24, 1813.
S.G., August 21, 1813.
S.G., December 18, 1813.
S.G., February 12, 1814.
S.G., December 2, 1815.
S.G., November 26, 1814.
S.G., October 5, and 12, 1816.
“Hobart Town Gazette,” December 21, 1816.
S.G., April 5, 1817.
“American Daily Advertiser” (Phil. U.S.A.) May 19 and June 3, 1818.
Lloyds' List, September 18, 1810.
Tables (1816), p. 90.
H.T.G., November 15, 1817, and March 28, 1818.
Weddell's Voyage (1825), p. 129.
“Sydney Gazette,” February 7, 1820.
S.G., November 25, 1820.
S.G., February 10, 1821.
S.G., November 22, 1822.
Morrell's Voyages, New York (1882), p. 363.
Historical Records of New Zealand South, p. 108.
Captain's Journal, H.M.S. Tees, Record Office, London.
S.G., March 17, 1825.
Tyerman and Bennett (1831), Vol. II., p. 175.
S.G., April 8, 1824.
S.G., July 15, 1824.
S.G., July 22, 1824.
Historical Records, Vol. I., pp. 635 to 644.
H.R., Vol. I., p. 717.
“Hobart Town Gazette,” January 16, 1821.
H.T.G., November 2, 1822.
“Sydney Gazette,” December 12, 1822.
Two Years in N.S.W. (1827), Vol. II., p. 103.
H.T.G., May 10, 1823
S.G., July 24, 1823.
H.T.G., July 12, 1823.
“Australian,” September 22, 1825.
“Australian,” August 18, 1825.
H.T.G., October 8, 1825, and “Colonial Times,” October 7. 1825.
Hobart Town Records, No. 6303.
“Australian,” October 6, 1825.
“Colonial Times,” March 12, 1827.
“Boston Daily Advertiser,” October 20, 1818.
“Sydney Gazette,” June 5, 1819.
Historical Records, Vol. I., pp. 522–7.
Cruise's New Zealand (1820), pp. 98–103.
S.G., September 16, 1820.
B.D.A., September 13, 1821.
“Columbian Sentinel” (Boston), August 18, 1824.
Tyerman and Bennett, Vol. I., p. 152.
B.D.A., June 25, August 2, and November 7, 1822, and January 4, 1823.
“Hobart Town Gazette,” November 9, 1822.
S.G., April 3, 1823.
No. 6106.
S.G., April 18, 1824.
Tyerman & Bennett, Vol. II., p. 44.
Life of J. T. H. Wohlers, p. 142.
B.D.A., December 30, 1824, and January 24, 1825.
Nouvelles Annales des Voyages (Paris 1826), Tome XXIX., pp. 145 to 161.
Nouvelles Annales des Voyages (Paris 1826), Tome XXIX., pp. 173 to 174.
“Sydney Gazette,” April 3, 1823.
New Zealanders (1830), p. 214.
“Australian,” December 5, 1828.
S.G., November 28, 1825.
Aust., February 9, 1826.
“Sydney Gazette,” September 30, 1824.
“Australian,” December 16, 1824.
Aust., October 14, 1824.
S.G., July 21, 1825.
Aust. and S.G., August 11, 1825.
S.G., March 3, 1825.
Aust., March 17, 1825.
“Hobart Town Gazette,” October 15, 1825; and June 10, and Aust., June 24, 1826.
Aust., December 29, 1825.
“Colonial Times,” June 2, 1826.
H.T.G., July 29, 1826.
S.G., July 29, 1826.
Aust., March 20, 1827.
Historical Records, Vol. I., p. 687.
Morrell's Voyages, New York (1832), p. 358.
“Australian”; also “Sydney Gazette,” March 3, 1825.
Aust., December 22, 1825.
Personal narrative.
N.Z. Coy.: First Report of Directors 14th May, 1840.
“Colonial Times,” June 9, 1826.
“Hobart Town Gazette,” June 10, 1826.
Nautical Magazine, Vol. I., p. 338.
Dougall's Far South, Invercargill (1888), p. 18.
Report from Select Committee on Aborigines, 1837, p. 16.
“Sydney Gazette,” March 8, 1834.
“Sydney Herald,” January 27, 1834.
“Sydney Gazette,” April 18, 1831.
“Sydney Herald,” April 25, 1831.
Williams' Application before L. C. Commissioners, Wellington.
S.H., November 11, 14, 18, 1833; March 17, and June 9 1834.
“Sydney Herald,” August 21, 1834.
S.H., August 14, 1834.
[This Index was prepared by Mr. A. B. Thomson, of the General Assembly Library]
Abel Head—
Called after Tasman, 11.
Abel Tasman's Road—
Named by Tasman, 11.
Acheron Passage—
Cook uses, 42.
Active (sealer)—
Gang rescued, 185.
Ashore Western Port, 212
Arrives at and leaves Sydney, 212.
Advertises for man, 212.
Lands sealing gang in N.Z., 213.
All trace of her lost, 213.
Gang returned Governor Bligh, 213.
Hardships of gang, 213–4.
Mate advertises skins, 214.
Scene of gang's operations, 215.
Active (trader)—
Takes Betsy survivors to Tahiti, 221
Adams—
Obtaining fresh water, 248.
Addison—
Mate of Palmyra and Regalia, 287.
Admiral Fonte (Archipelago)—
Visited by Malaspina, 102.
Admiralty Bay—
Tasman anchored in, 11.
Named by Cook, 26.
Communicates with Tasman B., 371.
Beached by D'Urville, 373.
Natives of, 374.
See also Abel Tasman's Road.
“Adventure,” H.M.S.—
Fitted out, 31.
Reaches Queen Charlotte Sd., 43–50.
Calls at Cape Palliser, 50.
Cook's inquiries Ship Cove, 56.
Massacre boat's crew, 51–5.
Adventure (schooner)—
Schooner in Foveaux St., 156.
Arrived London, 157.
Marooned men on Snares, 223.
Probably spoken by Pegasus, 224.
Akaroa—
Raid and slaughter, 383–6.
Akaroa Harbour—
Sighted by Cook, 20.
“Albion” (whaler)—
Bunker, master, 90.
“Alexander”—
Commanded by Rhodes, 136.
“Alligator”—
Trading to New Zealand, 342.
On sealing grounds, 343.
Natives capture boat, 344.
Brings flax to Sydney, 345.
Cargo skins, 1826, 345.
Sails Stewart Island, 346.
Returns Sydney, 346.
“Alligator,” H.M.S.—
Caroline brings no word of, 405.
Attempts rescue Harriet's crew, 406.
Sent for Harriet survivors, 427.
Harriet rescue, 428–31.
Arrives Sydney, 431.
Alms—
Passenger on Endeavour, 113.
A-Murry—
Lord Rodney episode, 435–6.
Anglem—
Master of Caroline, 397.
Master of Samuel, 398.
Oil brought Sydney, 401.
Sealing southern islands, 402–3.
Brings portions of wreck, 403.
Danger from Maoris, 413–4.
“Ann”—
Reaches Sydney, 153.
“Antarctic”—
Anchors Caraley's Harbour, 353.
Visits Snares, 354.
Calls Pegasus, 354.
At Banks Peninsula, 355.
Anchors Port Cooper, 355.
Off Cape Campbell, 355.
Touches at Flat Point, 355.
Brings ethnological specimens, 355.
Antipode Islands—
Discovered, 123–4.
Great quantity seals, 142.
Success of Pendleton's gang, 145.
Venus sails for, 146–7.
Large cargo taken by Favorite, 148.
Star sails for, 148.
George, Maori, on, 148.
Furnishes quantity seal skins, 149.
Commerce visits, 150.
Grave found on, 365–6.
Stewart probably there, 366.
“Argo”—
Chartered by Montefiore, 382.
Visits Kapiti, 382–3.
Arrives Sydney with cargo, 386.
At Kapiti with flax, 387.
Arosmith—
Map of Macquarie Island, 283.
“Astrolabe”—
French exploring vessel, 73.
Visits New Zealand, 348.
General details, 367–78.
Touches ground French Pass, 375.
Astronomer Point—
Description, 34.
Ati-Awa—
War of tribe, 12.
“Atlanta”—
In Bay of Islands, 168.
Auckland Islands—
Discovered by Bristow, 150.
Formal possession taken, 150.
Betsy arrives, 218.
Enterprise calls whaling, 222.
Henry's capture, 263.
Connected with Macquarie, 283.
Chief sealing ground, 1825, 344.
Sally loses crew, 345.
Signs of wreck reported, 403.
“Aurora”—
At Sydney, 147.
Despatched Macquarie Islands, 174.
Arrives from Macquarie, 174.
For Macquarie via Derwent, 180.
Returns a full ship, 180.
Avery—
Captain sloop Lively, 388.
Babaco Islands—
Malaspina visits, 101–2.
Trouble in Sydney, 212.
Killed by Natives, 317.
Ballas Beach, Macquarie—
Depth of water, 180.
Contracts with Grose, 111.
Arrives in Endeavour, 112.
Obtains Endeavour, 112.
Engages Murry as officer, 112.
Condemns Endeavour, 113.
Troubles with crew and others, 114.
On bad terms with his officers, 115.
Preparations to leave Dusky, 115.
Takes command of Fancy, 115.
Letter of Governor King, 116.
Conditions of relief, 117.
Sails for India, 119.
Accompanies Cook, 14.
Secures
Convinced of cannibalism, 16.
Withdraws from 2nd. expdtn., 31–2.
Cook's dipping needle, 74.
Generosity in scientific matters, 101.
On abundance of seals, 141.
Banks Island—
Flax expedition, off, 198.
Barker, Mrs. E.—
Passenger by Bee, 401.
Arrives Sydney in Reliance, 125.
First expedition Australia, 125.
Examines Australian coast, 126.
Circumnavigates Tasmania, 126.
Returns to England in Reliance, 126.
Floats company, 126.
Sails for New Zealand, 127.
Arrives Dusky, Sydney, 127.
On fishing concession, 128–30.
Programme for last voyage, 130–31.
Probably discovered Foveaux, 131
Report as to ultimate fate, 131–2.
Bass Strait—
Named, 126.
Great sealing ground, 133.
Resemblance Foveaux Strait, 337–8.
Currents compared Foveaux, 338.
Bastemente, Don J. de—
Commands Subtile, 101.
Pays
N.Z. not a British possession, 357.
de Thierry's letter to, 357–8.
Baudin—
Decrease of seals, 133.
Bauza, Don F.—
Malaspina expedition, 105.
Probably prepared charts, 109–10.
Bauza Island called after, 109.
Bay of Islands—
First ship, 12.
Visited by Santa Anna, 152.
Elizabeth Henrietta arrives, 266.
General Gates, 294–5.
Capt. Riggs arrested, 295.
Dromedary, H.M.S., visits, 295.
Stewart visits, 361.
“Bee”—
Brings oil from Preservation, 401.
Arrives from Macquarie, 406.
Calls Chathams, 406.
Arrives Cloudy Bay, 433.
Bell, M.—
Massacred Grass Cove, 55.
Bell and Farmer—
Engaged whaling industry, 381.
Commands Russian expedition, 235.
Sailed from Sydney, 235.
Alters destination, 235.
Enters Cook Strait, 236.
First sight New Zealand, 236
Mt. Egmont Lat. and Long., 237.
Sights Cape Stephens, 237.
Describes shore of Cook Strait, 237.
Off Admiralty Bay, 237.
Mt. Egmont described, 237.
Discusses snow line, 238–9.
Fixes height of Mt. Egmont, 239.
In Cook Strait, 239.
Anchors Motuara Island, 239.
Describes country, 239.
First meets Natives, 240.
Description of canoes, 240.
Description of Maoris, 240–1.
Precautions against surprise, 241.
Describes anchorage Motuara, 242.
Maoris on board Wostok, 242–3.
Reports on sobriety of Maoris, 242–3
Fires rockets to attract Maoris, 243.
Overhauls rigging, etc., 243.
Visits Ship's Cove, 244.
Maoris help in re-fitting, 244.
Beauty of birds' notes, 244.
Inspects Maori settlement, 245.
Describes Maori settlement, 246–7.
Lands on Motuara, 247.
Finds supply wild cabbage, 248.
Sails up Sound, 248.
Penetrates into interior, 248.
Appearance of country, 249.
Barter with Maoris, 249.
Description of Maoris, 250–2.
Cook's number compared, 252.
Leaves garden seeds, 253.
Describes native dogs, 253.
Leaves Queen Charlotte Sd., 253.
Heavy thunderstorms, 253–4.
Loses sight of Mirny, 254.
Shelters at Cape Stephens, 255.
Off Terawhiti, 255.
Sights Palliser, 255.
Leaves coast, 256.
Returned to Sydney, 275.
Sailed for Antarctic, 275.
Account of the voyage, 275–84.
Sighted Macquarie, 275.
Judge sighted, 275.
Description Macquarie Island, 276.
Meets traders at Macquarie, 276.
Fresh water at Macquarie, 276–83.
Boat lands Macquarie, 276.
Sea elephants in plenty, 276.
Three kinds penguins, 276.
Fauna of Macquarie, 276–8.
Experiences earthquake, 278–9.
Visits dwellings of sealers, 279–80.
Describes occupation sealers, 280–1.
Flora of Macquarie, 281.
Wild dogs and cats, 281.
Method killing sea elephants, 282.
Description of sea elephant, 282.
Birds and their habits, 282–3.
Connection with other islands, 283.
Judge and Scribe described, 283.
Winds prevailing, 283.
Chart and views of Island, 284.
Bennett—
Delegate London M.S., 267.
“Betsy”—
Leaves Sydney, 186.
Earthquakes at Macquarie, 188.
Sydney to Macquarie, 218.
Arrives Auckland Islands, 218.
Driven to N.Z. coast, 218.
Dreadful experiences, 219–20.
Vessel abandoned, 220.
Boat of sick men abandoned, 220.
Survivors land, 220.
Terrible sufferings and rescue, 221.
Eeveridge—
Master Elizabeth and Mary, 187.
Arrives from Macquarie, 189.
Searches for Company's Island, 189
Disappearance seals Macquarie, 190
Master of Midas, 284.
Billing—
In charge Argo, 382.
Birch, T. W.—
Owner of Sophia, 225.
Relieves Stewart, 147.
Owner Commerce, 150.
Williams negotiates re flax, 192–3.
Specimens hemp for England, 201.
Postpones further action, 201.
New South Wales-N.Z. Co., 205–6.
Bishop and his Clerk—
Named by Capt. Smith, 175.
Bloxwell—
Williams submits proposals, 193.
With Cook's last expedition, 72.
Sails in command of Bounty, 74.
Touches at Cape of Good Hope, 74.
Reaches Van Diemen's Land, 74.
Discovers Bounty Isles, 74–5.
Subsequent history, 75–6.
Bloodworth, J.—
Saved at Campbell Island, 177–78.
Bluff Harbour—
See Port Macquarie.
Bollons—
Reports on grave at Antipodes, 366.
“Bonnivar”—
Lost at Ruapuke, 405.
Botany Bay—
Visited by
Bounty, Mutiny of—
Connection with Bounty I., 76.
Bourke, Miss —
Mistakes re Endeavour, 121–2.
“Boussole”—
French exploring vessel, 73.
First mate Endeavour, 113–4.
“Boyd,” schooner—
News of Maori atrocities, 170.
Arrives in Sydney, 171.
Reports doings Sydney Cove, 171.
Reports massacres by Maoris, 171.
Advertised for, 137.
In command Tula, 388.
Reaches Van Diemen's Land, 388.
Arrives Bay of Islands, 388.
Arrives Chathams, 389.
Obtains a few seals, 389.
Finds wreck of vessel, 389.
Lands at Bounties, 389.
Sails for Antarctic, 389–90.
Blister's Island—
See Auckland Islands.
Bristow's Island—
See Auckland Islands.
“Britannia”—
Proposed Dusky trade, 91.
Sails Cape Good Hope, 92.
Anchors in Facile Harbour, 92.
Leaves Facile Harbour, 93.
Sights Snares, 93.
Arrives Sydney, 93.
Sails from Sydney for N.Z., 95.
Anchors Anchor I. Harbour, 95.
Sails for Norfolk Island, 97.
At Sydney, 112.
Log at Essex Institute, 120.
British Sovereignty—
First declared Motuara, 19.
“Brothers”—
In Foveaux Strait, 170.
“Brothers”—
Sent to New Zealand, 206.
Broughton—
Surveys Facile Harbour, 82.
Discovers Snares, 84.
Takes possession Chatham I., 86–7.
Sails for Tahiti, 89.
Corrects error Staten Land, 11.
Brown, Capt.—
Passenger by New Zealander, 432.
Brown, R.—
Lost Open Bay, 260.
Born at Codfish, 350.
“Brutus”—
At Macquarie, 291.
Master William and Ann, 90.
Bunn—
Death, 406.
Bunn's Whaling Station—
At Preservation Bay, 398.
Regular visits Caroline, 401.
Loss of boat's crew, 404.
Burrel—
In command of Bee, 401.
Letter from Chief Secretary, 263.
Previous experiences in wrecks, 265.
Elizabeth Henrietta, 265.
Sails for Ruapuke, 265.
Refloats Elizabeth Henrietta, 266.
Account of his work, 266–7.
Government reward, 267.
Oil in American vessels, 440–3.
Harassed sealing gangs, 262.
Brought to Sydney, 262.
Meets Edwardson, 309.
Ships on Snapper, 309.
Interpreter to Edwardson, 310.
Leaves Snapper, 313.
Sails to Sydney, 317.
Account of his
Rutherford met, 318–9.
Incorrect dates, 319.
One of Sydney Cove's crew, 219.
History, 328.
Canal—
Dusky, Chalky, Preservation, 336.
Notes on Coquille Essay, 328–9.
“Calder”—
Brings Busby to Sydney, 266.
Camel Island—
General Gates ashore, 295.
Campbell Island—
Hasselbourgh drowned at, 175.
Described by Capt. Smith, 175.
No doubt as to discoverer, 176.
Discovered by Hasselbourgh, 176.
Account loss of discovered, 177–8.
Origin of name, 179.
Scientific expedition to, 189.
Convict reports harbour on, 189.
“Campbell Macquarie”—
Sent to Macquarie Island, 184.
Touches at Kangaroo Island, 184.
Wrecked at Macquarie, 184.
Bad weather at Macquarie, 187.
Camroux, Capt.—
In charge Joseph Weller, 419.
Canaris Creek—
Snapper anchors, 306.
Canoes—
Described by Bellingshausen, 252.
Cape Campbell—
Cook's position incorrect, 364.
“Caroline”—
Trades Macquarie, 288.
Last voyage, 288.
Wrecked at Macquarie, 289.
Captain and crew rescued, 289.
Wreck to be sold, 290–1.
Off Chalky, 381.
Reported Cloudy Bay, 391.
First whale oil Preservation, 398.
Regularly visits Preservation, 401.
Large cargo skins, 402.
Discovers wreck at Aucklands, 403.
Arrives Sydney, 403–4-5.
Speaks Penelope, 404.
Returns Preservation Bay, 405.
Meets bad weather, 405.
Sailed New Zealand, 405.
Leaves Cloudy Bay, 425.
In Cloudy Bay, 432.
Does well, 433.
“Carnarvon” —
Arriving Cloudy Bay, 427.
Carroll, Hon. J.—
Cook's spelling of Maori names, 76.
Cascade Cove—
Visited by Vancouver, 81.
Massacred, Grass Cove, 55.
Sails for England via Hobart, 159.
Circumnavigates Stewart I., 160.
Arrives Chathams and Thames, 161.
In command Aurora, 174
Chalky Harbour—
Described by de Blosseville, 335.
Frequented by whalers, 336.
To be visited by D'Urville, 367.
Chanchi Harbour—
See Chalky Harbour.
Chase Island—
Named after discoverer, 160.
Champion, Messrs.—
Ship owners, 90.
Charles Edward—
Reports arrest Cyprus' gang, 352.
Charts—
See Maps.
Charlton—
Supplies information, 334.
Sails on board St. Michael, 262.
“Chatham,” H.M.S.—
Vancouver's expedition sails, 78.
Great storm Dusky, 79–80.
In Facile Harbour and sails, 83.
Chatham Islands—
Discovered by Broughton, 85–7.
H.M.S. Cornwallis sights, 151.
Pegasus arrives at, 161.
Matilda sails for, 230.
Henry calls at, 263.
Maoris migrate to, 437–9.
Lord Eodney brings Maoris, 437–9.
Chetwolde Islands—
Passed by D'Urville, 376.
“Children”—
Sailed for New Zealand, 419.
Chili—
Route to, 2.
China—
New Zealand sealing, 99.
Christmas Day—
First celebration in New Zealand, 9.
Clarke—
Head found in pah, 429.
Given command of Discovery, 63.
Cloudy Bay—
D'Urville wished to explore, 376–7.
Resorted to by whalers, 386–7.
Joseph Weller calls, 413.
Killed at Cook Strait, 341.
Coal—
First specimens by Lucy Ann, 414.
Coast Surveys—
Geographical knowledge poor, 331.
Sealing again chief incentive, 331–2.
Methods adopted by sealers, 332.
Not reliable, 332–3.
Pegasus corrects mistakes, 333.
Coddell—
See Caddell.
Codfish Harbour—
Entered by Snapper, 314.
Colac Bay—
Cook leaves, 24.
Cole, John—
Drowned at Aucklands, 345.
Cole-
Master New Zealander, 407.
Cole, Mrs.—
Passenger by New Zealander, 407.
Collins, William—
Commands Regalia, 287.
Collins (“General Gates”)—
Reports Maori attack, 308–9.
Historian, 90.
House's report of Dusky, 97.
Raven's visit to Dusky, 99.
Description of Assistance, 118–9.
Complains action of Mercury, 121.
Colonization—
New Zealand Company, 356.
Baron de Thierry's scheme, 356.
William Stewart scheme, 356.
All a failure, 366.
Company's Island—
Proved non-existent, 189.
“Concord”—
Leaves Sydney for Macquarie, 180.
Leaves gang Macquarie, 180.
Sails second trip, 180.
Returns Sydney, 180.
Account of severe tempests, 180–1.
At Macquarie loses men, 182.
Sails for England, 182.
Touched Campbell Island, 182.
Convicts—
Regulations, 294.
Commander expedition 1770, 13.
Sights New Zealand, 14.
Anchors Ship Cove, 14.
Sights South Island 14.
Friendly relations with Maoris, 15.
Evidence of cannibalism, 16.
General condition of Maoris, 17.
In Queen Charlotte Sound, 18–9.
Information from Maoris, 19.
Proves insularity North Island, 20.
Skirts East Coast South I., 20–1.
Insularity Stewart Island, 22–4.
Discovers Traps, 22.
Names South Cape, 23.
Discovers Solander Island, 23.
Describes west coast, 25–6.
Tasman's anchorage, 26.
Sees entrance to French Pass, 26.
Sails for Australia, 27.
Results first voyage summarized, 27.
Opinions exploring vessels, 27–8.
Opinion of Endeavour, 28.
Object of second expedition, 31–2.
Arrives Chalky 32.
Enters Dusky, 32.
Describes Piekersgill anchorage, 33.
Arrangements for recruiting, 33–4.
Instructions prevention scurvy, 36.
Visits Maoris Indian Cove, 37.
Description of Dusky, 38–40.
Sails from Dusky, 39.
Brews herb beer, 40.
Royal Society's medal, 41.
Finally leaves Dusky, 42.
Arrives Queen Charlotte Sound, 42.
In Queen Charlotte Sound, 44.
Proofs of cannibalism, 49.
Leaves Sound for Antarctic, 50.
Searches for Adventure, 50.
At Antipodes of London, 50.
Returns Queen Charlotte Sd., 55.
Sights Mt. Egmont, 56.
Renewed exploration of Sound, 57.
Appointed Greenwich Hospital, 62.
Leader North Pacific expdtn., 62.
Leaves Queen Charlotte Sound, 66.
Incomplete surveys, reason, 68–9.
Greatest achievement, 69.
Love of sports, 82–3.
Cook's Mistake—
See Pegasus Bay.
Cook's Monument—
At Ship Cove 68.
Cook Sound—
See Cook Strait.
Cook, W.—
Joins Stewart's expedition, 361.
Subsequent family history, 362.
Employed by Weller, 410.
Meets Stewart in Sydney, 411–2.
Returned Bay of Islands, 412.
Cook Strait—
Named after Cook, 18.
Bellingshausen in, 237.
Whaling begins, 380.
First cargo whale oil, 381.
Juno, 388.
Courier, 388.
William Stoveld, 388.
Jane, 388.
Elizabeth, 388.
Elley reports sand bank, 421.
“R.W.S.” account, 425–7.
Cooper, Daniel—
Commands sealer Unity, 174.
“Coquille”—
Reaches Sydney, 306.
Sails for Bay of Islands, 306.
Manners N.Z. natives, 321 et seq.
Renamed Astrolabe, 367.
Commissioned by D'Urville, 367.
See also Astrolabe, 367.
Cordoza—
Dies on Betsy, 219.
Cornwallis Islands—
Named, 151.
Croiselles—
Old natives at, 12.
Croiselles Bay—
D'Urville discovers and names, 371.
Crooked Arm—
See also Malaspina Creek.
“Cumberland”—
Leaves Macquarie Island, 183.
Arrives Campbell Island, 183.
Finds Mary and Sally's gang, 183.
Leaves Sydney, 186.
Cunningham—
Describes life of gangs, 286–7.
Curlew Island—
Named by Cook, 83.
“Currency Lass”—
Leaves Kapiti with flax, 387.
Reported by Waterloo, 387.
Reaches Sydney with cargo, 390.
Lost at Open Bay, 260.
“Cyclops”—
Sydney Cove at Norfolk Island, 170.
“Cyprus”—
Chartered for Macquarie I. 289.
Arrives Macquarie, 289.
Returns Hobart, 289.
Manifest of, 290.
Seized by mutineers, 351.
Steals skins from Chathams, 352.
Crew arrested at Canton, 352.
Dagg—
Commands Scorpion, 139.
Dagg Sound—
Reason for name, 139.
Proceedings re Akaroa outrage, 385.
“Dart,” brig—
Left Sydney, 137.
Davidson—
Cultivates Island, 431.
Davis—
Passenger Lord Rodney, 435.
Day, R. (sawyer)—
Joins Stewart expedition, 362.
Narrative Snapper cruise, 306.
Interviews with Caddell, 306.
Essays on Maoris, 321–9.
Essay coastal description, 330–8.
Captain of Fancy at Sydney, 111–2.
Condemns Endeavour, 113.
In charge of Providence, 115.
Demidow—
Lands Macquarie Island, 276.
Dennis—
Captain Erie, 425.
Dennison—
Officer of Fancy, 113.
“Descuvierta”—
Malaspina expedition, 105.
“Diana”—
Kable and Underwood's vessel, 135.
Diffenbach—
Habits of whales, 379.
Dillon—
Brings Busby to Sydney, 266.
Discovery—
Progress to end 18th century, 124.
“Discovery” (Malaspina's)—
Sailed from Cadiz, 101.
Dogs—
Forster describes Maori, 45.
Dolgy Island (?)—
Bellingshausen at, 241.
Douglass—
Description of gang, 285.
“Dragon”—
Reported full ship, 388.
Master of Samuel, 342–45.
Duck Bay—
Named by Williams, 196–7.
Dundas, Rt. Hon—
Instructions to Gov. Phillip, 111.
Duperrey—
Command of Coquille, 306.
Durocher—
In charge Children, 419.
Cook's mistake discovered, 161.
Surveys north coast S. Island, 348.
Hoists flag on Astrolabe, 367.
Sailed from Toulon, 367.
Reaches and sails from Sydney, 367.
Objects in view, 367.
Meets bad weather, 367.
Sights Paparoa range, 367.
Sights Cape Foulwind, 368.
Three Steeples named, 368.
Rocks point passed, 368.
At West Whanganui river, 368.
Rounds Cape Farewell, 368.
Entered Golden Bay, 368.
Names Separation Point, 368.
Landed Tasman Bay, 368.
Huts plundered, 369.
Motueka river passed, 369.
Anchors Moutere Bluff, 369.
Blind Bay explored, 369.
Reaches Mackay's Bluff, 369.
Maoris came aboard, 369–70.
Anchors in Astrolabe Bay, 370.
Surrounding country explored, 370.
Charts Astrolabe Bay, 370.
Position Tasman anchorage, 371.
Passage Tasman to Admiralty, 371.
Tasman Bay a misnomer, 371.
Reaches Croiselles Bay, 371.
Attempts to find passage, 371.
Passage dangerous, 371–2.
Reaches Admiralty Bay in boat, 373
Visits D'Urville Island, 373.
Astrolabe in danger, 372.
Negotiates French Pass, 374–6.
D'Urville Island named, 376.
Chelwolds Islands passed, 376.
Pelorus Sound passed, 376.
Passed Cape Jackson, 376.
Crosses Queen Charlotte Sound, 376.
Passes Koamaru, Tory Chan., 376.
Intendsd visit Cloudy Bay, 376–7.
Fails enter Wellington Harbour, 377
Makes for Palliser Bay, 377.
Plates of Maoris valuable, 377–8.
Mai-Tehai, and Skoi-Tehai, 378.
Particulars Farewell Spit, 421.
Dusky Bay—
Discovered and named by Cook. 25.
Cook arrives at, 32.
Author's visit to, 34–5.
Natives first meet Cook, 36.
Capabilities described, 38–40.
Cook leaves, 39.
Cook's final departure, 42.
Contrasted Queen Charlotte, 44–5.
Length of Cook's stay, 68.
Visited by Vancouver, 78 et seq.
Value as a recruiting base, 78.
Vancouver's opinion on, 83.
Menzies' account, 84–5.
First attempt establish trade, 91.
First scaling gang landed, 92–3.
Malaspina reaches, 104–5.
Malaspina fails to enter, 107.
Visited by Bass, 127.
Bass' concession, 133.
Visited by Scorpion sealing, 138.
Visited by General Gates, 295.
Described by de Blosseville, 335.
Severe earthquakes, 349.
Great quantity whales, 398.
East Bay—
Cook visits, 49.
Ecou—
See
Brings Caddell to Sydney, 262.
Brings specimens of flax, 263.
Instructed collected flax, 306.
Sights New Zealand, 306.
Enters Chalky Bay, 306.
Explores adjacent country, 307.
Rescues General Gates gang, 307.
Advised postpone visit, 308
Weather at Chalky, 308.
Meets two white men, 309.
Maori chiefs on Snapper, 309.
Meets Riggs, delivers skins, 309.
Takes Caddell with him, 309.
Leaves Chalky Bay, 309.
Rounds Bluff, 310.
Anchors in Port Macquarie, 310.
Visits village, 310.
Sails for Ruapuke, 310.
Caddell as interpreter, 310.
Flax machines fail, 310.
Names Port Snapper, 310.
Method of preparing flax, 311.
Leaves Port Snapper, 311.
Threatens Paihi, 313.
Enters Easy Harbour, 313.
continued.
Visits neighbouring country, 313.
Describes country, 313.
Enters Codfish Harbour, 314.
Off Paihi Bay, 314.
Anchors Snapper Harbour, 314.
Ships potatoes, 315.
Sails to Port Macquarie, 315.
In Port Mason, 315.
Sails for Chalky Harbour, 315.
Arrives at Sydney, 315.
Observations on flax, 316–7.
Character and attainments, 319–20.
In pilot service, 320.
Prominent mason, 320.
Death, 320.
Name in Edwardson Sound, 320.
Information re Maoris, 321.
Gives pigs to the natives, 236–7.
Edwardson Sound—
Origin of name, 320.
Egmont, Cape—
Passed by Cook, 14.
Egmont, Mount—
Sighted by Cook, 56.
Measured by Bellingshausen, 326–7.
Cook's description quoted, 237.
Eichenwald—
See Fischer, naturalist.
“Elizabeth” (sealer)—
Sails on long voyage, 261.
Brings General Gates gang, 261.
Leaves again on voyage, 261–2.
Trading to New Zealand, 342.
Sails from Dusky, 344.
Sailing for Chathams, 346.
Vessel and cargo for sale 351.
“Elizabeth” (whaler)—
Reported by Industry, 382.
Sailed for Kapiti, 382.
Leaves Kapiti with flax, 387.
Reported, 387.
Oil, 388.
“Elizabeth Henrietta”—
Sails for N.Z. flax trade, 263.
To open general trade, 263.
Letter explaining mission, 263.
Driven ashore Ruapuke Bay, 264.
Tees attempts refloat, 264–5.
Wreck abandoned, 265.
Crew return to Sydney, 265.
Refloated by Busby, 266.
Sails Bay of Islands, 266.
Returns to Sydney, 266.
Account of refloating, 266–7.
Busby's reward, 267.
Cannon at Ruapuke, 268.
“Elizabeth and Mary”—
Sent to Macquarie, 174.
Returns with skins, 179.
Purchased by Underwood, 185.
Sails for relief of gangs, 185.
Reaches Sydney, 185.
Places gang Macquarie, 186.
Generally called at Derwent, 187.
Arrives Sydney, 189.
Sails in search of Betsy, 222.
Returns with cargo and gangs, 222.
Arrives Sydney with cargo, 260.
At Macquarie, 292.
Rescues crew Perseverance, 292.
Trading to New Zealand, 342.
Trades south of Aucklands, 343.
Cargo skins, 345.
Visits Macquarie Islands, 346.
Cargo in 1828, 350.
Perseverance & Hunter wrecked, 351
El Perdo Gill—
Historian la Malaspina, 109.
“Emerald”—
Takes gang to Macquarie, 284.
Returns Hobart, 284.
Sails to relieve gang, 284.
Sailed for London, 284.
“Endeavour”—
Vessels same name q.v., 137.
“Endeavour” (Cook's)—
Cook's opinion of, 28.
Ultimate fate discussed, 29–30.
Not the Dusky wreck, 123.
“Endeavour” (Bampton's)—
At Facile Bay, 111.
Arrives from India at Sydney, 112.
How Bampton acquired her, 112.
Docked Bombay, sails Sydney, 112.
Repaired at Sydney, 112.
Sails for Dusky, 112.
At Facile Bay, 113.
Found unseaworthy, 113.
Wreck remains to this day, 114.
Log at Essex Institute, 120.
Erroneous statements, 121–2.
“Endeavour” (sealer)—
Sails for Dusky, 135.
Sails N.Z. sealing, 163.
Loses men, 163.
Leaves Sydney, 186.
Brings Betsy survivors, 222.
“Enterprise”—
At Hobart, Auckland, Snares, 222.
Arrives Sydney, 222.
Reaches Philadelphia, 223.
Extract from log, 223–4.
Sold by auction, 224.
Espinosa, Don J.—
Malaspina's expedition, 110.
Espinosa, Point—
Named by Malaspina, 110.
Essex Institute, Salem—
Murry's log round, 114.
“Experiment”—
Sent N.Z. interests flax trade, 191.
Massacred Grass Cove, 55.
Facile Harbour—
Recommended by Cook, 39–40.
Visited by Vancouver, 81.
Discovery anchors, 83.
Visited by Raven, 92.
Visited by Bampton, 112–5.
de Blosseville reports on, 335.
Fairchild—
Identity of Endeavour, 123.
“Fairy”—
Arrives Sydney with skins, 398.
“Faith”—
Trading Macquarie, 1829, 293.
“Fancy”—
Brings news Bampton, Sydney, 111.
Visits Thames, N.Z., 111.
Returns Sydney with spars, 112.
Sails for Dusky, 112.
Stowaways discovered, 112–3.
Endeavour stores placed on her, 113.
Sails from Facile Harbour, 115.
Arrives Norfolk Island, 116.
Receives stores at Norfolk, 117.
Murry in command, 119.
Sails for India, 119.
Fanning—
Accuses Lord of swindling, 145–6.
Master of Newcastle, 342.
Liberty, 350.
Master of Caroline, 397.
Oil brought Sydney, 401.
Fauna—
Small list of, 45.
“Favorite”—
Connection with Lord, 146.
Febrero, Point—
Named by Malaspina, 109.
Fell—
Second officer Fancy, 113.
Fenoua-ho—
Native name Codfish Island, 314.
Fern Root—
Information asked by French, 73.
Fertility of New Zealand—
N. and S. Islands contrasted, 339.
Field, Mr. Justice—
Judgment re Riggs, 295–6.
Fife—
Lost at Ruapuke, 405.
First Arm—
See also Malaspina Creek.
Fischer—
Names Macquarie cabbage, 281.
Five Fingers Point —
Malaspina in sight of, 105.
Last sight of by Malaspina, 107.
Providence nearly wrecked, 115.
Seals frequent, 335.
Flax—
Information required by French, 73.
Syndicate formed in Sydney, 166.
Merchants turn attention to, 191
Governor Phillip impressed, 191.
Employment of Maoris, 191.
Experiment sent to N.Z., 191.
First attempt a failure, 191.
Birnie's expedition sails, 192.
Williams' report on, 192–204.
Foveaux Strait Natives report, 199.
Williams' estimate, 202–3.
Advantages to be derived, 203.
Quantity of hemp produced, 203–4.
N. S. Wales-N.Z. Co. formed, 206.
The Company a failure, 206.
None at Chalky Bay, 307.
Edwardson's observations, 316–7.
Kapiti centre of trade, 382.
Trade brisk, 379, et seq.
Food—
At Queen Charlotte Sound, 252.
Forster—
Accompanies Cook, 31.
Describes Cook's arrangements, 33.
Describes the native dog, 45.
Praises Queen Charlotte Sd., 58–9.
Describes Rowe's character, 69.
On habits of petrels, 83.
On the snow line, 238.
“Fortitude”—
Arrives with Erie's oil, 439.
Foster—
Grave discovered Antipodes, 365–6.
Foveaux Strait—
Disclosed to shipping, 24.
Described by Grono, 156.
Probably known before, 157–8.
Stewart's relation discussed, 161–2.
Deserted by shipping, 191.
Traffic in Maori heads, 230.
Resemblance Bass Strait, 337–8.
Currents compared, 338.
Existence of whirlpools, 338.
Height of tides, 338.
Prevailing winds, 338.
Danger of navigation, 338.
Foveaux, Governor—
Strait named after, 158.
Fowler—
Sails for New Zealand, 215.
Records kindness of Maoris, 216–7.
Anchors Otago Harbour, 215.
Loses boats and men, 217.
First visitor Otago Harbour, 217.
“Fox”—
Sailed sealing 154, 163.
Arrives Sydney with skins, 157.
Lands gang Foveaux Strait, 163.
Murray returns, 168.
Wrecked Amsterdam Island, 168.
Lands Murray Stewart Island, 210.
Men left on Solanders, 211.
“Francis”—
Accompanies Raven to Dusky, 94.
Reason for visit to N.Z., 95.
Reaches Dusky, 95.
Repaired at Dusky, 96.
Sails for Sydney, 97.
Lost at Open Bay, 260.
Freeman, Charles—
Advertises skins, 209.
French Exploring Expedition —
Fitted out, 72.
Sails from Brest, 73.
Visits Botany Bay, 73–4.
French Pass—
D'Urville suspects existence, 371.
Preparations to explore, 371–2.
First passage of, 372–6.
Freycinet—
Capt. of L'Uranie, 188.
“Friends of Boston”—
See Cyprus.
Furneaux—
Appointed command Adventure, 31.
Calls at Cape Palliser, 50.
Cook's instructions to, 46.
Puts back to Tolago Bay, 50.
Massacre boat's crew, 51–5.
Leaves Queen Charlotte Sound, 55.
Galvyno, Dion—
Commanding Mexican, 102.
Garvin—
Lost at Ruapuke, 405.
Geese—
Cook liberates in Dusky, 40.
“General Gates”—
Gang brought to Sydney, 261.
Massacre, 267.
Description of, 294.
Smuggles convicts, 294.
Sails for Dusky, 295.
Ashore at Camel Island, 295.
Returns Bay of Islands, 295.
Visited by Capt. Skinner, 295.
Seized and sent Sydney, 295.
Sailed sealing, 296.
Grono and gang in Court. 299–301.
Anchors Matavai Bay, 299.
Sailed for Leeward Islands, 299.
At China, 299.
Sails for Chalky, 300.
Leaves gang, 300.
News of by Samuel, 303.
Arrives Tahiti, 303.
Returns Ruapuke, 303.
Revenge of Riggs, 304.
Sailed for Manila, 304.
No further records, 305.
Error in date of massacre, 299.
Probably three massacres, 303.
Edwardson relieves gang, 307.
At Chalky Bay, 309.
“Geographe”—
French expedition, 133.
Geographical Discovery—
See Discovery Geographical.
George—
Ships on Star, 148–9.
Correspondence oil duty, 440–43.
Gisborne—
Cook sights coast near, 14.
“Glory”—
Lost at Pitt's Island, 348.
Owners of hull and cargo, 348.
Insurances on, 348.
Voyage of long boat, 348.
Wreck found by Biscoe, 389.
“Good Intent”—
From King's Island, 137.
Goodenough—
Captain of Endeavour, 163.
Betsy's terrible privations, 218–20.
Dies on N.Z. coast, 220.
Gordon—
Captain Elizabeth and Mary, 179.
Leader flax expedition, 192–4.
Williams' proposals flax, 193.
Accident to at Port William, 194.
Goulbourn Island—
See also Ruapuke.
Named by Capt. Kent, 267.
Visited by Snapper, 310.
For cultivating flax, 310.
“Governor Arthur”—
At Macquarie trading, 292.
“Governor Bligh”—
On sealing voyage, 155–6.
Reports existence Foveaux St., 156.
Meets Fox and Pegasus, 156.
Returns Foveaux Strait, 157.
Sent with supplies for Leith, 168.
Fails find Leith, 168.
Brings Murray Fox gang, 168.
Reported “gone eastward,” 183.
Return from Macquarie, 183.
Returns with Active's gang, 185.
Met Fox and Antipode, 211.
Voyage of 17 months, 257.
Visits Banks Peninsula, 258.
Reaches Sydney with skins, 260–1.
“Governor Macquarie”—
Arrives with news of Betsy, 222.
Rescue Gen. Gates survivors, 299.
Cargo of, 352.
Gray, T.—
Passenger by Joseph Weller, 419.
Great Australian Bight—
Limit of known land, 1.
Green Island—
Seals frequent, 335.
Green Stone—
See Pounamu.
Greenwich Hospital—
Capt. Cook appointed to, 62.
Griffiths, John—
Killed in Matilda massacre, 226.
Griffiths, Mr.—
Passenger by Bee, 401.
Grimes, J.—
Arrives Sydney, 260.
Sails from and returns Sydney, 260.
Loses six men, 260.
Sails England via Tahiti, 261.
Ship owner, 140.
Meets Fox and Pegasus, 156.
Probably named Foveaux St., 158.
Relieves Active's gang, 213.
Arrives with large cargo, 213.
Cargo 1815–16, 258.
Takes command Elizabeth, 261.
Arrested General Gates' gang, 261.
Returns Sydney, sails again, 261–2.
Returns Sydney in Elizabeth, 300.
Brings General Gates' gang, 300.
Conduct in seizing men, 301.
Official defence of action, 302.
Commanded military, Sydney, 91.
Lieutenant-Governor Sydney, 93–4.
Contract with Capt. Bampton, 111.
Dies on Betsy, 220.
Sails on board Wellington, 262.
Settles at Tory Channel, 380.
Brings first cargo oil Sydney, 381.
Reports Caroline Chalky Inlet, 381.
Looks after shore gangs, 387–8.
Brings Waterloo, 390.
Gang successful, 391.
Signs certificate re Sarah, 393.
To Sydney by Lucy Ann, 413.
Whaling gang in Harriet, 423.
Wrecked, 423.
Attacked by Maoris, 423.
Arranges for release, 423.
Departs open boat, 423.
Account of trip, 423–4.
Reached Cloudy Bay, 424.
Landed at Sydney, 424.
Steps to recover prisoners, 427–8.
Recovers wife and children, 428–9.
Gunton—
Sails with Alligator, 428.
“Gurnet”—
Cargo in 1828, 350.
“Halcyon”—
In Cloudy Bay, 432.
Crew disorderly, 432.
Cargo of oil, 433.
Arrives Sydney, 433.
Report re Maoris, 433.
Reports Proteus, Caroline, Hind, 433
Hall—
Reports Waterloo wreck, 394.
Crosses Strait in open boat, 394.
In charge Harriet, 423.
Wrecked at Cape Egmont, 423.
Hanson—
Commanded Daedalus, 94.
Harbours—
de Blosseville names, etc., 334–8.
Milford Sound, 334–5.
Dusky Bay, 335.
Chalky Bay, 335.
Preservation Bay, 336.
Windsor River, 336.
Port Macquarie, 336.
Port Snapper, 337.
Port Williams, 337.
Harding, H.—
Passenger per Caroline, 405.
Hardy, Port—
Surveyed, 429.
Hardy, R.—
Drowned at Aucklands, 345.
Harewood—
In charge Lord Rodney, 434.
Arrives Port Nicholson, 434.
Barters with natives, 435.
Vessel seized, 435.
Agrees take natives Chathams, 436.
Account of voyage, 437–9.
“Harlequin”—
Sails for Cook Strait, 381.
Returns with flax, 381.
Reaches Sydney with potatoes, 422.
Arrives Kapiti, 422.
“Harriet”—
Reported Cloudy Bay, 391.
Brings news wreck Waterloo, 395.
Sails for Cloudy Bay, 423.
Crew attacked by Maoris, 423.
“Harrington”—
Seized by pirates Sydney, 155.
Harris, John—
Killed Cook Strait, 341.
Harris, Mr.—
Passenger by Nimrod, 434.
Harris' Voyages—
Maori attack on Tasman, 5.
Harrison—
Commands Norval, 382.
Whangaroa expedition, 173.
Drowned at Campbell Island, 175.
Discovered Campbell and Macquarie
Islands, 176.
Account of his loss, 177–8.
Letters of administration, 178.
Named Campbell and Macquarie
Islands, 179.
Hasselberg—
See Hasselbourgh.
“Haweis”—
Sailed with gangs, 351.
Arrived Whakatane, 351.
Seized by Maoris, 351.
Part crew killed, 351.
Second officer ransomed, 351.
Remainder crew saved, 351.
Cargo from Stewart Island, 352.
Hayward—
Assaulted by Maoris at Otago, 413.
Hazelbourgh Islands—
Origin of name, 179.
Hazelburgh—
See Hasselbourgh.
Head Collectors—
See Maori heads.
Henriettas—
See Mice.
“Henry Porcher”—
Proposal send
Hepburn—
In charge Ninrod, 434
“Herald,” H.M.S.—
At Port Pegasus, 161.
Herb Beer—
Captain Cook's receipt for, 40–1.
Herd—
Arrives Port Pegasus, 362.
Object in visiting Stewart I., 363.
Spends 6 weeks Port Pegasus, 363.
Errors in Stewart's charts, 363.
Describes Southern Port, 363.
Passes the Snares, 363.
East Coast Middle Island, 363.
Describes Port Otago, 364.
Sailed through Cook Strait, 364.
Cook's charts incorrect, 364.
Details of Port Underwood, 364.
Details of Port Nicholson, 364.
Arrives Thames, 364.
Abandons settlement, 364.
Arrives Sydney, 364.
Probably called Ship Cove, 364.
Sailed for London, 364.
Herd's Point—
Land acquired by Company, 362.
Hills, J.—
Lost at Open Bay, 260.
Holding—
Master of Perseverance, 182.
Accidents to Concord's boat, 182.
Reports sealing successful, 183.
Holman—
Captain of Heemskerck, 5.
Holyford—
Sydney Cove to Macquarie, 174.
Hongi—
Robs Prince of Denmark, 361.
Hood—
Discovers a Cook's medal, 61.
Applies letters administration Hasselborough estate, 178.
Manages for Campbell & Co., 183.
Report management of gangs, 183.
Williams' proposals re flax, 193.
Hook's Kays—
Origin of name, 179.
“Hope”—
Reaches Sydney from England, 260.
Leaves for New Zealand, 260.
Returns after losing six men, 260.
Account of the accident, 260.
Sails for England via Tahiti, 261.
N.Z. not a British possession, 357.
Drowned at Aucklands, 345.
Hullets and Blaxland—
Shipowners, 157.
Hunneghi—
Kills men from Sydney Cove, 327.
Reports Assistance in Sydney, 119.
Relieves men at Dusky, 120.
Sends to examine coal deposit, 125.
“Hunter”—
Wrecked at Entry Island, 351.
Ika-na-Mauwi—
North Island, 321.
Indian Cove (Queen Charlotte Sd.)—
Pickersgill buys head at, 49.
Indian Island—
Cook met natives, 36.
“Industry”—
Brings cargo flax, 382.
Reports speaking vessels, 382.
Wrecked Easy Bay, 399.
Called at Codfish Island, 399.
“Inspector”—
At Bay of Islands, 168.
Iron Island—
Seals frequent, 335.
Killed by Maoris, Tasman expd., 7.
Jackson, R.—
Nearly drowned Campbell I., 177–8.
Master brig Haweis, 351.
James Mowry—
See Caddell.
Jameson, R.—
Master Queen Charlotte, 342.
“Jane”—
Arrived Cook Strait, 388.
Java—
Dutch possession, 1.
Jennings, Jones & Co.—
Sell the Enterprise, 224.
Killed at Cook Strait, 341.
“ John Barry”—
Chartered by Weller, 416.
Leaves for Otago, 416.
Sails from Otago, 418.
Arrives Sydney, 418.
Reports natives quiet, 418.
Johnson—
Sails with Alligator expedition, 428.
Commands Henry, 263.
Returns America, large cargo, 263.
Sails second voyage, 263.
Visits Chathams, loses men, 263.
Lost at Sea, 263.
Johnson—
Commands Contest from Dusky, 139.
Johnston, Capt. C. J.—
H.M.S. Cornwallis, 150–1.
Jones, E.—
Massacred Grass Cove, 55.
Purchases Sydney Packet, 407.
Receives oil Sydney Packet, 407.
Boy in Venus, 407.
Activity in whaling, 407–8.
Jones & Palmer—
Own Bunn's whaling station, 406.
Purchase Sydney Packet, 407.
See also “
“Joseph Weller”—
Launched at Stewart Island, 410.
Correspondence re license, 410–2.
Reaches Sydney, 411.
License issued for, 412.
Sailed for Otago, 412.
Arrives Sydney, 412.
Calls Nicholson and Cloudy, 412.
Brings Guard of Harriet, 412.
Returned to Otago, 415.
Arrives Otago, 416.
Arrives from Otago, 416.
Leaves Otago, 418.
Sails from S. part of N.Z., 418.
Sailed from Sydney, 418.
Sailed with whaling gang, 419.
At Port Cooper, 419.
Sails Otago and Sydney, 419.
At Queen Charlotte Sound, 424.
Sails Port Egmont, 424.
At Cloudy Bay, 427.
Joss—
Passenger by Bee, 401.
In charge Sydney Packet, 403.
Receives wreckage, 403.
Wreck disappeared, 404.
Juan de Foca—
Archipelago of, 102.
Judge's Reef—
Capt. Smith reports position, 175.
“Juno”—
Reported sailed Banks Peninsula,
388.
Kable and Underwood—
Ship owners, 135.
Purchase Elizabeth and Mary, 185.
Advertise for sailors, 187.
Buy wreck Caroline, 291.
Kackokow Island—
Englishman hides, 313.
Kaikoura—
Cook passes, 20.
Kaingaroa Bay—
See Skirmish Bay.
Kapiti Island—
Urania, 272.
Hind and Wm. Stoveld whaling, 381
Centre flax trade, 382.
Popular resort whalers, 386.
Flax cargoes from, 1831, 387.
H.M.S. Zebra, 390.
H.M.S. Alligator, 430.
Isabella, 430.
Kelly, J.—
Master of Sophia, 225.
Sails round Tasmania, 225.
Nearly shipwrecked on Traps, 225.
Arrives Hobart, 225.
Lands at Port Daniel, 225.
Lands at Small Bay, 225.
Meets lascar Matilda, 226.
Attacked by natives, 226.
Defends his vessel, 227.
Destroys canoes, 229.
Burns Maori town, 230.
Sailed for Chatham Island, 230.
Passenger Elisabeth to Sydney, 384.
Kent—
Sails in Mermaid, 263.
Master Elizabeth Henrietta, 263.
Remains with wreck, 264.
Sends chief officer to report, 264.
Remains on departure Tees, 265.
Meets delegates London M.S., 267.
Brings hemp to Sydney, 267.
Calls Foveaux St. “Tees St.,” 267.
Lives Foveaux St. for a year, 267.
Reports natives fierce, 267.
Reports boat's crew massacred, 267.
Letter re Sarah, 392–5.
Proposed account of adventures, 396
Arrives Sydney, 421.
Fear of native invasion, 421.
Kent's Bay—
Disturbance amongst sealers, 143.
Kermadecs—
Passed by Malaspina, 104.
King George Kira—
See George.
King, Lieut.-Governor—
Wants Maoris for flax dressing, 90.
Despatch re Fancy, Providence, 117
Conditions for relief Bampton, 117.
Notes Bass' fishing concession, 130.
Suggests Maori help flax trade, 191.
King, astronomer—
Arranges observatory Ship Cove, 64.
Kippis—
On North Pacific expedition, 62.
Kirk—
Helps to defend brig, 227.
Knight's Island—
See Snares.
Koamaru—
Passed by D'Urville, 376.
Labour Regulations—
Affecting sealing trade, 141.
“Lady Barlow”—
Trouble with East India Co., 149.
“Lambton”—
Arrives Port Pegasus, 362.
Lane—
Passenger Kapiti to Sydney, 390.
Langdon—
Sails to London via Macquarie, 285.
Commands French expedition, 73.
His instructions, 73–4.
Calls at Botany Bay, 74.
Circumnavigates Australia, 74.
Supposed wreck Macquarie I., 176.
Expedition to discover fate, 367.
Launching Cove—
Visited by Endeavour sealer, 136.
Laurenza—
Dies on Betsy, 219.
Lazarew—
Fixes height of Mt. Egmont, 239.
Entertains Maori chief, 242.
Entertains Maoris, 244.
Visits settlements, 245–7.
Lands at Ship Cove, 248.
Visits interior of Sound, 248.
Buys native dogs, 253.
Follows Wostok, 255.
Massacre at Grass Cove, 70–1.
Lee, John—
Passenger Prince of Denmark, 361.
Lee—
Lost at Ruapuke, 405.
Leeward Islands—
General Gates sails for, 299.
Leigh, J.—
Joins Stewart's expedition, 362.
Leith, W., sealer—
Charge first sealing gang, 93.
Reports gang “all well,” 95.
Legislation—
Re East India Co. and sealing, 149.
Leslie—
Commands Robert Quayle, 190.
Combats “Scaevola” estimate, 269.
“Lively”—
For voyage see Tula, 388–90.
London Missionary Society—
Delegates meet Captain Kent, 267.
Long Island—
Bellingshausen sails past, 253.
Looking Glass Bay—
General Gates' gang, 297.
Lord, Williams & Thompson—
Ship owners, 165.
Exploit flax, 166.
Williams negotiates with, 192.
New South Wales-N.Z. Co., 205–6.
Lords River—
Origin of name, 165.
“Lord Rodney”—
At Macquarie trading, 292.
2nd. vessel Stewart syndicate, 360.
At Queen Charlotte Sound, 434.
Arrived Entry Island, 434.
Sails for Port Nicholson, 435.
Seized by natives, 435.
Arrives Chathams, 437.
Returns Port Nicholson, 438.
Arrives and lands natives, 439.
Lovett—
Commands Sally, 345.
Brings 2 Maoris to Hobart, 346.
Describes N.Z. Co.'s venture, 362–3.
Brings news Stewart's venture, 365.
Insularity Stewart's Island, 365.
Commands Mary Elizabeth, 414.
Advertises skins, 215.
“Lucy Ann”—
Sails for Preservation Bay, 405.
Purchased by Weller Bros., 409.
Sent to Otago, 409.
Returns timber and flax, 409.
Returns Sydney with oil, 409–10.
Probably at Pegasus, 410.
Sails and returns Sydney, 412–3.
Plot to seize her, 413–4.
Loses men, 414.
Sample N. Z. coal, 414.
Sails for New Zealand, 418.
Returns Sydney, 418.
Sails for Port Cooper, 419.
Leaves Pt. Cooper for Sydney, 419.
Arrives Sydney, 427.
Luncheon Cove—
Francis reaches, 96.
Henry locates shipbuilding at, 97.
Bampton, Dell, Murry, visit, 113.
de Blosseville reports on, 335.
“Lusitania”—
Sails to London via Macquarie, 285.
Joins Stewart expedition, 362.
Traditions Tasman massacre, 12.
Mackay's Bluff—
D'Urville at, 369–70.
Killed Cook Strait, 341.
Proclamation re Heads, 401.
McLennan—
Brig Dart, 137.
Discovers a Cook's medal, 61.
Macquarie Island—
Discovered by Perseverance, 173.
Fleet six vessels sent, 174.
Wreckage discovered on coast, 174.
Described by Capt. Smith, 175.
Discovered by Hasselbourgh, 176.
Great quantity sea elephants, 176.
No doubt as to discoverer, 176.
Origin of name, 179.
Regular trade commences, 180.
Falling off of trade, 186–7.
Sighted by Bellingshausen, 275.
Bellingshausen's description, 276.
Traders meet Bellingshausen, 276.
Sea elephants plentiful, 276.
Three kinds of penguins, 277.
Fauna on island, 277–8.
Severe earthquake, 278–9.
Dwellings of sealers, 279–80.
Sealers' manner of living, 280–1.
Flora of Island, 281.
Wild dogs and cats, 281.
Description sea elephants, 282.
Method killing sea elephants, 282.
Birds and their habits, 282–3.
Connection other islands, 283.
Winds prevailing, 283.
Chart and views, 284.
Emerald's gang arrive, 284.
Port of call to London, 287.
Regalia visits, 287.
Midas visits, 284.
Surry visits, 284.
Lusitania visits, 285.
Lawlessness of gangs, 286.
Lynx visits, 287.
Caroline visits, 288.
Trade required regulation, 288.
Trade revives, 291.
Trade decreases, 292–3.
Parrots, 293.
Robertson's attempt sealing, 406.
Macquarie Island Traders—
Con-cord, 180–2.
Active, 185.
Robert Quayle, 190.
Emerald, 284.
Midas, 284–5.
Surry, 284–5.
Lusitania, 285.
Mariner, 285.
Lynx, 287.
Perseverance, 291–3.
Brutus, 291.
Sydney Packet, 291–2.
Governor Arthur, 292.
Lord Rodney, 292.
Rolla, 292.
Faith, 293.
Owns oiling station Macquarie, 291.
“Madeira Packet”—
Cargo skins, etc., 353.
“Maguary”—
Rescues General Gates' gang, 298.
See also Governor Macquarie.
Maidanogo—
Mistakes of, 102.
Maitche Village—
See Mai-Tehai.
Mai-Tehai—
Mentioned by D'Urville, 378.
Failure to enter Dusky, 93.
Expedition of, 101 et seq.
Reasons for want of record, 101.
American account of, 101–4.
Commander Discovery, 101.
His own account of visit, 104–8.
Reaches Sydney, sails again, 108.
His after career, 109.
His log preserved at Madrid, 109.
Malaspina Creek—
Named by Spanish expedition, 110.
Mana Island—
Cook observes, 50.
First farming operations, 425.
“R.W.S's.” account, 425–6.
William Stoveld arrives, 431.
Davidson's cultivation, 431.
Mangonui—
Tradition Tasman's visit, 12.
Manakau—
Land acquired by N.Z. Co., 362.
Mangi Nui Harbour—
See Port Underwood.
Manley—
Command Eleanor, 404.
Manno Island—
See Mana Island.
Manuka—
Cook uses for beer, 40.
Maori Heads—
Newspaper correspondence, 231–3.
Traffic started in Foveaux St., 230.
Value of, 231.
Must be smuggled, 232.
Tucker brought first to Sydney, 233.
Traffic discussed, 233–4.
Prince of Denmark, 399.
Governor's proclamation, 399–401
Maori Names—
Cook's spelling corrected, 76.
Maoris—
First meeting with Tasman, 3 to 7.
Cook describes, 17.
Meet Cook, 36.
Visit Resolution, 38.
Massacre in Qn. Charlotte Sd., 51.
Quarrels easily precipitated, 57–8.
Oliphant reports friendly, 136.
Governor King's estimate of
ferocity, 137.
Murray on Foveaux St., 169–70.
Murder of boats' crews, 170.
Massacre boat's crew Sydney Cove,
171.
Friendly relations Williams' flax
party, 196–8.
Williams on Maori labour, 200.
Cultivations at Pt. Macquarie, 206.
Murder of Matilda's men, 217.
Sophia massacre, 225–30.
Suspected poisoning water, 230.
Described by Bellingshausen, 240-
41, 250–52.
Settlements described, 246–7.
Constantly at war, 241.
Outrage General Gates, 297–8.
Edwardson's experiences, 30 et seq.
Coquille essay on, 321–9.
General characteristics of, 321.
Physical description, 322.
Social condition, 322.
Cause small population, 322.
Method of conducting war, 322–3.
Weapons of warfare, 323.
Children's games, &c., 323.
Tattooing, 323.
Clothing, 323.
Method of wearing the hair, 323–4.
Mode of salutation, 324.
Polygamy and chastity, 324.
Respect to old age, 324.
Longevity, 324.
Treatment of the dead, 324–5.
Diseases, 325.
House building, 325.
Child bearing and sickness, 325.
Cultivations, 325–6.
Work done by men and women, 326.
Storage of provisions, 326.
Method of obtaining fire, 326.
Cooking of food, 326.
Canoes, 326.
Fishing nets, 326.
Afraid of lizards, 326.
Religious beliefs, 327.
Regard of Europeans, 327.
Extreme sensitiveness, 327.
Bursts of ferocity, 327–8.
Manners and customs, 334.
List of atrocities, 327–8.
Massacre crew Samuel, 341.
Visit D'Urville, 369–70.
Described by D'Urville, 370.
D'Urville's plates, 377–8.
Te Rauparaha and Elizabeth, 383–6.
Reported troublesome in Otago,
Measles at Otago, 419.
Otago natives invade Cloudy, 422.
“R.W.S.” describes meeting, 426.
Punished by H.M.S. Alligator, 429.
Migration to Chathams, 437–9.
Maps—
Visscher's, 9.
Malaspina's, 109.
Southern Port (Stewart), 159.
Pegasus Island (Stewart), 160.
Chathams (Stewart), 161.
Arosmith, 275.
Very incomplete, 331.
Incorrect, 333.
Nozie's chart, 337.
de Blosseville's, 335.
Mara Nui—
See Tamaiharanui.
“Marie Elizabeth”—
Connection sealers Macquarie, 276.
See also Elizabeth and Mary.
“Mariner”—
Sails Sydney to Macquarie, 285.
Takes charge of Ruatara, 153.
Fruits Ruatara's friendship, 154.
Bellingshausen mentions, 253.
Protects Ahu, 384.
Brings head traffic under Gover-
nor's notice, 399.
“Martha”—
Spoken by Eleanor, 425.
“Mary Elizabeth”—
Danger from Otago Maoris, 414.
“Mary and Sally”—
Sails for Islands, 180.
Supposed gone Campbell I., 181.
Reaches Sydney, 181.
Account of voyage, 181–2.
Gang lost, Campbell Island, 183.
Making for Campbell and Mac-
quarie Islands, 185.
Returns with oil to Sydney, 185.
Mason's Bay and Head—
Origin of name, 160.
Massacre Bay—
See also Port Macquarie, 336.
Massacre Bay—
Ngati-Tu-mata-kokiri living at, 12.
Mataroa—
See Guard and Alligator, H.M.S.
Matavai Bay—
General Gates anchors in, 299.
“Matilda”—
Sailed Sydney for N.Z., 215.
In distress Otago Harbour, 215.
Kind behaviour of natives, 216–7.
Loses boats and men, 217.
Fate of the boats' crews, 217.
Lascar at Port Daniel, 226.
Matthew—
Passenger with
Maughan—
Master Queen Charlotte, 350.
Mauritius—
Tasman's expedition at, 2.
“Mercury”—
Arranges relief Bampton's men, 120.
Lands Bampton's men Norfolk, 121.
Probable subsequent history, 121.
Breaks port regulations, 294.
“Mermaid”—
Leaves Sydney and returns, 262.
Draws attention to flax trade, 263.
Takes Busby to Ruapuke, 265.
Sails to Bay of Islands, 266.
Returns Sydney, 266.
Sent re flax to New Zealand, 316.
“Mexican”—
Galliot, 102.
Master of Aurora, 147.
Mice—
Brought Ruapuke, 268.
Named “Henriettas,” 268.
Milford Sound—
Described by de Blosseville, 334–5.
Miller, James—
Master of Elizabeth and Mary, 222.
Massacred Grass Cove, 55.
“Mirny”—
Visits Macquarie, 190.
See Wostok.
Dies on Betsy, 219.
Master of Endeavour, 22.
Trade establishments, 382.
Evidence before H. of L., 382.
Account Rauparaha raid, 383–4.
Returns Sydney, 384.
Moody—
Captain of Santa Anna, 152–3.
Mooramoota—
Connection Betsy survivors, 221.
On absence of seals, 353–4.
No seals on Snares, 354.
Visits Pegasus, 354.
Visits Tavimoo, 354.
Describes natives, etc., 354.
Lands at Flat Point, 355.
Accompanied by his wife, 355.
Reports vessel bldng Pegasus, 410.
Passenger by Caroline, 405.
Motuara Island—
Passed by Cook, 14.
British sovereignty declared on, 19.
Cook's second visit uninhabited, 43.
Visited at Cook's last visit, 65.
Sketched by Webber, 65.
Motueka River—
D'Urville at mouth of, 369.
Mount Patterson—
See Cape Pattison.
Moutere Bluff—
D'Urville anchors off, 369.
Passenger by Caroline, 405.
Mowle, E. B.—
Successor to Bunn & Co., 405.
Munnings Point—
Broughton names, 86.
Murphy, F.—
Massacred Grass Cove, 55.
Murray—
Charge Fox gang, Foveaux St., 163.
On conditions of native life, 169–70.
Master Perseverance flax expd., 194.
Accompanies Williams, 195–6.
Opinion of Port Macquarie, 201.
Intends leave by Perseverance, 211.
Probably aware of castaways, 211.
Suppression of particulars, 212.
Accepts position on Endeavour, 112.
Condemns Endeavour, 113.
Log of, 114.
Given command of Fancy, 119.
Logs of Britannia, Providence, and Endeavour, 120.
Muskets—
Their value in trade, 402.
Narrow Passage—
See Sugar Loaf Passage.
“Naturaliste”—
French expedition, 133.
Nea Island—
Malaspina names, 110.
Of Mary and Sally's gang, 183.
Botanist Atrevida, 110.
Nene—
N.Z. chief, 12.
New Caledonia—
Connected with Macquarie, 283.
New Guinea—
Tasman expedition, 2.
New Hebrides—
Connected with Macquarie, 283.
New South Wales-New Zealand Co.—
Objects stated, 206.
Advertises for men, 206.
Negotiations with Williams, 206.
Despatch Trial and Brothers, 206.
Exclusive trade rights refused, 206.
New Zealand Co.'s Expedition—
Met by Sally, 346.
Colonization schemes, 356.
Arrives Port Pegasus, 362.
Purchases two vessels, 362.
Promised charter, 362.
Acquired land, 362.
Expedition described by Capt.
Lovett, 362–3.
Leaves N.Z. for Sydney, 364.
Sailed for London, 364.
Colonization a failure, 366.
“New Zealander”—
At Bay of Islands, 168.
Rescues crew of Haweis, 351.
Reported empty, 388.
Reports vessels Cloudy Bay, 432.
Reported Queen Charlotte Sd., 434.
Ngati-Apa-ki-te-ra-to—
Tribe visit D'Urville, 369–70.
Reports Kelly nearly on Traps, 225.
Noble Island—
Origin of name, 160.
Nobody Knows What—
Name changed, 81.
“Norfolk”—
Bass' schooner, 126.
Norfolk Island—
Daedalus lands flax dressers, 91.
Passed by Malaspina, 104.
Fancy and Providence arrive, 116.
Flax dressers brought to, 191.
Connected with Macquarie, 283.
North Cape—
Passed by Cook, 14.
“Norval”—
Sailed whaling, 382.
Oamaru—
Present site of passed by Cook, 21.
Oberneebessof, Lieut.—
Leaves dog at Macquarie, 281.
“Ocean”—
Auckland Islands discovered, 150.
Old Wig—
See
Master Endeavour, 135.
Report of voyage to Dusky, 135–6.
Probably sights Snares, 136.
Visits Solanders, 207.
Opara—
Bellingshausen's rendezvous, 235.
Open Bay—
Loss of six men Hope, 260.
Owen—
In command Lucy Ann, 409.
Oysters—
First shipment by Argo, 386.
Otago, City of—
Burnt by Kelly, 230.
Otago Harbour—
Matilda anchors in, 217.
Massacre at the Heads, 217.
Sophia massacre, 225–30.
Great fire, 409.
Lucy Ann takes oil, 409.
Trouble with natives, 413–6.
Desperate conditions through Maoris, 416–8.
Paihi—
Employs Caddell and Stuart, 309.
Visits Snapper, 309.
Forces Maoris to give up loot, 309.
Embarks in Snapper, 309.
Visits Goulbourn Island, 310.
Treachery of, 312–3.
Paihi Bay—
Snapper in, 311.
Edwardson lands at, 312.
Maoris plan attack at, 312.
Edwardson obtains flax, 314–5.
Rescued from Amsterdam I., 287.
Palliser, Cape—
Bellingshausen off, 255.
Palmer, E.—
Passenger by Caroline, 403.
Report on wreck Aucklands, 404.
Passenger Sydney Packet, 407.
Palmer & Co.,—
Ship owners, 134.
Paparoa Range—
Sighted by D'Urville, 368.
On insularity Stewart Island, 22.
Paroa—
Land acquired by N.Z. Co., 362.
Parrot Island—
Named by Cook, 83.
Paterson, Lieut.-Governor—
Meets Bampton, 112.
Pattison, Cape—
Sighted by Broughton, 85.
N.Z. chief, 12.
“Peaceful, The”—
English name of the Mirny, 236.
Pearl Island—
See Chase Island.
Pedro—
Native Queen Charlotte Sd., 65.
“Pegasus”—
Arrives Sydney, 155.
Sails in search Harrington, 155.
Returns to Sydney, 155–6.
Prepares London via Hobart, 159.
Circumnavigates Stewart I., 160.
Arrives Chathams, 161.
Arrives Gravesend, 161.
Speaks Adventure Foveaux St., 224.
Pegasus Bay—
Origin of name, 160–61.
Penantipodes Islands—
See Antipodes Islands.
Visits Penantipodes, 142.
Builds Independence, 142.
Returns to Sydney, 145.
Murdered at Tongatabu, 145.
Pendulo Bay—
Named by Malaspina, 110.
“Penelope”—
Spoken by Caroline, 404.
“Penguin,” s.s.—
Lost near Waterloo wreck, 396.
“Perseverance” (Sydney sealer)—
At Bay of Islands, 168.
Engaged punitive expedition, 173.
Arrives Sydney, 173.
Discovers new sealing grounds, 173.
Sails for Macquarie and Campbell
Islands, 174.
Reports loss of captain, 176.
Loss of Hasselbourgh, 177–8.
In Storm Bay passage, 181.
Arrives Sydney with cargo, 181.
Sails from Sydney, returns, 182.
Takes crew of Campbell Macquarie
from Macquarie Island, 185.
Engaged Birnie's expedition, 192.
Touched at Solanders, 208.
Report on men living there, 208.
Lands rescued men at Sydney, 209.
Refitted and sent sealing, 262.
At Macquarie, 291–2.
Crew rescued, 292.
Gang on Macquarie 30 months, 293.
Perseverance Harbour—
Named after the Perseverance, 179.
Petrel Islands—
Visited by Mr. Henry, 83.
Phipson—
Passenger Joseph Weller, 418.
“Phoenix—
For England to take hemp, 201.
Officers trading, 91.
Concern for seal trade, 99.
Proposes to deport convicts, 137.
Phoca proboscidea—
See Sea elephants.
Pickersgill, Lieut.—
Discovers Pickersgill Harbour, 33.
Describes waterspouts, 42.
Purchased head of slave, 49.
Killed by Maoris, 7.
Pigeon Island—
Named by Cook, 83.
Pipi—
See George.
Pitt Island—
See Rangiauria.
Polack—
Agent Sydney Packet, 407.
Porirua Harbour—
“R.W.S.” describes, 425.
Port Daniel—
Visited by Sophia, 225.
Port Macquarie—
Visited by Williams, 195–7.
Williams wishes explore, 198.
Description of, 204–5.
Proved navigable for vessels, 205.
Earlier visits of Europeans, 205.
Snapper anchors in, 310.
Edwardson obtains flax, 315.
de Blosseville describes, 336.
Port Nicholson—
Cook at entrance of, 47–8.
See also Wellington Harbour.
D'Urville fails to enter, 377.
Joseph Weller calls, 413.
Port Pegasus —
Stewart takes party to, 362.
N.Z. Co.'s expedition visits, 362.
Weller shipbuilding, 410.
Joseph Weller launched, 410.
See also Southern port.
Port Snapper—
de Blosseville describes, 337.
Port Underwood—
Herd gives details, 364.
Port William—
Origin of name, 165.
Williams anchors in, 194.
Murry lived there, 200.
New South Wales-N.Z. Co., 206.
H.M.S. Tees visits, 264.
Snapper enters, 314.
de Blosseville describes, 337.
Praised by sealers, 337.
No flax at, 337.
Pounamu—
Found in South Island, 334.
Preservation Bay—
de Blosseville describes, 336.
Williams' proposed station, 353.
Whaling begins, 380.
First shore whaling station, 397.
Earliest date of station, 397.
Bunn's whaling station, 398.
First cargo of oil from, 398.
“Prince of Denmark”—
Reaches Sydney, 360.
Sails Bay of Islands, 360.
Arrives Sydney small cargo, 361.
Robbed by Hongi, 361.
Sails Bay of Islands, 361.
Sails Port Pegasus, 361.
Returns Sydney, 365.
Third voyage a failure, 366.
Sold, 366.
Trades Sydney and Hobart, 366.
Arrives Sydney with flax, 398–9.
News wreek of Industry, 399.
Brought Maori heads, 399.
Rescued at Amsterdam Island, 287.
“Providence”—
Completed by Bampton, 115.
Sails from Facile Harbour, 115.
Nearly wreeked Five Fingers, 115.
Arrives Norfolk Island, 116.
Receives stores, Norfolk I., 117.
Sails for India, 119.
At Loyalty Islands, 119.
Probably remained at Batavia, 119.
Log at Essex Institute, 119.
“Queen Charlotte”—
Reports Betsy disaster, 222.
Trading to New Zealand, 342.
Arrives from Aucklands, 344.
Seeks new ground, 346.
Queen Charlotte Sound—
Large population, 16.
Supplies of food plentiful, 16.
Resources contrasted Dusky, 44–5.
Furneaux reaches, 50.
Furneaux leaves, 55.
Adventure Massacre, 51–5.
Excellent base of operations, 58–9.
Cook's last visit, 63.
Cook's last leave taking, 66.
Length of Cook's various stays, 68.
Cause of being so well known, 68.
Used by whalers, 167.
Visited by Bellingshausen, 235–53.
Crossed by D'Urville, 376.
Shamrock sunk, 431.
Lieutenant of Descuvierta, 110.
Quintano Point—
Named by Malaspina, 110.
Raggedy Point—
Position of, 314.
Master ship Surry, 284.
Rangatira—
See Cornwallis Islands.
“Ranger”—
Calls at Amsterdam Island, 168.
Rangiauria—
See Cornwallis Islands.
Rangitikei River—
Tasman off, 7.
Rankin—
Passenger per Louisa, 432.
Rapsey—
In charge Lucy Ann, 419.
Attempts Trade with Dusky, 91.
Sails for Cape Good Hope, 92–3.
Anchors Facile Harbour, 92.
Lands first sealing gang, 92–3.
Sights Snares, 93.
Arrives Cape of Good Hope and
Sydney, 93.
Arrives Anchor Island Harbour, 95.
Sails from Dusky, 97.
First boat built, N.Z., 95.
Report to Governor King, 98–9.
Charter from East India Co., 100.
Recommends Murry, 112.
Register of Vessel—
See Trading license.
“Resolution”—
Fitted out, 31.
In Queen Charlotte Sound, 48–9.
Chosen N. Pacific expedition, 63.
Arrives Ship Cove, 63.
“Resource”—
Long boat of Endeavour, 115.
Left behind by Bampton, 115–6.
See also Assistance.
Reynolds—
Gives
Paid for
Takes
Voted £200, 273.
Rhodes—
Captain of Alexander, 136.
Richardson, Job—
Drowned at Aucklands, 345.
Richardson, R.—
Lost at Open Bay, 260.
“Rifleman”—
Supposed wrecked Aucklands, 404.
Riggs—
Commands General Gates, 294.
Takes Marsden Bay of Islands, 294.
Smuggles convicts, 294.
Sails to Dusky, 295.
Cruelty to men, 295.
Calls Camel Island and Chalky, 295.
Arrested by Capt. Skinner, 295.
Tried and fined, 295–6.
Sailed from Sydney, 296.
Lands gang, 297.
At Bay of Islands, 299.
Anchors Matavai Bay, 299.
At China, 299.
Arrives Hobart and N. Z., 300.
Leaves gang N. Z., 300.
Returns Tahiti and N. Z., 303.
No further record, 305.
Claims skins at Chalky, 309.
Rimgatan—
Connection with Betsy survivors, 221.
Rimu—
Cook uses for beer, 40.
With Cook's last expedition, 72.
Robertson—
Master Bee from Macquarie, 406.
Placed gang sealing, 406.
Sealing operations failure, 406.
Finds runaways at Chathams, 406.
Rocky Cape—
Named by Tasman, 11.
“Rolla”—
For London via Macquarie, 292.
Rook—
Dies on Prince of Denmark, 361.
“Rosanna”—
Arrives Port Pegasus, 362.
“Rose”—
Reseues captain, etc., of Fox, 168.
Killed and eaten by Maoris, 297.
Ruabouki—
See Ruapuke.
Ruapuke—
Sighted by Cook, 22.
Elizabeth Henrietta ashore, 264.
General Gates massacre, 304.
Visited by Snapper, 310.
Loss of boat's crew, 404.
Ships on Santa Anna, 152.
Previous adventures, 152.
Voyage in Santa Anna, 152–3.
Meets Rev. Mr. Marsden, 153.
Joins the Ann, 153.
Arrives Sydney, 153–4.
Joins Frederick, 153.
Left at Norfolk Island, 154.
Arrives Bay of Islands, 154.
Russian Scientific Expedition—
Ordered to be fitted out, 235.
Wostok and Mirny for South, 235.
Bellingshausen to command, 235.
Leaves Sydney, 235.
Accounts of voyage, 235–6.
Saddle Hill—
Viewed by Cook, 21.
“St. Michael”—
Put in commission, 262.
“Sally”—
Sails Aucklands, 344–5.
Loses two boats' crews, 345.
Arrives Port Pegasus, 346.
Sails Antipodes and Bounties, 346.
Returns New Zealand, 346.
Flax obtained, 346.
Arrives Hobart, 346.
Meets N.Z. Co.'s expedition, 346.
Lost at Launceston, 346.
“Samuel”—
General Gates massacre, 268.
News of General Gates, 303.
Massacre of boat's crew, 341.
At Cook Strait, 341.
Sails for Sydney, 341.
Trading to N. Z., 342.
Reports Alligator and Wellington,
343.
Assists Wellington, 343.
Cargo from Chathams, 381.
Arrives Sydney, 398.
News wreck of Industry, 399.
Sandy Bay—
General Gates gang, 297.
“Santa Anna”—
Arrives Bay of Islands, 152.
Arrives Bounties, 152.
Reaches Sydney, 152.
Returns Bounties, 153.
Arrives London, 153.
“Sarah”—
Visits Aucklands, 150.
Captured and recaptured, 151.
Left Sydney for London, 391.
Arrives Cloudy Bay leaking, 391.
Survey held, vessel condemned, 393.
Sarah's Bosom—
Named by Bristow, 150.
Saunders, Cape—
Sighted and named by Cook, 21.
Sawyers, W.—
Master Antipode, 157.
Scenery—
Reservation at Qn. Charlotte Sd., 16.
“Scorpion”—
Visits Dusky sealing, 138–9.
Scotch—
Domination of South Island, 23.
Scribe—
See Judge Island.
Sea Bears—
Disappeared from Macquarie, 280.
See also Seals.
Sea Elephants—
Commodore Baudin reports on, 133.
Regalia and Robert Quayle full
cargoes oil, 190.
Method of killing, 282.
Fully described, 282.
Lawless life of hunters, 286–7.
Desert Macquarie, 293.
Sea Elephant Hunter—
Life and habits, 275–84.
Seal Fishery—
Cook's services to, 41.
First gang landed, 92–3.
Results of first gang's efforts, 95.
First boat built in N.Z., 95.
Early position of the trade, 99.
Free to British subjects, 100.
Attention drawn to N.Z., 133–4.
Kable & Underwood develops, 140.
Labour regulations, 141.
Limits fixed, 141.
Sir J. Banks on, 141.
Further developments, 142 et seq.
Numbers on Penantipodes, 142.
Pendleton's great cargo, 146–7.
Quantities skins reach Sydney, 157.
Falling off of trade, 186.
Causes of decrease of trade, 186–7.
Seals again increase, 189.
Direct trade with England, 189.
Districts and methods, 257 et seq.
Seasons for, 257.
Price of skins in Sydney, 258.
Cargoes brought to Sydney, 258.
Method of paying sealers, 258.
Falling off in, 258.
Causes of decrease in seals, 259.
The trade a Sydney one, 259.
Hobart, America and English
shares, 259.
South Shetlands, 259.
Cargoes recorded at Sydney, 268.
List of vessels for, 269.
“Scaevola's” estimate of, 269.
Pessimistic prophecies, 271.
Decay of trade, 271.
Manner living Macquarie, 279–81.
Constituents of a gang, 285–6.
Lawlessness of gangs, 286.
Seals, etc., desert Macquarie, 293.
Methods adopted, 332.
Values of skins, 343.
Steadily falling off, 345.
Trade collapses, 347–8.
Not a seal to be found, 353–4.
Sealing—
See Seal fishery.
Sealing Gangs—
General number of men, 183.
Seal Rock—
Named by Cook, 83.
Secretary Island—
Probably location Active gang, 215.
On board Perseverance, 210.
Shagg Island—
Named by Cook, 83.
Shagg River—
Named by Cook, 83.
“Shah Hormuzear”—
Commanded by Bampton, 111.
Shand, A.—
Account of Broughton, 87–8.
Shaw, W.—
Passenger Joseph Weller, 418.
Shipbuilding—
First boat built in N.Z., 95–6.
Bampton completes vessel, 113.
Vessels for sealing, 134.
Ship Cove—
Cook anchors in, 14–5.
Cook leaves letter for Furneaux, 50.
Cook returns to, 56.
Cook's last visit, 63.
Webber sketches, 64.
Visited by Bellingshausen, 244.
Lazarew and Savadovsky land, 248.
Seen by Herd, 364.
Advertisement re skins, 209.
Intends leave in Perseverance, 211.
Intends shipping on Unity, 211.
Shipping—
Information records incomplete, 138
Shipping List—
Adventure, 31, 32, 43, 44, 47, 49, 50, 56, 57, 58, 59, 63, 64, 66, 69, 223, 224, 250.
Aguilar, 269.
Alligator, 342, 343, 344, 345, 346, 405, 406, 418, 427, 428, 429, 430, 431.
Amazon, H.M.S., 72.
Atlanta, 168.
Atrevida 110.
Belinda, 269.
Boussole, 72.
Britannia, 91, 92, 93, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 112, 114, 119, 140, 143.
Brutus, 291.
Colder, 266.
Canada, 168.
Carnarvon, 427.
Caroline, 288, 289, 290, 352, 353, 381, 393, 397, 398, 399, 401, 402, 403, 404, 405, 425, 431, 432, 433, 434.
Charles Edward, 352.
Children, 419.
Cyclops, 170.
Dart, 137.
Deveron, 387.
Diana, 135.
Dromedary, H.M.S., 295.
Earl of Dalkeith, 265.
Earl of Pembroke, 29.
Elizabeth, 261, 262, 268, 269, 300, 302, 342, 344, 345, 346, 350, 351, 382, 383, 384, 387, 388, 433.
Elizabeth and Mary, 174, 179, 185, 186, 187, 189, 218, 222, 259, 276, 289, 292, 293, 342, 343, 344, 345, 346, 350, 351, 352.
Emerald, 284.
Endeavour (sealer), 135, 136, 137, 139, 142, 143, 163, 186, 222.
Endeavour (Bampton's), 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 118, 120, 121, 123, 127, 130, 131, 140, 166, 184.
Endeavour (Cook's), 14, 15, 20, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 40, 44, 49, 57, 63, 67, 68, 111, 207.
Essex, 427.
Fairy, 398.
Faith, 293.
Friends of Boston, 351.
Ganges, 138.
General Gates, 261, 267, 294, 295, 296, 297, 300, 301, 302, 303, 304, 307, 309, 318, 327, 341, 342.
George Weller, 411.
Good Intent, 137.
Gorgon, 77.
Governor Bligh, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 163, 164, 165, 168, 183, 185, 211, 213, 257, 258, 260, 261, 301.
Gurnet, 350.
Harriet, 390, 391, 392, 394, 395, 406413, 417, 421, 423, 429, 430, 431, 436.
Harrington 155.
Hawkesbury, 159.
Hazelbourg, 283.
Heather Bell, 122.
Helena, 151.
Henry, 263.
Henry Porcher, 273.
Herald, H.M.S., 161.
Hunter, 351.
Inspector, 168.
Integrity, 401.
Jane, 388.
Jolly Rambler, 434.
Joseph Weller, 410, 411, 412, 413, 415, 416, 417, 418, 419, 424, 427.
Julia Ann, 298.
Juno, 388.
Lady Barlow, 149.
La Liberte, 29.
Lambton, 362.
Lively, 388.
Louisa, 432.
Lusitania, 285.
Lynx, 287.
Madeira Packet, 353.
Maguary, 298.
Mariner, 285.
Martha, 425.
Mary, 168.
Mary Elizabeth, 414.
Mexican, 102.
Minerva, 268.
Mirny, 190, 235, 236, 237, 239, 241, 243, 244, 245, 254, 255, 276, 278, 281.
Naturaliste 133, 134.
Newcastle, 342.
Nimrod, 434.
Norfolk, 126.
Norval, 382.
Palmyra, 287.
Penelope, 404.
Penguin, 396.
Perseverance, 143, 154, 168, 173, 174, 176, 177, 178, 181, 182, 183, 185, 192, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 262, 269, 291, 292, 293, 351.
Phoenix, 201.
Pilgrim, 143.
Pitt, 94.
Prince of Denmark, 359, 360, 361, 365, 366, 398, 399, 400, 411.
Ranger Parker, 168.
Resolution, 31, 33, 36, 42, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 56, 59, 63, 65, 70, 72, 77.
Revenge, 151.
Rifleman, 404.
Robert Quayle, 190.
Rolla, 292.
Rosanna, 362.
Rose Carey, 168.
St. Michael, 262.
Samuel, 268, 269, 303, 341, 342, 343, 345, 346, 347, 348, 350, 352, 353, 381, 398.
Shah Hormuzear, 111.
Snapper, 261, 262, 263, 268, 300, 306, 308, 309, 310, 311, 312, 314, 315, 316, 317, 328, 333, 352.
Socrates, 432.
Speculator, 387.
Speke, 168.
Spring Grove, 168.
Success, 434.
Sultana, 297.
Sushannah, 419.
Sydney Cove, 150, 163, 165, 166, 169, 170, 171, 172, 174, 179, 180, 183, 317, 319, 327, 328.
Trial, 206.
Tranmere, 381.
Tula, 388.
Uranie, 189.
Waterloo, 381, 382, 387, 390, 391, 393, 394, 395, 396, 403, 421.
Wellington, 262, 264, 267, 268, 269, 270, 288, 289, 290, 291, 342, 343, 344, 350.
Zebra, H.M.S., 390.
Shortland—
Records doings at Preservation, 397.
Master Campbell Macquarie, 184.
Wrecked at Macquarie Island, 184.
Taken off by Perseverance, 184–5.
Master Elizabeth and Mary, 185.
Commands Lynx, 287.
Simons, J.—
Drowned at Aucklands, 345.
Sisters—
Discovered by Broughton, 86.
Skelton, H.—
Master of Emma Kemp, 398.
Skoitche Village—
See Skoi-Tehai.
Skoi-Tehai—
Mentioned by D'Urville, 378.
In command Aurora, 174.
Traditions of Tasman's visit, 12.
Te Ketu is Long Island, 76.
Translates D'Urville's work, 377.
Smith Sound—
See also Malaspina Creek.
“Snapper”—
Sent to report on trade, 261.
Returns, reports favourably, 262.
Brings specimens of flax, 263.
Cannon at Ruapuke, 268.
Relieves General Gates gang, 300.
In Port Snapper, 311.
In New Zealand waters, 306–15.
For details see Edwardson, 306–15.
Snapper Harbour—
Snapper anchors, 314.
Snares—
Discovered by Vancouver, 84.
Sighted by Broughton, 84.
Raven names, Sunday, 93.
Sighted by Oliphant, 136.
Visited by Delano, 143.
Adventure men on, 222–3.
Men rescued by Enterprise, 223–4.
Frequented and cultivated, 224.
Snow Line—
Discussed by Bellingshausen, 238–9.
Solander Island—
Visited by Endeavour sealer, 135.
Sighted by Williams, 194.
Described, 207–8.
Origin of name, 207.
Visited by Oliphant, 207.
Five men live there for years, 208.
Vessel they belonged, 209–12.
Reasons castaways forgotten, 211.
Reasons for suppressing facts, 212.
Visited by H. M. S. Tees, 264.
de Blosseville shows two isles, 237.
Somebody Knows What—
Named by Cook, 81.
“Sophia”—
Sails sealing, 225.
Returns Hobart with cargo, 225.
Anchors in Port Daniel, 225.
Boat visits Small Bay, 225.
Attack and massacre, 226–7.
Maori attempt to seize, 228.
Crew destroy Maori canoes, 229.
Maori town burnt, 229.
Sailed for Chatham Island, 230.
Possible cause of the outrage, 230.
South East Cape—
Seal fishing ground, 257.
Southern Part—
See also Port Pegasus.
“Speculator”—
Leaves Kapiti with flax, 387.
“Speke”—
At Bay of Islands, 168.
Sportsman's Cove—
Named by Cook, 83.
“Spring Grove”—
At Bay of Islands, 168.
Spruce Fir—
See Rimu.
“Star”—
Relieves Stewart, 147.
Sails for New Zealand, 148.
Arrives Whangaroa, 148.
Arrives Sydney, 149.
Sealing to Macquarie Island, 174.
Sails thence to London, 179.
Steep Point—
Named by Tasman, 11.
Stephens, Cape—
Named by Cook, 26.
Sighted by Bellingshausen, 237.
Difference lat. Cook's report, 237.
Stewart Island—
Cook's error discussed, 24.
Explored by Chace, 161.
Stewart, discoverer or surveyor, 160–1.
Haweis loads at, 353.
Site Williams' proposed trade, 356.
Stewart discoverer insularity, 365.
Captain of Venus, 146.
Stewart Island named after, 146–7.
Sails chief officer Pegasus, 159.
Makes chart of Southern Port, 159.
Did he discover Foveaux St., 161–2.
In Cumberland at Macquarie, 183.
Proposal flax and timber trade, 356.
In de Thierry's employ, 356.
Prepares his scheme, 357.
de Thierry writes against, 358.
Floats his scheme, 359.
Sails in Prince of Denmark, 359.
His scheme explained, 359–60.
Arrives Sydney, 360.
Advertises for freight, etc., 360.
Sails Bay of Islands, 360.
Arrives Sydney, 361.
Visits Stewart Island, 361.
First visit a failure, 361.
Sailed for Bay of Islands, 361.
Arranges there with men, 361.
Takes expedition Port Pegasus, 362.
First news brought by Lovett, 365.
Insularity Stewart Island, 365.
Returns Sydney small cargo, 365.
Second voyage a failure, 365.
Stewart—
Commands Elizabeth, 382.
Arranges with Rauparaha, 383.
Actions Banks Island, 383–6.
Reported ultimate fate, 385.
Stitt—
In charge Joseph Weller, 418.
Strange—
Master Queen Charlotte, 345.
Stowers, E.—
Drowned at Aucklands, 345.
Stuart (Pakeha Maori)—
Meets Edwardson, 309.
“Subtile”—
Malaspina's expedition, 101.
“Success”—
Arrives Sydney, 434.
Sugar Loaf Passage—
Named by Chase, 160.
“Sultana”—
Brings news General Gates, 297.
Sunday Islands—
See Snares.
“Sushannah”—
Brings Weller's body, 419
Swilley, J.—
Massacred Grass Cove, 55.
Swindells—
Master of Glory, 348.
Saves crew and cargo, 348.
Sails to Bay of Islands, 348.
Rescued by Samuel, 348.
Master Samuel, 350.
“Sydney”—
Regulations regarding cargo, 149.
“Sydney Cove”—
Cargo Commerce transferred to, 150.
Discoveries by chief mate, 165–6.
Danger from Traps, 166.
Straits of sealing gang, 169.
Reported at Sydney by Boyd, 171.
Arrived Sydney, 171.
Loss of six men, 172.
In Foveaux Strait (1910), 172.
Returns Sydney, 180.
Sails Pt. William to Macquarie, 174.
Reported at Macquarie, 179.
Disaster at Macquarie, 183.
“Sydney Packet”—
Williams sends flax plant, 204.
At Macquarie Island, 291.
Leaves for Auckland Island, 292.
Springs a leak, 292.
Trades to Preservation Bay, 403.
Leaves New Zealand, 404.
Returns Preservation Bay, 405.
Sails for New Zealand, 406.
Sails and returns Sydney, 406–7.
Purchased by Mr. Jones, 407.
Table Cape—
Passed by Perseverance flax expedition, 198.
Tahiti—
Selected view transit Venus, 13.
Taiaroa—
At war with Cook St. natives, 395.
Taldies, Don C. de—
Commands Mexican, 102.
Tamaiharanui—
Kills
Taken prisoner by
Victim of Stewart's treachery, 384.
Killed, 384.
Denies murder Warspite boat's
crew, 385.
Toupi (Maori Chief)—
Employs Caddell and Stuart, 309.
Visits Snapper, 309.
Opposes Maori treachery, 312.
Names given by, 11.
D'Urville discusses anchorage, 371.
Particulars Farewell Spit, 421.
Tasman Bay —
Name inappropriate, 11.
D'Urville lands, 368.
D'Urville coasts, 369.
Connects with Admiralty, 371.
Wrongly named, 371.
Plates of natives, 377–8.
Tasmania—
Antony van Diemen's Land, 2.
Tavai-Poenammou—
South Island, 321.
Maoris only inhabit parts, 333.
West Coast described, 333–4.
Volcano reported, 334.
Absence of large streams, 339.
Resources enumerated, 340.
Probable future, 340.
Taweiharooa—
Sails with Cook, 68.
Mentions visit strange vessel, 67–8.
Landed at Huahine, 72.
Died, 72.
Correct spelling, 76.
Taylor, D.—
Discovers reef, 288.
Te Anau-Milford Track—
Pure air, 84.
“Tees,” H.M.S.—
Sent salve Elizabeth Henrietta, 264.
Reaches Solanders, 264.
Attempts refloat Elizabeth Henrietta, 264–5.
Abandons Elizabeth Henrietta, 265.
Reaches Sydney, 265.
Not first to navigate Foveaux, 267.
Takes passage on Urania, 272.
Arrives Liverpool, 272.
Sickness in England, 273.
Supported by Government, 273.
Sails for Sydney, 273.
Visits principal manufactories, 273.
Calls Teneriffe & Pernambuco, 274.
Stays with Marsden, 274.
Returns Kapiti, 274.
Killed Banks Peninsula, 383.
Te-pu-tere-o-Waraki—
Maori name Tasman's vessel, 12.
At Kapiti, 347.
Plots with Stewart, 383.
Charters Elizabeth, 383.
Kills Banks Peninsula natives, 384.
Evades payment to Stewart, 384.
“R.W.S.” describes, 427.
Approves punishment, 430.
Te-upoko-o-tamoremore—
Maori name Tasman's country, 12.
Te Wai Pounamu—
Native name New Zealand, 19.
Sells land to Williams, 401.
Copy of deed of conveyance, 402.
Described by Rev. Taylor, 402.
Takes part in raid, 408.
Died of measles, 408.
Thames—
Land acquired by N. Z. Co., 362.
“Thomas”—
Reported sealing, 342.
Thompson (ship owner)—
See also Lord, Williams and Thompson.
Discovers a Cook's medal, 60.
Thomson, Mr.—
Report earthquakes Macquarie, 188.
Three Kings Island—
Visited by Tasman, 9–11.
Three Steeples—
D'Urville sights and names, 368.
Timaru—
Present site passed by Cook, 21.
To Ouherra—
Employs Caddell and Stuart, 309.
Visits Snapper, 309.
Edmondson visits his village, 310.
Torrent Bay—
Discovered by D'Urville, 370.
Torson—
Lands at Macquarie Island, 279.
Tory Channel—
Cook partly surveys, 19.
Cook sailed through, 58.
D'Urville passes, 376.
Capt. Guard enters, 380.
Townshend—
Captain of Independence, 146.
Tougghi-Touci—
Married to Caddell, 328.
Trading Licenses—
N.Z. built vessels, 410–2.
“Tranmere”—
Arrives flax cargo from Kapiti, 381.
Reports William Stoveld and Hind
whaling, 381.
Transit of Venus—
Cook sails to observe, 13.
Treena—
Visits Sydney, 136.
“Trial”—
Sent to New Zealand, 206.
Triangle Rocks—
Snapper passes, 314.
On board Sophia, 225.
Well known to natives, 225–6.
Killed in massacre, 226–7.
Capt. Kelly regrets taking his advice, 230.
“Tula”—
Leaves Gravesend, 388.
Arrives Van Diemen's Land, 388.
Arrived Bay of Islands, 388.
Arrived Chathams, 389.
Anchors Cornwallis Islands, 389.
Sailed for Bounties, 389.
Sails for Antarctic, 389–90.
Turnagain, Cape—
Sighted by Cook, 20.
Account Grass Cove massacre, 51.
Turner, B.—
Joins Stewart expedition, 362.
Two Sisters—
See Sisters.
Tyerman—
Delegate London M. S., 267.
Killed Tasman expedition, 7.
Underwood—
See also Kable and Underwood.
“Union”—
Lands gang Antipodes, 142–3.
Sails Tongatabu, 145.
Wrecked at Fiji, 145.
Story re seal skins, 145–8.
“Unity”—
Trouble in Sydney, 163.
Returns Sydney with skins, 164.
Account of her voyage, 164.
Reaches Gravesend, 164.
Sealing to Macquarie, 174.
Reported at Macquarie, 179.
Probably men marooned Solanders,
211.
Boat possibly lost at Solanders, 212.
“Urania”—
Boarded by
“Uranie”—
Sails from Sydney for France, 189.
Sights Campbell Island, 189.
Captain describes Campbell I. 189.
Valdes, Don Antonio de—
Spanish minister, 103.
With Cook's last expedition, 72.
Appointed to N. W. American ex-
pedition, 77–8.
Instructions do not include N.Z., 78.
Visits Dusky, 78–9.
Experiences great storm, 79.
In Dusky, 81 et seq.
Not a sportsman, 83.
Tribute to Dusky, 83.
Discovers Snares, 84.
Maps reach Sydney, 94.
Van Diemen—
Opinion of Tasman, 10.
Venus—
See also transit of Venus.
“Venus” (brig)—
Bass' Company buys, 126.
Sails for South Sea Islands, 126.
Subsequent fate unknown, 131.
Killed in Sophia massacre, 226.
“Vittoria”—
Arrives Sydney, 390.
Brings news murder Europeans,
390–91.
Waikeke Island—
Land acquired by
Waikouaiti—
Coast line noted by Cook, 21.
Waine—
Condemns Endeavour, 113.
Sails from Dusky, 120.
Walker—
Master Gurnet, 350.
Wanganui River—
Tasman off, 7.
Wangi Nui Atra—
See Port Nicholson.
Ward—
Passenger Kapiti to Sydney, 390.
Waterhouse —
Names Penantipodes Islands, 124.
“Waterloo”—
Brings first cargo whale oil, 381.
Reported with flax, 382.
Returns Sydney, 382.
Leaves Kapiti with flax, 387.
Reports Elizabeth, Courier, Venus,
Currency, 387.
Returns Cloudy with gang, 390.
Returns Cook Strait, 390.
Arrives Sydney, cargo, 390.
Sailed Preservation Bay, 391.
Arrived from Cloudy Bay, 391.
Scene of wreck, 396.
Brought oil from Preservation, 403.
Waterspouts—
Danger to Resolution, 42.
Webster, James—
Killed and eaten by Maoris, 298.
Weller Bros.—
Purchase Lucy Ann, 409.
Loss from fire, 409.
Shipbuilding Pegasus, 410.
Establish station Otago, 410.
Launch vessel Pegasus, 410.
Correspondence re license, 410–11.
Want ship direct England, 415.
Charter
Letter re Maori troubles, 414.
Correspondence shipping oil, 415.
“Wellington”—
Returns from Otago Peninsula, 262.
Sails sealing, 262.
Returns Sydney with cargo, 263.
Reports Elizabeth Henrietta, 264.
Crew assist Henrietta, 267.
Crew recommended reward, 267.
Rescues crew Caroline, 289.
Arrives Sydney, 290.
Trading to N.Z., 342.
Trades south of Aucklands, 343.
Arrives Sydney, 343.
Reported by Samuel, 343.
Carpenter steals boat, 343.
Sails for New Zealand, 344.
Wellington Harbour—
See Port Nicholson.
Saved from death, 298.
West Cape—
Sealing grounds, 257.
West Whanganui River—
D'Urville at mouth of, 368.
Whales—
Arrive New Zealand in May, 379.
Parts of N. Z. visited by, 379.
Plentiful at Dusky, 398.
Plentiful in Otago, 410.
Whaling Industry—
Cook's services to, 41.
Legislation concerning, 100.
Petition re limits, 100.
Trade begins, 353.
Whalers early in North Island, 379.
Gradual development of, 379–80.
Methous adopted, 380.
Date commencement, 380.
No oil early days, 380.
First cargo oil 1830, 381.
Wm. Stoveld & Hind reported, 381.
Bay whaling promises well, 381.
Output Preservation, 1829, 397.
First oil from Preservation, 398.
Sixty men Preservation, 398.
Statement oil from Bunn's, 401.
Shipping direct from N.Z., 415–6.
SeeChapter 27, et seq.
Whanawhana—
Maori tradition Tasman, 12.
White, Capt. “Maguary”—
Rescues survivors Gen. Gates, 298.
Wilkinson, John—
In command Star, 174.
“William”—
Discovers South Shetland I., 259.
William, Mr. and Mrs C.—
Passengers by New Zealander, 434.
Williams (ship owner)—
See Lord Williams and Thompson.
Williams, P.—
Whaling station Preservation, 353.
Manager Preservation Bay, 397.
Builds at Preservation Bay, 398.
Statement oil brought Sydney, 401.
Buys land, 401.
Grant confirmed, 408.
Williams, Thomas—
Advertisement re skins, 209.
Intends sailing in Fox, 211.
Probably left by Fox, 211.
Williams (whaler)—
Lost at Ruapuke, 405.
“William and Ann”—
Arrives and leaves Sydney, 90.
Williams, Robert (flax expert)—
Opens negotiations N.Z. flax trade,
192.
Sails with expedition, 192.
Report on return of flax expedition,
192–204.
Sights Solanders, 194.
Anchors Port Williams, 194.
Crosses Foveaux Strait, 195.
Enters Macquarie explores, 195–7.
Names Duck Bay, 196.
Names Jones Island, 197.
Discovers quantities flax, 197.
Relations with natives, 198.
Passes Table Cape, 198.
Off Banks' Island, 198.
Disappointed arrives Sydney, 199.
Reports Macquarie suitable, 200.
Prepares specimens, 201.
Opposes sending specimens, 202.
Estimate of hemp from plants, 203.
Remarks on growth of plants, 204.
No practical results expedition, 205.
New South Wales-N.Z. Co., 206.
Wilson, John—
Dies on Betsy, 219.
Wilson's Inlet—
Origin of name, 160.
Windsor River—
de Blosseville describes, 336.
Wioree—
See Tucker (W.)
Wishart—
Master of Currency Lass, 387.
Wishart, Mr.—
Passenger Kapiti to Sydney, 390.
Wood Head—
Named by Admiralty, 110.
See also Espinosa Point.
Wood Hen Cove—
Named by Cook, 83.
Woodhouse—
Massacred Grass Cove, 51–5.
Woore, Lieut.—
Surveys Port Hardy, 429.
“Wostok”—
Visits Macquarie, 190.
Sails from Sydney, 235.
Changes destination, 235.
Arrives Cook Strait, 236.
Mt. Egmont sighted, 236–7.
Cape Stephens observed, 237.
Off Admiralty Bay, 237.
Parrots come aboard, 239.
Anchors Motuara, 239.
Boarded by Maoris, 240.
“Wostock”— continued.
Signals to Mirny, 241.
Precautions against surprise, 241.
Anchors at Motuara, 241.
Maoris trade on Wostok, 242.
Rockets fired, 243.
Leaves Queen Charlotte Sound, 253.
Sails between Motuara and Long
Island, 253.
Experiences heavy storms, 253–4.
Off Terawhiti, 255.
Off Cape Palliser, 255.
Leaves New Zealand, 256.
At Macquarie, 275–84.
Wrecks—
Endeavour, 113.
Contest, 140.
Governor King, 140.
Francis, 140.
Speedwell, 140.
Union, 145.
Fox, 168.
Independence, 147.
Summary of, 184.
Campbell Macquarie, 184.
Betsy abandoned at sea 220.
Caroline at Macquarie, 289.
Perseverance at Campbell I., 292.
Sally at Launceston, 346.
Hunter at Entry Island, 351.
Waterloo, near Terawhiti, 396.
Industry, at Easy Bay, 399.
Rifleman (supposed), Aucklands,
404.
Harriet, Cape Egmont, 406.
Shamrock, Queen Charlotte Sd., 431.
Wright, D.—
Chief officer Union, 145.
Wright, Ensign—
Sails Alligator expedition, 428.
Master Prince of Denmark, 366.
Wyatt—
In charge whaler Harriet, 390.
In charge of Hind, 433.
Halcyon's report false, 433.
True account Maori matters, 434.
York Peninsula—
Portion of known land 1642, 1.
Young—
Master Liberty, 345.
Young, Capt.—
Master of Industry, 382.
Young, Cape—
Sighted by Broughton, 85.
Zebra,” H.M.S.—
Sails Sydney to Cook Strait, 390.
Calls Taranaki and Kapiti, 390.
Sails for Tahiti, 390.
Zeehaen Bight—
Named by Tasman, 11.