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At the Y.M.C.A. Rooms, on the 12th July, a meeting of those interested in the federation of the Australasian colonies was held. There was a very good attendance, several ladies being amongst the audience.
Mr. J. Kennedy Brown, who was received with applause, stated that he had received a memo, from the Mayor, who was to have taken the chair that evening. Mr. Goldie explained that he had to attend an important meeting of the Joint Committee, to consider the loan proposals of the Auckland City Council. Apologies had also been received from Mr. E. W. Alison, and the Revs. Fitzgerald and Milne. Mr. Brown proposed that Mr. John Burns take the chair.
The Chairman, Mr. John Burns (president of the Chamber of Commerce), thanked those present for the honour conferred upon him. As to the important subject which they had been called together that evening to discuss, he might say that the matter was one of great importance, and deserved careful and earnest consideration at the hands of the people of the colony, and of the Government. Our Parliament was supposed to lead the people, and yet they appeared to simply attend to personal matters—they adopted a laissez faire attitude, while they should be paying very close attention to the great historical event that was taking place in other colonies. As a merchant, he might be excused if he looked at the question from a mercantile point of view. He recognised that it was impossible to satisfy everyone. The whole question might be described as one of profit and loss, so far as its commercial aspect was concerned, and so far as New Zealand was concerned he took it that, if New Zealand decided to join this great federation, the balance would be in favour of this colony. The raw products formed the basis of industry, and as New Zealand was rich in these, he was of opinion that if the
Mr. C. E. Button moved the first resolution, which was as under:—"That the Federal Constitution of Australia is a noble monument of human wisdom and statesmanship; that it is just and equitable to the Confederated States, and carefully conserves the rights and liberties of each in all purely State questions; and this meeting expresses its entire approval of the same." He appreciated the honour in being asked to move the first resolution, for though he had not taken part in meetings for some time, he considered this question the most important of all. The federation of the sister colonies that was taking place was an historical event, and it was a movement in which New Zealand should heartily join, for he considered it was but the preliminary step to a great event—the federation of the English-speaking race. (Applause). His mission that evening was to deal principally with the constitutional aspect of the question, and the advantages it
Dr. McArthur said—Mr. Chairman, ladies, and gentlemen—My friend Mr. Button has so ably and lucidly explained to you the chief features of the Federal Constitution that my duty becomes a light, one. In seconding his resolution I should, however, like to call your attention more closely to one or two of the more salient points upon which he has touched. The Constitution, without being a slavish copy of the British Constitution, yet in its leading features is characteristic of the parent. We have the Governor-General, appointed by and representing the sovereign; we have the Senate, by reason of the longer duration of the term of office of its members taking the place of the hereditary House of Lords; and we have the Representative house, which fulfils all the duties of the house of Commons. Yet so wisely has it been drawn up that at the basis of all is that principle of election wherein one man has but one vote. Another characteristic feature of equality is that in the Senate each original State is to be represented equally, but States that come in afterwards shall only have such members as are allowed to it by the terms of admission. Concerning the powers of the Federal Parliament, I would like to point out that two principles have been insisted upon :—1. The Federal Parliament has no power of legislation except what is expressly given to it. 2. The States retain every power of legislation except what is expressly taken from them. There is no room for misunderstanding; all is clear and above board, and the individuality of each of the States is preserved. Each has all its
Mr. Aulsebrook said—Mr. Chairman, ladies, and gentlemen,—It is with considerable pleasure I rise to move the following resolution :—" That, in the opinion of this meeting, the time has arrived when the attention of the people and Parliament of New Zealand should be earnestly directed to this great question; that New Zealand has much to gain politically, commercially, and socially by casting in her lot and becoming one with the Federated States, thus consummating an Australasian Federation; that delay may be fraught with danger to the interests of the colony." Sir,—I move that resolution with great interest, inasmuch as I am an old colonist of forty-one years standing—(applause)—and although not so well known here as in Christchurch, where I resided for thirty years, or in Sydney, where I resided for seven years, I have been in Auckland for four years, and during the whole of that period I have occupied a well-known business position. My experience as a manufacturer applies therefore to Australia as well as to New Zealand, and I can speak, I trust, with sufficient knowledge of the commercial aspects of the great question of Federation. I have observed with pleasure the efforts put forth by some of the foremost statesmen of the sister colonies to consummate that union which was the dearest object in life of that great statesman, the late Sir Henry Parkes. (Applause.) But, sir, the first step towards Federation was not accomplished
Mr. Kennedy Brown said:—Mr. Chairman, in the absence of Dr, Wilkins, who was to have seconded the resolution just proposed, you must regard me as a stopgap. The worthy doctor intended to be here, but like all doctors he is liable to be called upon professionally at any moment. He felt both anxiety and responsibility with reference to this meeting. He deplored the universal lack of interest in reference to the great question of Federation, the greatest and most overwhelmingly important question ever brought before the people of this colony. He was surprised and shocked a year or two ago when our late Governor on his way home was interviewed by a Melbourne newspaper reporter, who wanted to know what was being done in New Zealand, with reference to this great question. Why, sir, he told the reporter he had not considered the matter. He could imagine the astonishment of that reporter, his utter amazement, at such an admission. Surely, sir, it is the duty of such highly placed and highly paid officials to consider and advise upon such questions. They come amongst us fresh from the great throbbing heart of the Empire, the representatives of Royalty first of all, but do not they also represent the imperial aspirations of the great statesmen of England and within constitutional limits, they should exercise a highly beneficial and progressive influence upon the smaller statesmen of the colonies. (Cheers.) But, unfortunately, the late Governor had not considered the question. Our present Governor, Lord Ranfurly, was thoroughly up to date, and had spoken upon many questions with no uncertain sound. (Applause.) Then, sir, had the Government or the Parliament of this country considered this question ? No. Had the Press considered this question and kept the people abreast of the times ? No. He was ashamed and humiliated that a question which for years had stirred the people of the neighbouring colonies, had awakened no interest in
Mr. L. J. Bagnall said he would like to draw attention to what had been done in similar matters in other parts of the world—Canada, for instance. What was done there might well stimulate us to follow in their footsteps. Forty years ago Canada was divided into different States, as we are at present Trade was restricted in such a way that leading statesmen saw it was being injured, and the different States entered into a federation which was practically consummated in
The motion was carried unanimously with the following alteration—"New Zealand may have much to gain, &c.," instead of "New Zealand has much to gain, &c."
Mr. E. W. Burton : I beg to propose "That in the opinion of this meeting the time has arrived when the Parliament of New Zealand should be asked to submit the Commonwealth Bill to the vote of the electors of the colony." The resolution entrusted to me seems to sum up the whole of the series presented to the meeting. The various speakers have shown the desirability of Australasian Federation. To me it has been left to urge the undoubted right of the people of New Zealand individually to determine their destiny by their vote. It has been said that the movement is an attempt or the part of the movers to commit the colony to Federation without consideration. Those who assert such an absurdity must either be very dishonest or very obtuse, inasmuch as all that is sought to be done is to direct public attention to the subject, in the full belief that when men come to consider the matter, as they will have to do before casting their vote upon it, the great majority will be found in favour of New Zealand casting in her lot with the great sister island of Australia. (Applause.) We are told that we should trust our representatives, and that the people are wholly incompetent to vote "Yes" or "No" upon the Commonwealth Bill. The fact is that in a democracy every man considers himself, and probably is, quite equal to the average representative, probably a great deal better. Laughter.) But when men say that the voters of this colony are incapable on being given time to study the Commonwealth Bill, to vote as intelligently upon it as the average representative, they either con-
Mr. R Salmon seconded the resolutisn, which was carried unanimously.
Mr. Edmund Bell moved the following resolution :—"That the thanks of this meeting are due to Mr. John Burns for presiding as this meeting; and that the Council of the League shall, without delay, proceed to organise this great movement. Member's tickets shall be one shilling each, the funds to be supplemented for the purposes of the League by voluntary donations." He said—Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen,—The question of Federation is of the most vital importance to us, for the Australasian colonies have passed the infantile stage and are now throbbing with a life so vigorous, that a readjustment of their institutions and relations, one towards the other, upon a federal basis, is urgently needed. It is true that some of our fellow-colonists tell us that the inclusion of New Zealand in the proposed Commonwealth is not desirable, and, in fact, would be prejudicial to our interests. Deficient in sound arguments, they appeal to a narrow provincialism and a suspicion of those who advocate a merging of interests. Similar objections were raised to the federation of the Canadian Provinces in
Mrs. Schnackenberg, in seconding the resolution, briefly expressed her great pleasure in doing so, as she was in perfect sympathy with the movement. (Applause.)
The motion was carried unanimously.
Mr. Graves Aickin moved a vote of thanks to the Chairman, which was seconded by the Rev. Canon McMurray.
Extract from Leading Article, "New Zealand Herald," 15th July, 1899.
Perhaps the most important element to be considered is our commercial relations with Australia. On this subject the "New Zealand Trade Review" has just compiled the latest official returns, which are very instructive, and which we propose to condense. Here are the totals for the last three years :—
Eliminating gold and specie, the figures for New South Wales and Victoria are as follow :—
From these it will be seen that our trade with New South Wales is more than with all the other colonies combined, Tasmania being included in the figures. To some extent this may arise from New South Wales being climatically better suited for an exchange of products with New Zealand, but there can be no question that to a great extent it is owing to New South Wales being a free-trade colony, and affording an "open door" for our produce, while the other colonies confront us with a protectionist tariff. And in considering the question it must not be forgotten that Federated Australia will almost certainly restrict our produce by a protectionist tariff. We put together the largest items in our exports :—
It may be remarked that our exports to Australia consist mainly of our own products, not more than 5 per cent, being re-exports. Our imports from Australia, on the other hand, consist to a considerable extent of re-exports of commodities of British or foreign origin. The export trade to Australia seems to be irregular, and is dependent, no doubt, to a very great extent upon the nature of the season there. Thus in potatoes, while in
As regards the imports from the Australian colonies we give the principal items :—
The above figures show plainly that a very large proportion of our imports from Australia consist of articles which have been brought there from foreign countries, Melbourne or Sydney being for us merely the handiest market. Although our export trade to Australia shows an increase on the totals, still it is manifestly irregular in regard to any particular item. Of the machinery supplied, to the value of £24,741, nearly £8500 worth was of our own make. We shipped preserved milk to the value of £9600, nearly all our own production.
The Federal Constitution, "as finally adopted by the Australasian Federal Convention," contains 127 clauses, exclusive of the schedule, and occupies 23 pages foolscap. All that I can do in the limited space available, therefore, will be simply preliminary, sufficient, probably, for many' of my readers, until the full text of such an important document is available. It will be noticed that the word "Australasian" is employed, which, of course, includes New Zealand and the South Sea Islands. The document opens, as all such documents should do, by "Humbly relying upon the Blessing of Almighty God;" then follows the agreement "to unite in one indissoluble Federal Commonwealth under the Queen." Clause 3 provides that the Queen may, by proclamation, bring the Constitution into existence on or before the 16th March next. Clause 6 has much significance for us It says : "The 'States' shall mean such of the colonies of New South Wales, New Zealand, etc., as are parts of the Commonwealth at its establishment" The door stands wide open for us. It remains for the Parliament and people of New Zealand to agree to enter, and we should then become one of the "Original States," to which irrevocable rights and privileges will belong. The consequences of delay will come under our observation when we get further on. Clause 9 defines the parts of the Constitution.
But I can only briefly summarize. The Constitution provides for a Governor-General, appointed by the Queen; that his
The House of Representatives will consist of double the number of members provided for the Senate, in all the States of the Union; they will remain in office for three years, unless previously dissolved; the several States may make laws for determining the electoral divisions in each State, or, failing to do so, the State may vote as one constituency; the qualification of members shall be the same as at present in voting for the popular Chamber, but in the choice of members, each elector shall vote only once Clause 34 provides that the qualification of members shall be as follows :—He must be of the full age of 21 years, and must be an elector entitled to vote at the election of members of the House of Representatives, or a person qualified to become such elector, and must have been for three years a resident of the Commonwealth at the time he is chosen; he must be a subject of the Queen, either natural born, or for at least five years naturalised, under the law of the United Kingdom, or of a colony which has become, or becomes, a State, or of the Commonwealth, or of a State. Passing some formal clauses, we reach Part IV., dealing with both Houses of Parliament. Voters for the popular Chamber are entitled to vote for the Senate; members of one House cannot become members of the other Chamber; other disqualifications are enumerated, which are the usual ones, except as to one sub-section, which wears the aspect of originality, and is very important, viz., any member of either House, who, "directly or indirectly, takes, or agrees to take any fee or honorarium for services rendered to the Commonwealth, or for services rendered in the Parliament to any person or State." The framers of the Constitution give no quarter to bribery or corruption in high places. Any member of Parliament, moreover, who accepts a bribe, and becomes disqualified, may be sued in any court of competent jurisdiction, and shall become liable to
Part V. defines the powers of Parliament. These occupy 38 sub-sections, and are too lengthy to quote in full. They provide that the Parliament shall have power to make laws for the peace, order, and good government of the Commonwealth; for trade and commerce; taxation, but so as not to discriminate between States; bounties on the production or export of goods, also uniform throughout the States; borrowing money on the security of the Commonwealth, etc. One sub-section provides as follows:—Banking other than State banking; also, State banking, extending beyond the limits of the State concerned, the incorporation of banks, and the issue of paper-money Other sub-section provide State insurance, old age pensions, the relations of the Commonwealth with the islands of the Pacific, the acquisition of property on just terms from any State or person, the control of railways for military purposes, the acquisition of State railways with the consent of any State, the construction and extension of railways with the consent of any State.
The Commonwealth Parliament shall have exclusive power to make laws in respect to the seat of Government, and matters relating to any department of the public service, the control of which is by the Constitution transferred to the Commonwealth. Clause 53 provides that all appropriations of moneys or laws imposing taxation shall originate in the House of Representatives, which the Senate may not amend; the latter may request any amendment, but the final issue rests with the popular Chamber. The powers of both Chambers are co-ordinate respecting other legislation; no money votes can be passed unless the purpose of the appropriation has in the same session been recommended by message of the Governor-General to the House of Representatives Then follows a final and wise solution of a grave problem. Clause 57 provides that if a deadlock occurs, both Houses may be dissolved, and if matters in dispute are not settled in the ordinary way, there will be a joint sitting of both Houses, voting as one Chamber, and a majority will put an end to any deadlock.
We pass some formal clauses, and reach Chapter II., dealing with the Executive Government. There shall not be more than seven Ministers of State; £12,000 per annum is provided for their salaries; the Governor-General becomes chief of the naval and military forces of the Commonwealth, and after the establishment of the Commonwealth the following departments of the public service, in all the States, shall be taken over by the Commonwealth by proclamation, viz., posts, telegraphs, and telephones, naval and military defence, lighthouses, lightships, beacons, buoys, and quarantine. But without proclamation the Customs will be transferred to the Commonwealth on its establishment.
Chapter 3 provides that the judicial power of the Commonwealth shall be vested in the High Court of Australia. This Court will be presided over by a Chief Justice, and not less than two justices, and shall deal with all appeals from the High Court, the Supreme Court of any State, or in any matter in which an appeal lies to the Queen in Council, and the judgments of such High Court shall be final and conclusive. Clause 74 provides for the absolute independence of the Commonwealth in the interpretatation of the Constitution. Clause 80 provides for trial by jury, and all offences must be tried in the State in which the crime was committed. Chapter IV deals with finance and trade. The revenue of the Commonwealth shall be paid into the Consolidated Revenue Fund; payment of the expenses of the Commonwealth becomes a first charge upon the revenue. Officers in any Department taken over by the Commonwealth shall be under such conditions as now obtain in the several States; they shall be entitled to retiring allowances, as well as to all existing and accruing rights. All property of any such Departments taken over by the Commonwealth, shall vest in the latter, but in the case of the Customs for such time as the Governor-General-in-Council may declare to be necessary. The Commonwealth may acquire any property used, but not exclusively used, by this Department, by paying compensation to the State, and shall assume the obligations of the State in respect of the Departments so transferred. Clause 87 provides that for a period of 10 years after the establishment of the Commonwealth, and thereafter until Parliament otherwise provides, not more than one-fourth of the revenue from Customs shall be appropriated by the Commonwealth. The balance shall
"On the imposition of uniform duties of Customs, trade, commerce, and intercourse among the States, whether by means of internal carriage or ocean navigation, shall be absolutely free."
Clause 94 provides that after five years from the imposition of uniform duties, the Parliament may provide, on such basis as it deems fair, for the monthly payment to the several States of all surplus revenue.
Clause 95 contains an exception in favour of the State of West Australia for five years after the uniform tariff comes into force. That State will have power to levy special duties, which the Federal Parliament will collect, but no duty during the first year shall exceed the duty in force at the time the uniform tariff is imposed, and by a sliding scale will cease at the expiry of the fifth year. During a period of 10 years the Commonwealth Parliament may grant financial assistance to any State.
Other formal clauses follow, and we reach clause 100, which provides for an inter-State Commission, and other clauses define the functions of the Commission, these being generally questions as to trade, and commerce within the Commonwealth.
Clause 104 provides that the Federal Parliament may take the public debts of the several States and may convert, renew, or consolidate, any such debts, or any part thereof.
Chapter V. deals with the States, and contains 15 clauses. Clause 105 and the two following are saving clauses conserving the rights of the several States as at present constituted, clause 106 the rights of Parliament, and clause 107 the maintenance of
Clause 108 provides that State laws inconsistent with the laws of the Commonwealth shall be invalid.
Clause 112 vests the liquor traffic in the States.
Other clauses provide that States shall not raise or maintain any naval or military forces without the consent of the Federal Parliament; nor impose any tax on property of any kind belonging to the Commonwealth, nor coin money, nor make other than gold or silver a legal tender; nor establish any religion, nor impose religious observances, nor prohibit the free exercise of any religion, nor impose religious tests, nor shall the Commonwealth tax State property.
Clause 118 provides that the Commonwealth shall protect every State against invasion or domestic violence, and each State must provide for the punishment of persons convicted of offences against the laws of the Commonwealth.
Chapter VI. deals with the new States. The Parliament may admit to the Commonwealth or establish new States, and may make or impose such terms and conditions, including the extent of representation in either House of Parliament as it thinks fit. We said near the commencement of this précis that the door was standing wide open for New Zealand, if her people wish to enter and become one of the original States. Opportunity has come to us. But we must be quick and lively, or the door will be closed upon us, to be reopened only upon such terms and conditions as the Federal Parliament thinks fit.
Chapter VIII. refers to matters of detail, viz., the seat of Government, which will be in New South Wales; gives power to the Governor-General to appoint deputies; and defines the method of effecting alterations of the Constitution.
"I see Freedom's established reign; cities and men, Numerous as sands upon the ocean's shore, And Empires rising where the sun descends ! Nations shall grow, and States not less in fame. Than Greece and Rome of old."
In a previous analysis of the Federal Constitution, readers who are accustomed to read between the lines would have no difficulty in comprehending the scope and importance of the measure. It is a large question, however, and I propose in this article to treat it after a more simple and popular fashion. I observe that a public meeting is announced in the columns of the Herald, and doubtless good speaking to the several resolutions to be submitted will have an important educational result.
I propose to group the subject matter of the Bill afresh, and, to begin with, we must clearly distinguish between such functions of government as will become "Federal" and such as will remain "State" functions. We shall probably arrive at clearer notions by this simpler process. The Federal Parliament under the Constitution will at once take over, first, the Customs Departments of the several uniting States, immediately the new Constitution comes into force. For a period of two years, the duties of Customs now being levied will continue in force. At the expiry of that period the Commonwealth tariff, uniform in all the States, will come into existence From the first start, there will be absolute free trade throughout all the States, except as to West Australia, which, for special reasons, will retain her present tariff, so far as it applies to intercolonial productions, diminishing year by year, upon a sliding scale, for five years, when that also comes to an end. So far then, there is no ambiguity with respect to duties of Customs. Then follows the taking over by proclamation of, second,—the postal, telegraph, and telephones; third,—naval and military defences: fourth,—lighthouses, lightships, and quarantine. And that is all.
The Federal Constitution takes power, with the consent of the States, to take over a multitude of other services, the most important of which is the public debts of the several colonies. It is believed by the best financial authorities that a great saving of interest would be the immediate result—a saving much more than sufficient to pay the whole cost of the Federal Government. It is probable, therefore, that soon after the consummation of the union this desirable change will be effected. They take power also, with the consent of the States, to take over the railways, or any part of the railway system, and for strategic purposes the defence authorities will probably recommend the Federal Government, with the consent of any States concerned, to take over such lines as may become of special importance in case of war. A uniform guage, and perhaps, also, military control in certain eventualities, will probably result. But, so far as New Zealand and West Australia are concerned, there would appear to be small likelihood of their railways, or any portion of them, being required for such purposes.
What, then, will be the effect of such changes as are imperative ? Let us go back to the four services, which will become functions of the Federal Government, and the problem becomes exceedingly clear and simple. Will there be any great wrench ? any dislocation of the business of government ? Most assuredly not ? The income derivable from duties of Customs will be payable to the Commonwealth Treasury, as also the revenues from the Post and Telegraph Department. Two services, it will be seen, are revenue-producing, and two, the Defences and Lighthouses—produce no income whatever. It is provided that not more than one-fourth of the revenue derivable from Customs will be expended in the cost of the Federal Government, the balance—three-fourths of the whole revenue—being returnable in fair proportion to the several States. The postal and telegraph services are revenue producing, but yield no profit, or, at least, ought not to yield any profit, they being carried on, not for profit, but for the convenience of the public. Even as to the fourth part of the Customs revenue, provisionally devoted to the Federal Government., there is a great probability of it being more than recouped to the several States, by way of savings in interest, as Government bonds fall due and are converted. It will be observed, moreover, that the considerable charges for defence and
We saw that an inter-State Commission was to be appointed, to regulate all inter-State questions. To this body of men who will be chosen, doubtless, for their administrative capacity, will belong the great work of reorganisation, to bring the four services of the new Government into line. What may be fairly anticipated as the result of their labours ? They will be directed chiefly, no doubt, at the commencement, to the postal and telegraphic services. What room surely for enormous improvements in New Zealand, not as to the efficiency of the staff, confessedly highly satisfactory, but as to inter-State mail services and accommodation for the staff and general public. Visitors from the other colonies remark upon our dingy and melancholy offices, as compared with Australian offices. The Commissioners are empowered to acquire land or buildings, and the convenience of the public, and efficiency of this important Department, at once point to numerous new and suitable structures, large extensions of the services, the introduction probably also of an inter-State penny post, and greatly reduced telegraph charges. All this may be confidently anticipated, and to crown all, rapid mail and passenger steamers, bringing the States so much nearer to each other, and encouraging, as well as facilitating inter-State trade and commerce. The importance of such reforms, as may be fairly anticipated, can scarcely be over-estimated. There will be nothing visible to indicate that a change of government has taken place, except the newer life, the greater efficiency all round, and the larger operations coming into being with the union.
Coming to defences, both by sea and land, what room also for enormous and much-needed reforms. Instead of a disjointed and fragmentary force, labouring under the greatest difficulties, we may easily enough anticipate the Coming into existence of a Commonwealth force, equal to any emergency, governed and disciplined as one great organisation, and acquiring the maximum of efficiency. All this pre-supposes better equipment, better accommodation, rifle ranges, parade grounds, and much besides. The Governor-General will become Commander-in-Chief of the Forces, and distinguished officers will arise throughout the
Nothing need be said further of the taking over of the lighthouses, lightships, and quarantine stations, except that they will be better administered by the Federal authorities.
So much for the functions of the Federal Parliament. Is there anything alarming in such changes as they involve? Do we lose anything whatever ? Do they not remain as much New Zealand services as ever ? We part with absolutely nothing. We are gainers every way—in economy, efficiency, the security of the people, should war's alarms be heard, and the roar of hostile cannon for the first time in our history, salute our ears.
In summarising the economic results involved in the absorption by the Federal Government of the services referred to, I am clearly of opinion that this Colony will gain enormously. I do not of course forget that we must, pay our fair share of the Federal expenses. This has been variously estimated, but by none with greater clearness than by Sir Samuel Griffiths, Chief Justice of Queensland, and for many years previously the trusted Treasurer of that colony. His estimate of the expenses of the Commonwealth is £230,000 per annum, to be contributed in equal proportions by the several States by way of deductions from the Customs revenue. Our share, roughly, would be one-seventh, say £33,000. The Consolidated revenue would, however, be relieved of the expenses of the several departments taken over by the Federal Government. The cost of New Zealand defences was in
We now reach the second branch of our inquiry, viz., what functions remain to our State Parliament and State Government? It is deplorable to hear some who ought to know better lament the loss of the right to govern ourselves, and work out our own destinies. What an absurd and ridiculous mistake to make. We part with absolutely nothing. Our postal and telegraph services will remain as heretofore, only vastly extended and improved. Our defence forces, both by sea and land, will remain, but under conditions so much more favourable to efficiency, while we secure the invaluable aid of all our neighbours in repelling any hostile attack. It is plain, surely, that even as to those services which can only be come efficient by becoming federal we are enormously the gainers, and we part, so far even as they are concerned, with absolutety nothing whatever. There will be no sweeping changes; the transformation will be visible only by the marvellous improvements which will become possible, when those services are administered, with regard to the convenience and efficiency of the whole, rather than being administered in fragments, preventing their being either efficient or economical.
The Parliament of New Zealand, as at present constituted, will remain; all those Departments which occupy the attention of the hon. members, chiefly, will remain undisturbed. There is a high probability in the opinion of the best judges, that
I repeat we gain every way. We shall never cease to be New Zealand the beautiful, and I fervently hope, too, New Zealand the prosperous and happy. But after all the outpourings of a narrow and egotistical class, who appear perfectly unable to grasp the fair proportions of the questions we are dicsussing, we are not a nationality now, nor is it likely that it will ever be in
Once more I desire to emphasise that the great and important fact which cannot be made too plain or too prominent, is the open door. The widespread infatuation that the Federal Bill provides for our joining at any time on equal terms is an enormous mistake. How foolish, how misleading, how fatal even, the opinions of some who counsel us to wait. Why wait ? Why hesitate ? This is the weakest of all the weak inventions of the enemy—the most insincere and hypocritical of cries. It is dictated by a narrow and foolish policy. Wait till the steed is stolen and then lock the stable? Wait till opportunity, now come to us, and inviting us to enter, passes us by, perhaps for ever? Wait for the turn of the tide ? Now is our time of flood tide. Men animated by the loftiest patriotism are calling us, regretting our hesitation, deploring our delusions, unable to account for such a spell as overwhelms us. But within a few months—so urgent, by our stoicism and neglect has this matter become—and the flowing tide will be all against us. Let us be forewarned; don't let us make any mistake. The issues very soon will rest, not with men, statesmen and patriots, inspired by Imperial sentiments, but with hard-headed men, the representatives of the Australian public, largely a manufacturing and industrial people, who for years have been familiar with the charm of fiscal barriers in protecting their trades and industries. How conspicuous in every tariff are the duties levied almost exclusively upon New Zealand products. Forty shillings upon horses, and 2s. and 2s. 6d. upon sheep are duties levelled at New Zealand; 2d. to 3d. per lb. on butter, 3d. to 4d. per lb. on cheese, 4d and 6d. per bushel on oats, 6d and 8d. per lb. on hops, 4s. 6d per bushel on malt, 20s. to 180s. per ton on oatmeal, 20s. per ton on potatoes, 15s. to 30s. per 1000ft. on timber—these are duties well nigh prohibitive, and they are levelled specially at this colony. And it is to this potential class in the Australian Legislature, the manufacturers and farmers chiefly, who desire to shut us out, such misguided councillors would deliberately relegate the
May wisdom, and prudence, and patriotism inspire us, and the future of our beautiful colony, so richly endowed by Divine Providence, resting upon the broad foundation of the Federal Constitution, and secured against foreign invasion, will become increasingly populous and increasingly happy, our prosperity shall eclipse in the future all the brightest glories of the present.
"We, too, shall boast Our Scipio's, Solon's, Cato's—Sage's, Chiefs, That in the lapse of time yet dormant lie, Waiting the joyous hour of life and light."
The other day I read a tribute to the memory of Sir Henry Parkes, the Apostle of Australian Federation, now that it is about to become an accomplished fact. I am glad to see that in New South Wales there are politicians who recognise what they owe to him, in becoming an Australasian Commonwealth, and taking a place among the nations of the world, for that is what it really means, under the aegis of the Imperial nursing mother. Among those who have placed a laurel on the dead statesman's brow is Mr. Bruce Smith, who, in his pamphlet, "Honour to Whom Honour is Due," shows what Australia owes to her deceased statesmen, who will be to the Australian Commonwealth what Sir John Macdonald has been to the Canadian Dominion. As far back as
For the first time, he said, in the history of these Australian colonies, they have all assembled, including New Zealand—I may say all of them, because they are all represented, with the exception of Western Australia—with the feeling of emulation less worthy than the desire to have the largest share in effecting a commonwealth to promote their common interest. 1 think the time has arrived when those colonies should be united by some federal connection. I think it must be manifest to all
Had a number of these representatives taken a broad view of things, federation would have come to pass in his day. When I see men discussing the question of Australian Federation in a huckstering spirit, wanting to know how much we can get for our maize, our potatoes, and oats, if we join, I feel ashamed of some of our fellow-colonists, and turn with delight to the utterances of Sir Henry Parkes in addressing the Australian Natives' Association in
"Federation will have to be worked out in a generous spirit of patriotism, without seeking to obtain a number of advantages for any one colony. We, as separate communities, have had to fight our way. What may be said of New South Wales may be said of Victoria, Queensland, South Australia, Tasmania, and may be said our sister, New Zealand, if she will condescend to permit us to call her sister. We cannot become one united people and cherish some provincial object which is inconsistent with that national unity. It was vain for any particular colony, even if it so desired, to attempt to steal a march or sneak an advantage over its neighbours. We are willing to come into a Federal Dominion with the smallest colonies; we seek no advantage for ourselves; we do not wish to make any conditions whatever; we are prepared to trust to the wisdom, to the honour, and to the justice of a Federal Parliament, and to commit all our interests to it. That is our position; and, unless we are willing to trust to a Federal Parliament. I cannot understand how we can hope to federate in any way which will be worthy of name.
Messrs. Kennedy Brown and Aulsebrook strike the right chord in the columns of the "Herald." The former says, referring to our commerce with Australia under free-trade within the Zollverein, and protection against those outside, "How marvellously our wealth would increase and human happiness—the only thing worth thinking about—the real chief end of man—would abound." I am surprised that a man like Mr. Andrew Bell, who has been brought up in a creed that "man does not live by bread alone," should enjoin a single word of caution, and
Does anyone believe that if federation had been accomplished in
I will dwell for a moment on some objections which I have occasionally heard—objections that we would be giving up the individual power, and authority, and independence of New South Wales. In what way will New South Wales be less self-governed and less independent than she is now ? Under a federal constitution she certainly will be as well-governed; that is, she will have the means of being as well governed. She certainly will be as independent. She certainly will be the better for having all the power which she possesses now, and in addition to that, her full share in the large powers of the federal government, which she has not at all now. So far as her own boundaries extend, she will be the self-governed country she is now. But, beyond this, she will have her share of power over the whole of Australia, and over the whole of the seas of Australia.
There Sir Henry Parkes had considered everything in his plans. He pointed out that in the event of the colonies becoming involved in war through the Mother Country the colonies in their then position simply invited disaster. There was no Federal authority to mass the troops, no uniform railway gauge to admit of swift mobilisation, no efficient military college, no small arms factory, and no quick-firing guns ammunitton factory. At the first outbreak of war there would be endless confusion, divided authority, and the unpreparedness—to compare great things with small—of the French in
It is as certain as night follows day that when New Zealand comes to desire to enter the Australian Federation, she will have to do so on that federation's terms, and not on her own. It
We see what has befallen Queensland because she had not representatives who could rise to the occasion, and take a broad view of things. She could not decide to make up her mind on the question, and now, instead of her statesmen having a share in framing the Constitution, she is going to the poll or referendum upon proposals in which she has had no "art or part." When New Zealand similarly comes in she will be precisely in the same fix. If she had been represented at the Conference she would at least have had an opportunity of attempting to mould the Constitution to suit her special requirements, but that opportunity has been lost. The longer she remains out of the Federation, the harder will be the terms, and the larger the price, because the Federation will remember the selfish and tortuous role New Zealand has pursued. The Otago Times, referring to the Auckland movement for a National Federation League, says :—
"The Commonwealth Bill makes provision for the admission of new States after the federation shall have been brought about, the provision being that the Federal Parliament may admit new States on such terms and conditions, including the extent of representation in either House of Parliament, as it may think fit The question raised by the National Federation League, as the
Once Australasian Federation was accomplished, then we could look to the higher plane of Imperial Federation, and the political vista which stretched out before the prescient gaze of Sir Henry Parkes, when he said :—
"I do see very clearly that there may come a time, and that time not very remote, when the Australian colonies may be brought more into the position of one great and united people. I do see a time when the South African colonies may be brought together into one great Anglo-African people. And I see that if a grand and powerful congeries of free communities, such as I have grouped, in three parts of the world, become steadily formed, they may enter into an allegiance with the parent State, on something like a broad ground of equality."
That was the goal which Tennyson hoped would be reached :—
What are our local public men doing? Well, money-grubbing as usual. The mining share and stock list is of more consequence to them than the formation of the national career and life of four and a-half millions of their fellow countrymen. What are they thinking about at Wellington in the Parliament of New Zealand? Well, if our representatives are thinking about anything, it is probably the marine scandal, and whether Mr. John Hutcheson will get back again to the House, or how they themselves will crawl back into their own wretched seats after the dissolution of Parliament—only that, and nothing more ! It is in vain that New Zealand will try to play the game of "heads I win, tails you lose." There was a time when Sir George Grey's scheme of a South Sea Confederation, with New Zealand as the predominent partner, was possible, but that time has passed by. The Little Englanders finished that up, and no vain regrets can recall it.
The question of federation appears to be attracting more attention at the present time in New Zealand than it did when the proposals for the union of the colonies were first laid before the public. The excitement attendant upon the vote just taken in New South Wales, and the victory gained by the supporters of the federation movement, have had the effect of causing renewed interest to be taken in this important question, consequently the impressions of those who have paid close attention to the federation movement should be read with interest. A "Herald" reporter interviewed Mr. Kennedy Brown, who takes great interest in the movement, and gleaned from that gentleman some important details in connection therewith.
Reference was first made to the probable fiscal policy of the Federated States. "Don't you think that intercolonial free-trade would interfere with some of the local industries which the protective tariff has fostered, by introducing Australian competition?"
"That is an important subject, and getting at once to the crux of the whole question so far as New Zealand is concerned. I have been in the intercolonial trade for more than a quarter of a century, representing the largest manufacturing houses part of the time, and can speak from very ample experience. Twenty-five years ago New Zealand's industries were in their infancy, while the industries of the mother colony had become important, and still later, Melbourne came to the front with a bound, cutting out New South Wales and building up enormous local industries, which her energy and enterprise carried over all the
"But taking clothing, shirts, woollens, and other similar manufactures in which enterprising colonists have invested much capital, would they not be likely to be overrun with Australian goods of the same description ?"
"Now you have got at the question which I am aware creates considerable trepidation in certain quarters, and nothing can be more natural I am persuaded however, that in all these manufactures we can not only compete with the other colonies, but beat them. No firm in Australia could make such a display of woollens, blankets, rugs, etc., as several New Zealand firms recently exhibited in Auckland, neither in get up quality, or price. We are enormously ahead of Australia in those lines. Although our population is only about three-fifths that of New South Wales, we have seven times as many woollen mills, and produce more than twenty times the quantity of woollens. The fact that the trade in them has become established in Australia, hostile tariffs notwithstanding, demonstrates surely that with free trade this great industry would be greatly increased. Look at our raw materials. We are recklessly sending away that we might manufacture among ourselves Take kauri gum, for instance. We alone possess this valuable product, and in is sent off in the rough.
"And what of the timber industry ?"
"Our kauri timber is also an exclusively New Zealand product, and is being ruthlessly sacrificed. Trees of small girth are cut down that ought to remain growing for years. We are doing scarcely anything to replace those being felled, a foolish and impolitic tax expediting the wasteful process. For every tree we cut down a dozen should be planted by force of law. The same argument, moreover, which I have used in dealing with kauri gum, applies equally to kauri timber. Had we free trade with the neighbouring colonies, which our federating would assure us, this valuable natural asset would be largely exported in the manufactured state as woodware, doors, sashes, etc., and the wages and profits of human labour added to the value of the commodity in the rough. The duty on timber is from 1s 6d to 3s per 100ft. Try to imagine the result of free trade in timber with Australia! Both Baltic and Oregon timber, now more than dividing the intercolonial trade, would be nowhere. They would be subject to heavy duties, and their competition would vanish. Besides, if we decide to remain isolated, Queensland, with ample supplies of excellent timber for every purpose, would simply annex the markets of Sydney and Melbourne, and Auckland's great industry would be strangled. Last year we exported over 40,000,000ft "
"Take the products in which the farmers are interested. Do you think they would benefit from federation if New Zealand were to be included ?"
"Well, if we send a horse to South Australia, we must pay the Government 40s. If to Tasmania or West Australia 20s. Sheep landing in Victoria pay 2s each, and in West Australia 2s 6d. Our oats are heavily handicapped, being 8d. per bushel in Queensland, and 2s. and 3s. respectively in South Australia and Victoria per 100lb. But, nevertheless, we sent them £100,000 worth in
"Another question, Mr Brown. How do you think federation would—I mean our federating—affect our larger commercial houses ?"
"Federation is primarily a manufacturer's and producer's question. It takes all local manufactures and productions to be chiefly within its province; but it is also, I think, of great importance to importing firms. Many locally-produced commodities will take the place of imported articles, and the more the better, but the merchants will share in the general prosperity. If the colony suffers a loss of population commerce must languish and cetirus paribus, if as I think the colony prospers by federating the purchasing power of the larger population will greatly benefit the commercial classes. They dreaded and opposed a protective policy, but it has benefited them enormously."
"You have drawn an attractive picture. But should New Zealand not join, what then ?"
"I am almost sorry you have referred to that side of the question. It is like a horrid nightmare; I dread to think of it. In one sense New Zealand and her people could exist in a high state of comfort if she were surrounded with a sea of fire. The country is so productive that we either produce, or could produce, every necessary, and almost every luxury of life. But what a wretched, lotus-eating life that would be! And so likewise, if we remain isolated in this great crisis in our history. Our farmers would lose heart, as they found the federated States waging a war of exclusion by means of a high tariff; settlement would be discouraged; gazing across the Tasman Sea they would envy their more fortunate contemporaries, and many, doubtless, would take their departure from New Zealand. Australia has abundance of good land open for settlement at a tithe of the price here, and the youth and hope of the colony would leave us in multitudes. Manufacturing industries would be dwarfed and stunted Commerce would languish. A period of unrest and depression of unexampled severity would set in, and we should chew the cud of bitter disappointment. Don't let us make any mistake. It appears now or never, never at least on terms equally favourable."
"And what of the political situation ? "
"That is much more simple. To approach the question from the commercial side requires knowledge and experience, superfluous when dealing with the political side of the question. We must clearly distinguish between Federal functions and State functions. The former will be both large and important, but not so much in evidence as local functions. The change of Government will be little perceptible. The saving of interest upon the public debt will pay nearly, if not all, the expenses of the Federal Government. It would be unrivalled as a colonial federation, '.there can never be such another. Australia is more than twenty-six times the size of the United Kingdom, fifteen times larger than France, half as large again as Russia in Europe, almost equal indeed to the entire Continent of Europe, or the United States of America. You could put twenty Englands and more than a dozen New Zealands into the wilds of Australia, and to employ the language of the "Review of Reviews," "they might be playing the game of hide and seek in Australia" The same journal says you could plot a map of Europe with an area cut out of Continental Nations containing 250,000,000 inhabitants, and
"And what of local government? "
"Some important functions will, of course, be Federal, but heads of departments and all the machinery of Government will remain. Our local Government as at present carried on will still remain to us with a Governor and dual Parliament, and all the pomp and ceremony of State. They will still have ample work; almost every question that interests the politician will remain; roads and bridges, land settlement, new railways, the whole round of social questions, and local option, and the old age pensions. Members of Parliament need not fear the loss of their billets, or the honorarium attached to them. I am afraid we will still be far from a millenium; the loaves and fishes must still be scrambled for; petty parochialism will not even yet be abolished. The ins and the outs will still fight bravely on, and the wretched game of beggar-my-
If we do not join at once, do you think there will be any obstacle to our joining later on ? "
"Yes; emphatically. That way madness lies. Now, or perhaps never; it appears to me never—at least on equal terms. The decision rested with the creme de la creme of Australian patriots and statesmen. Now it rests with the people of New Zealand. But it will soon pass from them. Australian leaders have deplored our hanging back, and cannot comprehend it. From the first the ideal Commonwealth was an Australasian Federation, to include eventually the South Sea Islands. The dream of New Zealand ever obtaining the least hold upon the Islands, or the Island trade, except through Federation, must vanish,
"Like the baseless fabric of a vision."
Becoming aware of the recent arrival from Australia of Mr. Aulsebrook, who holds pronounced views on the subject of Australasian federation, one of our staff called upon him at his residence. Mr. Aulsebrook received our representative very cordially, and said he felt very warmly upon the subject of federation, and would be only too glad to answer any questions, and fully explain his very decided opinions upon the great question.
"Do you approve of the Federal Constitution as finally adopted ?" was the first question.
"Most decidedly," replied Mr. Aulsebrook. "I think it the most admirable Constitution ever possessed by any people."
"Have you considered the question of New Zealand casting in her lot with the Australian colonies ?"
"Certainly. We have been discussing it on the way across, and there appears to be a consensus of opinion among all those who travel, and that opinion universally is that New Zealand should join the union at once. For myself, this has been my conviction for years, and I have a business in Australia, as also in New Zealand. I have been astonished and alarmed at the apathy of New Zealand."
"Would it be better, do you think, to wait for some time and see how the new departure works ?"
"Most decidedly not. It is so obviously to our advantage to unite with Australia, that I am astonished that anyone should dream of waiting. It would display, in my opinion, a fatal want of penetration and judgment. Besides, we know that the leaders of the movement, the foremost men in Australia, would gladly welcome us now. They consider an Australasian federation a grander conception, and are inspired by lofty and patriotic motives. But the time will come when those leaders will give place to a Federation Parliament, and our great danger lies in such a Parliament shutting us out. The manufacturing and producing interests will be a large factor in such a Parliament; the question of our admission on any terms, or on what terms, will devolve upon them chiefly, and knowing human nature as we do; is it likely they will be willing to open their ports to our manufacturers and producers ? That is the great risk we shall run—the risk of either being shut out altogether, or having to submit to conditions that would cripple our manufacturing and producing interests for all time. It appears strange to me that men of business do not see that at a glance."
"Of course, Mr. Aulsebrook, you consider the Australian colonies will largely benefit by uniting ?"
"Benefit! of course they will. There will be an immediate and tremendous revival of all manufacturing and producing industries, and as a consequence commerce in all its branches will be promoted."
"Can you give me any information with reference to the fiscal policy of the Commonwealth ? "
"That is a very simple question. It will be one of absolute free trade among themselves, and a protective, I think a highly-protective tariff against the world. You may be very sure that the first Federal Parliament will do all they can to stimulate local industries, so that locally-produced commodities will take the place as much as possible of imported articles, employing their own people, as well as attracting outside people to settle among them. I look forward to great commercial, manufacturing, and producing activity, a high level of all round prosperity, such as will astonish us."
"Would our trade be likely to be injured if New Zealand stood out of the federation ?"
"Why, it would ruin the farmers and destroy our trade with the Australian colonies in manufactured goods, which we can produce in such abundance. If we elect to stand out, in a year or two, when the great continent of Australia will he making progress in all directions, we shall be languishing We have been cultivating the trade with Australia amidst great difficulties, and with, on the whole, great success, in spite of hostile tariffs. I am often astonished to find New Zealand so much in evidence, but all we have done so far is but a drop in the bucket as compared with what we might do had we freetrade with Australia. But we must never forget that the case will be altogether changed after federation. For instance, we send butter, cheese, etc., or farming implements or timber to any single colony now, and we are protected against all the others. That is, to make this important consideration as clear as I can, our exports, say, to West Australia, are admitted on the same footing as if they went from Sydney, Melbourne, or Brisbane. After federation, if we are out of it, all the other colonies will have free ports in West Australiaa, but we will be confronted with a hostile tariff. Freetrade among themselves will speedily so stimulate all productions and manufactures in Australia that our trade with all these colonies will languish and eventually perish Let New Zealand make no mistake about this. It, has been intercolonial tariffs which so far have helped us. Confederation once completed, and the federal tariff will prove the destruction of our trade with Australia, our population—especially farmers and skilled workmen—will flock to the more prosperous Commonwealth We shall awake to such stubborn facts too late, and bitterly repent our present attitude on this great question."
Our representative thanked Mr. Aulsebrook for the information so freely given, and Mr. Aulsebrook promised further to supplement it with a statement in writing, as he would further consider the matter, feeling keenly the importance of it.
Jas. McCullough, General Printer, High Street, Auckland.
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Debating Society's Prize Essay 82
Here and There 88
A Trip Through Central Otago 89
The Faculties 91
The Subjugation of the Male Medical 94
Auckland College Notes 97
A Winter Idle 98
Debating Society 101
Cloak-Room Notes 103
Israel Zangwill's Philosophy 104
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The subject selected by the Debating Society for the essay of the season is one that has not been much discussed, and which possesses in a very considerable degree the freshness of novelty. What effect have the natural conditions in New Zealand on the national character ? It is at once manifest that we are here confronted with a very comprehensive, as well as a very interesting question. The moulding influences of our national character—the character, that is, of the people of the colony—must always be of interest; the matter touches us closely. Bra the field opened up by the question, as stated, is very wide, and to exhaust it would require the space of many volumes, and a pen guided by a breadth of experience and investigation to which the writer of this essay can lay no claim. If, however, within the scope of the present effort, the subject cannot be treated with anything approaching exhaustiveness, a few remarks on its more prominent phases may afford some food for reflection.
In view of the teachings of modern biology, it can scarcely be questioned that environment, in the shape of climate, proportion of land area to the population, and generally, the physical characteristics of a country, all make themselves felt, to some extent, in the temperament of its people. We are told that some animals, such as rabbits, tend to assume the colour of the country they occupy; and it may be inferred that man, with all his greater sensitiveness, will, in a measure, reflect the sunshine, the storm, and the various aspects and conditions of Nature with which he is brought in contact. In New Zealand, as
The aboriginal natives, it may at first be thought, will exhibit the result of the country's influence on its inhabitants; but the a priori deduction would seem to be that a people continually face to face with the strongest possible stimulants of any sentiment should tend to become indifferent to their influence. To one who habitually sees Nature in its more prosaic aspect, an occasional glimpse of more entrancing scenes liberates, with overwhelming force, the sense of beauty or grandeur, the susceptibilities for which have been accustomed to respond to much less powerful appeals. But with scenery, as with almost all things, familiarity breeds, if not contempt, at least a considerable amount of insensibility.
The poetical element in the mind of the Maori, then, cannot be attributed to a close intercourse with scenic display, which, if the foregoing conclusions be just, would tend to act in quite an opposite direction. The case of the white invaders of the country may be regarded in the same light, in so far as the exigencies of population permit them to have free contact with Nature. The rugged hill may lend itself admirably to metaphor, but, in the mind of the shepherd, it is too closely linked with footsore wanderings after straggling sheep to be strongly suggestive of any finer analogy. The conditions will not be favourable to the fullest development of the poetic instincts as applied to Nature as long as the subject matter is too common to be impressive. This is illustrated by the tone of what may distinctively be called colonial literature, including poetry such as that, to take a typical example near home, of Mr D. M'Kee Wright. There must be, in Nature, a certain "aloofness" from the ordinary affairs of life, in order that its poetic aspects may impress themselves with full effect. To the mind engrossed in abstract business, and worried with petty wrangles, or tired with the ceaseless ebb and flow of human institutions, the wide-
It has been stated, in reference to the Maoris, that their characteristics must be principally due to hereditary propensities. The same assertion applies to the colonists. We are still Britons; and many centuries, at least, must elapse before ancestral predisposition gives place to environment as the paramount influence determining national character. This would be so even were the change of circumstances severe. From Great Britain to New Zealand the change is not at all severe, especially in climate, which is calculated to most strongly affect racial disposition; and the great characteristics of the Anglo-Saxons will always be exhibited by the people of this colony. The climate of the Northern provinces certainly approaches the tropical, and these parts may consequently have a slightly enervating tendency; but, if we take New Zealand as a whole, the just conclusion appears to be that the climate does not sufficiently differ from that of the Mother Country to affect, in any considerable degree, the bodily or mental constitution of the colonists or their descendants. It is not, therefore, to the climate we must look for a clue to our present enquiry : no important result can be attributed to its agency. A more fertile field is to be found in the pristine state of the land, the sparseness of the population, and the consequent predominance of rural occupation. New Zealand ii essentially a rural country. No doubt some manufacturing is done, but this is principally for home supply. Of the exports from the colony, gold is the only considerable item other than agricultural and pastoral
When it is considered that the whole tone of the colony is rural, and that the great majority of the people are face to face with Nature, it will be seen that those characteristics which distinguish the mental and physical constitution of a country population from that of the closely crowded inhabitants of cities will be found predominant in New-Zealand. The first inference from this, in respect to intellectual quality, is that the intelligence will be broad and practical, as opposed to the abstract and formal. Although it has been customary to connect bright intellectuality with the city and dullness with the country, a closer investigation will show that the mental difference is one of kind rather than degree. The average country mind is as fully equipped as that of the city, but it runs in different grooves. A minute insight into details, a clear representation of individual things as they actually exist, a shrewd and well-practised faculty for adapting means to required ends—these are some of the characteristics most fully
In passing judgment on the relative merits or desirableness of means to practical ends, there can tends to exclude details; and, where it does so, it represents only one department of the cognitive sphere of man. On the other hand, where intercourse with the primary sources of production is closer, and where the momentous desideratum is a mental equipment best adapted to cope with Nature, a form of intelligence emerges which, although probably containing a greater number of items of knowledge, is less widespread in its scope. Unhealthy extremes are possible in both the directions indicated. A man may struggle up the slopes of theory till actuality is left altogether behind, the heated mental faculties fuming off in empty vapourings; or he may so confine himself to his particular sphere that his rational prerogative becomes chilled and paralysed. In New Zealand, if danger exist, it will be in the latter direction colonials are not inclined to dwell overmuch on abstractions. This is perhaps well, for, after all, the best-balanced minds are not those that run riot in theory. Men may build stately temples, dedicated to reason, whose sparkling domes and pinnacles and inspiring marble halls may delight the souls of the architects; but more humble structures are often of greater utility. The phase of intelligence which grasps things as they appear in their diverse aspects rather than in their ideal relations can, from its inherent usefulness and healthiness, never be lacking in dignity.
(To be continued.)
A contributor who signs himself "X.Y.Z.," but who fails to forward his proper name, sends us two samples of alleged sanity.
It is a pity that the Debating Society is not bettor patronised by
We quote the following from a private letter from Dr. Chilton:
Dr Chilton is still acting as house surgeon to the Eye Ward at
In the last report of the Director of the School of Mines we
One often feels tempted to say a great deal about the want of space around the 'Varsity, but it would be to little purpose. Many students are compelled to spend the greater part of the day about the buildings, either at lecture, or waiting until the next one comes on. The latter is almost entirely waste time. Study is out of the question; in the students' rooms it is impossible, and the use of the library and class room for this purpose is prohibited. Recreation is possible only to the limited few who can occupy the tennis and five courts—eight at the most, and the result is that the greater part of the time is spent in useless loafing. It takes no sage to see that if a football and cricket ground, with two or three tennis and fives courts, with a well-equipped gymnasium were at hand, they would be largely made use of, and what is now waste time would at least be used in healthy exercise. With the leasing of the Castle street block for building sites the last hope of the students in this direction has gone, and there seems to be nothing for it hut that our 'Varsity must become a place for mere lectures and cram.
One fine morning in July Jim and I left Dunedin, to see some of the now famous Otago dredges, by the 9.5 train for Lawrence, where we arrived in time for lunch. From Lawrence we had to coach, and coaching at any time has its little disadvantages : in summer it is all dust and jolts, in winter it is mud—thick, oily, green mud—and the jolting strains every muscle in your body. We did not see much of the surrounding country, as we had to travel in the body of the coach, cramped up on hard seats, bumping our heads at every jolt. Our companions like ourselves were depressed by the journey, but on our producing a flask one of them, a tall, gaunt Scot, brightened up considerably after a nip, in spite of the fact that a jolt caused him to apply most of the whisky to his eyes. We stopped at Roxburgh, where we spent the night, arriving at 9 o'clock—cramped, sore, cold, and hungry. We were jolly glad to see a good hot dinner waiting for us. After a smoke in front of a small, miserable fire, in which they burn lignite of the vilest description, we "turned in," hoping to get a good night's rest: but, alas ! the beds were hard, dirty, and damp, and——; it was a freezing night, and, to add to our troubles, a Scotch concert began in the next room. The songs had 28 verses and a chorus; the tune—well, we understand now why the old cow died, poor brute! The
At 8 o'clock we arrived at Bald Hill Flat, and never was flat pocket stoves, and both out,
Music at Alexandra is of a very high class, and we were
Already the students have begun to count time backwards from the fateful ending of the session, and the November exams, almost seem to reveal themselves as a bright spot seen through the enveloping vapour of beclouded brains of those over-eager to disport themselves in the flowing robes and the sunshine which surrounds the full-blown graduate, and should we be so happy as to find that no Mataura tragedy occurs to darken our New Year, we feel sure that this year's work will prove a credit to the Faculty.
With reference to the coming exams., the much-discussed topic of an Examination Hall is now disturbing the Fives Court orator, while we find that no less than a special column of this number has been devoted to the venerable opinion of one who sat in Greek and Anglo-Saxon last year. However exaggerated some of the current reports may be, there is no doubt that the Machine Hall of the Agricultural Buildings is eminently unsuitable for examination purposes. No doubt the Boating Carnival was the cause of our having to put up with the swaying of a make-shift floor when anyone stirred, the throbbing of the engine in the corner, the hail which beat on the unlined roof, and the
During the past month Dr Shand has been exercising the genial side of his generous nature in entertaining the students at his house, and some students have taken a revived interest in Physics-not to improve their position in the class, for that would only tend to rob them of the delights they hope to share again—another year in the same class. Let us hope such a base desire shall not be gratified.
At the last meeting of the Debating Society, Dr Benham, during the course of a short address, referred to the absence of illustrative apparatus and material in all the classes at the University which are not purely scientific. There would no doubt be some difficulty in carrying out the plan as suggested by the Doctor in all its fulness, suck as the collection of ancient costumes, &c., but there is no reason why we should be without many of the little things we do not now possess. A science like mathematics could be simplified in many cases, and in such a branch as solid geometry models are almost a necessity. When the present students become professors there will be a change.
A certain student of books on this side of the College has been greatly puzzled to understand why Noah took fish into the Ark with him. Perhaps some student of fish in the Biological School could supply the desired information. It is a somewhat rare occurrence to find the Professor of Classics grow impatient when questions are answered in detail, but the student was presuming too far, who, when asked what some Gallic tribe—extinct long ago—lived upon, began "Pectore vivunt——" The Prof, quickly saw that if he began at the milk stage, long before he got to solid beef (pecore), 'Arris' bell would be going downstairs, and cut matters short.
Our Review manager has distinguished himself this month in a fierce encounter with a butcher's cart. While scorching on his cycle to an exam., he was improving the shining hour by having a last look at cert question, and in turning a corner collided with a hostile meat-van. When the brief contest finished, honours were easy.
Rumour has it that on the completion of the new wards the present Children's Ward will be converted into a Students' Room. We hope so;
There is one innovation in the dress of the lady meds. that simply shrieks for comment. We refer to the new style of pocket—a kind of tool-carrier and hand-warmer combined. The average antiquated female of, say, five years ago was quite content with a single pocket, situated to the right and rear, and well masked by the flowing folds of the dress, hut the present lady med.—"the victim of higher education"—goes in for two capacious receptacles, situated as nearly as possible in the same geographical position as those of the male. To increase the effect and to aggravate the nuisance the edges of these pockets are adorned with large dinner-plate buttons. No doubt these are matters that concern the ladies most, but the long-suffering mere man, deprived of his rights and even of his pockets, is compelled to turn at last and give one last howl of protest before being driven completely from the social stage. One enterprising lady has outstripped her fellows in ingenuity and inventive genius by introducing a kind of marsupial pouch made of chamois leather, in which coster-like she carries her belongings. Now, we recognise that the male students and the patients especially are always delighted and charmed by the graceful appearance and gentle ministrations of the lady meds. in the ward; but we must confess that the sight of some of these ladies going about with their arms up to their elbows in their pockets, as if in a chronic state of tiredness, is enough to turn these feelings of admiration into feelings of vexation and scorn.
The thanks of the students in general and of the ladies in particular are due to their genial benefactor for his untiring efforts in improving the surroundings and adjuncts of the University. Naturally, he has a great desire for retirement, and he has only been drawn from his seclusion by the wistful pleadings and suggestions of the ladies. His zeal and success have been such that he is looked upon by all as a conspicuous authority on architecture and public works, and all are breathlessly looking forward to the time when the mantle of the Hon. Hall-Jones shall descend upon him. Great as has been his work, we hope he will go on to greater, and that once having put his hand to the plough he will not turn back. There are still considerable improvements to be made, and in our humble and halting way we would like to make a few suggestions to this blossoming disciple of Sir Christopher Wren. In the first place, we would suggest that an ornamental portico be erected, under whose fluted column strains of sweet music might be sawn off by the German Band to harmonise with the tender nothings of
The gradual degradation of the male medical student, under tempora acta, I feel the spirit moving me to "say a
The last few days of the first half were wont, in the olden days, to bonhommie. These little overflows of the flood of
Occasionally cases occurred where the monotony of
Of late years, however, a transformation has occurred, and by i.e., looking behind the scenes.
And what, then, do we find is the etiological factor in the
The answer is only too evident—who would have had the hardihood to rob us of those traditions which we should prize, but the Lady Medical, who knows no limit to her concerns, but plunders on our rights even to the extent of assuming to herself the humble but useful trouser—I should say side pocket—to which she will, in all probability, in the near future, add the bifurcated appendages which are at present regarded as strictly masculine crural envelopes ? And by what means, you will ask, has she brought these things to pass ? With shame and a heavy stom—heart, I fear to write it. Tea and Buns !
Women and buns !—ye gods ! "Here's richness !" More effective than the thinly-veiled symptoms of professorial disapproval, or the head-splitting agonies of tympanic contumely, against even the meekest of undegrads., they have quelled and subdued us into humiliating silence. Tea and buns ! Ah, woman ! how insidious are thy modes of infecting the human heart, and how dyspeptic thy ways of soothing the savage chest! Were not the fall of Adam, the destruction of Troy, and the degradation of Sketcher Rayner, metaphorically speaking, sufficient scalps to hang, as trophies of thy prowess, on thy patent chest protector ?
No ! With that indomitable spirit of mischief-working and interference that is the birthright of all femininity, the lady medical, not content with abrogating to herself, in her peculiarly taking way, the majority of our rights—such as hip-pockets (already alluded to), arrangement of exams., &c, senior clerkships, &c., &c., which latter we might consider furthermore strictly our own by virtue of numbers and academical status—has gone further, and by the fascinating and intoxicating effects of tea and buns, actually and successfully, attempted to deprive us of the practice of those very traditions which we should jealously guard as heirlooms or organised residua from the brain cells of the pioneer giants of our alma mater.
Let us pause to admire the ingenuity of her temptations, and at the same time the degenerating effect of our frailty in giving way to her fascinations and those of her gustatory charms. For who could vocalise in that same soul-stirring way of old when pressed down under the weight of currant buns and tea and the fear of a morbid dilated stomach ? Who could extract those Orpheus-like strains from a soprano S Trap when his pancreas is groaning under its wrongs and the fear of traumatic glycosuria? Who, I say, could wield that primitive but appealing harmoonium of sound—the kerosene tin—with the proper spirit of the muse when his liver and portal circulation are racked by a million questioning peptones and the fear of a macaroonuria ?
But even this severe blow, which, by means of indirect violence, has been dealt by our lady meds. at our old customs, is but a flea-bite, a straw showing how the wind blows, to other indications of a set pur-
Too true that her efforts are often, as it were, sugar-coated, but none the less toxic, even as the complacent-looking but deceitful pill. Thus it is that now by means of a violent but primitive love-making, now by a scornful bearing of contemptuous superiority, our lady metis, are apparently seeking by tooth and nail, by sugared buns and love, to slowly subjugate us to that condition of stark-nakedness of privilege; and position which is seemingly her estimate of the state of being which will be the lot of the mere male in the approaching millenium.
What, may we ask, will be the sequel of Such a condition of serfdom and deprivation of, so to speak, moral and mental clothing ? Shall we, even at that stage of nakedness, shame, and trembling, be allowed to remain so, the vestige of a once pride-endowed race, or shall her insatiety go further, and by the usurpation of our last—our hymeneal—rights totally secure to herself the privilege which in the darker days she enjoyed only quadrenially—in leap years ?
Alas ! I sadly fear that the trend of events, from the hesitating and demure entrance into the sacred portals of the first lady med. down to the stage of masterful proprietorship and arrogance of our latter-day Amazons, is only too much to be dreaded as the prelude to that final era of moral and academical asthenia, wherein she will take to herself the right of carrying us off neck and crop to Hymen's altar as a kind of belated coup d'avenge for our indiscretions from the Rape of the Sabines down to the fickle affaires-de-cœur of the present freshman.
Too true it is that even now one or two of our number are verging on the brink of bacularian destruction—too irrevocably and deeply stricken to give the faintest hope of a favourable prognosis of ultimate cure. And what, I ask, was the means of their first seduction ? Turn ye for reply once more to the baleful sugar-coated bun and the ensnaring afternoon cricket tea.
My little ones! take ye heed, and be warned in time by their awful example of what shall inevitably be the lot of each and all of ye who give way to the dulcet temptations of her who cometh clad in the simplicity of Mother Eve.
Beware of the factors that predisposed to their fall, e'en though it be apparently a noble fall.
Learn to look below the surface for the sign of the cloven foot—yea, even in the innocent ceremony of afternoon tea, buns, and flirtation, if aggravated by the romantic surroundings of an artistic crick pavilion, or the darkly-quiet corner of the cloak-room without chaperon-age.
Be impassive to the love-lit smile flitting from opposite seat to opposite seat in the lecture room.
Shrink as an icicle of prudery from the warmth of sentimentalism engendered by pathological fireside studies in the twilight.
Look only with the cold and hasty glance of the misogynist on the peeping well-turned ankle so innocently displayed.
Regard with distrust the ginger and biscuits so lovingly offered, as doth the atonic small boy the spoonful of jam from the stern parent.
Withhold the fervour of admiration at the more daring achievements in millinery audacity, lest in the consideration of the material ye wander unguardedly to the personal beneath.
Take safety in talking "shop" when the duties of "accompanying home" the lone lady med. devolve upon you and sternly deny yourself the touching and tender good-bye.
Abhor virtuously the compromising and awkward questions of the fair junior, lest your blush of modesty become the by-word of the unregenerate.
Dread as a pit of serpents the demure desire to "look at your eye" in the ophthalmic department of the hospital, in the absence of that safety which alone exists with the presence of numbers.
These, and many more warnings would I give, but that space forbids, and I must conclude with these few remarks in the hope that the warning herein given may serve to postpone, even for a short time, that state of subjugation that we are inevitably coming to, the path to which we are making easier by giving way to the temptations and fascinations of the lady med., as above set forth, thereby strengthening her authority and influence till the latter will become such an enormous factor that our subjugation will be complete, and our total extinction but a question of utility or otherwise in that day when (speaking from a medical standpoint) women alone shall wield the lancet, and man shall be little less than nurse and a little more than slave.
We are glad again to write to Otago about our University, because we still write out of the midst of the glowing enthusiasm for all College life and institutions that we mentioned in our last letter. This has been largely stimulated by the Capping Ceremony, which we managed to celebrate in some fashion, despite the afternoon function of the Senate, which was, of course, the essence of dignity, tho' the Chancellor at its conclusion did invite us to sing "Gaudeamus." But on a previous evening we held, under the patronage of the Council, a very successful gathering of friends of the University in the College buildings, where after a classical concert, speeches, side shows, a programme of students' songs was gone through. The buildings were crowded with visitors, and the celebration did a little more to remove the prevailing
Perhaps the most important suggestion that has come before
The Debating Society and the Girls' Korero Club are wending
The 'Varsity ball was a great success, all the dancers and all
We are now looking forward to another Association
"A week's a week for a' that" (Robbie Burns revised). It although we had but a week's holiday, we meant to make the most
Puketeraki was the health resort selected. "A good house, a jolly good week's loaf, and plenty of tucker," as the Cook said, "and w'ere will be the microbes ?"
Pour of us managed to rise early enough to catch the 7.10 a.m. train. Each had a roll of blankets and a gun, and looked as disreputable as possible; one tie amongst the party alone prevented a suspicious policeman from running us in as vagrants.
Having arrived at Puketeraki we proceeded to make ourselves at home in a very comfortable house. We enjoyed a good square meal, topping off (a very large top) with cake, for which the tourist showed a devotion equalled only by that of a monkey for nuts. "Sunshine," said the Loafer, quoting his Surgery, "is invaluable for consumption; let us therefore sit in the sun and smoke." We did; and felt at peace with all the world, except the shags in the river, on whom we kept a desultory but harmless fire.
The Linguist (so named from his knowledge of the classics) then went to meet the late comers at the station, whilst the rest went to procure a boat from a voluble one-eyed fisherman. Polyphemus proved gracious and gave us a boat tor the week.
That evening a very gay party assembled around a roasting fire, indulging alternately in pipe and song. The Loafer produced his accordeon, an instrument detestable in civilization, but welcome out of it. The Linguist rivalled him by fossicking out a small musical box which would play with tearful solemnity "Ta ra ra;" then, shaking off its melancholy, it would burst into the cheering strains of "Katey Connor;" the latter was entirely encore, whilst the former was "by special request."
The Cook caused some excitement by jumping a bunk previously reserved. In spite of cries of "Peace, let us arbitrate," the Cook came out on his head, appealing to the Conciliation Board for justice. A Daniel came to judgment in the form of the Tourist, who seized the accordeon and said the bunk should belong to the one who guessed the tune correctly. The Cook having a keen ear for music lost the bunk.
It snowed all that night and the next day (Sunday), so we stayed indoors and had to be satisfied with some hymns on the accordeon. The musical box was ruled out of order owing to the secular nature of its music.
Monday was cold and bright, and the three more energetic members ventured out to catch fish for a feed. The swell, however, turned the tables in favour of the fish, and the party sot out for home, only to be half swamped by a roller on the bar. They returned with
The next day we had a visitor to lunch, and the two cooks for
The next day was set aside for a visit to the Temple of i.e., the Director ordered
The Director had great ideas about skating, and was always
A pleasant time was spent at Seacliff, and we got a warm invitation to a concert and dance on the Friday. The Cook showed considerable pluck by snowballing a dangerous lunatic from the top of the tower.
We got home late, but in plenty of time for supper. Unfortunately a rather large and heavy cake was set before us, and one slice was
We had a pleasant morning's fishing next day—that is, all
That evening we sustained a visit from two fellow-students who stayed the night. We had a musical evening, the accordeon and musical box being tested to the utmost.
Next day we packed our swags and struck out for Seacliff, where we arrived after a healthy tramp against rain and snow. After a good drying we sot about practising some songs for the concert in the evening; our choir was considerably strengthened by the sudden arrival of Mr Sourface from town.
The dance began at 7.30 p.m.; nurses, warders, and patients all took part in it. Unshaven and wild, we were bashful about joining in, but Sourface reassured us by saying we would only be mistaken for inmates and not students. At 8.30 we led off the concert with "Otago Fair," "Twin Duet," "Old Age Pensions," "Celebrities," and "Slap Dab." We pleased the lunatics and felt satisfied.
Supper followed, and then more dancing. By 11 p.m. all felt at home and danced with a will. We finished up about midnight, and after a smoke went to downy. We were furnished with shakedowns in the large hall; most of the party turned in quietly, but Sourface had a nice tightly-stuffed cylindrical mattress which had evidently been filled by an absent-minded lunatic. Sourface balanced himself on top of this and tried to sleep, but the thing turned turtle on the least provocation. S. soon got "full up;" as he said, "Might as well try to sleep on a greasy pole." Getting no sympathy, he thoughtfully pulled our bunk to pieces, and then played the piano over the ruins, like Nero over burning Rome. After going through three square dances in the middle of the hall by himself, and a season of voice production, S. sneaked in between two of us and gave us rest about 4 a.m.
A jocular warder roused us at 6 a.m. to come out and see the cows milked This dose was repeated every few minutes by different warders, till S. growled and said he wished all the cows had remained in calf-hood, and then he might get some sleep. However, we had no further sleep, and got up to breakfast at 7.30 a.m. After many farewells, we set out for the train, and sought the seclusion of a railway carriage. A more disreputable looking crowd was seldom seen on the Polichet Bay station, and we sneaked home.
In these notes there is not a great deal to record. The prize essay by Mr J. C. Begg was read by Mr W. L. Moore. The audience was very small; for which the fact that the essay is printed in the Review is answerable. In former years the same thing has occurred, and in
Review will have a chance to judge for themselves.
The debate on "Amateur Dramatic Societies" was much handicapped by being postponed. Naturally, the enthusiasm of the debates had had time to cool, being therefore "cauld kail het again." The audience also seemed half-hearted. Unfortunately there were very few men present, but the few who were there did their best. We betes noirs of
To return to our debate, several of the speeches were very
For our next debate we hope to have a larger
We are much indebted to the musical performers who
Still the slow session drags its weary length along, and some of us are devoutly wishing for the examinations, just for the sake of a little variety. This is surely the most trying part of the year, when the lovely spring weather tempts us to wander abroad, while the nearness of the end makes work necessary, but not yet excitingly imperative.
Some of our friends from the Medical School have lately taken pity on us, and to relieve the monotony of proceedings have set up a little show underneath our window, This comes off, on certain occasions only, at about half-past five, just as the Cloak Room is beginning to fill. The fun seems to consist in one med. laborious y building up a little tower of stones, which the rest proceed to demolish by firing at it with stones of their own. Their is perhaps a slight want of originality in the idea, but since it is done for our delectation we must not complain. At any rate, it succeeds in drawing a crowd of admiring spectators both above and below.
What is the matter with all the University institutions this year ? A good many of them appear to have got into a state of "run-downness" that calls for some sort of "winding up." The Tennis Club has practically gone out of existence in spite of spasmodic efforts to revive it. The Debating Society likewise appear to have died some time last summer, and to have been holding a bad funeral at fortnightly intervals ever since. Perhaps a slight exception should be made in favour of the last meeting, when the best (or the least bad) debate of the session was held. The Cloak Room cannot be accused of not doing its part in the matter, at least as far as attendance is concerned.
The University ball takes place on Thursday, but a large attendance of lady students can scarcely be looked for. We hear many complaints of the non-attendance of students, but this can hardly be wondered at when the date is fixed at only a month before the examinations. We understood that efforts were to be made to have it earlier this year, instead of which it is later than ever. Why should it not have been held, gay, in the first week of the present term ? Then a reasonable attendance of students might have been expected; for it is really ridiculous that a "Students' Ball" should be attended by about half-a-dozen students. We also hear much of the "stiffness" of the ball, but if there were only a sufficient number of us there we could surely contrive to have a good time amongst ourselves, whatever outsiders might be.
We have to thank Prof. Gilray once more for his welcome gift to the ladies' room, of the
Israel Zangwill,—the author of "The Master," "The Children
Zangwill describes his own philosophy of life, and says "
As far as I may judge the foundation of Zangwill's philosophy
And with this intense love of Truth, comes a love of the
No one heeds the vague generalisations concerning life given
And Zangwill speaks, and his message is that beneath the
There is truth in the ancient legend that truth is found at
Zangwill's philosophy is, before all things, practical. "Life is always concrete; it is built up of emotions, and you cannot have the emotions, brought into your study." And while no one more thoroughly understands the value of high ideals, he is able to discuss to what extent ideals may reasonably be followed. Speaking of the musician, who, rather than play a false note, stopped his music for ever, Zangwill says: "It is sublime—but silly; he had better black boots."
Zangwill views the place which Love holds in the world with the eyes of a critical, unimpassioned, and withal amused observer. He says : "In every language on earth the student may be heard declaring with more zeal than discretion that he, and you, and they, and every other person, singular and plural, have loved, and do love, and will love. Once you can love grammatically, there is a world of things you may do without stumbling"; and again, "there are those who consider Love a variety of insanity; but it is more often merely a form of misunderstanding. When the misunderstanding is mutual, it may even lead to marriage." Moonlight, and apple blossom, and blighted affections, and all silly sentimentality find short thrift with Zangwill.
Zangwill's Philosophy incites to a steady pressing forward to something higher to a manly recognition of the heights as well as the depths of life, and a deliberate choosing of the higher; for he says : "It is true that the keenest joys of the senses leave a scant deposit in the memory, and that if sensual pleasure are doubled in anticipation, it is the spiritual that are doubled in looking backwards."
To Zangwill has been vouchsafed the Vision Beautiful, the knowledge that
We needs must love the highest when we can see it; Not Launcelot, nor another.
At the last examinations in Edinburgh the following ex-students of Otago University passed their Final in Medicine:—Messrs Barclay, D. Ewart, W. Ewart, Gribben, Herbert, Gilmer, Melhuish, and Phil Macdonald. Mr Barclay graduated with first-class honours, and Mr D. Ewart with second-class honours Mr Barclay will be remembered by older Medicals as one of the ablest men that our Medical School has sent Home.
Dr Logan passed the examinations for M.R.C.S. and L.R.C.P. in London. He arrived on June 27th, and began his examinations on July 4th, so that his distinctions are not due to any teaching received in England. On latest advice Dr Logan was on the point of departing to Scotland to spend a well-earned holiday with his Scottish relations.
The following unique fragment, written on brown paper, ". . . Lo ! then, the time of the proving of my "This way, m' lord, 'ere's the machinery court." "Who is he that superviseth ?" quoth I, as I entered. "Oh ! that's Hansferansfernandez," said he, with a wink to "What doeth he now ?" quoth I again, seating myself at a "Oh, keep it dark, he's twiggin' a move."
I was about to ask for an explanation of these words when he "O excuse me, please, just a minute. You can put on the
Thereupon he read sundry rules wherewith I was already acquainted.
Then began I to write, as did the others.
"O excuse me, please," again spake he that supervised. "You can have more water if you wish."
"Thank you." Again began I to write.
"Oh, excuse me, please. There's a lady learning to ride a bicycle in the Main Hall, and if the gentlemen would not stand and look——"
I cared not for ladies, so I continued writing.
The morning sun streamed through the transparencies in the roof of the spacious hall wherein I sat. The strong beams fell upon my head and made me dizzy. He who had first accosted me was walking about, and as he approached me, jug in hand, he whispered :
"Everything bear an equal strain ?"
I did not understand his words; but I desired of him to be moved into the shade.
. . . The afternoon. Showers of rain fell, and poured on the roof like the beating of many flails. My head seemed to crack as dry wood that splitteth under the stroke of the axe. My feet, be it known, also were muchly chilled by draughts of cold air that rose through the gaping joints of the rough flooring.
. . . Also the next day, when the hall was filled with a continual thud, thud, that seemed to have its origin in the posterior portion of the hall, and that continued throughout the day.
I complained to him that supervised. He said sweetly that he was sorry, but that he was unable to shift the machinery. . . .
To my surprise the proving of my knowledge was satisfactory. Again the time of proving approacheth. Shall I again hear that dull thud, thud, thud ! My thoughts are full of this.
I weep to think of what, perchance, I must endure again. Verily, there is no peace for the wicked.
"You owe me no subscription."
We beg to acknowledge the following subscriptions :—
Comfortable Home for Two or Three Students; gas, &c. Full particulars apply Manager, University Review.
Comfortable Quite Home for Two Students; no
Comfortable Board and
Private Board and
The Starborough Estate is situated on the southern bank of the Awatere River, about eighteen miles from Blenheim, and is intersected by the main road from Blenheim to Kaikoura. The lower portion of the property is also conveniently accessible by the new road through the Redwood Pass, the distance from Blenheim being about sixteen miles.
The Blenheim—Awatere Railway, now in course of construction, will shortly be open for traffic as far as the Township of Seddon, near the Starborough Homestead.
With the exception of the four small grazing-runs, where the hills rise to an altitude of 2,600 ft., the land in Starborough includes a large area of good flats, terraces, and rolling downs, ranging from 100 ft. to 1,000 ft. above sea-level.
The soil is generally of excellent quality, from light and stony in parts to good alluvial loam resting on papa.
A large portion of the estate has been cultivated and cropped, and is now laid down in English grass. The land is in good heart and well grassed, and no rabbits are to be seen.
The lower part of the estate is most conveniently visited from Blenheim by the Redwood Pass Road, and by fording the Awatere opposite Mr. Allen's house.
A coach from Blenheim to Kaikoura leaves Blenheim every Monday morning at 7 a.m.
The same coach returns from Kaikoura every Thursday, arriving at Starborough on Friday afternoon.
There is accommodation at Awatere on the left bank of the river, and at Blind River, where meals and beds can be obtained.
Riding horses can generally be hired at the station. Wheeled vehicles can be taken viâ Taylor Pass, the Awatere Ford, and present main road across the estate, also by the Redwood Pass
The whole of the estate is surrounded by wire-netting fences, and is also subdivided by plain wire fences, which
The sections have been laid out with a view to supply
One thousand and eighteen acres of Starborough
Successful applicants for sections and small grazing-runs
Detailed descriptions of each section for disposal on lease
Detailed descriptions of each small grazing-run will be
Terms and conditions of lease in perpetuity will be found
Terms and conditions of small grazing-runs will be found
Schedules of sections, areas, and half-yearly rentals will
For large scale map of Starborough Settlement, see
Applications for leases will be received up to 4 p.m. on and after Monday, the
The first ballot for sections for which there are more than one applicant will be held on Thursday, the
Applications must be accompanied by a deposit of a half-year's rent and £1 1s. lease-fee, otherwise they will not be considered; and in eases where the application is for a section on which buildings are situate, the amount of the first half-yearly instalment of the value thereof and the interest thereon must be deposited. If an application comprises more sections than one, it shall be sufficient if one deposit is made in respect of the section whose deposit is the largest.
If the applicant is successful in obtaining a section, his deposit, or a sufficient part of it, shall be retained and applied in payment of the rent due on the
The agricultural land is for lease for 999 years. The pastoral land is for lease for 21 years, with the option of renewal at the then unimproved value for a further period of 21 years if not required for closer settlement.
Selectors will have to appear personally at the Land Board meeting at Blenheim on Tuesday, the
Applications will be received for any number of sections, but no person shall be allowed to acquire or to hold more than one section. Harried women who forward their applications through the post are requested to give the full name and address of their husbands opposite the word "Occupation" on the application form.
Applications for agricultural land cannot be entertained from any person who already holds or has an interest in other lands over 1,000 acres in area, including the land applied for, or who has property of the full value of three times the land applied for, if under 100 acres, or twice the value if under 500 acres, or one and a half times if over 500 acres.
Applications may be made for more than one run of
Successful applicants shall insure all buildings at present
If there is only one applicant for any allotment, such
In the event of any person being the only applicant for
If a person is one of several applicants for more than one
Applicants who are landless shall have preference over those
An applicant for rural land shall be deemed to be landless
In the case of the husband or wife, if either of them is not
Selectors are reminded that the terms as to payment of
The right is reserved to the Crown or to its delegated
Intending applicants should read the conditions carefully,
An officer of the Survey Department will start from
[For description of each section see pages 9 to 16.]
[For description of each small grazing-run see pages 15 and 16.]
One year; renewable from year to year. Possession of these sections
Applications for the lands for temporary license will be received up to 4 p.m. on and after Monday,
No deposit is required with the applications, but the successful applicant must be prepared to pay a half-year's rent and license-fee immediately on his application being approved at the ballot. This will be taken as the rent due on the
The conditions and restrictions of the Land Act and the Land for Settlements Act do not apply. Possession will be given on
The following detailed description of the soil and character of each section and small grazing-run in the Starborough Settlement, to be offered for lease on Monday, the
All flat; good agricultural land; 50 acres in English grass, remainder was in turnips last season; no water on section; frontage to road reserve along Awatere River. Altitude, 100 ft. above sea-level. 55 chains interior fence, 60 chains boundary netted fence. Access by unformed road; live miles and a half from railway-station.
Good agricultural land, all flat; partly in English grass, remainder in tussock; river frontage, but no water on section. Altitude, 100 ft. above sea-level. 60 chains netted boundary-fence. Access by unformed road; six miles from railway-station.
About 150 acres good flat land in English grass; remainder tussock downs, with steep faces towards Deep Creek. Altitude, 200 ft. to 500 ft. above sea-level. 200 chains netted fence. Permanent water. This section adjoins railway-station.
About 50 acres ploughable flat land, now in English grass; remainder tussock downs, with steep and broken faces; fair soil;
This section consists of tussock downs and spurs, with
One-third stony flats, remainder good easy downs, all
First-class agricultural land; all flat, but 30 acres low
Two-thirds good agricultural land; very easy slopes,
Gently sloping downs, good soil; half in English grass,
Good agricultural land, consisting of flats and low downs;
Good agricultural land, half flat, half low downs; nearly all ploughable; 130 acres have been cropped this season. Watered most of the year. Altitude, 100 ft. to 200 ft. above sea-level. 40 chains interior wire fence; 130 chains netted boundary-fence. Access by unformed road; six miles from railway-station.
Low tussock downs, good soil; about 100 acres ploughable; watered only part of the year. Altitude, 300 ft. to 500 ft. above sea-level. 60 chains netted boundary-fence. Access by unformed road, two miles from railway-station.
Sloping downs and good flats; all ploughable; 100 acres flat; all good soil; watered nearly all the year. Altitude, 150ft. to 200 ft. above sea-level. 40 chains netted interior fence. Access by unformed road; two miles and a half from railway-station.
Gently sloping tussock downs; surface-sown with English grass in places; all ploughable; watered most of the year. Altitude, 200ft. to 300ft. above sea-level. 55 chains wire fence; 80 chains netted boundary-fence. Access by unformed road; three miles and a half from railway-station.
Good sloping tussock downs; one-third steep faces, remainder ploughable; all good soil; no permanent water. Altitude, 200 ft. to 400 ft. above sea-level. 65 chains netted fence. Access by unformed road; four miles from railway-station.
200 acres ploughable downs, good soil, remainder somewhat higher, with steep faces towards Blind River; mostly in English grass, surface-sown; permanent water; plantation of gums, 6 acres. Altitude, 300 ft. to 600 ft. above sea-level. 110 chains wire-netted fence. Adjoins railway-station. Present coach-road passes through this section.
Rolling tussock downs, with steep faces towards Blind River; 250 acres ploughable; watered nearly all the year. Altitude, 250 ft. to 600 ft. above sea-level. 80 chains netted fence. Access by unformed road; one mile from railway-station.
About 120 acres flat, remainder low tussock downs and spurs; English grass in places; good soil; about 250 acres ploughable; permanent water. Altitude, 200 ft. to 500 ft. above sea-level. 15
All good agricultural land, nearly flat, now in English
All good flat agricultural land, now in English grass;
All good agricultural land, flat, and gently sloping downs;
All good land; half flat; in English grass, remainder
About 120 acres flat, in English grass; good soil;
200 acres ploughable flats, fair soil; remainder good
300 acres flat, half ploughable, half somewhat stony; 100
All good soil, exceedingly well grassed; 200 acres ploughable, remainder easy slopes; 100 acres flat; 60 acres ploughed and in English grass; water most of the year; good sites for dams. Altitude, 500 ft. to 800 ft. above sea-level. 180 chains interior fence, mostly netted. Four miles and a half from railway-station—by formed road three miles, and unformed a mile and a half.
150 acres flats and low downs, ploughable, remainder high tussock downs; 70 acres in English grass; water part of the year. Altitude, 600 ft. to 900 ft. above sea-level. 80 chains interior netted fence. Five miles from railway-station—by formed road three miles, and unformed two miles.
400 acres rolling downs, 150 acres of which are ploughable, remainder steep pastoral country, all well grassed; water most of the year. Altitude, 400 ft. to 1,000 ft. above sea-level. This section contains Star Hill. 200 chains interior netted fence. A mile and a half from railway-station, by formed road.
Fair soil, 100 acres ploughable, remainder rolling tussock downs, with steep faces towards Blind River; water most of the year. Altitude, 350 ft. to 600 ft. above sea-level. 120 chains interior netted fence. Half a mile from railway-station, by formed road.
Fair soil; a few acres flat, remainder tussock downs, with steep faces towards Blind River; 200 acres ploughable; water most of the year. Altitude, 200 ft. to 600 ft. above sea-level. 90 chains interior fence. A mile and a half from railway-station, by unformed road.
Low tussock downs, with small flats, stony in patches; very little ploughable; fair soil, somewhat broken by gullies; all well grassed; water most of the year. Altitude, 400 ft. to 600 ft. above sea-level. 100 chains interior netted fence. Five miles and a half from railway-station—by formed road three miles, and unformed two miles and a half.
About 200 acres flat, too stony to plough successfully; remainder fair tussock downs; water most of the year. Altitude, 400 ft. to
Rolling tussock downs and small creek flats; fair soil, 100
About 40 acres ploughable flat, remainder tussock downs,
All fair soil; 100 acres flat, remainder tussock downs, with
50 acres flats along creek, remainder tussock downs with
Tussock downs, with small flats and gullies; fair soil, 200
All fair soil; 50 acres flat, remainder high tussock downs;
About 40 acres flats, ploughable; remainder steep tussock spurs, fairly well grassed; water most of the year. Altitude, 400 ft. to 700 ft. above sea-level. 70 chains give-and-take boundary netted fence. Seven miles from railway-station by unformed road.
About 100 acres flats, remainder low tussock downs; 150 acres ploughable; water most of the year, two small springs. Altitude, 600 ft. to 850 ft. above sea-level. 20 chains interior netted fence. Seven miles from railway-station—by formed road three miles, and unformed four miles.
Almost all tussock downs, broken with gullies, pastoral only; water part of the year. Altitude, 500 ft. to 700 ft. above sea-level. 50 chains interior netted fence. Access by road up Tetley Brook, three miles formed, five miles unformed.
About 300 acres of flats and low downs in front of hills; 400 acres of high downs, covered with tussock and patches of fern on Flaxbourne side; remainder hilly country, rising up to 2,500 ft. above sea-level; rocky and broken on high tops; well grassed, easy sloping valleys in centre of block; permanent water. A mile and three quarters of boundary-fence along Flaxbourne River, 30 chains wire fence on western boundary, 40 chains wire-netted fence on north-west boundary, 80 chains wire-netted fence on front of hills, 3 miles of interior fence. Access by road; seven miles from railway-station. Small iron hut at back of Haldon Range; good sheep-yards; three-roomed iron cottage with brick chimney, valued at £50, is to be paid for in seven years by half-yearly instalments of £4 6s. 5d.
About 250 acres rolling downs and creek-flats in front, and about 80 acres of stony flat on Flaxbourne side; remainder steep hill-sides on Haldon Range; mostly tussocky slopes, with few acres of rocky-faces, &c.; give-and-take boundary-fence for five miles and a half along Richmond Brook and Flaxbourne River; 107 chains wire-netted interior fence, and about 110 chains not netted along top of Haldon Range. Altitude, 850 ft. to 2,600 ft. above sea-level. Access by proposed road up Deep Creek, seven miles from railway-station. Permanent water, principally on Flaxbourne slopes.
About 250 acres of easily sloping, rolling downs and flats,
About 200 acres downs and flats in front of section, 500
1. Part of the lands included in the Starborough Settlement
2. The lease shall be for a term of 999 years, to be
3. The half-yearly rentals stated in the Schedule on pages 7
4. The lease shall be dated as on the day whereon the
5. Applications for leases shall be in the form or to the
forth in the Regulations under "The Land for Settlements Act Amendment Act,
6. Applications shall be addressed to the Commissioner of Crown Lands, Blenheim.
7. The day on which the lands shall be first opened for selection shall be Monday, the 13th day of March, one thousand eight hundred and ninety-nine.
8. Every applicant shall, to the best of his ability, answer the questions set forth in his application, and such other questions relating to his means and ability to work the land and fulfil the conditions of the lease as the Land Board may see fit to ask. Failure to answer any such question to the satisfaction of the Land Board will entail the rejection of the application.
9. No application will be considered unless it is accompanied by a deposit consisting of an amount equal to the rent for the first half-year of the term, together with the sum of one guinea to defray the cost of the lease, and, if the application is in respect to land on which buildings are situate, the amount of the first half-yearly instalment in respect of the value thereof and interest thereon, or, as the case may be, of the interest alone, as hereinafter provided in clause 27 of these conditions.
10. An application may be for more allotments than one, but no person shall be allowed to acquire or to hold more than one allotment.
11. If any application comprises more allotments than one, it shall be sufficient if the prescribed deposit is duly made in respect of the allotment applied for whose deposit is the largest.
12. If the applicant is successful in obtaining an allotment, his deposit, or a sufficient part thereof, shall be retained and applied in payment of the items hereinbefore referred to in respect of such allotment, and the residue, if any, shall be returned to him.
13. No person shall be capable of applying for or holding any allotment in any of the following cases, that is to say:—
14. When more applications than one are made on the same
15. Subject to the provisions of "The Land Act,
16. The lessee shall put on the land comprised in his
and in addition thereto he shall, within six years from the date his lease, put on the land substantial improvements of a
17. For the purpose of determining whether the lessee
18. Substantial improvements of a permanent character
19. The lessee shall, within two years from the date of his lease, have the land fenced with a ring-fence; and such fence shall be a sufficient fence within the meaning of "The Fencing Act,
20. The lessee shall once a year throughout the term of his lease, and at the proper season of the year, properly cut and trim all live fences on the laud at the date of the lease, or subsequently planted thereon, and stub all gorse not growing as fences, and also stub all broom and sweetbriar and other noxious plants.
21. The lessee shall not take more than three crops, one of which must be a root-crop, from the same land in succession; and either with or immediately after a third crop of any kind he shall sow the land down with good permanent cultivated grasses and clovers, and allow the land to remain as pasture for at least three years from the harvesting of the last crop before being again cropped.
22. The lessee shall at all times during the term of the lease so farm the land, if the area of the whole exceeds 20 acres, as that not less than one-half of the total area shall be maintained in permanent pasture.
23. The lessee shall not cut the cultivated grass or clovers for hay or seed during the first year from the time of sowing as aforesaid, nor shall he at any time remove from the land or burn any straw grown upon the land.
24. The lessee shall once a year during the term of his lease properly clean and clear from weeds, and shall at all times during the said term keep open, all creeks, drains, ditches, and watercourses upon the land; and the Commissioner of Crown Lauds (hereinafter called "the Commissioner") or any Crown Lands Ranger of the land district shall have the power at any time to enter upon and make through the land any drain that he deems necessary, without payment of any compensation to the lessee.
25. In the event of any lessee at any time failing to comply with any of the conditions hereinbefore mentioned relating to the trimming of live fences, and stubbing gorse, broom, and sweetbriar or other noxious weeds, and to the cleaning, clearing from weeds, and keeping open all creeks, drains, ditches, and watercourses, it shall be lawful for the Commissioner to have such work done, and to recover the cost of the same from the lessee in the same manner as rent.
26. The lessee shall pay all rates, taxes, and assessments levied on or payable in respect of the land during the term of his lease.
27. In the case of land with buildings thereon which have been valued separately, in pursuance of section 7 of the amending Act, the following special provisions shall apply:—
28. The lessee shall at all times during the term of his lease keep in good repair and condition, to the satisfaction of the Commissioner, all buildings and erections for the time being standing on the land, and shall not destroy, pull down, or remove them, or any part thereof, without the previous permission of the Commissioner in writing.
29. The lessee shall not open up any mine on the land comprised in his lease without the previous permission of the Commissioner in writing.
30. The right to search for and take gravel for making or maintaining roads from any of the lands disposed of is reserved, payment to be made for surface damage only.
31. If and so often as the lessee makes default in the due and full payment of any rent under the lease, or of any instalment in respect of the value of building as aforesaid, or of any sum in respect of cost of insurance as aforesaid, or of any other moneys payable under the lease, or in the faithful observance and performance of any other of the provisions of these regulations, or of the lease, then and in any such case the Land Board may, without any previous or other notice or demand, forfeit the lease; and in such case all his interest therein shall absolutely cease and determine, subject, nevertheless, to the provisions of the next following clause, respecting valuation of improvements; but such forfeiture shall not affect any right or remedy on the part of Her Majesty to recover from the lessee any money due to Her Majesty, or release the lessee from any penalty or liability in respect to anything done or omitted to be done by him.
32. In the event of the forfeiture or surrender of the lease, the provisions of "The Land Act,
33. For the purpose of distinguishing the improvements existing on the land at the date of the lease from those subsequently made by the lessee, the first-mentioned improvements and their value shall be fixed by the Land Board, and be specified in the lease: Provided that to the extent to which the lessee pays the aforesaid instalments in respect of the value of buildings, to the same extent
34. The lease shall be in the form or to the effect sen forth in the regulations under "The Land for Settlements Act Amendment Act,
35. The lessee shall not cut down or remove any of the trees growing in the plantations at present existing on the land demised, without the consent of the Commissioner in writing first obtained, and such consent shall be conditional on the lessee giving a written undertaking to plant other trees of an equal number and approved kind within one year thereafter.
36. The right is reserved to the Crown or to its delegated authority to take water-races, 30 links wide, over any lands disposed of without compensation. The rentals of the sections to be reduced in proportion to the area taken when the right has been exercised.
37. Subject to the provisions of the said Acts and the foregoing regulations, the provisions of "The Land Act,
To the Commissioner of Crown Lands for the Land District of I Hereby apply for a lease in perpetuity of one of the following allotments:—
In proof of my fitness and qualifications to hold the land applied for, I hereby make the following replies to the under-mentioned questions:—
I,___, of___,___, do solemnly and sincerely declare—
That the total value of all the real and personal
And I make this solemn declaration conscientiously
(Signature in full.)
Declared at___, this day of___, on thousand___, before me—
(Signature),
A Justice of the Peace in and for the Colony of New (or as the case may be).
Received on___, at___Commissioner of Crown Lands.
1. A portion of the lands included in the Starborough Settlement is divided into small grazing-runs, which are open for selection under the provisions of "The Land Act,
2. The lease shall be for a term of twenty-one years, to be reckoned from the next 1st day of March following the date of the lease, and shall in addition include the broken period between the date of the lease and such day.
3. The lessee, duly fulfilling on his part all the covenants, stipulations, and conditions of the lease, shall, at the expiration of the term thereof by effluxion of time, have the option of a renewal thereof for a further term of twenty-one years, computed from the date of the expiration of the original term, at a yearly rental equal to 5 per cent, on the then capital value of the land, computed in manner prescribed by the said Acts, being, however, in no case less than the original rental; and for the purposes of this clause the provisions of "The Land Act, mutatis mutandis, apply so far as the same are applicable.
4. The half-yearly rentals stated in the Schedule on page 8 hereof shall be the price at which the land shall be open for selection, and shall be payable in advance to the Receiver of Land Revenue on the 1st day of March and 1st day of September in each year, the first half-year's rent being due on the 1st day of March first following the date of the lease, and being payable out of the hereinafter-mentioned deposit.
5. The lease shall be dated as on the day whereon the Land Board declares that the applicant has succeeded in obtaining the small grazing-run.
6. Applications for leases shall be in the form or to the effect set forth in the Regulations under "The Land for Settlements Act Amendment Act,
7. Applications shall be addressed to the Commissioner of Crown Lands, Blenheim.
8. The day on which the lands shall be first opened for selection shall be Monday, the 13th March, one thousand eight hundred and ninety-nine.
9. Every applicant shall, to the best of his ability, answer the questions set forth in his application, and such other questions relating to his means and ability to work the land and fulfil the conditions of the lease as the Land Board may see fit to ask. Failure
10. No application will be considered unless it is
11. An application may be for more small grazing-runs than one, but no person shall be allowed to acquire or to hold more than one run.
12. If any application comprises more small grazing-runs that one, it shall be sufficient if the prescribed deposit is duly made it respect of the run applied for whose deposit is the largest.
13. If the applicant is successful in obtaining a small grazing run his deposit, or a sufficient part thereof, shall be retained and applied in payment of the items hereinbefore referred to in respect of such run, and the residue, if any, shall be returned to him.
14. No person shall be capable of applying for or holding any small grazing-run in any of the following cases, that is to say:—
15. When more applications than one are made on the same day for the same land, the right to occupy the land shall, if such applications are accepted by the Land Board, be decided by ballot it accordance with the regulations under "The Land Act,
16.
17. The lessee shall put on the land comprised in his lease substantial improvements as under, that is to say:—
18. For the purpose of determining whether the lessee has put upon the land substantial improvements to the value and within the time prescribed by these conditions (but for no other purpose), there shall be included the value of all substantial improvements existing on the land at the date of the lease.
19. Substantial improvements of a permanent character mean and include reclamation from swamps, clearing of forest, gorse, broom, sweetbriar, or scrub, cultivation, planting, gardens, fencing, draining, making roads, sinking wells or water-tanks, constructing water-races, sheep-dips, making embankments or protective works of any kind, or in any way improving the character or fertility of the soil, and include the erection of any non-movable building.
20. The lessee shall at all times during the term of the lease maintain in permanent pasture not less than two-thirds of the total area of the land.
21. The lease shall be in the form or to the effect set forth in the Schedule to the Regulations under "The Land for Settlements Act Amendment Act,
22. The lessee shall once a year throughout th e term of his lease, and at the proper season of the year, properly cut and trim all live fences on the land at the date of the lease, or subsequently planted thereon, and stub all gorse not growing as fences, and also stub all broom and sweetbriar and other noxious plants.
23. The lessee shall not take more than three crops, one of which must be a root-crop, from the same land in succession; and either with or immediately after a third crop of any kind he shall sow the land down with good permanent cultivated grasses and clovers, and allow the land to remain as pasture for at least three years from the harvesting of the last crop before being again cropped.
24. The lessee shall not cut the cultivated grass or clovers for hay or seed during the first year from the time of sowing as aforesaid, nor shall he at any time remove from the land or burn any straw grown upon the land.
25. The lessee shall once a year during the term of his lease properly clean and clear from weeds, and shall at all times during the said term keep open, all creeks, drains, ditches, and watercourses upon the land, and the Commissioner of Crown Lands (hereinafter called "the Commissioner") or any Crown Lands Ranger of the land district shall have the power at any time to enter upon and make through the land any drain that he deems necessary, without payment of any compensation to the lessee.
26. In the event of the lessee at any time failing to comply with any of the conditions hereinbefore mentioned relating to the trimming of live fences and stubbing gorse, broom, and sweetbriar, or
27. The lessee shall pay all rates, taxes, and assessments
28. The lessee shall not open up any mine on the land
29. In the case of land with buildings thereon which have
30. The lessee shall at all times during the term of his lease keep in good repair and condition, to the satisfaction of the Commissioner, all buildings and erections for the time being standing on the land, and shall not destroy, pull down, or remove them, or any part thereof, without the previous permission of the Commissioner in writing.
31. The right to search for and take gravel for making or maintaining roads from any of the lands disposed of is reserved, payment to be made for surface damage only.
32. If and so often as the lessee makes default in the due and full payment of any rent under the lease, or of any other moneys payable under the lease, or in the faithful observance and performance of any other of the provisions of these conditions, or of the lease, then and in any such case the Land Board may, without any previous or other notice of demand, forfeit the lease; and in such case all his interest therein shall absolutely cease and determine, subject, nevertheless, to the provisions of the next-following clause respecting valuation of improvements: but such forfeiture shall not affect any right or remedy on the part of Her Majesty
33. In the event of the forfeiture or surrender of the lease,
34. For the purpose of distinguishing the improvements
35. Subject to the provisions of the said Acts and the
Application for Pastoral Land for Lease as Small Grazing-run under "The Land for Settlements Act,
To the Commissioner of Crown Lands for the Land District of I Hereby apply for a lease of one of the following allotments as a small grazing-run:—
And I deposit herewith the sum of £_______, being the half-year's installment of rent, and other payments prescribed in respect of the small grazing-run applied for If more than one run is applied for, the deposit should be for the run requiring largest deposit, and the words "which is greatest in value" should be added.
In proof of my fitness and qualifications to hold the land applied for, I hereby make the following replies to the under-mentioned questions:—
I,___, of___,___, do solemnly and
1. That I am of the age of twenty-one years and upwards.
2. That I am the person who, subject to the provisions of "
3. That I am acquiring such lease solely for my own use
4. That I am not, directly or indirectly, either by myself or
5. That the total value of all the real and personal
6. That my answers to the foregoing questions (Nos. 1 to 11)
And I make this solemn declaration conscientiously believing
(Signature in full.)
Declared at___, this day of___, one thousand___, before me—(Signature),___A Justice of the Peace in and for the Colony of New Zealand (or as the case may be).
Received on___, at___Commissioner of Crown Lands.
By Authority: John Mackay, Government Printer, Wellington.—
[2,500/1/99-
The articles constituting this pamphlet were contributed to the "New Zealand Herald" between January 27th and March 2nd, and arose out of the most recent trouble in that troublesome country, Samoa. The articles dealt mainly with the decision of Chief Justice Chambers, concerning which there has been, and still is, fierce and bitter controversy. I have endeavoured to review that decision calmly and impartially. How far the attempt has been successful, the reader will judge for himself. From recent letters and other information received from Samoa, it seems that an impression exists there that an effort will be made to fortify the decision of the Chief Justice by incorporating with it his opinion on the merits of the case, expressed some time after the disturbances had occurred. I do not know of any principle of law upon which this can now be pone, but probably it is a mere surmise arising out of the statement of the Chief Justice that if he had given a decision on the merits, that decision would also have been against Mataafa.; The pamphlet is issued at the suggestion of a few persons interested in Samoan affairs, and at the time these pages go to press the problem created by the decision and by Mataafa's action remains unsolved.
n view of the recent startling events in Samoa, some fuller information respecting various phases of the situation may not be unwelcome to the public, especially as errors have been somewhat numerous in some of the articles which have lately appeared. The mistakes concerning the present de facto King of Samoa have been particularly numerous, and it is with regard to Josefa Mataafa that in this article 1 propose especially to speak.
Mataafa has for many years been a prominent man in Samoa, occupying important positions in the native Government. As far back as
Just a year after Mataafa had been appointed
This gentle and polite invitation conveyed to the Samoans a meaning not exactly warranted by the derivation of the term, and not sanctioned by Webster or Johnson, but when three great Powers join in an invitation to a small and feeble State, the ordinary canons of interpretation become unreliable, and must be abandoned. The real interpretation can only be determined by ascertaining the will of the Powers. In this case the word invite actually meant command. It was simply the velvet glove of diplomatic politeness concealing the mailed hand of arbitrary dictation. This having been made clear to the Samoans, they responded to the request, if not with cheerful alacrity, at least with submissive obedience. There was no great public ceremony, as on October 2nd, but it was understood that fonos, i.e., native councils, were held in various districts, and on
It was rather significant that there was no reference to a consent on the part of Mataafa to this arrangement, but there can be little doubt that he acquiesced in the new order of things, though probably with great reluctance, and subsequently he frequently acknowledged the Treaty to be binding on him. This episode is probably without parallel in history. We have here a king, publicly and solemnly renouncing his dignity and title in favour of another, and that other freely and spontaneously elected by the natives to the vacant throne. We have the three greatest States of modern times recognising in one breath the free right of the people to elect their own chief or king, and, in the next, declaring that their nominee must be chosen. Nay, more, when that nominee voluntarily resigns they compel the people to annul the election of his successor, command them to restore the former occupant of the position to the place he had relinquished, and force the unwilling king to resume once more the burden which but two months before he had laid down with feelings of relief and satisfaction. And all this was done under the provisions of a secret agreement, concocted thousands of miles away, without the knowledge or consent of the country and persons affected! Four months after, this document, now known as "the Final Act of the Berlin Conference on Samoan Affairs," was presented to Samoa, and she was practically forced to assent to it. Then the Power? which had thrust Mataafa from the throne, and forced Malietoa Laupepa upon it, left the unfortunate king to his fate. What happened? Mataafa, brooding over his thwarted ambition, became discontented, seditious, rebellious. Twelve years before he had deserted Malietoa Laupepa, and intrigued to supplant him, and now once more he left him, and set up a hostile camp at Malie, a few miles from Apia. For more than two years Malie was the centre and focus of discontent, sedition, and intrigue, Mataafa being supported and encouraged by a number of European sympathisers, prominent amongst whom was the late Robert Louis Stevenson. For a long time the Samoan Government seemed powerless to cope with the rebellion, and appeals to the representatives of the Powers, which had forced Malietoa to remount the throne, were not only futile, but strong objections were made to active hostilities being commenced by Malietoa in his own defence. At length, however, the rebels became so emboldened, and had approached so near Apia, that immediate action became imperative, and the Government forces advanced to the attack. On
Of all the awkward situations which have from time to time arisen in Samoa, the Treaty Powers have never been presented with such a painful dilemma as that which confronts them now. The attempted deposition of the Chief Justice, and usurpation of his powers by Dr. Raffel, and the alleged misconduct of Herr Rose, the German Consul, though grave matters, contain in themselves no elements of difficulty preventing their being disposed of summarily and satisfactorily. These are matters which can and will be dealt with by the Powers amongst themselves. But the gravest and by far the most difficult question to be decided is, What is to be done with regard to the decision of Chief Justice Chambers declaring Mataafa ineligible for the kingship, and Malietoa Tanumafili duly-elected King of Samoa? Mataafa has
de facto King of Samoa. This somewhat hasty action of the Consuls still further complicates matters. (En passant, it may be remarked that the terms "throne," "sceptre," "crown," etc., as applied to native rulers of Samoa, are merely figures of speech. I have frequently been in the late king's palace—a two-roomed cottage—and have been present at a number of royal functions, and never saw a crown on the king's head, or a sceptre in his hand, while the nearest approach to a throne in his possession was an Austrian bentwood rocker.
At the time of the fighting on New Year's Day, Mataafa's forces appear to have outnumbered the combined Malietoa and Tamasese forces by about ten to one. Later information seems to indicate that this rather overestimates
The dilemma the Treaty Powers have to deal with is this: The decision of Chief Justice Chambers must either be enforced or not enforced. If it is to be enforced, there is the moral certainty, unless Mataafa once more relinquishes the kingship, which, though possible, is scarcely probable, of scenes of bloodshed and desolation in Samoa, eclipsing all previous things of the kind. Are the Powers prepared to enforce the decision of the Chief Justice at the sword's point? Would public feeling in Germany, England, or America permit this to be done? On the other hand, if the Treaty Powers tamely submit to the decision of the Chief Justice being treated with contempt, openly defied, and set at nought by force of arms, they not only expose that official to bitter humiliation, but render the Supreme Court of Samoa, so far as the natives are concerned a mere name, and a thing to be flouted with impunity by all those against whom its decisions may be given. Is there any third or middle course by which these evils can be avoided? The ingenuity of diplomatists may succeed in discovering one, but,
The importance of the matter justifies a discussion on that fateful judgment, which has already led to startling occurrences in Samoa, and which is still big with import to that fair but distressful country. Like most judgments, mundane and otherwise, there is doubtless a good deal to be said for and against it. In my remarks, I shall not presume to contend either one way or the other, but simply draw attention to some points on both sides, with the object of presenting the whole matter for the consideration of those who feel interested in it, though, of course, not pretending to deal with the subject exhaustively.
Chief Justice Chambers has decided that Mataafa is ineligible for the kingship of Samoa, and that Malietoa Tanumafili, a youth not vet of age, son of the late Malietoa Laupepa, being the only other candidate, has been duly elected King of Samoa. This decision has been given under the provisions of Section 6 of Article III. of the Treaty, called the "Final Act of the Berlin Conference on Samoan Affairs," which runs as follows: "In case any question shall hereafter arise in Samoa respecting the rightful election or appointment of king or of any other chief claiming authority over the islands, or respecting the validity of the powers which the king or any chief may claim in the exercise of his office, such question shall not lead to war, but shall be presented to the Chief Justice of Samoa, who shall decide in writing conformably to the provisions of this Act, and to the laws and customs of Samoa, not in conflict therewith, and the signatory Governments will accept and abide by such decision."
The words, "any question" are very wide, and seem to be all embracing, but it will doubtless be contended that this question of Mataafa's eligibility is not covered by them, and that there is nothing in the laws or customs of Samoa to prevent Mataafa from being an eligible candidate for the kingship. Moreover, it will lie contended that there is no provision in the Treaty declaring Mataafa ineligible. Round this point the dispute as to the validity of the decision of the Chief Justice will be warmest and most interesting. The declaration in the Treaty that Malietoa Laupepa should again be recognised as king, operated at that time, of course, to the exclusion of everyone else. But Malietoa Laupepa has been buried with his fathers, and at the time of Mataafa's appointment (November 12th bust), there was absolutely nothing in the Treaty itself which could be made to spell out ineligibility.
It is perhaps unfortunate that the decision should have been based on this point alone. In his judgment, Chief Justice
Before proceeding to discuss the decision of the Chief Justice, it is proper in this place to review the facts upon which that decision, as to the ineligibility of Mataafa, is based.
Reference has already been made to the engagement at Vailele between the Samoans under Mataafa and the German sailors, when a score of the latter were slain and a considerable number wounded.
One of the customs of Samoan warfare is to decapitate dead or wounded combatants, and exhibit the severed and gory heads as trophies of valour and triumph. I have heard Samoans justify this practice by citing the case of David and Goliath, and, if Mataafa's Roman Catholic followers are familiar with the Douay version of the Bible, they would probably also cite the case of the beautiful widow Judith, and the amorous general, Holofernes. There seems no reason to doubt that three of the dead or wounded German sailors were, in accordance with this custom, beheaded. In one case there is some reason to believe that the ears were also cut off. But there also seems to be no reason to doubt that these barbarities were not sanctioned by Mataafa himself, and that when he and his principal chiefs became aware of it, they strictly forbade any further acts of the kind, giving as one reason the fact that Europeans did not themselves commit these atrocities on helpless foes, and, therefore, it was unfair that they should be treated in this manner. So far as I know, however, there has never been a careful or impartial investigation into the matter, and it is consequently impossible to say to what extent Mataafa was personally responsible.
Six months later, that remarkable Conference on Samoan affairs was being held at Berlin, and Lord Salisbury, in a letter of instructions to the British representatives, had said, "The selection of a native ruler will be a matter of difficulty, and
While it is easy to understand how the Treaty can be amended by provisions being struck out, or altered, and new provisions inserted, it is not quite clear how the report of Count Bismarck's utterances can be expunged from the protocols, which are a record of what was said and done.
I come now to consider the decision of Chief Justice Chambers, which has already exercised such a potent influence over the destinies of Samoa, and the ultimate effect of which it is as yet impossible to determine or estimate. For the purpose of these articles it will be sufficient to review that decision under four heads, put in the form of questions.
First. Is the decision based on any provision of the Treaty itself?
Second. Is the decision founded on any stipulation, agreement, or provision in the protocols?
Third. Do the protocols, and, in particular, this condition as to Mataafa's ineligibility which Chief Justice Chambers holds to be "so manifestly and mandatorily stated," form part of the Treaty!
Fourth. Is the decision final and conclusive, or can it be reviewed, annulled, or reversed?
The first question has been already practically disposed of. There is absolutely nothing in the Treaty, express or implied,
Does it not simply amount to this: That in the event of an election taking place, and Mataafa being a candidate, the German Government, not the Treaty Powers, would object, and that probably, not certainly, that objection would be supported by the British Government? That there was no agreement that Mataafa should be deemed ineligible is apparently clear from the remarks of Mr. Phelps, one of the American Plenipotentiaries. The American representatives listened to Count Bismarck's denunciation of Mataafa in silence, and before the sitting closed Mr. Phelps "asked permission to revert to certain views expressed by Count Bismarck at the beginning of the session, that he might state that the silence of the American Plenipotentiaries was not to be construed as assenting to those views, except as they expressed an indignation at the atrocities mentioned, with which the United States heartily sympathised. Happily, the assent of the Conference to Sir E. Malet's proposition made the question of who among the natives were responsible for these atrocities a mere academic question, and the subject need not therefore be further pursued." It is manifest from this that if Sir E. Mart's remarks are to be understood as consenting to a disability that was then placed on Mataafa, the British Ambassador did not "voice the sentiments of all the other Plenipotentiaries," and it may be very fairly presumed, from Mr. Phelps' remarks, that the necessary consent of one at least of the three great contracting parties was withheld, and that it would have probably been difficult, if not impossible, to obtain it. Is it not also a fair deduction from Mr. Phelps' remarks, that in consequence of a proposition made by Sir E. Malet being accepted, the demand for the ostracism of Mataafa was not pressed? What was that proposition? Turning back, we find it in the same protocol, and immediately after Count Bismarck's remarks. Sir E. Malet was one of a sub-committee appointed to consider the form of the future Government of Samoa. He read the report, which, after alluding to the difficulties surrounding the election of a king in the then distracted state of Samoa, proceeded:—"We therefore propose that in the interests of the peace and prosperity of the islands, it should be intimated to the Samoan people that if they will take Malietoa us king, such act on the part of the Samoans shall receive the sanction of the Treaty Powers." It might be fairly argued from what has appeared above, not only that no disability was actually placed on Mataafa, but also that the one contemplated had reference only to an election, which it was originally intended should take place upon the Treaty coming into operation. What would appear to support this view is a paragraph from the report of the British Plenipotentiaries to
status quo, met with complete success."
It may be urged in support of the decision of the Chief Justice that it was clearly the intention of Germany to impose a disability on Mataafa if a genuine election had taken place instead of the farce of inviting the Samoans to reinstate Malietoa Laupepa. There can be no doubt on that point. There is also nothing to show that that disability was to last for a limited time. Probably the German Government at that time were determined to oppose Mataafa's election to the kingship at any time during his life. Had Malietoa died a year or so after his reinstatement, there is little doubt that Germany would have objected strongly to Mataafa succeeding him. It is sought, however, to make the protocols, in effect, a penal statute as against Mataafa, and it can be urged on his behalf that this penal statute should, in accordance with a well-recognised principle of law, be strictly construed. It is not too much to say that a strict construction renders it impossible to discover anything in the shape of a penal enactment against him
In my last article it was pointed out that, admittedly, there was no disability imposed upon Mataafa by the Berlin-Samoan Treaty, either by express terms or by implication, and that it is exceedingly difficult to find, even in the protocols, that "condition so manifestly and mandatorily stated" upon which Chief Justice Chambers founds his decision That which appears difficult to one reader, may, however, seem plain and clear to another. His Honour has decided that the condition is contained in the protocols
"It was agreed that such a clause was not necessary, as it was the manifest intention of the Conference that the Consuls and their families should be exempted from such jurisdiction."
Again, in the protocol of the eighth session, we read, with reference to the Chief Justice, "Mr. Kasson further suggested
"Count Bismarck thought that it would be sufficient that the latter suggestion should be recorded in the protocol, which proposal was adopted.
"The opinion was unanimously expressed by the Conference that the person selected for that office should be fully acquainted with the English language."
Again, as an instance of interpretation of what might otherwise be considered obscure or uncertain, we read, "It was agreed to state in the protocol that section 3, of Article V., intended that the appointment of Municipal Magistrate should be made by resolution of the Council, and thus be subject to approval as in the case of other resolutions" The reader will be struck at once with an essential difference between these instances and the minutes containing the references to Mataafa. In the former, the protocols record an agreement, a unanimous expression, a manifest intention, whereas with regard to Mataafa no agreement, no manifest intention, no unanimous expression is to be found in the record. Count Bismarck did not even ask that anything in the shape of a resolution or condition should be recorded. Whether a Court in construing and interpreting the Treaty would be right in taking judicial notice of the passages in the protocols quoted above, is a very debatable question. Chief Justice Chambers, however, has many precedents to justify him in referring to the protocols in judicial decisions. Both his predecessor, Chief Justices Cederkrantz and Ide, have made reference to them repeatedly, and counsel have often referred to them in support of their arguments. I do not, however, recollect a case where a decision has been based upon a protocol, nor yet a case where the protocols have been held to govern the interpretation of the treaty. Reference has been made to them merely for the purpose of getting all the light possible on obscure and difficult questions. No doubt they have been of some value from time to time in assisting the Court to interpret rightly what is in the Treaty, but that, of course, is very different from using them for the purpose of putting into the Treaty something which the Treaty does not already contain, and something, moreover, which seems to be in complete antagonism to its express provisions. There is another important distinction between the agreements recorded in the protocols and the alleged disability of Mataafa. The former relate to matters which do not really affect the Samoans at all, and are of little or no interest to them, while the latter is a purely Samoan matter affecting them most deeply, and interesting them most profoundly, and here one of the fundamental
Chief Justice Chambers has, however, given a decision under a clause in the Treaty assented to by Samoa, and that clause authorises him to decide any dispute, and declares his decision shall be final, and this last question as to the finality of his decision remains to be considered From what has been now stated, it would seem that Mataafa would have rather a strong case to carry to a Court of Appeal, supposing that such a court existed. He may have reason to regret that he did not adopt this course, if such a course were really open to him. Probably the Treaty Powers regret this even more than he is ever likely to do.
Samoa is still on the tenterhooks, awaiting communications from the Treaty Powers respecting the decision of the Chief Justice on the kingship question, and the fourth query, Is that decision final? is therefore still of great interest. I propose to consider it from three standpoints. First, Is it final or binding as against the three Treaty Powers? Second, Is it final or binding as against Samoa generally? Third, Is it final or binding as against Mataafa personally?
The brief and necessarily imperfect discussion of these questions may be appropriately prefaced by a few remarks on the Supreme Court of Samoa, and the powers and functions of the Chief Justice. The Treaty provides that "a Supreme Court shall be established, to consist of one judge, who shall be styled Chief Justice of Samoa . . . . His decision upon questions within his jurisdiction shall be final . . . . The Supreme Court shall have jurisdiction of all questions arising under the provisions of this general Act, and the decision or order of the Court shall be conclusive upon all residents of Samoa."
Some question might be raised as to the bearing of these provisions on the kingship dispute, but that matter is dealt with specially in a subsequent section, and it would probably be rightly contended that as the whole matter is specially dealt with in that section (section 6), it is not intended that preceding sections shall affect it. However, even if these provisions did apply, they would not materially modify or affect the position. But I shall assume that section 6 contains all the powers, and defines the jurisdiction of the Chief Justice on the kingship question, and, therefore, is the only one necessary here to consider.
It may seem a rather fine distinction to draw, but it is nevertheless undoubtedly correct to say that though the Supreme Court consists of the Chief Justice, the Chief Justice is not always the Court. He has important duties to perform, which are not included in the ordinary judicial procedure of the Supreme Court. All ordinances, resolutions, and regulations passed by the Municipal Council, and not unanimously approved by the three Consuls, have to be referred to the Chief Justice for final modification and approval. He has the right to recommend the Samoan Government to pass laws which he may deem just and expedient. He is also the sole arbiter in case of disagreement between the Treaty Powers. All these duties, some of which are more judicial than ministerial, are imposed on the Chief Justice, not upon the Supreme Court. So, with regard to the kingship, section 6 provides, "In case any question shall hereafter arise in Samoa respecting
Though the decision of Chief Justice Chambers does not appear to be in form a judgment of the Supreme Court of Samoa, the published reports seem to indicate that the matter was dealt with by the Supreme Court. Some passages in the decision itself apparently confirm this view, and Herr Bulow, Mataafa's counsel, was required to take the barrister's oath before being allowed to act for his client in the proceedings. Since this was written, the reports of the various cases of contempt of Court have come to hand, and I find that the charge against Mr. H. J. Moors, commences thus: "Whereas, on the There have been several charges of contempt of the Supreme Court of Samoa, arising out of the trial of the kingship question, and they form an interesting little side issue. The Supreme Court of Samoa has jurisdiction in cases of all crimes and offences committed by foreigners not subject to consular jurisdiction. The charges of contempt have been brought against German subjects and an American citizen, who are subject to consular jurisdiction, and the first question would be whether the inherent power a superior Court possesses to punish for contempt exists in the Supreme Court of Samoa in cases where the persons who are guilty of contempt are British or German subjects, or American citizens. The second question is whether in there particular cases the conduct and actions of the defendants really constituted contempt of Court, and the third question is whether in these cases contempt of the Supreme Court could have been committed, seeing that the Treaty does not confer upon the Supreme Court any jurisdiction in the matter of disputes concerning the kingship. The first and third questions are rather knotty and difficult, but the second would not be hard to answer. It is not necessary to discuss any of them here, but it will be interesting to learn how the cases will be dealt with, as they have, no doubt, been brought under the notice of the Powers.
Coming now to the question, Is the decision final as against the Treaty Powers? the answer would be in the affirmative if the decision be in accordance with the provisions of the Treaty, and the laws and customs of Samoa not in conflict therewith. The decision is not based upon any law or custom of Samoa, and it has not been contended by any one that there is any law or custom of Samoa rendering Mataafa ineligible for the kingship. Ts the decision in accordance with the Treaty? It is indisputable that taking the Treaty itself, the decision is not only not in accordance with it, but in direct conflict with its express provisions recognising the free right of the Samoans to elect their chief or king. The issue is, therefore, narrowed down to the construction of what the protocols contain, and the determination of the relation of the protocols to the Treaty. The Treaty Powers cannot be
Second, Is the decision final as against Samoa generally? It is almost unnecessary to repeat that if the decision is not in accordance with the Treaty it is no more binding on Samoa than it is on the Treaty Powers. It is also clear that if the fundamental principles of the law relating to treaties be applied to the protocols, Samoa cannot be bound by the decision, even if the construction placed upon the protocols by the Chief Justice be correct, for, as already pointed out, Samoa has never signed or assented to the protocols. She has never been asked to sign or assent to them, nor have they at any time been made known to her. But even assuming the decision to be fully in accordance with the Treaty, and the laws and customs of Samoa, it is questionable whether Samoa would be bound by it. The "Signatory Governments" agree to accept and abide by the decision, but, by a strange omission, there is no declaration that Samoa shall accept and abide by it. It would probably be urged that the words are mere surplusage and unnecessary, but if such an express declaration were necessary to bind the Treaty Powers, a similar declaration is, of course, equally necessary to bind Samoa. A careful study of the Treaty will show that the expression "Signatory Governments" is synonymous with "Signatory Powers," "Powers," "three Powers," "three Treaty Powers," etc., and does not include Samoa. Moreover, Samoa did not sign the Treaty; she only assented to it.
Third, Is the decision final as against Mataafa personally? In dealing with this question it is necessary to refer to various pledges, given by Mataafa to the Treaty Powers, and the Samoan Government. Before he was permitted to leave Jaluit and return to Samoa, after five years' exile, he was required to solemnly promise in writing that on returning to Samoa he would at all times be and remain loyal to the Government of Samoa, as established by the Berlin Final Act, and the Government, as heretofore existing under King Malietoa Laupepa, and to the successor of the said Malietoa Laupepa when chosen; that he would not encourage or participate in any hostile action against the Government, nor permit his relatives or adherents to do so; that he would, to the best of his ability, uphold and support the Government, and that he would use his influence to promote the peace of Samoa, and strengthen the loyalty of the people to the
This agreement may have been designed to remedy the omission in the Treaty referred to above. If not, it is difficult to see of what utility it would be, for such a document could not well clothe the Chief Justice with any powers or jurisdiction which he did not already possess; and if the decision were irregular, or not according to law, either party could reasonably claim that the agreement did not cover it. As to the pledges given at Jaluit, Mataafa would, of course, claim that he is the regularly-appointed successor to Malietoa Laupepa, and that his own Government is the one to which his loyalty is due.
If the decision be regular and good, and the agreement was actually signed by Mataafa, or on his behalf, or the verbal undertaking given by his chiefs duly authorised by him, he would probably be held bound by the decision. But if he did not sign it, or signed it under compulsion, or did not authorise the undertaking, it is difficult to see how he could have been bound by it, were it not for the pledges given by him at Jaluit. In view of these pledges, he would probably be held bound if the decision be really in accordance with the Treaty. Should this beheld to be the case, Mataafa's ill-advised resort to arms would render him liable to be deported once more, or punished in some other way. Had he endeavoured, in a regular and peaceful manner, to obtain a review and reversal of the decision given against him, he could have presented a very strong case. Such a course was open to him, for a precedent has been established for reversing even the "final decisions" of Chief Justices of Samoa. In
I bring this series of articles to a close while the action of the Treaty Powers, with regard to the present situation in Samoa, is still a matter for speculation and conjecture. The orders for another British warship to proceed to Apia; the intelligence that another German man-o'-war is also on her way thither; and the fact that at last an American cruiser is bound for the group, would suggest the idea that a naval demonstration by the Powers is contemplated. But if the report be true that Germany has demanded the recall of Chief Justice Chambers, there is some reason for doubting whether that demonstration would be for the purpose of enforcing the decision of the Chief Justice.
If the Powers choose to hold Mataafa strictly to his promise, the most perplexing and troublesome feature of the present problem would be eliminated, though at what cost it would be impossible to say. That would depend entirely upon Mataafa himself—upon his action when his surrender was demanded. It is freely stated in Samoa that he would resist to the last any attempt to seize him, but it is rather rash to predict what his course of action would be. It may be true, as has been stated by some, that the actual fighting was not sanctioned by him, but he had certainly been for a considerable time massing all his available warriors at Maulinuu, apparently oblivious or regardless of his written promise to use his influence for the promotion of peace in Samoa. Within a few hours of a decision adverse to him being given, his followers, with or without his sanction, were engaged in a bloody strife, and were devastating the villages of their opponents. He agreed, as a condition of his restoration to Samoa, that if he failed in his promises he should be liable to renewed exile, or other punishment. If he
Since this was penned, the cablegrams have announced that the most cordial relations exist between the United States and Germany in connection with the Samoan difficulty. It does not seem likely, therefore, that Germany has been asked to join many hostile movement against Mataafa.
Supposing that the Powers decide that the decision of the Chief Justice is not in accordance with the Treaty, and that a decision on the merits should have been given, and supposing also that Mataafa is allowed to remain in amoa, the ordinary course would be for a new trial to take place. But here a fresh difficulty arises. The Chief Justice has stated, and the statement has been published, that if he had given a decision on the merits, that decision would also have been against Mataafa. Would Mataafa be likely to consent to submit his case again to the Chief Justice, knowing that the latter had already declared against him on the merits? This statement of the Chief Justice renders it more difficult to understand why a decision on the merits was not given instead of on a point which at least is surrounded with very grave
de facto king of Samoa has now secured the services of a counsel who is able, ingenious, persuasive, and persistent, who has, no doubt, already taken steps to prevent a hasty decision being arrived at without a full statement of the case on bell i If of Mataafa. Still, Mataafa is rather severely handicapped by the pledges he gave in Jaluit, and by the verbal understanding of the chiefs representing him in Court that the decision of the Chief Justice would be accepted by them. The Samoan kingship problem is, it seems to me, one of the most interesting and intricate little puzzles ever presented for solution, and the fact that no decision has yet been announced would seem to indicate that its difficulties are being fully appreciated.
What the Powers will do at this present juncture, though an exceedingly interesting question, falls into comparative unimportance before the larger and graver question, What is to be the ultimate destiny of Samoa? The opinion amongst those who have studied the matter is practically unanimous that annexation
hen Sir Isaac Newton studied the influence of gravity on matter, he found that he could not take it alone and neglect other influences, but that motion was a complementary force which had to be studied at the same time. From this he was led to the laws of motion, and by study of the joint effects of motion and gravitation on matter, lie was led to those practical results which have been such great helps to the increase of (human knowledge; probably all his thoughts on these subjects would have been little use to mankind, unless at the same time, he had been led to formulate a system of symbols, (Differential Calculus.) through which the variations of those forces, could be recorded: and we must not forget that Sir Isaac had been a deep student of Theology (seeking the kingdom of God and His righteousness,) before his attention was turned to the workings of these forces of the Creator.
Any student who wishes to get practical results from study of the forces, or powers of the Creator, and how they work in matter, must proceed on similar lines. Now the knowledge that Electricity, either in its statical form
Next, have we to invent a system of symbols to record results in; or have we anything known to us which will answer the purpose? I think the old system of parable, so much used by Christ, prophets, and poets, who would draw our attention to the spiritual meaning which may be drawn from all works of the Creator, will probably be found best. It is one which never can be learnt by the thoughtless, but none can enter into the workings of God's laws without thought.
First, let us seek out some of the things Electricity does for us, and the parallel working of human thoughts.
Statical Electricity, or Magnetism, attracts matter charged with the opposite electricity, and repels matter charged with like electricity, so it is probable that those unaccountable attractions and repulsions which we feel for individuals met for the first time may thus be accounted for. So may the attraction of the different sexes, one being positively the other negatively charged. A study of the experiments with matter shows that matter which appears + in the presence of other matter may, in its turn, be-
e.g., a fruit tree will bring forth similar fruit to the ancestor, provided conditions of soil and climate are the same, but if man comes along and improves those conditions he may improve the fruit; if he, the caretaker of fruit trees, neglects them and lets weeds rob the tree of its sustenance, the fruit deteriorates; again, by cutting off branches and grafting, ho may change the character of the fruit. The parallel to this in the human race is that children are born with a certain predisposition to follow their ancestors, provided no other influences are brought to bear. This may best be seen in the Indian castes where one caste keeps to one kind of work; they arrive at a certain stage of manual dexterity, but go no further, because no new ideas are put into their minds, and generation after generation do the same work in the same manner. But a European comes along with better ideas. First he has to overcome caste prejudice, which offers great resistance, and then he has to instil his better ideas into the undeveloped Indian mind; or if, as is often the case, the Indian mind is developed, it is in a direction the European has little idea of, and so
Now, Induction is, at the time the current is passing, a more powerful stimulant than Conduction, and can do a class of work which Conduction cannot do, except by using an immense number of voltaic cells. It depends on the make and break of the current for its stimulating power,
Now, what is this potentiality of which I have been writing? It is invisible, like all the invisible forces of the invisible Creator. Have we anything we can liken it to; Electricity here helps us. We know that we can arrange voltaic cells either to give us quantity or intensity. If arranged for quantity, all are brought up into line and connected directly with the work to be done. This can only be used where there is little resistance, and no distance to be traversed; when the cells are arranged in series, so that the current passes from one cell through the next where it gets intensified, and so on through successive cells, each cell adding its quota till the last cell, from which the electricity springs with greater or less potentiality, according to the number of good cells it has passed through, and is connected with the work to be done. Intensity is required where long distances have to be traversed. In practice we find it is not good to have too long a series of cells, but it is better to combine quantity with intensity, which agrees with all we see in nature. A long fine wire may pull in one direction, but to push and pull we must have metal of another quality and thickness.
Next, we have to inquire, Is there anything in the human race corresponding to this?
We shall find that a long line of good ancestors, who have done good work in their day, convey a certain potentiality to their descendants, which may be used either for good or evil, according as their descendant will be guided by the same rules as they have been. If he or she will do good, the work done by such ancestors as they have knowledge of fortifies them in any good work they may be engaged in. This potentiality is passed down through the
Now, what constitutes good descent? I have alluded to the weakness produced in a long line of ancestors confined to one class of work, as shown in Indian castes. This I was particularly brought before me in a magazine article on Indian potters, and the transmitted skill in that particular class of work passed down from father to son. We also see the same in animal breeding, where continual in-breeding produces a very purebred stock in one sense, but stock which require more and more care in each succeeding generation, until at last they are quite helpless without the human caretaker. These are no good as a Hock. They may serve to re-introduce into a flock a characteristic in which they are prepotent, and which is falling away in the flock. But for the human race at large we want a certain capacity to adapt themselves to all situations in life. So a race bred from ancestors who have directed their attention to only three or four subjects will be weak, as compared with a race bred from ancestors who have proved themselves good in many different stations of life. To find these ancestors so that they may have on us the influence acquired through knowledge of them, in addition to the hidden influence which is passed on from parents to children by a law of the Creator whose manner of working is as yet unknown to mankind, they must have done work which has been considered worthy to be handed on from father to son. There must be much of this in private families unknown to the world at large, which will be useful to their descendants. All may not be able to show a direct line of descent from those historical names which have done so much for the British nation; but when we
I have already ("Creation with Development") alluded to the magnetism imparted to like bars of iron by two magnets as a symbol of the faculties imparted to the child by the parent. This deals only with that particular couple, and takes little account of their potentiality. But when we come to deal with these we find the voltaic cell a better symbol. In the voltaic cell one metal must be + the other-, which corresponds with male and female brought together in one house. In the voltaic cell there is a stimulating fluid which, when the metals are united externally as well as through the fluid, produces the electric current, which the maker or owner of the cell turns to his own uses. In the human race the stimulator to action is the sense of duty, knowledge of the work to be done, and desire to do it. So husband and wife, joined together by the Creator and owner of the human cell, and desiring to do
As Electricians find many stimulating fluids, some suitable to one set of elements, another suitable to another set, so the Creator finds many different kinds of work, one or more of which it may be our duty to do, beginning with gardening and care of trees, proceeding to care of cattle and sheep, study of sun, moon, and stars, metal working, brick making and building, commerce, fighting, navigating, working for Church and State, &c., &c.; but, amidst all these, there has been one fixed duty common to all—the care of the children whom they have brought into the world. The workings of the human cells have been vitiated by introductions of foreign elements into the original cell, as [constructed by the Creator. Where there were many wives or many husbands it reduced the sense of responsibility to the children, and either husband or wife neglect that duty, and pass on a vitiated tendency to their children.
Now, where the same line of duty has been carried on (or many generations, they are apt to forget their dependance on those who are doing other duties: and, if continued too far, would draw out into the long thin wire produced by Indian caste, which can work only in one direction. So to build up a strong family there must be roots which have extracted mental nourishment from many different classes of labour, just as the roots of a tree spread out all round, and draw food from all sides. Too many generations of thinkers sprung from clerical, legal, and
We find a very good check on any family getting tool prepotent in any one direction, and so getting out of touch with their neighbours, is the repelling action that like magnetisms have for each other. Thus a very intensely clerical father has a certain repelling effect on his son, which only a very strong sense of duty helps them to overcome; and it is only by the use of thought (the electric induction coil) this is overcome. This shows us why, as a rule, parents are not good teachers of their own children. Their predispositions are too much alike. The military man is at first rather taken aback when he finds his own commanding tone of voice or dictatorial manner
But what about the dry cells, or dry trees, as Abraham thought himself? They have no children to call forth their love and labour, but in other ways they can do the Maker's work. Not engrossed with their own children, they may be more free to work for others.
Now, let us leave for awhile our couples in their cells, which, like brood cells in a beehive, bring forth in time, it may be workers, it may be drones, but all with potentialities which might fit them for office of King, Queen, or priest, if their services are required as such, and they can get the necessary mental food and training. But human beings do not require, like bees, to kill off all who are fit to be Queens. We must not carry our symbols or analogies too far, but remember that human beings are endowed with
conductive hereditary influence; but there may be others who have no such hereditary predisposition, they have acquired it through the inductive influence of serving in Army and Navy, who are Her Majesty's servants, or in a Church which is still joined to State, and therefore feels it a duty to uphold head of the State, and all who derive authority from her, remembering that the powers that be are ordained of God.
We must here take up the celibates, and those who from duty are called out of their cell to live for a time as celibates. Can Magnetism or Electricity produce a symbol for them?
Our original symbol of a steel bar magnetised by friction with two magnets helps us here. Some of these units may become like the needle of the compass pointing steadily to the pole, so that all who look at them learn how they should walk. Their influence does not extend far, I like a couple in the cell, but they may be good guides to those who come within that influence. This need not be the limit of their influence if they will be content to be bound together in associations. The magneto-electric machine gives us a model of a machine through which the unit magnet may, when combined with others, produce the
Noli me tangere." Nations of old have felt the deadly shock, and at present none seem inclined to try another. But we must not live on tradition. Keep watching and ready, the discipline and work is good for the units; and
I must say a few words about Resistance, one of the troubles of the Electrician, in addition to the repelling force of like magnetisms, internal resistance in the all where the two elements are not suited, or the acidulated water not of the right strength. There is no difficulty in applying this to ill-assorted couples, or insufficient sense of duty to the children; external resistance in the conducting wire, which may be too slight for the work or bad conducting material: so the human being may have a mind too small to take in his instructor's thoughts, or be of such bad materials that he won't try to take them in. And one word for the Commutator, which changes the direction of currents, and makes the—current do the same work as the +. There is One who controls the thoughts of men, if they will but give their thoughts to His work,: and experience gained in doing works of ignorance and carelessness may be changed into knowledge and carefulness about His work.
Where there are so many parallels as I have here cited between the workings of Electricity and of human beings, one is led to think the human actions are a consequence of Electricity in the matter composing their bodies. At present we cannot measure it in volts, ohms,
I will now endeavour to summarise some of my results in what, I hope, may prove to be standard equation through which others may be solved.
Where we have so many parallels the question rises,: Is this a consequence of the influence of Electricity on the human being? Is it a part of the divine spiritual influence our great Teacher taught us to expect? Electricity, in its most intense forms of thunder and lightning, was by all nations considered a symbol of divine presence or interference, This has been neglected of late, as we do not now study the works of God as our ancestors did, before they had the Word of God. We trust entirely to the latter and our own interpretations of it, forgetting that the best interpreters of His Word are His works.
If electricity causes or modifies actions in the human races, we by study of it come one step nearer solution of the problems. Who and what were our ancestors? By
The induction coil I have already utilised as a symbol in "Creation with Development," which, perhaps, beginning at the wrong end, as so few know much about the working of Electricity and Magnetism; they are content to use it without studying the working. I hope this may simplify it, and enable people to take more interest in the working of this marvellous force so recently made known to us; and which brings us very close to the works of God and how He carries out His great designs, all known and planned beforehand by Him, and not the result of a chance called evolution.
If Electricity is not the force working in human beings it runs so closely parallel to it that it is quite worth studying in these days that we are so anxious to remove the stumbling-blocks which lead to dissension about Religion and disputes between nations.
It will be within your recollection that I had several pleasant interviews with you when visiting your city during my tour through Australia, South Africa, Europe, America, Canada, and British Columbia, in the order named, as special Commissioner of this colony to investigate the various markets of the world as affecting the produce exported from New Zealand.
Whilst placing on record the appreciation of the Government and my own personal thanks for the valuable assistance rendered to me by your good self, I now beg respectfully herewith to hand you copy of my official reports dated
The bearer, Mr. John Holmes, has been appointed a special Fibre Commissioner to inquire into the fibre trade of the world as affecting this colony.
Any assistance rendered him will be received as a favour to the colony.
I also subjoin copy of letter dated 21st December, from the Minister, acknowledging my report, as follows:—
I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 13th instant, covering your very interesting report on the New Zealand hemp and other industries.
I have carefully perused it, and with pleasure note that you have taken every opportunity in your travels of making the colony known. I trust, and indeed believe, that your mission will be productive of good to the colony, and, on behalf of my colleagues and myself, tender you our thanks. The report and other papers I have handed on to the Right Hon. the Premier for consideration by the Government.
For upwards of sixteen months I was engaged in the special work intrusted to my care by the Government, and soon after my return to the colony in Hansard No. 11, dated Hansard contained a reply of the Hon. the Minister for Agriculture to a question put by a member of the Opposition, the real meaning of such reply is contained in letter hereunder. This document may possibly have conveyed a wrong impression, for which purpose I regret to learn that many copies have been specially marked and freely circulated amongst many of my correspondents and friends throughout Australia, South Africa, Europe, America, Canada, and British Columbia, with the evident intention of discrediting my representation, and otherwise injuring me, although the full nature and intent of my appointment by the Government was universally known, and reported in every paper published in the colony.
As I have already received undoubted proof of the serious injury inflicted upon me owing to the false impression already conveyed by the malicious circulation of Hansard, I applied to the Hon. John McKenzie, Minister for Agriculture, for an explanation of his answer in the House of Representatives on the occasion referred to.
It is with pleasure that I now bear testimony to the prompt and generous response made by the Minister, who writes to me under date the 18th March, as follows:—
Adverting to mine of the 21st December last, acknowledging the receipt of your valuable report on the hemp, kauri-gum, and other industries of the colony, I regret to learn that a false and manifestly unfair impression is sought to be made out of the answer given by me in the House of Representatives on the 5th August last, in reply to a question asked by Mr. Buchanan.
My reply meant to convey that you did not hold the position of a Civil servant under the Crown, or that you could in any way commit the colony to any engagement. It was, however, made quite clear that you were appointed a Special Commissioner by the Government for a specific purpose, vide letter of
Recognising the good work so ably carried out by you, the Government has since your return supplemented by the substantial sum of £300 the amount originally paid towards your expenses.
Your report is now in the hands of the Government Printer, and will be ready for distribution next week.
I am cabling to the Agent-General asking him to correct as far as possible the wrong interpretation which has been placed on ray reply.
I also attach copy of letter dated the 22nd March instant, addressed to me by the Secretary to the Department of Agriculture, as follows
Adverting to the question asked in the House of Representatives on the 5th August last, whether any report had been received from you, and the Hon. the Minister's reply thereto: I have to say that he made the statement in good faith, as when he asked if any communication had come to hand the receipt of your report of the New Zealand Times of the 16th May, and was widely circulated. It will be seen that this was nearly three months before the statement was made in the House.
If any evidence were wanting to prove the validity of my appointment, no stronger testimony could be produced than the letters above quoted.
It is much to be regretted that petty trade jealousies and personal animosity should have so far outweighed the good taste of a certain representative of a competing firm as to warp his judgment to such an extent that he wilfully took this un-English and unfair advantage in the distribution and postage of a misleading Hansard report, which he scattered broadcast not only among the clients of his own firm but also specially singled out my correspondents, with whom he had no connection whatever carefully marking one paragraph which he knew would convey an impression contrary to facts, which latter were within his own knowledge.
A Bonus of £1,750 is offered for a machine or process for dressing New Zealand hemp (Phormium tenax) which shall be an improvement on the machines or processes now in use, and which shall, after trial, be found to materially reduce the cost of production, improve the product, or increase the quantity of dressed fibre.
The following are the conditions:—
The cost of bringing the machines or appliances on to the ground, from within the colony, supplying the necessary shafting, motive-power, and buildings, to be defrayed by the Government. If any machine sent from beyond the colony is awarded the bonus or part thereof, then the cost of bringing such machine shall be borne by the Government.
The following shall be the basis of the test:—
The committee shall supply a sufficient and equal quantity of green hemp to each machine or process as a test.
The committee shall take into consideration—
On completion of the tests the committee shall furnish a report to the Minister on all the machines or processes which they have examined or tested, and shall state,—
A bonus of £250 is offered for a process of utilising the waste produots of the hemp.
The first three conditions of bonus No. 1 to apply to this also.
The committee shall supply a sufficient and equal quantity of the waste products to each process as a test.
On completion of the tests the committee shall report to the Minister, and shall give the following particulars of each process: (a.) The nature of the article made. (b.) The quantity produced, and the cost of production, (c.) The value of the product. d.) Whether any of the processes are of sufficient importance to warrant the Minister in giving (1) the whole, or (2) any part, of the bonus; (3) if a part only, how much.
I have the honour to herewith hand you the accompanying preliminary reports upon the New Zealand hemp and kauri-gum trades.
It is within your knowledge that the completion of the authority intrusted to my care had its origin in the numerous petitions sent to Government during the months of
In view of the fact that I shall have further evidence for the Government concerning the hemp industry, I have abstained from making any recommendations thereon at the present time.
Travelling through New South Wales, Victoria, South Australia, and South Africa, it has been my good fortune to meet with the most cordial kindness from the various Ministers upon whom I called, and I always received a ready and willing help from the Government officials to whom I applied for information.
In London and the provinces I found the same generous feeling existing. I am specially indebted to Messrs. W. F. Malcolm and Co., Robinson, Fleming, and Co., John Haddon and Co., James Morrison and Co., Devitt and Hett, Lewis and Peat, Hoare, Marr, and Co., William Bennie and Co., with many other merchants and brokers in London, and also to Mr. Thomas J. W. Buckley, proprietor of the Post magazine, who devoted several articles in his valuable magazine to the advantages British insurance companies would gain by the investment of their accumulated funds in New Zealand mortgage and other securities. To the Lord Mayor of Manchester, Mr. Bythel (chairman of the Ship-canal Company), and Mr. Matthew Wells (merchant) I am also indebted for many acts of courtesy extended to me during my visit to Lancashire.
I cannot conclude this letter without placing on record my best thanks for the kind assistance extended to me by your good self, as well as by your efficient staff, in the prosecution of my work during my stay in London.
I have the honour to place before you the result of my investigations concerning the New Zealand hemp industry. Under authority dated the
To Messrs. A. Forsyth and Co., rope-makers, of Sydney, I am indebted for some valuable information. Mr. Forsyth accompanied me to his works, and explained the difficulties his firm experienced in ordering certain classes of New Zealand hemp. As an illustration of these difficulties he pointed to several brands varying in colour and preparation, although bought under the same classification, and shipped from the one port. He strongly urged the importance of a general grading system, and the advantages to be gained by the adoption of a standard size of bale, as in the case of manila, which is always packed in two piculs, each bale weighing 2½ cwt., and universally accepted at eight bales to the ton, thereby avoiding the cost of handling and reweighing. He, however, advocated an increased weight for New Zealand hemp, stating that 3½cwt. bales would be a most suitable size. This opinion was confirmed by the other rope-and cordage-makers, all of whom evinced the deepest interest in my work, and promised extended orders for New Zealand fibre.
Going overland to Melbourne, I called upon the Acting-Premier, the Hon. I. A. Isaacs, who expressed a wish to assist my investigations. To the Hon. Minister for Agriculture I am indebted for special facility in travelling throughout the colony. Mr. Martin, Secretary of the department, offered every assistance he could, and informed me of the experiments made by the Agricultural Department in its endeavours to raise ramie, for which he thought the climate and soil of Victoria was suitable. He is, however, of opinion that only two crops can be obtained in a year, as against four crops in India. Mr. Martin referred to the difficulty of getting suitable machinery for decorticating the fibre and preparing it for market. I was able to show him the varied samples of manufactured material made from ramie-fibre prepared by the Rhea Fibre Treatment Company (Limited), under what is known as the "Gomess process."
Visiting the works of James Miller and Co., Melbourne, and Messrs. Donaghy and Sons, of Geelong, I had the advantage of seeing and hearing the objections raised by practical men to our hemp. These were chiefly based on the same lines as expressed by Messrs. Forsyth and Co. Messrs. Donaghy and Sons, however, informed me that it was their desire to use as much as possible of New Zealand fibre, providing they could in future depend upon a continuity of a standard quality, especially as to colour and preparation. They informed me that, wherever introduced, the binder-twine made from New Zealand hemp gave the utmost
Continuing my overland journey to South Australia, I visited Adelaide, where I was cordially received by the Hon. Dr. Cockburn, Minister for Agriculture, who generously assisted me in every possible way. Upon inquiry I found that no fibre was raised in that colony for export or manufacturing purposes. Visiting the rope-works in the city, I ascertained that the objection raised by the mill-managers was directed towards the "towy" appearance of the fibre, due to want of care in "stripping" the green blade. Complaints were also made of the lack of uniformity in colour and preparation. As an instance of this, they pointed to two lots of the same brand of hemp bought at the same time, but shipped from New Zealand at intervals of one month. Both parcels varied considerably in stripping, scutching, and bleaching.
Learning that South Africa was importing American binder-twine and other cordage, and that there was a prospect of extending trade with that colony, on the principle that "the path of duty is the path of safety," I altered my plans, and took passage in the s.s. "Culgoa," the first steamer sailing for Cape Town. Upon my arrival I called upon the principal ironmongers in the city, who, although they had never previously heard of binder-twine made from New Zealand hemp, promised to send some trial orders to the colony for the following season's supplies. I have reason to believe that these have since gone forward to the colony.
Arriving in London on the 28th October, I immediately set to work prosecuting my inquiries anent the hemp industry. I found no little difficulty in obtaining reliable information, and experienced some opposition in my endeavours to procure the best evidence. While there appeared to be a desire to assist me in eliciting the information I sought, at the outset there existed some doubt as to how far it was wise to disclose fuller details. I had very many interviews before my would-be helpers felt Assured that I had no desire to upset or interfere in any way with the present system of conducting the fibre trade.
In my earlier visits to gentlemen interested in the imports I was astonished to hear nothing but eulogiums about the excellent quality of New Zealand hemp. For some time these praises were bestowed upon our fibre; but when I ventured to suggest that the diminishing demand—apart altogether from the falling prices—did not exhibit that appreciation of the improved quality referred to, I was met with the instructive answer that if New Zealand would send regular standard qualities, and would sell subject to the usual arbitration clause upon which manila and sisal fibres were bought, there would be a largely increasing demand for New Zealand hemp.
I had the pleasure of interviewing several rope-makers, urging the claims of New Zealand hemp. I elicited various recommendations, and I many promises that future orders would embrace the colony, not withstanding the fact that the "spot stocks" had decreased from 1,500 tons on the
It is with pleasure I point to the improved prices that have since taken place. Messrs. W. F. Malcolm and Co., reporting upon New Zealand, under date the 21st March, says, inter alia, " The market is exceedingly firm, and holders are asking £20 for parcels on spot." It will I am sure be a matter of satisfaction to you to know that cash-buying orders for many hundreds of tons of hemp have been cabled to New Zealand during the present year, the prices offered being in excess of quotations prevailing for a long period before.
The many manufacturers and brokers upon whom I waited from time to time expressed the opinion that by the adoption of a grading system, and, if possible, a standard weight of bale, greater confidence would be gained in the more general use of the fibre, and increased trade would follow. I enclose letters from Messrs. W. F. Malcolm and Co., Frost Brothers (Limited), and Messrs. Hawkins and Tipson and Hoare, Marr, and Co., which speak for themselves, and require no further comment from me.
In the hope that a wider circulation of the terms on which the above bonuses were offered for an improved process of preparing New Zealand hemp would increase the number of competitors, I made known, through the medium of the Press, in every city and town I reached the conditions attaching thereto. This involved heavy correspondence, and a very large number of interviews with engineers, machinists, and chemists, several of whom are now experimenting on the green leaf. Many of them were quite enthusiastic, and regretted that they were not in possession of the information before. At their own expense they obtained samples of Phormium tenax from Cornwall and other places. Mr. William Parkinson writes as per letter of 6th January (enclosed).
So much has been written upon this process that I felt it my duty to make a special effort to attend at the experimental works outside London. After several interviews with the Rhea Fibre Treatment Company (Limited), I visited the works with the secretary of the company, who introduced me to Dr. Gomess. This gentleman informed me that he had already made several unsuccessful experiments with New Zealand flax (as he described it), the true nature of which he frankly admitted he did not quite understand. On explaining to him that New Zealand hemp was Phormium tenax he became very interested, and, having exhibited a small sample of Native-dressed fibre (for which I am indebted to Mr. Hone Heke, M.H.R.), he expressed the opinion that there was a great future for an improved and extended use of the plant. He thereupon promised to make further experiments, and report the result. I strongly recommended his perusal of Dr. Hector's excellent work on Phormium tenax. Notwithstanding several efforts and special letters written on the subject, I have not yet received any report as to the result of his experiments. His letter of the
Having many inquiries from Lancashire, at the first available moment I visited Manchester, Accrington, Stockport, Warrington, and surrounding districts, where I made known as widely as possible the objects of my mission.
At the special invitation of his Lordship the Mayor of Manchester, I had the pleasure of attending a semi-public lunch in the Town Hall, where, in response to an invitation, I had the privilege and pleasure of briefly reviewing the history of the colony, pointing to the many advantages New Zealand offered to Britain's sons seeking a home beyond the seas. A suggestion was made by Mr. Bythel, the chairman of the Shipcanal Company, that New Zealand might, with advantage to its export trade in wool, frozen meat, tinned meats, butter, and cheese, consider the advisableness of developing closer trade relations with Lancashire and surrounding districts by way of the Ship-canal, which he claimed could serve the growing population (now numbering eight millions of people) more effectively than by the present system of shipment viâ London. Replying to this, I assured the meeting that the Government were always ready and willing to assist the settlers in New Zealand to find profitable outlets for their produce, and I ventured to recommend that whenever the Manchester people could place before you some definite workable scheme for submission to the Government you would be found ready and willing to assist in any movement that had for its object the improvement of the colony generally. I humbly suggested that if the advantages of the Ship-canal, so ably set forth by the various speakers, were placed before the trading communities in the outer world, such information would assist in accomplishing the end so much desired. The example already set by the Wholesale Co-operative Society of Manchester in sending their delegates to New Zealand might be followed in the joint interests of the Ship-canal and Corporation.
I assured the meeting that, as New Zealand had chosen a Lancashire man as Premier of the colony, they could rest assured the Right Hon. E. J. Seddon would have the fullest sympathy with any proposal from his native land.
It is with pleasure I refer to the accompanying cutting from the Manchester Guardian of the 23rd instant, referring to the appointment of a special committee now visiting Canada in the joint interests of the Manchester Corporation and the Ship-canal Company. I also understand that it is not improbable that a similar committee will be appointed to visit New Zealand.
My long association with and interest in the export of New Zealand produce must be my excuse for devoting a portion of my time in advocating the excellence of our increasing shipments of wool, frozen meat, and dairy produce. Knowing that the ravages of the rinderpest in South Africa was diminishing the meat-supply of that country, and learning that Cape Town had just begun to import frozen meat, I called upon the principal importers of frozen meat and dairy produce in that city. After a very lengthy interview, I was surprised to hear that Victorian shippers were supplying merino mutton at 3d. per pound, c.i.f., and that an offer of 2¾d. per pound had then been made by cable for future supplies. The duty of 2d. per pound limited the consumption in Cape Town, but heavy consignments were going forward under bond to Johannesberg, where the duty was only 7½ per cent, ad valorem.
New cold-storage was then being erected at Durban, Natal, for the reception of frozen meat landed at that port.
The shipping facilities extended by the Government in Victoria have assisted shippers in availing themselves of the new outlet in South Africa, the freight contracts for frozen meat and dairy produce to London embracing delivery at all ports of call without extra charge.
While conducting inquiries and supplying information as to the New Zealand hemp trade generally, I never failed to seize every opportunity I could of advancing the interests of New Zealand amongst the many financial, shipping, insurance, and commercial men I had the pleasure of meeting.
Such, in general outline, is a brief report of my humble efforts, put forth with all the zeal and earnestness I could command, to carry out the mission intrusted to me by the Government.
I am in receipt of yours of the 12th instant. I must apologize for not having answered it before, but I have been suffering from an attack of influenza, and have only just recovered.
I am surprised to learn that Mr. Collins has not sent you the promised samples yet. I will take an early opportunity to see him about it, and have them sent on without further delay.
I have begun the experiments with the New Zealand hemp, but cannot let you know the results definitely till they are completed. It is rather a long affair, and will take a little time.
Many thanks for letting me know where I can obtain the raw material,
Enclosed please find sample of ramie treated under our process. The sample is very fine and soft, and procured from the raw bark with a loss of about 30 per cent., and at a very small cost in treatment. It can be produced with a longer staple and not quite so fine a count at a loss of about 20 percent.—that is, from the raw to the heckled. Kindly compare this with other processes, under which you will find a loss of from 50 per cent, to 75 per cent., and the fibre left not so soft and pliable.
The advantages claimed for this treatment of ramie and rhea are—(1) Cheapness; (2) the non-injury to the fibre; (3) the procuring of a longer staple after heckling, and the adaptability to flax and other long-staple machinery; (4) after decortication, when in the ribbon state, it can be prepared for the market on the plantation, where water is convenient.
Other stalks and leaf-fibres can be prepared for the market by this method.
We have received your letter of the 1st instant regarding New Zealand hemp, and have pleasure in giving you the following replies:—
We hope you will find the above sufficient for your purposes. If there are any other points upon which you wish our opinion we shall be very glad to furnish the same on hearing from you.
We note from a remark outside of your envelope that our market report of the 1st November is missing. We have the pleasure to enclose another copy.
In reply to your favour of the 29th ultimo, we have examined the sample of New Zealand hemp, and consider it of excellent quality. Kindly let us know the price, and who would be the best people to procure it from.
With reference to your inquiry, we would suggest that the bales should weigh 2½ cwt. each, the measurement of which is about 2 ft. 5 in. by 2ft. 3 in. by 2 ft., and put up in hanks similar to the one sent us.
Our trade with New Zealand is not at present a large one, so if you could give us any information as to the names of some of the leading rope-buyers we should be much obliged.
We have your letter of yesterday, as also the sample of hemp referred to therein. We have carefully examined it, and consider it very good
We should recommend two grades as being sufficient, and that the bales be made up of a uniform weight of 2½cwt., or eight to the ton, as in the case of manila hemp, but the size of the hanks is immaterial.
We are in receipt of your favour of the 28th instant, also sample of New Zealand hemp, the quality of which is most excellent, leaving little to be desired, and the same would always command a ready sale.
In reply to your queries,—
We consider that New Zealand hemp is a most valuable fibre, and, although its use has been somewhat restricted of late, owing to the unprecedentedly low price of manila, there will always be a fair demand for it a few pounds below that of manila.
The preparation of the fibre has of late years been much improved to what it formerly was, and we would still urge the importance of cleaning the fibre as well as possible, as the better it is cleaned the higher will be the price realised.
If we can afford you any further information we shall be most happy to do so.
I have the honour to forward herewith my final report on New Zealand hemp and other industries.
In accordance with the instructions contained in your letter of authority, dated the
The result of my investigations will be found in the report dated the 30th March last, furnished to the Agent-General in London for transmission to the Government, and now supplemented in the accompanying document, which completes sixteen months of very arduous work undertaken by me on behalf of the colony.
My official investigations of the hemp and kauri-gum industries, together with the general publicity of statistics regarding the exports and imports of New Zealand which I caused to be inserted in all the leading newspapers published in the many cities throughout the world, entailed lengthy correspondence, considerable outlay in postages and telegrams, and other disbursements incidental to the numerous interviews I had with leading business-men.
The continous travelling by land and sea involved me in heavy expense, far beyond my original estimate. Apart from the time and service which I freely gave in proclaiming the many advantages possessed by this colony I find that the cash outlay for bare expenses has exceeded by £750 the small allowance already extended to me.
In further evidence of the completeness of the work carried out by me, I have pleasure in quoting the following extract from Mr. Kennaway's letter, dated the
I also beg to subjoin copy of letter of even date herewith just received from Mr. Harold Beauchamp, senior partner in the well-known firm of Messrs. W. M. Bannatyne and Co., of this city:—
As one who did not advocate your appointment as New Zealand Commissioner empowered by the Government to visit various countries and report upon the possibilities that exist in respect to trade in hemp (Phormium tenax) manufactured in this colony—believing no tangible good would accrue from such a mission—I nevertheless cheerfully bear testimony to the extraordinary zeal and energy you displayed in the performance of your duties in England, Scotland, Ireland, the United States, and Canada, in all of which countries I happened to be travelling concurrently with you.
In the numerous and lengthy speeches you delivered (all very fully reported in the newspapers) you did not confine your remarks to hemp, but dealt with the whole of the colony's products, its resources, its field as an investment for capital, and the opportunities that present themselves for an interchange of commodities. In fact, I do not hesitate to say that no one could have been more active or intelligent in advertising New Zealand than yourself.
Supplementing my report of the 30th March last, I have now the honour to place before you the results of my further investigations throughout Scotland, Ireland, America, Canada, and British Columbia.
Visiting Edinburgh early in July, I called upon several rope and twine dealers. The leading manufacturers are established at Leith. The Roperie Company (Limited), of that city, suggested the advisableness of regular grading, classification, and the establishment of a standard weight for each bale. I subsequently visited Dundee, and while there I inspected various jute and other mills, and, in discussion with many of the proprietors, suggested the use of New Zealand hemp as warps for carpets. A few of the manufacturers expressed the opinion that tow might be utilised for this purpose, and promised to make experiments therewith.
The rope- and cordage-makers of Dundee complained of the variation in the quality of our fibre, which I was assured would have continued in demand had there been any reasonable standard maintained by the millers in the colony. As a consequence, the rope-makers turned their attention
I had several pleasant interviews with Mr. N. Lockhart, of Edinburgh, who referred at some length to the experiments made about twenty-eight years ago in the successful manufacture at Dundee of woolpacks, grain-bags, coal-bags, canvas, hammocking, damask, sheeting, towelling, gaskin, sail-twine and yarn, all of which were made from New Zealand hemp. In response to my request, Mr. Lockhart wrote me the following letter, which I feel sure will be read with great interest:—
Re New Zealand Phormium Tenax.
Referring to our conversation of to-day, I beg to state that about twenty-eight years ago the New Zealand Government appointed a Commission to proceed to the different centres of flax industries. They visited several of the most important ones, and also consulted the Chamber of Commerce of Dundee, who reported to them that Phormium tenax was unfit for textile fabrics, and only suitable for rope and twine, and there the matter dropped.
Notwithstanding this unfavourable report, I was convinced in my own mind that Phormium tenax could be utilised for textile fabrics, and wrote to the late Dr. Featherston, Agent-General of New Zealand, who sent me 15 bales of Native-dressed fibre. The same were distributed amongst the following spinners and manufacturers—namely, Messrs. Edwards and Co.; Small and Boase, of Dundee; Findlayson and Bousfield, of Johnston; Forbes, of Arbroath; and N. and N. Lockhart, of Kirkcaldy, who successfully manufactured the following articles: Woolpacks, grain-bags, coal-bags, canvas, hammocking, damask, sheeting, towelling, gaskin, sale-twine and yarn, from 2¼lb. to 301b. per spindle; also stuff for two dresses for Lady Ferguson, wife of Sir James Ferguson, Governor of New Zealand. The warp was silk and cotton, the weft Phormium tenax. The above articles were exhibited at the Dundee Albert Institute, and afterwards transferred to the Colonial Institute, London, where they are still to be seen.
I may mention that Sir John Leng, William Martin (chairman of the Dundee Chamber of Commerce), and other gentlemen interested in the flax industry, expressed their surprise and satisfaction that such progress had been made in the utilising of Phormium tenax.
The yield of New Zealand flax is 80 per cent, of line and 15 per cent. tow. The tow is more valuable than line for spinning purposes. The yield of one leaf of New Zealand flax is from 1 oz. to 5 oz.
I believe I am correct in stating that your importations of Dundee and Calcutta goods amount to £200,000 annually, and that of Australia double, and that you export annually about 3,000 tons of flax. Why not manufacture these articles yourselves, which will benefit your country generally?
Should you require any more information in connection with this matter I shall be only too pleased to assist you.
At Glasgow I called upon the leading rope-makers, whose large mills are situated some distance from the city. I regret to say that there seems to be a strong prejudice against the use of New Zealand hemp, owing to some previous unsatisfactory experience in the purchase of our fibre, which upon examination proved to be very inferior, and below the standard purchased. Notwithstanding my assurance that the general preparation of hemp had much improved during the last few years, I could not induce the manufacturers to promise any orders, although they admitted that for many purposes New Zealand hemp of good quality was just as useful as manila, and had the advantage of being cheaper.
I visited the Belfast Rope-works, but I regret to say that I had not an opportunity of meeting the manager, Mr. Smiles, to whom, however, I
Neither Dublin nor Cork had any rope-and cordage-factories of any magnitude. To the Lord Mayor of Dublin—Sir Reginald Guinness, Bart.—Sir John Power and Son, and to Mr. Alfred Barnard, of Glenalmond, South Norwood, who was visiting Ireland at the time, I am indebted for valuable information and great kindness.
During my visit to New York I called upon the Mayor of the city Mr. Van Wyck, who advised the leading newspapers of the object of my mission. He also took some trouble to acquaint manufacturers, engineers, and merchants, several of whom called upon me to obtain information as to the trade of New Zealand.
Many inventors exhibited the keenest interest in obtaining from me the terms and conditions of the bonuses of £1,750 and £250 respectively offered by the New Zealand Government in connection with a better preparation of Phormium tenax. As evidence of the special interest displayed by many engineers, chemists, and inventors, I select a few out of the many letters addressed to me relating to hemp. From these you will gather that there are quite a number willing to devote their time, money, and skill in evolving a process that would be worthy of the Government prizes of £2,000.
This beautiful city was reached on Saturday evening, the 24th September. Armed with your kind letter of introduction, I called upon Mr. Wilson, Secretary of the Department of Agriculture, who expressed great pleasure on hearing of the general prosperity of New Zealand. In answer to my inquiries as to the results of the department's progress in the cultivation of various fibre plants, I was astonished to learn that the experimental operations were discontinued in Washington, but the Department of Agriculture were assisting in similar operations in California.
From the printed reports kindly furnished by Mr. Wilson I find that Phormium tenax has been grown in California for several years, and thrives in many localities; in some cases its green leaves are used instead of rope for tying vines. This, however, is of limited extent, and, so far-as I could understand, the cultivation of the plant is on a very restricted scale.
Among other uses to which New Zealand dressed fibre has been put, Mr. Charles Richard Dodge, in reporting, on the
The cultivation in America of Phormium tenax is not likely to develop into any commercial value, and no competition in that direction need be considered.
Several unsuccessful attempts have been made to revive the cultivation of Kentucky hemp. About forty years ago nearly 75,000 tons were produced. This has steadily diminished, until, in
It was difficult to obtain any reliable figures as to the lowest cost at which these fibres can be profitably produced, but it is instructive to peruse Mr. Stuart's report to the Bahamian Government, which is contained it Report No. 5 of the United States Department of Agriculture. Referring to sisal, it reads as follows: "The yield of fibre per acre is from 1,000lb. to 1,470 lb. per annum. The number of plants usually set out in an acts is 750, giving an average of 33 leaves for each plant, and from 50lb. to 70 lb. of clean fibre for each 1,000 leaves. Making an average calculation of 650 plants to the acre, 33 leaves from each plant, yielding 60lb. of fibre, to the 1,000 leaves, the return would be as follows: 33 × 650 = 21,450 leaves, yielding 60 × 21 450/1000 = 1,287 lb. clean fibre per annum."
In view of the small percentage of clean fibre obtained from the sisal-plant, and the length of time occupied in its preparation, together with the heavy outlay for machinery and plant, I see no reason why New Zealand hemp should not be able to successfully compete with sisal in supplying the requirements of binder-twine and cordage manufacturers. Notwithstanding the fact that both fibres were occasionally sold at very low figures, it was contended that producers must net the following figures, c.i.f., London: Fair current manila, £23 per ton; sisal, £16 per ton: and if these figures were maintained no large supply could be depended on. Like our own hemp, the increased production depends largely upon the improved prices obtained therefor.
I also found that, although the supply of the two fibres had increased during the past ten years, the extension of trade in the manufacture of rope, cordage, and binder-twine had kept pace with the supply.
To Messrs. Frost Brothers, rope-manufacturers and yarn-spinners, of London, I am indebted for the following tabulated statement, showing the relative strength of five different fibres:—
Tests of the following Fibers, Fifty Yams of each Fibre, all spun 25-thread, and by the same Machinery, showing the Average of each Ten Yarns.
At the special invitation of Mr. Wilson, Secretary to the Department of Agriculture, I had the distinguished honour of being presented to the President of the United States of America. Mr. McKinley was gracious enough to extend to me a warm welcome, as the representative of a British colony. He expressed the hope that the result of my visit would lead to a more extended trade between the United States and New Zealand, and added that the colony has shown great enterprise in sending a Trade Commissioner round the world to disseminate and gather useful and valuable information.
I arrived in this city on the 30th September, and soon after called upon the Mayor, Mr. Josiah Quincy, to whom I am indebted for many acts of kindness during my stay in the city.
I also paid a visit to the Plymouth Cordage Company, and interviewed Mr. E. D. Yer Planck, a large broker in the trade. He has written me as follows, viz.:—
I take the liberty of addressing you in regard to New Zealand hemp, and outlining my views as to the measures I think producers should take to make the hemp a permanently saleable article in the fibre markets of America.
We have suffered from irregular quality; and, while allowances have been made for imperfections, such allowances do not reimburse manufacturers when, owing to the great distance of the place of production, they cannot replace poor parcels of hemp with good quality in time for their needs.
New Zealand hemp will never replace manila for cordage purposes, as the strength of the latter will always be in its favour; but it might easily take a better position in twice manufactures, where only a certain strength is required, and in doing so it might easily offset or replace a large quantity of sisal hemp.
In making twine the chief object is to obtain a free-running clean fibre. Sisal is particularly so, and New Zealand fibre must be the same. New Zealand fibre will always be at some disadvantage over sisal owing to the great distance of the producing country, and, to offset this and other objections to New Zealand fibre, I think the following are the main points to be observed: First, a uniform, reliable, and responsible grading of the hemp, so that buyers can always count upon getting what they buy; second, the production in large quantities of a hemp of good colour, free from straw, and perfectly free from tow.
The above points, if rigidly observed by the manufacturers of hemp, would produce confidence in this country, and allow the manufacturers to go to the trouble and expense of introducing and establishing brands of rope and twine for which they could always be certain of having a reliable and abundant supply of raw material.
New Zealand is now a secondary fibre, used only when other fibres are scarce and high. It has always disappeared when sisal and manila were low. It should be able to remain in the markets at any and all prices. To-day, when all fibres are high, is the time for New Zealand producers to step forward and, with a superior grade of hemp, command attention. The world is now using about all the sisal and manila produced in
In working New Zealand hemp tow is the greatest objection. The method of decortication, as described by you, seems to me to be one that would create tow. The fibre is too soft to warrant the scutching process as applied to manila hemp in our mills, and we must therefore look to the producer to make the scutching here unnecessary.
Trusting the above will be of some service to you in your efforts,
I also received the following letter from him:—
Your favour of the 10th instant at hand.
The imports of manila into America last year were about 457,000 bales. Of sisal there were imported, during
During last summer I think about 83/94,000 tons of binder-twine were made.
I trust the above is what you want. The answer to your letter has been delayed owing to my absence in New York.
This information is most valuable. Read in conjunction with the other opinions expressed by competent authorities, it clearly demonstrates the necessity for the compulsory grading of our hemp.
Many machinists and engineers called upon me to obtain full particulars of the conditions set forth in the Gazette notice, and information in regard to the export of fibre, value thereof, area under hemp, average yield per annum, and generally all the information I could supply.
Many gentlemen sought information concerning our exports in kauri-gum, hemp, rabbit-skins, and other produce, while a much larger number invited me to supply figures as to the volume of our general imports.
Arriving at Montreal on the 7th October, I waited upon his Worship the Mayor, and visited several manufacturers, brokers, and shippers. I also met a large number of the leading business-men at the Board of Trade, and discussed with them the general prospects of commerce with New Zealand.
Many manufacturers expressed a wish to ship their goods to New Zealand. With this object in view I supplied the names of the principal importers of their respective manufactures throughout the colony. I was assured that Canada was able to compete with other manufacturing countries in the supply of cotton goods, boots and shoes, all classes of printing paper, office furniture, agricultural implements, lumber of all kinds, doors, sashes, &c.; while from British Columbia canned and frozen salmon would form an increasing export to this colony.
In company with Mr. J. A. Kohol, resident partner of Messrs. B. S. Thompson and Co., general merchants, of Montreal, I waited upon the Cordage Company of that city. The manager received us very graciously, and he expressed the hope that the result of my visit would remove the prejudice that existed against the purchase of New Zealand hemp. He frankly admitted that our fibre was very suitable for many purposes, espe-
Phormium tenax enabled manufacturers to control the prices of sisal, while at the same time it assisted them in fixing contracts with vendors of binder-twine, thereby insuring the full employment of their own mills.
Upon my suggestion that he should send a trial order to the colony, he replied that his previous experience of some seven years ago was so unsatisfactory that he did not care to venture until he could be positively assured that supplies equal to the sample I submitted could be guaranteed. Notwithstanding the fact that New Zealand hemp had just been offered at 5¾ cents per pound, c.i.f., as against sisal at 8 cents per pound, he would not again venture to order our fibre until he was positively assured that a uniform quality would be supplied.
I am personally indebted to Mr. P. G. Shaughenessy, vice-president of the Canadian Pacific Railway, for special facilities extended to me in the furtherance of my mission.
Attached hereto is a copy of a letter, dated the 12th October, from the Freight Traffic Manager, covering a memorandum of goods exported, and the rates of freight thereon. I also attach a summarised memorandum of the freights per "Warrimoo," which exhibits the steady development of the trade since the inauguration of the Vancouver service.
My investigation on this subject led me to the conclusion that there was a good outlet for kauri-gum, New Zealand hemp, wool, woollen goods, butter, frozen mutton and lamb, and preserved meats of all kinds.
At the special invitation of Mr. G. A. Kirk, President of the Board of Trade at Victoria, B.C., I addressed a full attendance of members at the quarterly meeting of that institution. I set forth certain facts and figures concerning the imports and exports of New Zealand. At the conclusion of my address a long discussion followed, with the result that several merchants promised definite orders for New Zealand produce. The Chairman was good enough to convey to me a special vote of thanks from the members of the Board, as per letter attached.
The several interviews I had with many of the merchants and brokers, both here and at Vancouver, demonstrated the fact that there was an excellent market for New Zealand binder-twine, kauri-gum, tinned meats, frozen meat, butter, seed oats, cocksfoot, and other grass-seeds.
With reference to the outlet for frozen meat, I would specially direct attention to the advantages New South Wales shippers enjoy over consignors from this colony.
The preferential tariff recently adopted by Canada gives 25 per cent, reduction on the present duty of 35 per cent, in favour of New South Wales exports. This is a heavy handicap on New Zealand produce, and some agreement might with advantage be effected by which this embargo could be removed.
The superior quality of New Zealand frozen meat is generally admitted, and buyers are willing to purchase regular shipments of crossbred mutton and lamb, also ox-tongues and sheeps' kidneys.
One wholesale butcher at Vancouver offered to take ten thousand carcases of frozen mutton and lamb in five months, deliverable in shipments of two thousand each, providing the prices, c.i.f., Vancouver, duty paid, did not exceed 3½d. per pound for mutton (carcases weighing 55 lb. to 60 lb. each); lamb, 5d. per pound (carcases weighing about 30 lb. to 35 lb. each).
As a result of several long conferences, I found that there was a fair market for first-quality butter, providing the cost did not exceed 10d. to 10½d., c.i.f., Vancouver. The trade prefers high colour, and a little more salt in the butter than is to be found in shipments which now find their way to British Columbia from New South Wales.
The establishment of the Canadian-Australian Steamship Company has been of incalculable benefit in working up reciprocal and increasing trade between Canada and the Australasian Colonies, in which New Zealand is participating.
My attention was directed to the limited cold-storage capacity on the steamers "Miowera," "Aorangi," and "Warrimoo," now in the trade. This I represented to the company at Vancouver, and I was informed that instructions had already been given to increase the cold-storage on the "Aorangi" from 2,500 to 7,000 carcases. It is also confidently expected that a better class of steamers will soon replace the present fleet.
The present limited cold-storage accommodation at Vancouver can easily be increased when required. I was credibly informed that a comprehensive scheme is at present under consideration for the erection of large cold-stores throughout the country, which will include Vancouver, Victoria, and several inland cities and towns.
These comprise canned salmon, lumber, and frozen salmon. Some experimental shipments will soon be made of frozen salmon to Australia and New Zealand.
I attach copies of a number of letters from the Board of Trade, merchants, brokers, and others who communicated with me during my recent visit to British Columbia.
The subjoined statistics for the year ending the
Feeling assured that an improved system of preparation would not only reduce the cost, but would materially add to the value of the fibre, I took special pains to make widely known the conditions of the bonuses of £1,750 and £250 respectively. For this extended circulation, and man; other advantages, I am indebted to the leading newspapers published in all the cities visited by me. I attach hereto a copy of the Gazette notice, No. 478, and I respectfully suggest that the time should be further extended, to enable many chemists, machinists, engineers, and inventors to prosecute their experiments, thereby insuring for the colony the investigations of a wider range of skilled persons. I am encouraged to make this recommendation from the fact that the greatest enthusiasm prevailed among those who sought information from me.
Dr. Gomess, of the Rhea Fibre Treatment Company (Limited), of London, upon examination of the samples I exhibited, pronounced the fibre to be useful for many purposes beyond that of rope, cordage, or binder-twine. His first experiments with the plant were conducted under many disadvantages, but he promised to make a complete test, in the belief that there was a great future for the hemp. His special interest in the Rhea Fibre Company (Limited) occupied all his time, and, although I made repeated efforts to induce him to proceed with his experiments, I could not prevail. Just at the time when he decided to proceed with the work he was, unfortunately, laid up with a severe illness. He has, however, promised to make a complete test.
Several gentlemen throughout England, as well as many in America and Canada, promised to give the subject every attention. Experiments are now being conducted by very competent men, in the hope that they will be able to discover a new process for the better treatment of the raw material.
At the invitation of several Chambers of Commerce, Boards of Trade, and Corporations of the leading cities of Britain, America, and Canada, I had the distinguished privilege of addressing large meetings connected with these several institutions, where I briefly set forth the many advantages of New Zealand, particularly referring to the colony as a place—(1) for the safe investment of capital; (2) as a country suitable for enterprising farmers and agriculturists; (3) as a land of climatic excellence and great natural beauty; and (4) as a country of large natural resources and unrivalled productiveness. The discussions which followed these various meetings led to many inquiries as to the extent of our exports and imports, many manufacturers desiring particulars in regard to the value of the special lines in which they were interested. Were it not for the very valuable information contained in the Registrar-General's Year-book—a supply of which I always carried for distribution—I doubt very much if I
To this subject I have referred in another part of this report. I would now respectfully point to the advantages to this colony that must necessarily follow by closer trade relations with that vast dominion. With additional shipping facilities, new markets will open up for frozen mutton and lamb, preserved meats, grass-seeds, barley, butter, hemp, hides, and wool; while at the same time New Zealand importers would get the benefit of cheaper lines of goods now manufactured in Canada. With the present existing arrangements and tariff treaties New South Wales receives the benefit of 25 per cent, reduction on existing duties. Strenuous efforts are being made by exporters in our sister-colony to capture the trade which is now being developed in Vancouver and Victoria (B.C.).
While thanking many manufacturers, brokers, and merchants for the valuable assistance extended to me during my investigations in Europe, America, and Canada, I would specially refer to the letters of Messrs. W F. Malcolm and Co., one of the best-known fibre-brokers in London. This firm spent a considerable time in discussing with me the fibre industry generally, and they have placed on record some valuable suggestions, which, if acted upon, would, in my opinion, insure for our product an increasing demand.
The several letters also attached from various merchants, manufacturers, and brokers in Britain, America, and Canada confirm the views expressed by Messrs. W. F. Malcolm and Co.
The systematic publicity I caused to be made with regard to New-Zealand products generally led to many written and personal inquiries by importers of frozen meats, butter, cheese, tallow, grass-seeds, kaurigum, &c. To all such inquirers I gave the very fullest information, and I am persuaded that I have interested many new importers who have never hitherto traded with the colony.
After carefully considering all the evidence collected in my extended tour of Europe, America, Canada, and British Columbia, I am convinced that no permanent market for our hemp can be relied upon until compulsory grading is adopted throughout the colony. The disadvantage arising from the want of such a system cannot be overstated. All manufacturers to whom I spoke were unanimous upon this point, and strongly emphasized their objection to the existing modus operandi by stating that they would not renew their orders for New Zealand hemp until they were assured of the continued supply of a standard article of uniform quality. For my own part, I never could appreciate the objection to compulsory trading. By its adoption millers, merchants, brokers, and consumers would be benefited. It would at once check negligent preparation, give protection to the careful miller, and, above all, secure the confidence and approval of the purchasers—a desideratum of immense advantage in building up a safe and profitable export trade. Such a system should not only provide for the classification of quality into A, B, C, or D grades, but should, in my opinion, include instructions as to the best method of baling.
Objections were frequently made about the ever-varying size of bales and hanks, especially as to the twist in the latter. The heavy pressing
A perusal of the accompanying newspaper cuttings will, I am sure, demonstrate the fact that I have utilised all the assistance extended to me throughout my tour. The varied experience gained has enabled me to make suggestions for the promotion of the colony's welfare in regard to the many natural resources of New Zealand.
I cannot conclude this report without placing on record my appreciation of the valuable assistance rendered to me by the Hon. William Pember Reeves, who was ever ready and willing to assist me in my investigations.
After many months' residence in London, I am able to bear testimony to the care and zeal displayed by Mr. Kennaway and his obliging anil efficient staff in the interests of the colony, and I am satisfied that few colonists fully appreciate the exceptionally good work ably carried on at the Agent-General's office.
It will, I am sure, be a matter of satisfaction to you to learn that New Zealand produce is daily growing in favour throughout Great Britain, and that the colony is everywhere well spoken of.
While at Edinburgh I had the privilege and pleasure of being invited by the Lord Provost to accompany some members of the Corporation and the officers of the Austrian man-of-war "Don" to inspect the historical scenes of interest of that charming city. Some of the gentlemen forming this party volunteered the information that, as members of a financial institution, they had just accepted a large loan proposal from New Zealand. Moreover, they had for many years sent regular sums of money for investment in mortgage securities, with which they were well satisfied. Notwithstanding their long and varied experience, they had never lost one penny in this colony. Another gentleman expressed the hope that the time was not far distant when greater latitude would be given to trustees in Britain to enable them to invest their funds in New Zealand securities.
With a full appreciation of the honour conferred upon me, and a lively recognition of the important work intrusted to my care, I entered on my official duties in a spirit of zeal and earnestness to enable me to place before you the very fullest information from every reliable source obtainable. While pursuing my investigations I had ever before me the respon
In reference to your inquiries as regards proper mode of marketing New Zealand hemp, I would recommend bales of about 300 lb. weight, and, if possible, put up in about the size of jute-bales—to wit, 4 ft. long by 20 in. by 18 in. All bales to be of uniform standard weight and size, approximating the above weights and measurements.
As regards colour, it would be best to keep as far as possible the colour of the best manila hemp.
We should be happy to give you any further advice if you can put any further questions to us.
We also recommend that you see the managers of the Plymouth Cordage Company, 5, Chatham Row, Boston, as they are the largest spinners of cordage hemps in America.
We are in receipt of your favour of the 12th instant, and our managing director, Mr. Smiles, also regrets that he had not the pleasure of meeting you. Mr. Smiles's son is at present in New Zealand with our representative.
With regard to the purchase of New Zealand hemp, we are at all times open to purchase this fibre if the price is right.
Respecting your remarks as to "the several advantages to be gained by the colony in the general adoption of a grading system for all hemp," we really can say nothing, but the prices which will be paid for New Zealand hemp will no doubt, in the long run, be whatever the hemp is worth.
The question of a standard bale is of no importance so far as we are concerned.
With regard to the samples which you sent to us of unscutched hemp, we could hardly form an opinion as to whether this would be worth within £2 10s. per ton of scutched hemp without first working a few-tons.
If you wish to see Mr. Smiles at any time, all that is necessary is to make an appointment, and he will arrange to be at the office to meet you. If, however, he should happen to be in the works it would probably take a considerable time to find him.
P.S.—We may mention that we were honoured with a visit from the Premier of New Zealand—the Hon. Richard J. Seddon—when he was in Ireland some little time ago.
The members of the British Columbia Board of Trade, in quarterly general meeting assembled this afternoon, were agreeably entertained and much enlightened by your very able representation of the natural resources of New Zealand and development of same.
Your remarks upon the gum and hemp industries were a revelation, but of particular interest to this Board was your reference to New Zealand as a market for British Columbia lumber and fish. In other lines, too, there appears a good market for the products of this province. New Zealand butter is not unknown here, and shipments of Australasian frozen meat have been received.
At the conclusion of your address this Board unanimously adopted a very hearty vote of thanks, which I have now much pleasure m tendering you.
Trusting that your voyage to New Zealand will be a very pleasant one, and that we may have the pleasure of seeing you again,
A Bonus of £1,750 is offered for a machine or process for dressing New Zealand hemp (Phormium tenax) which shall be an improvement on the machines or processes now in use, and which shall, after trial, be found to materially reduce the cost of production, improve the product, or increase the quantity of dressed fibre.
The following are the conditions:—
The cost of bringing the machines or appliances on to the ground, from within the colony, supplying the necessary shafting, motive-power, and buildings, to be defrayed by the Government. If any machine sent from beyond the colony is awarded the bonus or part thereof, then the cost of bringing such machine shall be borne by the Government.
The following shall be the basis of the test:—
The committee shall supply a sufficient and equal quantity of green hemp to each machine or process as a test.
The committee shall take into consideration—
On completion of the tests the committee shall furnish a report to the Minister on all the machines or processes which they have examined or tested, and shall state,—
A bonus of £250 is offered for a process of utilising the waste products of the hemp.
The first three conditions of Bonus No. 1 to apply to this also.
The committee shall supply a sufficient and equal quantity of the waste products to each process as a test.
On completion of the tests the committee shall report to the Minister I and shall give the following particulars of each process: (a.) The nature of the article made. (b.) The quantity produced, and the cost of production. (c.) The value of the product, (d.) Whether any of the processes are of sufficient importance to warrant the Minister in giving (1) the whole, or (2) any part, of the bonus; (3) if a part only, how much.
[Note.—Date of application for bonus has been extended to
[As a result of Mr. Holmes's mission, keen interest appears to have been aroused, and numerous inquiries for particulars of conditions under which the bonus is offered, and as to the hemp trade, have been received from many parts of the world.]
By Authority: John Mackay, Government Printer, Wellington.—
[8,000/399-1047
I have often wished that some of my relatives of a previous generation who had taken part in the stirring scenes of warfare and the public service in the early days of this century had left a record of their lives for the information of those of us who came after them, and there-fore, as my own long life has been rather varied and eventful than monotonous, I will endeavour to set down such an account of it as may probably prove interesting to my relatives of later generations. My memory carries me back to the year
Dundee was then only a small seaport town, with a tidal harbour, one or two flax spinning mills, a shipbuilding and timber yard where the music hall at the foot of Castle Street now stands, and from which brigs and other vessels of moderate size were launched straight into the river, and the Greenland whale ships, as well as trading vessels and colliers, rested on the mud at low water. In winter most of the vessels, excepting colliers, belonging to the port were laid up, but in summer the river and the harbour formed a lively scene. Every tide brought brigs and brigantines, London smacks, and Newcastle colliers into the Tay, their white sails reflecting the sunshine as they sailed up or beat to windward from the river lights to the pierheads; and a daily stream of sloops and small craft bound for Newburgh and Perth passed up along the Fife shore. This was long before steamboats and railways carried goods and passengers on Scotland's lakes and rivers; but there was one little steamer, the Caledonia, which in fine weather plied between Dundee and Perth; and the river was further enlivened by the crossings of boats with picturesque latine sails belonging to the Tay Ferries, and barges carrying stones from the Invergowrie quarries to the works of the new Harbour and Docks in progress of construction. Woodhaven was then the principal pier and landing-place on the Fife side, whence mail and stage coaches
were little more than fishing villages without other landing places than the beach and rocks; the dangers to navigation at the entrance of the river were marked, buoyed, and
Public order was supposed to be preserved by a very few Town's Officers, mostly elderly men, and at night by watchmen, who carried big lanterns and rattles, so that disturbers of the peace could always know how to avoid them. Any one wearing a beard in those days would have been looked upon as a strange animal, and smoking in public was not considered to be respectable. My eldest brother became Provost of Dundee under the present régime, and was much esteemed for his services to the town, to the Infirmary, and to other benevolent Institutions, as well as to the cause of temperance. I believe that I am the oldest on the list of Life Governors of the Dundee Infirmary now living. Like most lads leaving school, I had a strong wish to see something of the world, and, as will be seen afterwards, that desire was amply gratified. Two of my brothers had been successful as commanders of vessels in Indian seas, and I determined to try my fortune in the same lucrative direction—beginning, however, by voyages to the Baltic, the first being in what was called the fall of the year. I was placed as
built of larch pine from the Duke of Atholl's plantations, and about to be launched at Perth. This vessel was named the Atholl, and the Duke of that period was a spectator at the launch. Soon after we sailed from Dundee for Cronstadt. A change from my comfortable room on shore to a hammock in the forecastle, as well as other unpleasant conditions in life at sea, and the usual trying experience of sea sickness, had to be met and endured without complaint. Soon the sight of the shores of Sweden and Denmark as we passed through the Sound, and the work on deck and aloft, of which I had to take my full share, restored me to cheerfulness! At that time all merchant vessels had to stop at Elsinore and pay tribute for the maintenance of lighthouses in those seas, but the delay caused by this regulation has long since been abolished for compensation given to the Scandinavian Governments. Kronberg Castle, the town of Elsinore, and the city of Copenhagen, with other objects on both sides of the Sound, form a very pleasing and lively scene, specially interesting to myself as being my first sight of foreign lands. The island of Cronstadt, about 16 miles from St Petersburg, has an artificially constructed harbour, defended by heavy artillery on the mole, and batteries on smaller islands near. As the
In Scotland the beginning of a movement in favour of temperance had been made, and a Dundee carter named William Cruikshanks gave eloquent lectures on the subject; but be was derided as a fanatic, and whisky reigned supreme. Payment of wages and engagements were made at public-houses, small services were repaid by glasses of whisky, hard drinkers being regarded as good fellows by all classes of our countrymen. The religious teaching of the period was mostly Calvinistic, and the severe denunciations made by ministers seemed to make seamen reckless; for, although generally well behaved on Sundays when at home, they usually spent their leave ashore when abroad in drinking and dancing houses, not a good school for young lads beginning life away from friends and relatives. But even then there were some good, religious-minded men
By the kindness of my dear father, I was furnished with the means of going from Cronstadt to spend a few days in the capital of Russia. I was indeed thankful to exchange hard work for a run on shore, and to visit the large and imposing city of St Petersburg. Although passport regulations were, as now, very strict, the police officers allowed me to go on board the steamer without question, treating me as of no importance, and some of the Russian ladies and gentlemen passengers amused themselves in putting questions to me in broken English. On arriving at the landing place of the city I took a droshky, but failed to make the driver understand where I wished to go, so he took me to the Imperial Exchange. At the portico of this grand edifice I waited with some anxiety to see if any English-looking person might come out. The darkness of an evening in November was coming on, and I was surrounded by a crowd of droshky drivers asking questions which I could not understand. At length an English captain appeared and kindly took me to a boarding-house, where I was taken
Ice was already formed on the surface of the water at Cronstadt, and our brig was amongst the last to leave the port and sail down the Baltic
When heavy falls of snow had covered the ground, both the frozen water and the land were alike white, and almost equally solid until spring mildness set them free again. Traffic and travelling were carried on by sleighs, and in the fine bright days of calm and sunshine it was delightfully exhilarating to scud along over land and sea to the accompaniment of sweet-toned bells on the harness of fleet horses; but on windy days such exposure was painful and dangerous. Indoors there was more warmth and comfort than in most British houses during winter, the handsome stoves in each room giving out great heat, but the pleasure of seeing the blaze was certainly wanting, and the air less fresh and healthy than it is with us. Domestic matters were well attended to by the ladies of the house, and the fare was simple and good. The servants of the farm dined at another table in the same hall, and in the evening they assembled and sang part-songs together, for a very friendly feeliug seemed to exist between them and the family in the house-
was to Riga, where my knowledge of German was very useful to me. On our return, as the cholera had appeared in Russia, we had to pass a fortnight in quarantine in the Firth of Forth, On our release the captain had to go on shore on business, taking me as one of his boat's crew. When he came back to the boat, late at night, the men were all away drinking in public-houses, so that he and I had to row off to the brig in the darkness, much to his vexation and displeasure. When we got on board I overheard him say to the mate, that whenever the boat was sent on shore I was to be sent in her. I mention this proof of his confidence in me because I think it had some good influence on the whole of my after
to a longer range, and by the influence of a friend in London obtained a situation on board a ship bound for Calcutta. This ship was one of the class which succeeded the East India Company's ships in conveying goods and passengers to ports of India, long before steamers were thought of for such ocean voyages. They were well fitted up and well manned, the captains and officers were excellent seamen and navigators, from whose conduct and skill I learned much that was useful to me in after life. The voyage out was mostly very agreeable, especially to the passengers, who were well provided for, and had even the advantage of a good band to amuse them and to let them dance in fine evenings on deck. We had, however, a fearful cyclone or hurrricane in the Bay of Bengal, which gave us a sharp taste of what may occasionally be met with in those usually placid tropical
where I hoped to meet one of my brothers commanding a large vessel expected to be at that port. On the passage I was treated with the greatest kindness by Captain and Mrs Bell, and learned most of the nautical terms required to work a ship in the language used all over the Indian seas. My brother had left Singapore, but Captain Wallace had furnished me with a letter to Captain Scott, the Master Attendant at that port, a much respected gentleman, who had been in office since the formation of the settlement, and was beloved by all the European inhabitants of the Straits Settlements and by visitors to Singapore. This dear old gentleman took me at
was to a barque going on a voyage to Sumatra, and thence across the Indian Ocean to Pondicherry, a pleasant little French settlement on the Coromandel Coast of India. The vessel was chartered by a French gentleman, who kindly helped me to make some use of the knowledge of his language which I acquired when at school. Pondicherry is nearly all that now remains to France of her former extensive possessions in Hindostan, and it is a well-ordered and inexpensive place to live at, but, like most of the French possessions abroad, is of very little practical advantage to the mother country. On our return to Batavia I had a very severe attack of malarial fever, which nearly proved fatal to me, as it has done to thousands of Europeans in that part of the world; but I was well cared for at Mr Wilson's house, and, under Providence, was brought through by the skill of a Scottish doctor residing at Batavia. During my illness my brother John arrived from China, but Patrick had gone to Europe, and I did not see him until long
is much the most valuable, the soil is rich, and the native people gentle and industrious. The varied scenery of mountains, valleys, and flat lands is very beautiful. In my time there were no railways, but excellent roads and well-managed posting and post hotels; so that an overland journey, which I made in the year
we got on the dangerous "Knock" Sand near the English Coast, on a stormy November evening. The fine ship struck hard, and might soon have become a wreck, but for the skill and local knowledge of the master of an English fishing smack, the only vessel in sight, who came alongside and got us off the bank and out of danger before midnight, for which we were all devoutly thankful. My fellow-passengers were mostly Dutch; and I had thus a good chance to increase my knowledge of their language, which was of great service to me in dealing afterwards with officials, and mixing in society of the Dutch colonists. On arriving at Batavia I was most kindly received by my friends, and soon appointed to the command of a barque, in which I made several intercolonial voyages with fair success, and under pleasant circumstances, as regards society, at every port; but my health began to give way, and I
On one occasion when conveying a body of Dutch troops from Batavia to Padang, the seat of Government in Sumatra, a calm set in and lasted for nearly a whole week. We were about ten miles from the land, but a heavy swell from the Indian Ocean was rolling in toward the steep shore. We got the boats out and tried to tow the ship off, but it was unavailing, and at last I was obliged to anchor in fifty fathoms water. An old Malay fisherman came alongside, and when I asked him at what time we might expect a breeze he said confidently, "Bulon Barn" (new moon), and his prediction came true. With the hour of the moon's change came a wind which enabled us to get safe away from an unpleasant position, and proceed on our voyage. The expectation of changes of wind and weather at the principal phases of the moon seems to prevail amongst seafaring people in all parts of the
was from Java to Celebes, a large island of the Archipelago under Dutch rule, but little known to the world in general, although it is of great extent, exceedingly fertile, and possesses most picturesque and beautiful scenery. Macassar, at the south-west end of the island, is the seat of Government, but a considerable portion of the country is still held by native chiefs. I was bound through the Strait between Borneo and Celebes to the Bay
of several days on horseback, with the Dutch Commandant, to some charming places in the interior, abounding in lakes, rivers, great waterfalls, and fruitful valleys of much picturesque beauty, almost entirely unknown to English travellers. We were hospitably enter-tained by the native chiefs, and I had the pleasure of making acquaintance with some worthy German missionaries, living in very simple style amongst the people whom they have converted from heathenism and useless lives to Christianity and civilised industry, by which means also the country produces con-
produce great quantities of excellent tobacco, sugar, and hemp, and many thousands of men
and, although I never became free from attacks of nervous illness, I have had great cause for thankfulness that circumstances, under Providence, induced me to take the serious step of abandoning the position I had attained to in the Indian Archipelago for uncertain results in a new country where I would find myself quite unknown. But I was provided with most favourable letters of introduction from
was then about to be commenced, and that so-called savage country was much praised for its fine climate and other advantages, Mr Elliot, my fellow-passenger, proposed that I should go there, and take up some land for both of us, and at the same time gave me a letter to Captain Hobson, R.N., the newly appointed Lieutenant-Governor of New Zealand, with whom he was on intimate terms when that
I was happily able to be of some assistance to Governor Hobson in selecting the best position for a settlement, as far as the harbour and navigation were concerned. We visited the Tamaki River and afterwards the Waitemate, a spacious harbour, well suited for communication with many parts of the country
with a small battery of artillery under my command; I was also for a time Immigration Officer and Superintendent of Public Works, and had the satisfaction of being of some service to many poor but energetic working people who had ventured to seek employment in that distant part of the world; to most of the industrious emigrants their life in New Zealand has been productive of great success and happiness.
In the month of
On retiring from the salaried service of New Zealand I had the great satisfaction to receive a very favourable letter from the Colonial Government regarding my services, and at a public meeting of the merchants of Nelson I was presented with an address and a handsome testimonial. I also received a large nugget of gold from a Young Men's Mutual Improvement Society as a souvenir of my having been their President. These testimonials have been a great source of gratification to me during the whole of my after life, as well as of thankful acknowledgment of the divine aid which enabled me to accomplish the services so kindly accepted and generously rewarded. For some years afterwards I was occupied as Visiting Magistrate to the gaol and asylum, and on the Board of Education and Hospital Committees, together with other unpaid offices, and the delightful recreation of cultivating my garden and orchard in the healthful climate of the picturesque and pleasing settlement of Nelson, where the ordinary fruits of Britain, as well as peaches and vines, grow luxuriantly. To those born in the colony, or who have relatives and old friends
It is said that in former years colonial appointments were made more for the exercise of official patronage rather than from fitness and capacity in the persons appointed. Certainly with regard to New Zealand it has not been so. Lord Stanley, Lord John Russell, Earl Grey, and other Secretaries of State for the Colonies appear to have endeavoured to find and to select the most eligible men for the services required; and it was a great boon to the new colony that Captain Hobson, Chief Justice Sir William Martin, the Attorney-General Mr Swainson, Bishop Selwyn, and Sir George Grey were all men of enlightenment and high integrity, as well as zeal for the advancement of the colony and the welfare of both races of the population, free from the
The death of Sir George Grey and the burial of his remains in St Paul's Cathedral have lately called public attention to the services of that distinguished Colonial Governor of Western Australia, the Cape Colony, and more especially to his brilliant career in New Zealand. From the day when I went out on duty to meet the ship in which he arrived I had the satisfaction of holding office under so able and wise a Governor, and the threat privilege of having for many years the advantage of his private friendship and of enjoying his kind hospitality at his beautiful island home, to which he retired after ceasing to be Governor of the Colony. I had also pleasant meetings with Sir George in London after his final return to England. He was then full of designs for increasing the valuable collection of classic books and rare manuscripts which he had bestowed on the Public Library at Auckland, as he had previously done at the Cape,
At the time of the first rising of the natives against the small body of troops at the
In the beginning of the year
On one occasion when I was conveying the Governor in the large boat of my Department to the river Thames, about 40 miles from Auckland, we encamped for the night on a plain by the riverside, where a large body of fine-looking natives—chief and people, young and old—had assembled to meet his Excellency. They were seated on the grass amidst clumps of Asphodel palm trees, and arranged in wide circles. After much conversational intercourse with the chiefs, fires were lighted, prayer books produced, and many hymns were sung by the whole concourse, the Governor standing at our tent door taking part. Sir George was much moved, and said to me—"This scene exceeds the most romantic imaginations of my boyhood." It was indeed a remarkable scene, and might well form a striking subject for a painting—a British Pro-Consul joining in the worship of the Deity with people of a race but recently converted from barbarism to Christianity, and become subject to the Queen of Great Britain. The Governor went on to the interior, and I returned with the boat to Auckland, touching on my way at a small island with one little hut on it, which, to my surprise, I
In the present day almost any part of New Zealand can be reached by means of railways, good carriage roads, or well-appointed steamers on the coasts and on the lakes and rivers; but in earlier years, when I with a friend first made a journey far into the interior of the North Island, accompanied by a party of natives to carry our tents, provisions, and baggage, the travelling had to be done on foot, or by canoes on the waterways, and the paths through the dense but grand forests and over the mountains were very rugged and fatiguing. Yet it was delightful to be quite away from European life, amongst a race of people but recently brought out of a savage, and even cannibal, condition of life to a considerable advance in civilisation and Christianity by the zealous labours of missionaries sent by the Church of England and the Wesleyan Mission Societies, and to find oneself perfectly secure in life and property far from police protection. Every evening when our tent was pitched and the kettle on the fire by
Before leaving the Far East I made a voyage to some of the islands which are scattered over the Pacific Ocean, or Great South Sea, as it was called by our early navigators; and I was courteously offered a free passage to Tahiti in a fine clipper schooner belonging to a cotton growing Company on that island. The mighty ocean between Asia and America was first seen by the Spaniards from the heights of the Isthmus of Darien, and they made discoveries of many islands which they did not make known to the rest of the world; but the Dutch navigator, Tasman, and our own illustrious navigator, Captain Cook, the most painstaking and accurate of explorers, gave such attractive descriptions of their formation, scenery, productions, and native inhabitants that they were at first regarded as romances rather than a sober account gained by knowledge and experience. Some of those Islands are nearly level with the water, mere coral reefs, on which cocoanut trees flourish; others are mountainous and of volcanic origin. Amongst others I visited Samoa, where Robert Louis Stevenson lived and died, and Rarotonga, lately taken under the British flag; but most of my time was spent at Tahiti, the largest island of the "Society
In approaching Samoa, or Navigators' Islands, a canoe full of fine-looking young natives came far out to meet us, eagerly desiring to purchase firearms and ammunition, for then, as now, fighting was going on between some of the tribes as to the Kingship. We anchored at Apia, and I was invited to stay at the house of the British Consul, Mr Williams. We visited together some of the rival chiefs, and in due courtesy had to taste the kava prepared by young women of high degree, who, after cleansing out their mouths very carefully, chew pieces of the root and spit the juice into a large bowl; it is then mixed with water and sifted before being handed round in cocoanut shells to each guest. Some Europeans like it; I did not, but on such ceremonial visits it must be tasted so as to avoid giving offence. I spent a few days also at the station of the London Missionary Society, at that time under the care of Dr Turner, who had a College for native men and women under his instructions to fit them for carrying Christian work amongst their fellow-islanders. The labours of these missionaries and those of the Wesleyan Society have been most successful in converting the gentle natives; but, unfortunately, each island has a few stray European castaways from the Australian Colonies and New Zealand, who
After arriving in England we tried several places on the southern coast, and finally settled and took a house at Bournemouth; and as the site was cut out of a plantation of pines I had to resume the work I was accustomed to in New Zealand, by planting trees and shrubs, and making flowers grow where they never grew before. We had some pleasant friends near us, and have had good reason to be satisfied with the years spent at that rapidly advancing waterside resort, where also I was able to take a humble part in hospital management and other charitable works, as well as to keep up a connection with several benevolent institutions in London. For many years I was attached to the Church of England, and enjoyed the friendship of many clergymen and ministers of this and of other orthodox Churches, and had good reason to very highly appreciate their noble efforts for the spiritual welfare of their flocks; and I well know how great has been the influence of Christianity on the laity belonging to orthodox Churches in all parts of the world, but I never felt quite satisfied with the creeds and Trinitarian doctrines held by these Churches.
During the time I held office in New Zea-
from the hills of Judea. On entering the city I found a suitable simple lodging kept by a. German. My little white-washed cell window looked towards the Mount of Olives, and the small number of my fellow lodgers were thoughtful and intelligent companions. During my stay in Jerusalem I had the good fortune to make the acquaintance of Bishop Gobat and the British Consul, both of whom showed me much kindness and hospitality. On my first Sunday morning I was up before the dawn and treading the long silent streets towards the Golden Gate. The Turkish guard at once opened the gate and let me out, so that I was able to get down into the Valley of Jehosophat, across the channel of "the Brook Kedron," and to reach the summit of the Mount of Olives just as the sun was rising over the mountains of Moab, shining on the distant Dead Sea, and gilding the walls and towers of the Holy City. Such a comprehensive view of a scene, familiar in imagination to all readers of the Scriptures, viewed from a spot consecrated by having been the resort of Christ Himself in His visits to His dear friends at the little village of Bethany, still to be seen embowered amongst peach trees on the other side of the Mount, made a deep and solemn impression on my mind which can never be effaced. Returning to the city, I passed the enclosed clump of
From Jerusalem I rode down to Jericho and the Dead Sea, accompanied by a Bedouin Chief, who for a moderate payment undertook to prevent my being robbed or maltreated by any of his tribe, many of whom we met fully armed in that region, known as the scene of the Good Samaritan's giving relief to the poor man "who fell among thieves." Although the shores of the famous Dead Sea are arid and sterile, the mountain scenery around it is imposing and picturesque. I tried to have a swim in the dense acrid water, but it is easier to float than to dive or to make progress; and afterwards I was glad to have a refreshing wash in the Jordan, which flows into the Dead Sea near its northern extremity, and passed the moonlit night in a tent on the Plain of Jericho in view of Mount Pisgah, from which Moses viewed the Promised Land. With one follower as groom and guide, I journeyed by old time-worn tracks through Samaria to Nablous, the ancient Sichem, and was most hospitably received into the house of a good missionary, who accompanied me to Mount Gerizim and to
From Tiberias I rode along the Brook Kishon, where Elijah slew the priests of Baal, to Mount Carmel, and was received at the Monastery near the summit overlooking the sea. I was also kindly entertained by the British Consul at Hepha, where a German settlement has been formed, whence I travelled along the shore by St Jean d'Acre to the ruins of Tyre and the still existing city of Sidon to Beyrout, which is the principal port on that part of the coast of Syria. Beyrout is a well kept and almost modern town, beautifully situated on the plain at the base of the Lebanon Mountains. It is the headquarters of American Christian Missions, where excellent schools are maintained. It is also the starting point for the very ancient and still important city of Damascus, to which a railway is now completed,
Next to the Holy Land, a few weeks spent in Egypt in early spring afforded me great
At the dawn of a clear, shining winter morning, under the bright blue sky of ancient Greece, I landed at the Piræus, or harbour of Athens, and ascended the hill over Philerium, whence the Greek fleet of war-galleys commanded by Themistocles sallied forth to attack and destroy the Persian fleet at Salamis. From the eminence where I stood at sunrise a panoramic view of striking and highly classical historic scenery met my emotional gaze. The grand Temple of Minerva, on the massive rocky height of the Acropolis, dominating the once magnificent city of Athens, reflected the sun's brilliant rays; the encircling range of the Hymettus Mountains, the Island of Egina, and distant ruins of Corinth formed an imposing picture, vividly recalling scenes of ancient glory, and still possessing architectural re-mains and natural beauty delightful to look upon. A pleasant walk of four or five miles brought me to the city renowned of old as the seat of learning, art, and civilisation, now beginning again to possess some fine modern buildings and institutions. I spent some time viewing the noble ruins on the Acropolis—the grand columns of the Temple of Jupiter, a few of which still remain, and the
That famous Eastern city presents a glorious and exciting scene of splendid Turkish palaces, mosques, and minarets, built on undulating hills, with their domes and gilded minaret points reflecting the brilliant sunshine of that bright sky. When viewed from the sea it forms, perhaps, the most imposing sight presented by any city in the world. The Strait of the Bosphorus, and a curved inlet from it called the Golden Horn, are usually crowded with shipping of all nations, which enlivens the
Few people know how beautiful are the shores of the Crimea to the eastward of Sevastopol. The Emperor of Russia and many wealthy Russian families make it their resort for the enjoyment of the climate and the scenery of the coast; and there is a good carriage road from Sevastopol to Yalta, a large seaport town possessing good hotels and lodging-houses. Various bays and sheltered valleys are occupied and adorned by elegant villas; and the Emperor's palace is a very tasteful resort amidst beautiful grounds at
Turning to other parts of the Mediterranean shores, Italy is by far the most fascinating; but I would recommend intending visitors to that land, with the fatal gift of beauty, to enter it from the north, either by way of Switzerland or the Riviera. The passes from Switzerland, such as the St Gothard, the Splugen, and the Stelvio, from the Tyrol, are all replete with grand and romantic scenery, which is nearly entirely lost by travellers who pass under the
The romantic Corniche Road, constructed by the first Napoleon Bonaparte, passes along the heights over Cannes, Nice, Monte Carlo, and other resorts, which are now so full of attractions and luxurious conveniences to health seekers, were but small places, with little accommodation, when I first visited Italy; but I think that the drive was far more interesting than the present railway route by the shore front; and travellers through Italy, from Genca to Milan, Florence, Rome, and Naples, who, like myself, could not afford to provide a special conveyance, usually took seats in a carriage—"vettura"—and placed themselves under the care of the vetturino, who, for a moderate price, engaged to provide hotel accommodation and food for the whole journey agreed upon. Such means of travelling made but slow progress—about 30 miles a day—but the roads lay through populous districts, by towns and villages, affording lively sights of the people, their dwellings, and their picturesque costumes, which last are now almost entirely abandoned. In those days political feelings ran high, stem, and determined; the despotic Governments of Austria in Lombardy,
Whilst I was in Rome for the first time Pope Pius IX. was still the reigning Sovereign of the Papal States, and, as I was the bearer of a letter of introduction from the Roman Catholic Bishop of Auckland to the Cardinal at the head of the Propaganda, I was invited to an audience of the Pontiff. After ascending a noble flight of stairs lined with picturesque Swiss Guards, in the Palace of the Vatican, I was conducted through lofty halls, and amidst groups of officers of the noble Guard, to the cabinet of the Pope. The Secretary, who introduced me, clad in the rich old Italian costume, presented me kneeling, and retired, leaving me alone with the Pontiff.
From Italy I crossed by way of Sardinia to Tunis, passed a day amongst the few traces that yet remain of ancient Carthage, and then Sailed along the north coast of Africa to the French possessions in Algeria, once the stronghold of pirates who beset that part of the Mediterranean. The squalid Moorish town, rising like a pyramid on the hills, has been cleansed and white-washed, and at its base a handsome city, in French style, has been created around a spacious harbour, once the old piratical port, which was cannonaded by the English Fleet under Lord Exmouth, and the Christian captives released in the year
The mighty rock of Gibraltar looks like a gigantic ship of war, bristling with cannon, anchored close to the low-lying Spanish shore, to which it is attached; and every morning the roar of the British morning gun reverberates along that part of the coast of Spain—a sound not very agreeable to Spanish ears. I was permitted to visit every part of the galleries and fortifications cut in the rocks, and to walk along the highest ridge, about 1600 feet above the sea level. Now I believe no one is allowed to see the new works which have been constructed to render this great fortress impregnable by modern artillery. At the other great stronghold of British power in the Mediterranean—the island of Malta—I had the pleasure to renew acquaintance with some naval officers whom I had met in New Zealand, and to receive kind attentions at Government House and the Clubrooms, which were formerly the stately palaees of the Grand Master and Knights of Malta. The noble harbour of Valetta is the principal rendezvous of the British Fleet in the Mediterranean. The town is well kept, cheerful, and bright, and the country is made to produce cotton plants and vegetables by breaking up and pulverising the soft rock of which the island is formed. Returning to the European shores, I found a great part of Spain void of interest; but the
There are many cities and towns in the world apparently clustered for protection at the base of rocky eminences on which strongholds have been built by some ruling Prince or feudal Lord. These have nearly all a very imposing and picturesque appearance, like Windsor Castle and Edinburgh Castle in Great Britain, Mount Sion at Jerusalem, and the Capitol at
In later years I have seen a good deal of countries in the northern parts of Europe, having travelled by way of the Rhine and the Danube to Vienna, Buda-Pesth, and other parts of Austria and the Styrian Alps to Warsaw and Moscow, which, in its way, is most interesting and original. In the centre of the city there is an elevated and wide, level, rocky platform, called by a Tartar name the "Kremlin," on which there is a Royal palace, a cathedral, and an arsenal with gilded domes. This eminence has a grand aspect
It is a far cry from the verdant islands and genial climate of the sunny Pacific to the stern, stormy, and ice-bound shores of Iceland, in the Arctic Ocean; where, however, in the summer months there is really no hardship in travelling. It is true there are no graceful palm trees, or even pines, to give shelter to the rude turf-covered homes of the country people; but at
The longest journey I ever made was from England to India, returning by way of China and Japan. I landed at Bombay, where I met some kind friends and visited the wonderful temple and admirable sculptures cut in the rocks of a great cave in the Island of Elephanta. Being on the shore of the Arabian Sea, and the scenery inland begirt by mountains, Bombay appeared to me to be a much more agreeable place to live at than the low-lying city of Calcutta, on the other side of Hindostan. The public buildings and institutions are of a high order and well maintained. A considerable section of the inhabitants are Parsees, descendants of the ancient fire worshippers of Persia, some of whom are rich merchants, highly respectable in character, and benevolent, public-spirited citizens. From Bombay I travelled by railway to Agra, where, like all other travellers, J was charmed by the sight of the glorious Tagh-Mahl, a magnificent edifice of pure white marble standing 'midst a beautiful and well-kept garden on one side of the city, along a wide promenade, overlooking the river Jumna. This exquisite monument, whose beautiful dome reaches far up towards the sky, was reared to the
The neatness and care which the Chinese display in the cultivation of their fields and gardens is very pleasing; but the towns and villages, though curious to see, are dirty and detestable, even when quite near to the admirably laid-out English settlements of Hong Kong and Shanghai. Neither are the Chinese people so agreeable to deal with as the affable and amiable Japanese, who, still retaining some very strange customs in country places, were, in my time at least, very kind, gentle, and courteous. Their abodes are tidy, and the temples and public buildings are very imposing structures; the public roads on which I travelled in visiting some parts of the interior are shaded by handsome cryptomerias, and at some places by camellias, laden in the season with multitudes of large single flowers. The mode of travelling in Japan by a large kind of perambulator, called a jinricksha, drawn by two men, trotting at the rate of five or six miles an hour, is easy and pleasant, but will probably soon be superseded by carriages and railways already begun; for the inhabitants of this once rigorously exclusive country have within a few
From Japan I crossed the Pacific Ocean once more, and this time in an American steamer, to San Francisco, a city which, within a period of about 50 years, has risen from a small Roman Catholic missionary establishment to become a handsome, populous city of fine public streets, elegant public buildings, churches, schools, and benevolent institutions, well-conducted places of amusement, and some of the best and most reasonable in prices of any hotels in the world, together with a very healthy and pleasant climate. I made ex-
Returning to San Francisco I proceeded southwards along the coasts of California and Mexico, touching at Acapulco, in former years the port of departure of the Spanish galleons bearing the treasures of their possessions in America to Spain, I passed a little time at the ancient city of Lima, famous for the exploits of Pizarro, and his cruel dealings with the native inhabitants of Peru. The highest ascent which I have ever made was by a railway from Lima up the Andes Mountains to a height of 12,300 feet. This wonderful line was planned and completed by an American—Mr Meggs, I believe—in order to bring down the produce of the fertile country on the eastern side of the Andes, which formerly had to be conveyed on mules or alpacas. The rarity of the atmosphere at that elevation caused me great pain and uneasiness, so that I was very glad to get down again to about the height of 7000 feet, when the unpleasant symptoms passed away. Whilst waiting for the arrival of an English steamer at Panama I was kindly invited by the captain of the American steamer to stay on board, rather than to live on shore in that tropical climate; and so I had the advantage and enjoyment of the fresh sea breeze in the roadstead. This is only one of the many kind offices I have received from the Americans, both ashore and afloat. From Callao, the port of Lima, I sailed along the western coast of South
I have several times crossed the Atlantic on visits to the United States and Canada, seeing most of the cities and States. Although I am not disposed to make so much of Americans as some writers do at the present time, yet I can testify, with all my heart, that both in the United States and in Canada sensible travellers who conduct themselves with becoming regard for the peculiarities and views of the people they meet with are sure to find kind consideration and intelligent aid and information regarding the institutions of those countries. As regards hotels, railways, and passenger steamers in America, every accommodation is provided at moderate rates for those who are content with plain fare, but in the great cities of the Eastern States, the palatial and truly superb hotels—such as those of New York and Washington—are very expensive indeed. I sailed on the lakes and on the great rivers, and have spent a few days in most of the principal cities in America, which for regularity and spaciousness of streets and
My underground wanderings began by a visit to the Catacombs at Syracuse, in Sicily, along subterranean passages in a limestone hill, into which a horseman may ride with spear erect,
Of all the remarkable results of human imagination, artistic talent and skill, combined with natural fitness of situation, the wonderful "World's Fair" at Chicago has made the greatest impression on my mind. The extent, elegance, and diversified structure of the Exhibition buildings on the shores and on an inlet of Lake Michigan, as well as the wonderful, and previously unheard-of, collection of productions, manufacturers, and works of art drawn from all parts of the world, far exceeded my expectation of what could be accomplished by the citizens of Chicago and the principal States of the Union, aided by the Government of the United States, and liberally supported
in the Highlands of Bavaria, was another combination of artistic talent and human skill which will most probably never be repeated. The representations of the principal scenes and events in the life of Christ were enacted with a grace, solemnity, piety, and pathos which touched the hearts and delighted the minds of nearly all who had the privilege of witnessing that unique effort to bring the Gospel narrative into a vivid form before the eyes of the many thousands who came from many lands to wonder at and admire the skill and taste of the performers, the excellence of the scenery, and the fitness of the costumes worn by the actors of this sacred drama, originally intended as a work of penitence and gratitude on the part of the villagers for having been relieved from suffering by pestilence or disease.
In one of my visits to the United States I passed some days amongst the White Mountains, and mude an ascent to the summit of Mount Washington by a railway which goes straight up by a sharp angle from the base to the summit a height of 6000 feet. On the
To those whose inclinations or circumstances do not admit of travelling far from home, the Highlands, islands, and romantic lochs of Scotland, the Wicklow mountains and lakes of Killarney in Ireland, the richly adorned shores of the placid lakes of Cumberland and West-moreland, the lovely valleys of North Wales, the rocky coasts of North Devon and Cornwall, and many other places within easy distance of the great towns of the United Kingdom, display attractive and delightful scenes of nature, embellished by human art and taste, that gratify and charm even those who have seen her more sublime and grander features, as well as afford much healthful enjoyment to summer and autumn visitors. I might fill some pages with details of incidents and adventures, as well as difficulties and dangers, even with the comparatively easy means of foreign travel at the present
I have written most of these notes during the course of my 86th year, whilst suffering a good deal of pain, which prevents me from moving about as I used to do, or from taking an active part at public meetings or social gatherings, but I hope I may still be of some little service to others, and I can still thankfully enjoy the charms of natural scenery, the beauty of trees and flowers, the sweetness of sacred or simple national melodies, and the writings of good authors, recreations which happily remain with us when our physical powers are weakened, and the mind finds its surest rest in higher aspirations, and in humble resignation to the Divine will.
The foregoing pages by Mr David Rough appeared in the Dundee Evening Telegraphy the final instalment being published on the
On returning from his second voyage (see page 14) he describes his first visit to Edinburgh as follows:—
"The cargo of the brig had to be landed at Kirkcaldy, and I got a chance of visiting Edinburgh for the first time. On reaching the top of Leith Walk I looked round me for the means of getting a meal, for there were no restaurants in those days, and with my pea-jacket in one hand, and a bundle in the other, I walked boldly into the nearest hotel, which at that time happened to be the finest in the
Mr Rough, during his early voyages in the East (page 18) narrowly escaped being attacked by pirates. "One night," he writes, "in the Java Sea, I was called up to witness a very startling and disagreeable sight, a number of large Malay pirate praus bearing down upon us while we were becalmed. We made all the preparations that we could to repel them, and as these miscreants prefer to attack and plunder small native craft rather than attempt to board large vessels, they hesitated to come very near us, and kept beating their tum-tums in signals to each other, and they could hear the sound of our boatswain's pipe as we braced yards to catch the first breath of the land wind
The following interesting note refers to the visit to the Sultan of Madura, briefly alluded to on page 20:—
"Early one fine morning I arrived by boat at the landing-place of the island, and found a carriage and four horses waiting for me. We soon reached the Palace inland, enclosed by a high wall surrounding an extensive court planted with trees, on which the principal apartments have their openings, and in the middle a large pavilion where guests are received and entertained. An officer of the household accompanied by servants brought me tea and refreshments. All at once every one dropped on the floor pavement with their faces to the ground. I soon perceived that this lowly Oriental obeisance was caused by the appearance of a little, grey-haired old gentleman in native attire, His Highness the Sultan, who shook hands with me very affably, and asked to see the letter by which my uncle
Of his first passage home from the East (page 21), Mr Rough gives the following particulars:—
"I returned to Europe in an English ship, taking with me two of Mr Wilson's children to be placed under the care of his relatives in Scotland for their education. The voyage was a very lengthy one. When off the Cape of Good Hope we encountered a heavy westerly gale of wind and high sea. The vessel sprung a leak, and we put into Simon's Bay, the naval station of South Africa, which is connected with Cape Town by a pleasant road and drive of a few hours. At that time South Africa was not much before the public mind, and Cape Town was a quiet, agreeable place of resort for members of the East Indian Civil Service on furlough. There were no docks or harbour works, only landing jetties, and vessels had to ride at anchor in Table Bay, exposed to the fury of sudden storms coming down from the great flat-topped Table Mountain standing behind the town. In fine weather this mountain can be seen from a great distance at sea, long before the lower land comes into view, and it seems to rise above the surface of the water like a stupendous altar, which is frequently covered by a tablecloth of dark clouds foretelling coming tempests. Whilst the ship was in Simon's Bay the leak stopped, but soon after we put to sea it began again, keeping the crew hard at the pumps, which produced a
The next note deals with friendships formed with British and French naval officers (page 37):—
"I usually found the senior officers most agreeable to deal with both on duty and socially. Several in later years distinguished Admirals came on our station as Captains of Frigates, amongst others Sir Henry Keppel in the Meander, now in his 90th year, whose racy and amusing book, "A Sailor's Life under Four Sovereigns," has lately been published,
The following incident occurred in connec-
"Having been up early to traverse the mountain-top and obtain extensive views of the rich plains below, I returned to the Monastery with sharp appetite for breakfast, but found it was a fast-day, and nothing to eat could be had. This was rather hard lines; but fortunately I had observed in passing the open door of a religious Sisterhood not far from the Monastery that breakfast was being prepared by one of the Sisters, whilst the other ladies were at their morning devotions in the chapel. To my earnest appeal the good elderly Sister compassionately yielded; and, though contrary to all the rules of these Sisters, she kindly told me to slip in whilst no one was looking, and quickly supplied me with a bowl of hot coffee and excellent bread, which I greatly and gratefully enjoyed. Another instance of the kind hearts that are found in all countries and under all phases of faith."
Mr Rough leaves his testimony as to his views on religion in the succeeding paragraph:—
"There are, I believe, many earnest-minded Christians who think as I do, but are unwilling to leave the Church of their fathers and of the society in which they move; but 1 have felt it to be most consistent with my own convictions of what is nearest the truth as it is revealed in the Holy Scriptures, unmixed with
These notes may be fitly concluded by the following sentences, in which Mr Rough speaks of the great happiness of his home life:—
"The success of my public career and happiness in private life have been greatly owing to the loving care and domestic management of my late dear wife. We were married at
In presenting to the public my sixth pamphlet, I feel that I owe an explanation, if not an apology, for devoting so much space to the question of Railway Administration, but I do so because the more I think over it the more I am convinced of the supreme importance of the right management of the road.
Some, perhaps many, of my readers will be inclined to think that I have pressed with undue severity on the railway officials, but I am sure they will alter their opinion if they read me to the end. What we have lost through their sacrificing the public to their own private interests, is more than any one can tell. That I am justified in thus speaking of them is proved by the fact that for many months past they have been content to lie under what practically amounts to a charge of perjury. They dare not attempt to defend themselves, and appear to have banded together to brazen the matter out by a stubborn silence. Men in their position ought to have felt that their word was as sacred as their oath. They know well that they could not again go through the ordeal of an examination, and this is the reason why on all subsequent committees, it has been demanded of me that I should say what I have to say in writing. Well, at last I have said part of it. Will they be gratified with the result? I would willingly have avoided the scandal.
I ask the particular attention of my readers to the paragraph on Russian Railways.
I also ask attention to the scheme of narrow-gauge railway construction, which I hope will commend itself to the country.
Although my more than 16 years of continuous work has so far brought no real relief to this country, it is pleasant to remember that it has conferred vast benefits on millions of people in far away Europe—people who have never even heard my name. It is ever so. The worker must be content to cast his bread upon the waters, and those for whom he did the work are too often the last to reap the benefit. But why is this?
Those who take an interest in that propoganda, of deception, fraud, and robbery—the Single Tax—may possibly find some new ideas, some new illustrations of the wicked and mischievous nature of the proposal. I direct their particular attention to the tables towards the end of the article.
I had hoped to deal with the questions of co-operation and monopolies, but cannot at present find time.
The fact that I never have time to re-write anything I publish, must be my excuse for literary defects. Of these I am conscious. All my effort has been directed to making sure of my facts and figures, and in this I believe I have succeeded.
the whole social and commercial fabric rests. Suspend motion, and the universe itself would fall to pieces.
Therefore, my theory is that the transit question underlies every other social question, and that if the transit system of a country is radically wrong, none of its other social conditions can be quite right.
If we would prosper, we must keep the channels of motion—the means of transit—as free as possible.
At present our railways are blocked by an invisible toll-bar at every mile! Can this be to the public advantage?
Since
Commencing with Hungary in
Of these six nations which have copied our idea, the one that has prospered most—financially and otherwise—is the one that has imitated us most closely—Hungary.
I ask my fellow colonists what would have been the position of New Zealand—what would have been their position this day—if the Stage System had been introduced here, as it ought to have been 12 or more years ago?
I claim no credit for myself. The idea came to me. I saw its vast importance, and have earnestly and honestly tried to do my duty in the matter. I ask my fellow colonists to do theirs, and see that a trial of the new system is made, while I am here to watch over it. If this is not done, then they will never reap
I have felt that to draw prominent attention to the evidence given by the officers of the Department, at the inquiry of
Petitions to Parliament, asking for a trial of the new system, have been sent almost every session. They are a mere farce. They are treated as so much waste paper; but if a few of the leading men in each electorate would send a joint letter to their representative, requesting him to see that this matter is attended to, it would soon be done, for they would be able to show these letters to the Ministry, who would soon see that votes depended on it.
The financial success of the new system is now assured. It is no longer a matter of my theory, but one of ascertained fact, proved by nearly ten years' trial. Its great advantages, from a land settlement and social intercourse point of view, have never been disputed, not, even by the railway officials, who have contented themselves with asserting that it is impracticable, and if brought into force would lead to enormous loss of revenue. Both these assertions are now proved to be false. Why then should we not have it?
In the earlier stages of the railway controversy, an anonymous writer made use of the above words, and implied that it was I who ought to suffer for my unsparing strictures on our railway administration and administrators. Should this pamphlet meet the eye of that writer, I trust he will read it through, and then say if indisputable evidence has not proved that he was wrong in his judgment, and that it is not I who should suffer.
The fact that I have held my hand for so many years, should be taken as proof that I have had no wish to injure the officers of the Department, and I may ask, seeing what they have done, would they have treated me:n the same manner had the positions been reversed?
Seen by the light of events, the evidence given by these gentlemen in
When we pay great salaries, and grant enormous powers to men whom neither nature nor education has fitted to exercise them, we must suffer. At any rate, the following pages incontestably prove that our "railway men" have been a complete, utter, and most miserable failure. I venture to say that, if the accounts were correctly taken, our railways are not earning one (1) per cent, on the capital invested. The late Commissioners made them appear to earn three per cent., by the simple expedients of running the lines and rolling-stock to destruction, cutting off train services, and charging to capital account items that ought to have been charged to revenue account. These facts are undeniable, and can be easily proved from their own reports.
Leading railway officials occupy a very exalted position—a position which I fear the public does not sufficiently recognise, and perhaps does not sufficiently reward. Next to the judges of the Supreme Court, they occupy the most responsible positions in the Civil Service. No men have so much valuable property entrusted to their care; no men are responsible for so great a number of invaluable lives. Therefore they are entitled to be treated with the greatest consideration and respect.
All who will do me the honour to read the following pages will, I am sure, agree that the men who occupy this position on our railways, have, by their actions, forfeited all claim to the respect their position would otherwise have entitled them to. The facts have long been known to me, but I have hesitated to use them in this manner, and would have much preferred to bring them out through inquiry by a Parliamentary Committee. That opportunity has, however, been persistently denied me.
The evidence given by the railway officials in
While speaking of the railway officials, let me say that it is only two or three of the upper ones that are interested in maintaining the present position. All the rest are chiefly interested in finding out a, system by which railways can be really made to pay, for it is only by doing this that they can be adequately rewarded. Many of them, as, for instance, the traffic managers and those immediately under them, are, in my opinion, very badly paid, considering the serious responsibilities they have to bear.
The opinion seems now to be pretty generally held that the final struggle for supremacy in the world will be between the Anglo-Saxons and the Slavs. I may be mistaken, but in my
More and more it becomes evident that the road—which now means the railway—is a prime necessity in modern warfare. The hold and government of any country will depend on its railways, and the more perfect these and their administration are, the more complete will be the control. The Slavs appear to have grasped this idea, and although the new system of administration was invented by an Anglo-Saxon, in this Anglo-Saxon community, the Slays of Hungary and Russia have been the first to appropriate its leading ideas. The enormous development it is causing in these countries is well known, but we cannot have it here, because Messrs. Maxwell, Hannay, and Hudson have thought that it does not suit them, and because of their stupid professional jealousy.
It is therefore a duty we owe to ourselves, and those who come after us, to inquire what kind of men are those who have so long effectually blocked the path of progress in this country.
Those who will do me the honour to read what follows, will, I am sure, be convinced that I am more than justified in saying that their statements in reference to the Stage System, and more especially the evidence they gave before the special Parliamentary Committee in
The discontent with the present administration of our railways is universal, and I therefore earnestly ask a perusal of what follows.
My object in publishing the following correspondence and remarks upon it is to show how determined the Railway Department is, by every means, fair and unfair, to prevent any improvement in the administration of our railways, or any further inquiry into their working.
Early in the last session of Parliament, I again sent in a petition praying for a trial of the Stage System. This, of course, was referred to the Railways Committee, who not only refused to entertain it, but also declined to hear me in its support. In this respect my position is unique, as I believe I am the only
On ascertaining this, I addressed the following letter to the chairman of the committee:—
"Dear Sir,—So far as I am aware, your name has not been published here, and as you have not thought it necessary to officially advise that you decline to hear me, I have no means of knowing it, and am therefore obliged to address you thus.
"The impression left on my mind by the investigation of
"One of two things is now quite apparent: either they gave evidence that they knew to be untrue, or they were so ignorant of their own business as to be quite unfit for the posts they occupied. My own belief is that they wilfully misrepresented.
"I regret very much that I should be forced to take up this position. I have had no wish to in any way injure any of the officers of the Department, but as I am driven to it I now say that I am in a position to prove that either through design or ignorance they grossly deceived and misled the committee of
"I trust you will not think that I wish to treat you or your committee with any disrespect; all I wish is to be placed in a position to elicit the truth. With that object in view I am coming to Wellington.
On arriving in Wellington I saw the chairman of committee, Mr. fanner, who told me that nothing could be done with my petition. In the course of conversation he informed me that the Hon. Mr. Cadman had placed a notice on the order paper of the committee that he would move that Mr. Vaile be "invited" to
The object of this alteration is clear—the intention was, of course, to throw the expense on myself. Had the motion been carried in its altered form I should, I presume, have been told that I could come to Wellington at my own charges. Had I done so no doubt delay upon delay would have been made, great expense piled up upon me, the time of the session got over, and nothing done.
Mr. Tanner also informed me that when the Hon. Mr. Cadman gave notice of his motion, he was careful to impress upon the committee that I was certain to occupy their undivided attention for at least three weeks.
Failing to accomplish anything in the Lower House, I petitioned the Upper. This committee reported against me. The Hon. Mr. McCullough thereupon, on the 18th August, gave notice that on the following Tuesday he would move that the report of the committee on S. Vaile's petition be referred back to the committee for the purpose of taking evidence.
The order paper in this case was also altered by substituting the word Friday for Tuesday, consequently the debate came on at half-a-day's instead of five days' notice. The result was that the Minister and his party were there in full force, the other side had a surprise sprung upon them, and Mr. McCullough's motion was defeated. The Speaker was pressed to say who had altered the notice paper, but of course nobody knew.
On the
"Dear Sir,—A gentleman deeply interested in the railway question asked me a few days ago if I had sent you and the other officials interested a copy of the letter I addressed to the Chairman of the Railways Committee on the 23rd July last. He drew my attention to the fact that some of these officials are not now in the service, and, further, he expressed his conviction that from some cause or other none of you could have seen the letter in question.
"In order that nothing may be wanting on my part, I now enclose for you, and shall forward to the others, a copy of the said letter, and shall forward a copy of this to the Minister for Rail-wars. It therefore will not be my fault if you remain under the imputation cast upon you in common with the others.
"Dear Sir,—I herewith enclose copy of a letter I have sent to Messrs. J. P. Maxwell, W. M. Hannay, C. Hudson, and A. Grant.
"I think all honourable men will agree with me that if they are able to clear themselves of the imputation cast upon them, (or their own sakes, and the credit of the Department, they are bound to do so.
"The fact that the officers in question are content to lie under the accusation of giving false evidence, will no doubt be accepted by the, public generally as a proof that they know my contentions as to railway administration are just, right, and financially sound.
To not one of these letters have I received any reply, not even an acknowledgment of their receipt. This shows that the Department is working: on a concerted plan. The letter sent to the Chairman of the Railways Committee has been published in the "Post" of Wellington, the "Telegraph" of Napier, the "New Zealand Herald," and probably other papers. It has been commented on to my knowledge by the editors of the "New Zealand Herald," the "Telegraph," the "Post," and the "Lyttelton Times," but nothing shames the Railway Department.
The position of the Department then is this. Its chief officers are practically charged with perjury, and they dare not attempt to defend themselves. The Minister at their head dares not call upon them to do so, and the Premier does not dare to order his Minister for Railways to clear his Department of the accusation brought against it.
All New Zealand knows that if they were not certain that I could fully justify the position I have taken up, that they would long since have taken action against me, and would have been the first to demand an inquiry.
Unfortunately, in
Among other things, I claimed that under the Stage System two people could be carried where one is carried now, without appreciably increasing the cost of working. This the officers
This is Mr. Hannay's statement. See Parliamentary Paper, I., 9.,
The following evidence given by Mr. Hannay is also worthy of note:—
601. Mr. Vaile (to Mr. Hannay): Do you consider that our rolling-stock is now fully employed?—Certainly not; that is to say, every waggon and every carriage is not run every day full.
602. Nor anything like full?—No.
603. Do you think they run half full, taking the rolling-stock all round?—It is fairly employed. In order to give a definite answer to this I might say that the average number of passengers which are carried on the Hurunui-Bluff line is seven to each carriage.
604. That shows they are not a quarter full?—Yes; but you must not entertain the idea, that I do not think the carriages are not fairly employed.
605. You say that the average is seven to a carriage?—Yes.
Most of these carriages are capable of seating 40 passengers, and Mr. Hannay thinks them "fairly employed" when only carrying seven.
Soon after giving this evidence he was appointed one of our Railway Commissioners, and then this is what happened:—
During their five years' term of office as Commissioners they actually did an extra business that was equal to carrying an average of five million one hundred and seventy-eight thousand (5,178,000) passengers per annum.
They also during this period worked on an average 200 more miles of railway per annum than was open during the previous five years.
To do this large amount of extra work they found it necessary to increase the working expenses only £28,878, and the train mileage only 22,457 miles per annum. The actual average annual increase of work done was as follows:—300 miles more of railway were open and worked; 298,277 more passengers were carried; 325,292 more tons of goods and live stock were carried. The tonnage and extra passengers actually carried are equal to 5,177,657 extra passengers, and there were the 200 extra miles of railway to he worked in addition.
To repeat a little, as this is important:—
In
In
These, then, are the indisputable facts, and yet Mr. Hannay had the unblushing effrontery to tell the Railway Committee of
I ask, is it possible that, such evidence could have been given honestly?
At any rate, I may now without presumption claim that I, the "amateur," knew far better what could be done on a railway than the so-called "experts" did.
Before leaving this part of the subject, I may point out that the above statement clearly proves that the late Commissioners are responsible for the present dilapidated state of our railways, only we were mad enough to make them irresponsible, so we must suffer without redress. I know enough of railway working to be aware that to work another 200 miles of railway, and to carry another 5,000,000 passengers, would add greatly more than £29,000 to the working expenses, if it were done honestly.
It would be interesting to know how Mr. Hannay reconciles actual work done as a Commissioner with his evidence given as a sub-manager, and it is to save him and others from having to answer awkward questions like this that I am not to be allowed to be again heard.
Another claim that I made for the Stage System is that it is much more simple, and would be more easily understood by the public than the present system. This the officers denied, and asserted that the existing system is far simpler and more easy to understand. As a specimen of what they said, I quote from Mr. C. Hudson's (the present submanager) evidence:—
376. Hon. Mr. Richardson (to Mr. Hudson): Is there sufficient information given in this scheme to enable you to form an opinion as to how the proposals with regard to passengers would work out in practice?—With regard to passengers, I think it would be necessary to make a rate-book for every station. We cannot ask the ticket-clerks to count up the number of stages to arrive at the fare: it would be necessary to give them a rate-
377. Would that be a great simplification of the present system?—; it would not be so simple.
378. Hon. Major Atkinson: But the passengers would under-stand it more easily—would they not?—I do not think so, because we publish a mileage fare, and they have only got to refer to the time-table for the number of miles to calculate the fare to any station they wish to go to. Then, in addition, we post up in our stations a clear table, giving the passenger, parcels, and other rates to each point from that station. There would be no difference so far as the public is concerned.
379. Mr. Maxwell: How long do you suppose it would be before the rate-books could be got in order?—I do not think, on serious consideration, you could start in less than a year.
380. And a very large outlay would have to be incurred all over the system?—Yes, undoubtedly.
See also Questions and Answers 475-479, and four following, which for some reason have not been numbered.
Mr. W. M. Hannay also gave the following evidence to the same effect.
574. Mr. Macandrew (to Mr. Hannay): Assuming that the charges under Mr. Vaile's system were regulated to yield as much revenue, would you consider the system preferable?—No; I do not see any kind of advantage in it.
575. Would it not be simpler?—No; of course Mr. Vaile himself has said that he has not gone into details; but there is nothing I can see in the general plan to make it simpler.
576. I understand, then, that not only would there be no advantage from the change, but you are of opinion that there would be a decrease of revenue?—That would, of course, entirely depend upon what the rates were; but I think there would be a decrease of revenue.
608. Hon. Mr. Richardson (to Mr. Hannay): Comparing this Stage System with the present mileage system, which do you think would be more easily understood by the general public)—I do not think the Stage System would be any more intelligible. As a matter of fact, passenger fares are now posted up outside every booking-office, and the passenger has only to refer to it.
609. Mr. Grant It was Mr. Hudson, not Mr. Grant, who made this statement.
610. Mr. Macandrew: Would not the rates have to be posted up under the Stage System?—Yes, to be intelligible to the public.
611. Hon. Mr. Richardson: Then, under the present system, one scale of rates answers the purpose all over, and in the other case a special list would be required for each station.
When giving this evidence, Mr. Hannay forgot that he had already made the following awkward admission:—
541. Mr. Maxwell (to Mr. Hannay): Is not the English system made more extensive by more varied traffic?—Yes, that is so; and when I commenced in New Zealand our tariff was a very simple one—very nearly as simple as Mr. Vaile's—but additions were forced upon us from time to time. The demands of the public, and different kinds of traffic springing up, necessitated the making of regulations to guide our staff.
Mr. Hannay's statement that the stage rates from every station would be different, is absolutely untrue. They are the same from every station, as the distance-table given will prove. In this instance, also, time has brought its revenge.
In These were all well known as men of considerable, and most of them of large capital, and we were prepared to go into the matter thoroughly. The correspondence with the Government in reference to this matter was published in the "New Zealand Herald," of the
Fancy the absurdity! If I would do this, then our proposals should have the "fullest consideration."
To enable us to carry out this very modest request, they sent us a copy of their tariff, their by-laws, and a distance-table.
I had never seen a distance-table before, but was very glad to get hold of this one, for I saw at a glance that it placed me in a position to prove the untruthfulness of the evidence given by Messrs. Hannay and Hudson. To show that I am fully justified in saying this, I have only to refer to the accompanying photograves of the distance-table referred to, the distance-table under the Stage System, and the diagrams of the Auckland, Napier, Wellington, New Plymouth, and Humnui-Bluff sections of railway.
A distance-table, I may explain, is a table which enables the officials to calculate the distance from any station to any other station on the section of railway to which the table
Note in explanation of Diagram of Stage System.—This is a, photo-engraving of A large-scale diagram, on which, the proposed fares were printed in red, unci the present fares in black. It will, however, bo understood by remembering that the stage fares are in every instance the lowest prices.
This Diagram not only shows the direction and length of every journey that can be taken on the Auckland lines, but also all the fares that can be charged. The Time-table could easily be published on the opposite page. To give the same information on the present system takes nine (9) pages of Bradshaw.
Note in explanation of Diagram of Stage System.—This is a photo engraving of a large-scale diagram, on which the proposed fares were printed in red, and the present fares in black. It will, however, be understood by remembering that the stage fares are in every instance the lowest prices.
Note in explanation of Diagram of Stage System.—This is a photo engraving of a large-scale diagram, on which the proposed fares were printed in red, and the present fares in black. It will, however, be understood by remembering that the stage fares are in every instance the lowest prices.
Note.—This Diagram was laid down in
refers. The one of which I give a copy relates to the Auckland section, and the stations on it on the
It contains 105 columns, comprising between them 22,930 figures, and rendering necessary the calculation of 11,025 different fares for each class of passengers. That is to say, taking first and second class single, and first and second return, 44,000 different tickets for only 236 miles of railway.
The distance-table under the Stage System, for the same section and stations, as will be seen, contains only fifteen (15) columns, comprising between them but 132 figures, and with only 144 possible charges to calculate, and if the use of distance tickets is discontinued, and stage tickets only used—which is what I should prefer—then there would be only two (2) different tickets for each class in use on the whole of the New Zealand lines. Yet Messrs. Hannay and Hudson deliberately gave evidence that the Stage System was the most complicated of the two.
I compiled this stage distance and fare table in one evening. All that would be required in actual working would be a printed copy or copies of it for each station; these could easily be sup plied in a day, and yet Mr. Hudson was not ashamed to give evidence that, "on serious consideration," he did not think this information could be supplied in less than a year. Wonderful "expert" evidence, truly! It is not possible for me to believe that he thought he was telling the truth. But perhaps I ought to be charitable, and remember that he might require to be "seriously considering," while a more intelligent man would do the work a dozen times over.
In reply to a leading question from Mr. Maxwell, he also stated that preparing these stage-rate tables would "undoubedly" incur a "very large outlay all over the system."
As there can be no doubt that the present sub-manager of our railways has largely influenced them since his appointment, I shall only be performing a public duty if I again direct attention to some further proofs he has given of his utter inability to deal with them intelligently.
In Parliamentary Paper I.-9,
Question No. 453: You assume that? (Mr. Hudson had been contending that the proposed reductions would not lead to increased traffic.)—I do, because I think the principal number of single short-distance fares issued are to people who travel to the ports to go away by sea. These people do not require return tickets. Therefore I take that as the basis of my calculation. Mr. Vaile's average ticket is 5d., ours is 7½d., for the same distance. I do not think that in New Zealand that difference would have any appreciable effect.
May I ask why they issue return tickets at a reduction of 25 per cent., if a reduction of 33? per cent, would not, increase the traffic?
What a muddle!
Is it any wonder that we suffer when a man like this controls our railways. He calls himself a "railway expert," and he tells us that when a settler has made his first journey to his farm that then the railway has practically "done with him," that a reduction of a third in passenger fares will not increase the traffic, and, most marvellous of all, he tells us that he takes as the basis of his calculation of what work can be done on a railway, his belief that the principal number of single short-distance fares are issued to those who go away by sea. Surely such a wonderfully firm "basis" as this was never heard of before. Experts! Oh, dear!
My contention has always been that if only two of my low-priced fares were taken, where one is taken at the present prices, that we should secure a much better financial result than we do now. This the officers of course denied. To them it no doubt seemed incredible that we could cany people from Waikare to the Bluff for 18s. 6d. or 12s. 8d., when they were charging £4 10s. 11d. or £3 9s.; yet this solid fact remains, that for now nine years people have been carried a greater distance every day in Europe for three shillings and fourpence (3s. 4d.).
In this instance again time has brought its revenge. Actual experience, and the evidence of the Railway Accountant—their on man—has proved my finance to be sound.
When the Hungarians commenced their adaptation of the Stage System, they did so by reducing fares exactly as I had proposed here six years before, that is, to an average of one-fifth of the former charge: They saw, as I had seen and asserted six years previously, that no less reduction would secure the desired financial result. The following table will show what has Wen done in Hungary:—
It will be seen that the effect of adopting the Stage System, even in this faulty form, has been to quadruple the traffic, and double the revenue.
One of the most important results obtained in Hungary is the great extension in the average distance travelled by each passenger, which is from 71 to 130 kilometres, or over 83 per cent. It is easy to see what an influence this must have, not only on the railway revenue, but on other items of revenue, trade, commerce, and social conditions generally. My finance is based on the assumption that the average distance travelled will not be less than 15 miles, and the average fare not less than one shilling. It is obvious that, no matter what may be the system, the average fare paid must depend on the average distance travelled.
If, then, we secured an extension in the distance travelled equal to that obtained in Hungary, our distance would be 24 instead of 13 miles—the distance actually travelled,—and I should expect the average fare to be 1s. 8d. instead of the 1s. calculated upon.
Last year,
Startling and incredible as these figures may appear, they are not more so than was my proposition when made 16 years ago to carry people 436 miles for 12s. 8d., Our railway experts laughed me to scorn, but six years later in Europe they commenced to carry people 457 miles for 3s. 4d., and have done so ever since, with great profit to the State.
In order to discredit my finance, Mr. Maxwell gave evidence that my average fare for all distances not exceeding 10 miles "could not be more than 4½d, and that in the country districts the average fare is only 4½d. for 50 miles." His own accountant has since shown that my fare for 10 miles and under would be 5.66d., and for the country districts 1s. 5¾d., instead of the 4½d. Mr. Maxwell said it would be in both cases. Surely our great expert was far enough out in his calculations.
A reference to the accompanying table will show that all my averages were correctly and safely calculated, while those of the officers were wildly astray.
It is not necessary for me to point out the enormous relief it would be to the country, to say nothing of the cheapness of travelling, if we could only get out of our railways enough to pay interest and working expenses. I have never wavered in my belief that not only can this be done, but I am certain that we can also get from them enough to go on with railway construction without further borrowing.
I wish to direct attention to the first column of the table. It shows that those who use the railways for distances of over 50 miles are less than six per cent, of the whole, but they have to pay nearly 37 per cent, of the revenue.
It will be seen that the country interest, under the present system has to pay 76 per cent, of the railway passenger revenue while the city interest only pays 24 per cent.; and this unjust and ruinous inequality will apply to a much greater extent to goods traffic revenue, of which the country interest probably pays nearly the whole. This it is that has taken the value out of country land. How is it possible for the country to be settled under these circumstances? This is the great blot in our transit system, and until it is removed it is useless to expect any real permanent prosperity in either town or country. The adoption of the Stage System would alter all this, and give both town and country an equal chance.
I wish to draw particular attention to the fact that I had no chance to use this table at the inquiry of
I could say much more on the evidence given by the officials, but have said enough for the present.
From the above statement it will be readily understood why the officers of the Department have exerted themselves so much to prevent a trial of the new system or any further inquiry into it. The men who could descend to giving such evidence, certainly would not hesitate to waste public money in a trial, if they thought that trial would prove me to be wrong, and the Stage System a failure. They know it will be a great success, and that is the sole reason why it is not tried.
The fact is, that when the new system was first proposed, it appeared to them, as it did to most people, so utterly absurd that they condemned it, without the least investigation, and they did this in such a positive, vulgar, and untruthful way, that no course was left open to them but to try and brazen it out, and in this they have so far succeeded.
In place of the present system, I propose to reckon all fares and rates by stages, in the following manner:—
Starting from any capital town (for this purpose I treat any town having a population of not less than 6,000 as a capital town), I propose to place on every line running out of that town four stages, as near as may' be, seven miles apart, and then, should there be a stretch of country of fifty or more miles not having a town of 2,000 inhabitants, to make the stages 50 miles each. Outside each town of 2,000 inhabitants I propose to place one seven-mile stage on each line, and outside towns of 4,000 two seven-mile stages.
Memorandum.—I do not propose to fix the stages arbitrarily at the distances mentioned, but at the best collecting and distributing points nearest to them.
That in place of the present tickets, railway stamps should be issued and sold by every licensed stamp-vendor.
That stamps of a different colour or description should be issued which would entitle the holder to pass from a station immediately preceding a stage station to the next station beyond it, and thus save him from paying a double fare for a very short journey. The same will apply to goods traffic.
When the lines become filled up with seven-mile stages, and the revenue will admit of it, then I propose that the out-side seven-mile stage from each capital town shall be removed, then the next stage, and so on, until the stages are only between towns of 6,000 or more inhabitants. By persistently following this plan, we may ultimately see our way, as regards passengers at any rate, to making one fare only for any distance within the Colony.
From time to time, as the revenue will stand it, the fares and rates from stage to stage to be reduced to the lowest possible limit.
Note.—The stages would be re-adjusted after each census is taken, and placed in accordance with the movement of the population. Thus should, say, Frankton be found to contain 2.000 inhabitants, one seven-mile stage would be placed on every line running out of that town. If it had increased to 4,000 souls, then two seven-mile stages, or if 6,000, then four steges. Thus Frankton would have to contribute its fair share of the burden of transit charges, and each town as it developed would be treated in a similar manner.
It may be objected that the interposition of these new stages will increase the through fare, but this need not be the case, for it is obvious that if the number of stages were increased, say 25 per cent., that the charge per stage could be reduced 20 per cent., and consequently the through fare would remain the same, while all the local rating would be reduced. It is easy to see what a development of trade this would lead to. If the stage rate was considered low enough, then the proper plan would be to place the new stages where required, and remove a corresponding number from those weaker districts which at the time stood most in need of assistance.
Under this system, if it was thought desirable to raise the through fare, new stages would be introduced without disturbing the local traffic, except in the immediate vicinity of these new stages. Thus, placing new stages at Mercer and Ngaruawahia would not in the least affect the local traffic round Auckland, Frankton, Helensville, etc.
That the Government should be relieved of their present responsibility as carriers.
That an Insurance Department should be established in connection with the Railway Department, where, by payment of a small fee, either life, limb, or goods could be insured.
Under the Stage System, the basis of rating is average cost of service and the density of population through which the service runs. At present the basis of rating is special cost of service and the mile.
All fares and rates are reckoned from stage station to stage station, and are payable for the whole or any intermediate portion of the distance.
To find your fare or your rate, count the number of stage stations you require to pass, and the station you wish to arrive at, and multiply the rate by that number.
Passenger fares—6d. first-class, and 4d. second, for the whole or any portion of a stage.
Second-class passenger fare from Auckland to Pukekohe, four stages, four by 4d., 1s. 4d.
Helensville to Mercer, 10 stages, 10 by 1d., 3s 4d.
Class A, truck from Auckland to Taupiri, five stages, five by 4s., 20s.
Class A, 4s. per truck per stage.
Class B, 1s. per ton per stage.
Class C, 3d. per 100 feet per stage.
Class D, 2s. 6d. per ton per stage.
The goods classification would be reduced to four (4) classes only, with an additional class for dangerous goods.
Note.—The prices quoted for goods are merely given to show the system of charging. It is my opinion that very much lower rates can be fixed.
A, 1d. per stage; B, 2d.; C, 3d.; D, 4d.
The small lots tariff would be abolished, and the parcels tariff consist of four classes only—viz.: a, 14lb and under; b, 28lb; c, 561b; d, 112lb. The charge in each case being at per stage.
The stage rate for passengers, goods, and parcels, to be the same in every district, no matter where or how it may be situated.
When fares and rates are once fixed, they are not to be raised for at least one year, and any alteration either up or down to ho universal.
Under this system all mileage and differential rating is absolutely abolished.
The three chief objects I had in view when designing the Stage System, were: The promotion of land settlement (and thus relieving the congestion of the cities), enabling the great mass of labour to live on land, and the creation of a large body of small freeholders. That it will accomplish these objects a slight study of the diagrams given, and of the stage-distance table will, I think, convince anybody.
Take the Auckland section as an example, and it will be seen that in the districts around Frankton there are 49 railway stations (in other words, 49 districts), to which the passenger fare, or the goods rate, would be precisely the same. All these would also pay the same fare or rate to the port or other chief market town or towns. A glance at the diagrams given will show that there are similar districts on all the lines south of Auckland.
Let anybody imagine, if they can, what would be the effect a system like this would have on land settlement. The selector seeking a farm, a factory, or a residence site, would have an enor-
Then, as to Frankton and similar towns, the effect on them must be that they would rapidly increase in population and importance. They would be the receiving and distributing centres for these districts, and would soon make local markets for the surrounding farmers. The farmer asks for cheap transit to the market. The Stage System would not only give him this, but would also bring a market to his door.
Let me point out that the Stage System is the only system in the whole world that makes special provision for assisting distant country settlers and the poor districts. No other system makes even a pretence of doing this, but, on the contrary, do all they can to oppress them. I hold that this is thorough bad policy, both as regards these districts, the large centres, railway traffic, and social conditions generally.
If the country districts were assisted as they ought to be, the development of railway traffic and construction would soon be very great. If we could create inland towns, and I am sure the Stage System must do this, there would of necessity be a large transit traffic between them and the port, towns. Nothing pays a country like a large transit-traffic. I believe a very great portion of Auckland's prosperity is due to its large suburban transit traffic. Let anybody think what a number of tram-cars, omnibuses, drags, cabs, drays, carts, etc., this employs; of the number of men and women employed in building, maintaining, and driving these, the horses to be bred and fed, the harness to be made, the stables to be built, and the thousand other things it leads up to, and they will then have a little idea of the importance of the suburban traffic of only one city. What, then, would be the result if you were to largely develop the transit traffic of the whole country? Let me repeat a little:—
My Object is:
These are the results which I claim the adoption of this system would secure, and in this opinion I do not stand alone. Parliamentary Committees have carefully investigated it, and reported that it ought to be tried. Railway experts, Chambers of Commerce, and known business men have also investigated and reported in its favour, and none except a few railway officials have condemned it. What I have endeavoured to do is to lay down an expansive and adjustable system—one that will be good for all time.
There is no need to say much on this point. Most political economists are agreed that the small freeholders are the backbone of every country where they exist. They create an enormous amount of wealth; they are the real conservators of liberty and the rights of property; but they are a very independent class, and their votes are not easily manipulated, therefore the political demagogue does not desire to increase their numbers.
If the Stage System would lead to increased land settlement, and enable our workers to live on the land, and no one now denies that this would be the case, then this very desirable class must be largely increased, and the political demagogue would soon lose his power. Probably it is because the leaders of the "Great Liberal Party" see this, that now they are in power they are so strongly opposed to the new system, although they have all voted that it ought to be tried.
The great distinctive features of the Stage System are its basis of rating, its extreme simplicity, and its great capacity for financial development.
As already stated, the present basis of rating is asserted to be the special cost of service rendered, and this is calculated at
It was by taking advantage of this position that, prior to the inquiry of
One of the main objects of this system of rating is so to confuse the rates that-no one shall be able to understand them. Railway men claim that they have the right to charge "what the traffic will bear," that is, to take from the user all they can by any means get; but they could not do this if the public knew what they were about, therefore they try by every possible means so to confuse the rates that no one can read them, but will be compelled to "apply at the station for his rate," and so give them the chance to charge what they like, without an opportunity of that charge being called in question. What I say sounds harsh, but I say it in sober, earnest truthfulness, and assert that my statement is correct.
Let me again direct attention to what the leading man among our late Railway Commissioners, Mr. J. P. Maxwell, had to say on this subject, and there is no doubt that he meant what he said:—
In his report for
This is pretty straight, and ought to convince anybody that there is no intention of dealing honestly with the public.
Under the Stage System, all this complication and mystery, all these differential and mileage rates, would be swept away at one stroke, and a system substituted that is so simple in its working that any ordinary child of 14 or 15 years could state the fare or the rate for any distance, and no official would have the power to alter this charge.
The Stage System basis of rating, instead of being special cost of service and the mile, is average cost of service and the density of the population through which the service runs. This is effected by making the length of the stages in proportion to the population located within their length, as described on page . . As pointed out, the effect will be that in districts like those around Frankton, every settler within a radius of 50 miles will be treated exactly alike as regards transit charges, and every other district in accordance with the density of its population will be treated in the same manner.
As to simplicity, that is fully dealt with on pages 13 to 21.
The same remark applies to finance, which is dealt with pretty fully on pages 21 to 25.
I may, however, add that a system that would constantly increase the population of the country districts, towns, and villages, would also increase the railway revenue, for there must be an ever-increasing traffic between these and the port towns.
As bearing on this part of the subject, I may point out one great difference between our stage and the Hungarian zone systems. In Hungary what is called the first zone is from any station to the next accounting station, or to the flag station nearest the second station. The second zone is from any station to the second station, or to the flag station nearest the third station. It will be seen that this system greatly discourages the opening of new stations, for even new station erected would have the effect of shortening the distance that could be travelled for a given sum, therefore the users of the railways will be opposed to new stations, and consequently the railway revenue is not likely to be increased, nor the prosperity of the districts, nor the comfort and accommodation of passengers improved by any addition to their number.
This is not the case with the Stage System—under it the more stations the better. No matter how many are added, the length of the stage or zone remains the same. Take the stage from Pukekohe to Frankton as an example. On it there are now 15 stations, so that although the through fare is only 6d. or 4d., yet it is possible for each seat in a carnage to earn 7s. 6d. or 5s.; but suppose six new stations were added, the length of the stage would remain precisely the same, but each seat could then earn 10s. 6d. or 7s., while at the same time the public convenience would be greatly increased. I should expect very much better financial and social results from the Stage than from the Zone System.
Say for one year, on the Auckland section—what would it amount to?
The number of passengers carried on this section during
I ask if such a risk is not absolutely insignificant in view of the probable results.
It is now over 16 years since I designed this system. During that time many changes have taken place, and among them is the large increase in the population of our chief cities and their suburbs. If our railways are to be the chief agencies in dealing with the short-distance transit traffic of these centres, then it will be necessary to divide the two first stages from them into halves. Thus, between Auckland and Manurewa on the one hand, and Auckland and Henderson on the other, there would be four half-stages, and the passenger fare for each would be 3d. first class, and 2d. second-class. I do not recommend this plan—I doubt its wisdom. I feel certain that our railways can be fully, and far more profitably employed by developing long-distance traffic, leaving short-distance traffic to be dealt with by tramcars, omnibuses, and cabs. These are very important industries, employing large numbers of our people, and we ought not to use our railways for the purpose of crushing them.
Trams, omnibuses, and cabs can much more efficiently perform short-distance services than a railway can, because for one door a railway train can stop at, these could stop at a hundred. We ought to do everything we possibly can to develop this class of traffic. It is my opinion that all tramways ought to be owned by the municipalities, and that in connection with them a goods traffic ought to be developed. I can see no reason whatever why, at certain hours, goods-tramcars should not be run. It would probably be necessary to limit the weight of packages, but a goods service like this would be a great advantage to our cities, and more especially their suburbs, and would prove a large source of revenue.
It is scarcely possible to imagine the impulse that would be given to trade and commerce by the establishment of a really efficient system of railway working. I believe it would be fully equal to, and certainly much more lasting, than the impulse given by the introduction of railways. If we could make our railways pay five per cent., and I am certain we could make them pay more, it would not add to our burdens if we borrowed many more millions for their construction. What we have to do is so
What a surprising thing it is how little attention we pay-to developing internal trade. At the inquiry of
Internal trade is far more valuable than export trade, for it means better prices and a larger margin of profit. For instance, take our farmers who are fortunate enough to have a local market in our gold field or saw milling towns—do they not get much better prices than they could if they sent their produce to the port towns for export? Produce sent for export must be sold for the lowest possible price, because it has to compete with the cheap labour of India, Russia, Germany, America, etc.
China and Japan for thousands of years existed as great nations without any import or export trade whatever. Will they exist for thousands of years more now that they have opened their ports, and are developing an import and export trade? I doubt it. Internal trade fosters self-reliance, export trade fosters reliance on others. I am not saying that an import and export trade is an evil—probably it is a modern necessity—but I do say that an internal trade is far more valuable to a community, and that we do not pay enough attention to it. To assist in its development is one of the main objects of the Stage System.
That its adoption would have a very important influence on the value of land of every kind cannot be doubted, and the question arises: Will that influence be a disturbing one, or will it lie advantageous? Naturally, I have had to study this part of the subject very closely, and with the fullest confidence I reply Greatly advantageous in every respect, and in every district.
The popular idea is that it will greatly increase the value of distant country lands, and decrease the value of the chief cities and lands for, say, 15 miles round them. A little study will, however, show that this is not so.
As to our great cities, I cannot see how they can be injured by a much larger number of people being settled in the interior. These towns are all port towns, and the trade and commerce of the country must flow through, them. Suppose there was a population of 20,000 in and around Frankton, and 10,000 in and around Rotorua, could this injure Auckland I Most certainly it would do it a great deal of good, even though a considerable portion of that population came from Auckland. The trade between town and country would be enormously increased. There is no fear about the chief cities not growing quickly enough.
Then as to the lands for 15 miles round. These would quickly be subdivided into residence sites, and consequently they would be greatly raised in value instead of depreciated. Then, as to the next two stages, these would be readily available for dairy farms, and even market-gardens for the supply of the cities, which must improve their value. In short, the effect must be to spread the population out, and thus increase the value of land in every direction. The rateable value of land would be raised all over the colony.
We often talk a great deal about spending large sums in advertising the colony, but I ask what would advertise it so well as introducing a really efficient reform in railway administration?
If it were known that in New Zealand you could travel first-class the whole length of the Hurunui-Bluff lino for 18s. 6d., or from Auckland to Rotorua for 3s. 6d.—that you could do this every day in the year, break the journey as often as you pleased, and return for the same price, just when it suited you, and could purchase your tickets without the crush at the station, and use them on any day—would it not be a great, attraction to tourists and others, and would it not develop that lucrative traffic more than anything else could?
It is not possible to estimate the loss this colony has sustained through allowing Hungary to forestall us by appropriating our idea. How many in a thousand ever heard of Hungary before it adopted the Zone System, and who has not heard of it since? This position ought to have been ours, and would have been, but for the selfishness and incapacity of our railway officials, for the Stage System was before the New Zealand public six years before the Hungarian adaptation of it came into force. We, however, still have a good deal left, for there is a very great difference between the Stage System and the Zone, and every other system.
The "Times," in reviewing our Agent-General's new hook, "The Long White Cloud," says:—"The existence of New Zealand has not yet modified the affairs of the world in any very appreciable degree, and the world in general is proportionately indifferent to the history of New Zealand."
Could the "Times" have written thus if the Stage System had been put in operation 12 years ago—as it ought to have been—
When laying down the Stage System, and fighting the railway question, as I have done, I have looked far beyond New-Zealand, and have thought of the influence it would have in the world, but I should have been glad if New Zealand had led in this great reform.
Of the new system? For my part, I have done about all that is in my power. The theories in respect to railway administration and finance, which I put before the public in
Every member of the present Government has voted that the new system ought to be tried, but now they have the power in their own hands they will not order a trial. Again I ask, why? For this reason: When they were private members they did not know the political power the present system gives to the Government: now they know it they will not part with it.
Let the Stage System come into force, and our railways could no longer be used for political purposes, any more than the Post Office can, for, as in the postal service, all the fares, rates, and charges would be fixed, and there could be no favouring political friends at the public expense. This is why the Government is opposed to the new system. During the debate which took place in the House on the On the debate on the The Hon Mr. Seddon, in his Public Works Statement in From six to eight years have now pissed since these utterances were made by gentlemen who are now both Ministers, but no trial of the Stage System is ordered.
What can we do? many people ask me. There is no use in sending petitions to Parliament, they are simply treated with contempt, and so are the reports of their own committees, on those rare occasions when they are contrary to the wishes of the Government. The only plan is for the different constituencies to induce the member who represents their district to take the matter up, and bring pressure to bear on the Government. If in each district a few of the leading people were to send a joint letter to their member, requesting him to give special attention to this matter, it would soon ensure a trial, for the Government would find out that it meant votes.
What I ask is not much. I have repeatedly offered to lay down the Stage System on a section of our railways. I should prefer the Auckland section because it is more against me than any other one. It has more unprofitable ends than any other section. They have all large towns at each end of the system, and considerable towns intervening: Auckland has only one town, and no considerable towns intervening, therefore the financial results must, be much worse than from any other section. Still I am not afraid, and wish to put the new system to the severest test at once.
is to work out and apply the Stage System to every detail, both of coaching and goods traffic; to do this in the least possible space of time, and then to resign my post; and all I will ask in the shape of remuneration is my actual expenses. I only ask such temporary powers and appointment as will enable me to see the work faithfully carried out; in fact, such powers over one section as the Minister for Railways exercises over the whole. It would be worse than madness to entrust this work to officials who have proved themselves so bitterly and unscrupulously hostile to the new system.
I know that, sooner or later, it must and will be tried, but, I am anxious that the first trial should take place while I am here to watch over it. No one else understands it, or could work out its details properly. Should it fall into the hands of the officials, I know well what will happen. They will seek to destroy it by pretended improvements. They hate its simplicity, and will seek to complicate it in every possible way. They detest its distinctive feature—the assistance it renders to the poor districts—and will destroy it by placing more stage stations on the
Even in this mutilated form, they know that it would give greatly better financial results than the present system, and they would claim that these results were due to their "improvements," whereas they would only have secured a part, of the revenue that might have been obtained had the system not been tampered with, and its great distributive capabilities most seriously injured.
I have done my very best to help my fellowcitizens in this important matter, and I now ask them to help me by using all their influence with their various Parliamentary representatives to at once procure a trial of the new system. I think I may fairly ask for and expect this little help. It is not much, and there should be at least one man in each district able and willing to render it.
Our railway officials having repeatedly asserted that I am incompetent to deal with this important matter, I respectfully, and with much deference, direct attention to the instances in which time and the course of events have proved my judgment to be right and that of the railway men wrong.
My first letter on the railway question appeared in the "New Zealand Herald," of the
On the 31st March following, the Department gazetted certain alterations and reductions in passenger fares.
Commenting on these in a printed circular letter sent to the various Chambers of Commerce, I said, "I am strongly of opinion that the concession made will simply mean so much loss so far as the revenue is concerned."
At the end of the year, passenger revenue had decreased £25,213, and the number of passengers carried was 10,734 less than in the previous year.
In
It is clear that in these two instances our railway controllers were quite unable to estimate, even approximately, the result of their own work, and that my estimate was much nearer the truth than theirs.
In my first lecture on the railway question, I made the statement that passengers could be carried on a railway thirty (30) miles for one penny without loss. Mr. Maxwell quoted this as an instance of my "great ignorance." Several years later, the Chairman of the Railway Clearing House in London gave a lecture on railway transit before the London Institute. In it he made use of these words: "Given a train of the capacity to carry 500 passengers, and assuming that train to be only onehalf full, then the cost of carrying each passenger is one penny for every 30 miles." I think this may be taken as proof that I had calculated correctly, and that the "great ignorance" was not shown by me.
Speaking in the Auckland Chamber of Commerce soon after the appointment of the Victorian Railway Board, with Mr. Speight as chief, I used these words: "I venture to say that this Victorian Railway Board will make a complete financial failure, and that, the social effects will be still more disastrous. In Victoria will first be reproduced in these colonies all the worst social inequalities, miseries, and vices of the older countries of Europe and America. I expect that for some years the revenue will be considerably increased, but it will be done by the usual process—that is, by absorbing the country districts of Victoria into Melbourne."
At that time I was probably the only man in Australasia who held this opinion, for then success was apparently assured, and the other colonies were hastening to follow Victoria's example. Time, however, has proved that my judgment was again right.
In
Subsequent information showed that the system was not one of equal zones, still I thought their arrangement, very faulty, and again wrote, pointing out that the 11th, 12th, and 13th zones were likely to give poor financial results. The reports show that I was also right in this anticipation. (See "New Zealand Herald.
After four years' working the increases in the various zones were as follows:—
The officers of the Department contended that under the Stage System there would be practically no increase on the shortest or the longest distances, but that any increase there might be would be on the mid-distance travelling. On the contrary, I maintained that the chief increases would be made, as they have been in Hungary, on the short and on the long distances.
It must be remembered that this evidence was given long before the Hungarian system was heard of.
In
One of the objections urged to according the Stage System a trial, is that it would be dangerous to the country to give me control over a, small section of our railways.
If this is so, may I ask why a gentleman who never pretended to have the slightest knowledge of either railway policy or working was made Chief Commissioner of the whole of our railways, with irresponsible power to deal with them just, exactly as he pleased, and also power to over-ride his fellow Commissioners.
Mr. J. P. Maxwell, too, when he was appointed General Manager, on his own showing, had never had a day's training to qualify him for his post. (See Parliamentary Paper, I.—IX.,
I think, too, Sir, that without presumption I may be permitted to say that my knowledge of the railway question is at any rate equal to that of any of the Ministers who have had charge of our railways during the last 15 years.
Since writing the above paper, my attention has been directed to what Mr. Arnot Reid says in his recent work on Russia, about the management of the Trans-Siberian Railway.
"The whole country traversed by the railway is divided into zones of a certain mileage, and the charge for travelling is so much within each zone, without regard to the actual distance the traveller mar proceed. The zone system is by no means peculiar to Russia, but is, I think, carried out, unless my memory leads me wrong, in Austria and elsewhere with much success. It has been found to be an exceedingly useful system for developing the use of railways by populations that are new to railways, and,
As I understand this matter, on the
The passenger revenue of the Russian lines for the previous year had been £8,061,75-4, but the Russian railway "experts" calculated that the introduction of the new system would reduce the year's revenue to £6,167,552; it, however, wound up with £9,183,333, or £1,121,579 more than the previous year, and £3,015,781 more than the railway experts calculated on.
I may mention that copies of my pamphlets were sent to the British Consul and Ambassador at St. Petersburg some years ago.
I hope my readers will take note that all this vast increase of revenue has been produced solely from the most thinly-populated districts of the vast Russian Empire. The same results took place in Hungary, where the largest increase also occurred in the most sparsely populated districts.
These indisputable facts prove incontestably that I am right in my oft-repeated statement that the Stage System does not require a dense population, but, on the contrary, will give the best results in a thinly-populated country. They fully dispose of the not sufficient population theory. I now say with the utmost confidence that if applied faithfully to our railways, it will increase the railway revenue by at least from £800,000 to £1,000,000 per annum, add very little to the working expenses, and give such an impetus to business and social development as we have never seem before.
It cannot be much longer now before this system extends itself to these colonies. Are we to be the first, or are we to be the last? I warn my fellow colonists, that if it is first applied in Australia, it will draw off a large proportion of our population, for a great demand for labour will speedily spring up wherever it is put in force.
Every member of the Seddon Ministry has endorsed this system, and it is now abundantly clear that they oppose it because they know that under it they cannot use the railways for political purposes, as they do now. For what the Right Hon. R. J. Seddon and the Hon. J. A. Cadman have said of the Stage System, see footnote to page 35.
Had this system been put in force, as it ought to have been, 12 or more years ago, how much of the curse of debt would this colony have been saved from, and how many broken fortunes and broken hearts would also have been saved. It is deplorable to think how much this country has suffered, through the selfishness and ignorance of its chief railway officials, the supineness, or worse, of its Government, and the apathy of its people.
Now that the position is fully proved, I again call upon my fellow colonists to do their duty in this matter, and see that, their Parliamentary representatives do their duty also, and insist upon a trial. I do not forget—I remember with feelings of deep gratitude—that many of our members have done their duty, and that on the last division the Government had to exert all their influence to prevent a trial of the new system being ordered, and they succeeded in securing a majority against it of only seven.
The Government of the "Great Liberal Party," although they have all vested that it ought to be tried, are the greatest enemies of the Stage System. They profess to be specially anxious for the welfare of the working man, but they tyke very good care they will not give him the chance of travelling the whole length of the Auckland section, from the extreme North to the South end for 4s, from New Plymouth to Wellington for 6s 1d, from Napier to Wellington for 6s, or the whole length of the Hurunui-Bluff section for 12s 8d.
This is what would really help the working man to obtain work, or a home; but he cannot have it, because for political reasons it does not suit the leaders of the "Great Liberal Party." Where the liberality comes in I fail to discover.
It is now six years since the following paper was published in the "New Zealand Herald" of the
To the Editor.
Sir,—One of your Southern contemporaries has recently sent to various prominent men, and also to me, a circular letter, asking the following questions:—
As this matter is of great public interest, and is sure to be keenly debated in the next, session of Parliament, I shall feel obliged if you will afford me space for the following reply to the above questions:—
In considering the future of our railways, it is first of all necessary to have a clear understanding as to the meaning of certain terms employed.
In this country it is universal to confuse railway management with the policy that should govern that management. The two things are totally distinct.
Railway management-may be divided into two departments—the engineers' and the traffic departments. The engineers deal with everything pertaining to the maintenance of the lines and
It is because our legislators did not properly distinguish between these terms that they committed our railway policy to men who never had a day's training to fit them for dealing with it
Then, what is meant by the term non-political"? Here it has come to be considered as synonymous with irresponsible. In this country we have an irresponsible Hoard, but so far from the railways being removed from political control, they have been placed under the worst possible form of political influence. As a matter of fact our railways have been handed over to a political party. That party is now making the most strenuous efforts to retain the advantage it has gained, for they well know that if they can retain their grip of its railways, they will soon dominate not only its politics, but also the trade, commerce, and social conditions of the country.
In answer to the first question—"Are you in favour of the railways being managed by a non-political Board?" I reply,—
For the last, ten and a-half years I have made a special study of the railway problem, having on an average devoted at least from three to four hours per day to it. I have read all that I could procure of what has been published on the subject, have written and published what would form several good-sized volumes on the railway question, have entered into controversy with many writers, and have thoroughly studied it from all its various points of view. As the result of my investigations I have arrived at this conclusion: I am, utterly, and in the strongest manner possible, opposed to railways being administered by what is here called a non-political Board, or by an irresponsible Board of any kind or sort whatever, no matter by whom or in what manner that Board may be appointed, nor of whom it may be composed.
I say this for the following reasons, which appear to me to be all sufficient:—
Its railways being by far the largest business investment in the country, it is most important that the people should keep a careful eye over it. The effect of irresponsible Boards is to destroy all public interest in our railways. This is already manifest, for the people have settled down into a, state of apathy, and both say and feel that it is useless to try to do anything, for the Commissioners will still do as they please. The paid-up capital of all the banks doing business in the colony is only £4,625,000. The paid-up capital of our railways is £15,500,000. For the public to neglect this vast investment must be a great mistake, and must lead to serious results.
The following is my reply to questions two and three, asked on the above subject. I feel so deeply the vast importance of rightly administering our railways, and I am so thoroughly convinced of the great mischief that is now being done, and so clearly do I foresee what it must lead to, that I have not hesitated to say exactly what I think and know.
Question No. 2. "Are you in favour of the railways being managed by a Board, the chairman of which is a member of the Ministry of the day?" No, I am not. At the same time I am of pinion that such a Board would be a great improvement on the present one, seeing that the Minister would be re-sponsible to Parliament, while the present Board is not responsible to anybody.
While I express myself thus strongly against Board management of any kind. I wish it to be distinctly understood that no one can be more impressed with the desirability of removing our railways as far as possible from political influence than I am. I believe this can be done, while at the same time we can retain direct Parliamentary control, which I strongly advocate.
How I propose to do this brings me to your third question: "If you are in favour of some other form of control, state your views and your reasons therefor."
My proposal then is:—
These are all kindred departments, which must more or less work together, and therefore could be worked much more cheaply and advantageously from one centre.
To assist this Minister it would be quite necessary to appoint two under secretaries, one for railways and one for post and telegraphs.
Now, as to to political influence. It is in the matter of railway construction that this colony has suffered most from political influence. The Act of
To get over this difficulty I propose that Railway Construction Bills should, as new lines are wanted or supposed to be wanted, be passed through Parliament, but before any such Bills became law, I would refer the final decision to a commission to be composed of the judges of the Supreme Court and four lay members, two for each island, these to be elected by the local governing bodies, chambers of commerce, and pastoral and agricultural associations. Should any line of railway be thrown out by this commission, that line not to be brought forward in Parliament again for at least three years.
A commission its here suggested would be as free from political influence as it is possible for any commission to be, and would form an effective cheek on the construction of "political railways."
There are two other ways in which it is claimed undue political influence has been exercised with reference to our railways: the appointment of employees and the manipulation of rates and charges.
As regards the appointment of employees, I would follow the example of the Victorians. There, when the Commissioners want men in any of the various grades, they are obliged to advertise for them. The Government appoints examiners. All who choose can go up for examination, and those who pass, ballot among themselves for the various appointments. By this means neither the Government nor the Commissioners have the patronage. Men from all classes of society have an equal chance, and new blood and the most able men would constantly be drawn into the service.
The only way of removing rates and charges from political influence is to greatly simplify the classification, rates charges, and regulations; to as far as possible equalise fares, rates, and charges, take them down to the lowest possible limit, then make them fixed for a certain period, and only alterable as the postal rates are, by Act of Parliament, which would, of course, make the alteration universal.
If these three things were done our railways would be much freer from political influence than they are now, while Parliament would retain supreme control.
What we want to do is to reduce railway administration the a system. At present it is what Professor R. T. Ely aptly describes as "the abominable no-system of railway." This; "no-system" has been deliberately designed for the purpose of plundering the public to the utmost possible extent; it gives enormous power and influence 'to railway men, and they will fight to the very last to retain it.
I know that the Railway Commissioners say that, it is impossible to do what I propose. I say that it not only possible,
Whatever may be the future of our railways, I deliberately say this: that in the public interest the Government Railways Act of
The Victorian Act is bad enough, ours is infinitely worse. In Victoria some safeguards were taken for the public. Here, while every possible care was taken in the Act to place the officials outside the reach of the law, not one line, not one word is there to safeguard the public. It is simply a bold, daring attempt on the part of a certain set to secure all the power and patronage obtainable from having supreme and irresponsible control over the railways of the country, and so far they have succeeded.
Do not let me be misunderstood. I thoroughly believe that the Minister responsible for this Act, the late Sir F. Whitaker, was actuated by the purest motives, and I also believe that those M.H.R.'s who voted for it, did so in the hope that it would do good, though most of them had very serious doubts on that point.
I, however, have not the slightest belief in the honesty of the set of wire-pullers who secretly procured the passing of the Act and the appointment of the present Board. I believe with Mr. Saunders that that "was effected under party, political, personal, and official considerations of the most objectionable character."
I have no confidence either in the Act of
We never hear of political influence in reference to the postal service. Why do we in reference to railways? Simply because of the mystery, complexity, and confusion with which the whole thing has been purposely and unnecessarily surrounded, which prevents the community generally from knowing what is going on.
If we are to do any real good with our railways we must assimilate their working to the postal system of working. There is no reason whatever why this should not be done, except the
The first step towards improvement will be to repeal the Act of
If in these letters I have spoken warmly, it is because I have felt deeply the vast importance of placing our railway administration on a proper footing.—
The following memorandum has been received by the Hon. R. J. Seddon, in regard to a letter from the New Zealand Railway League respecting Mr. Vaile's railway system:—
New Zealand Government Railways, Head Office, Wellington, James McKerrow. Chief Commissioner Railways.
Copies of this letter have been supplied to the Auckland members of the House, and to Mr. Vaile.
On Tuesday morning Mr. S. Vaile interviewed the Hon. Mr. Seddon at the Ministers' Room. Customs Buildings, regarding the trial of his system on the railways.
Mr. Vaile read his reply as follows to the letter of Mr. McKerrow:—
My first feeling on reading the letter of the Chief Railway Commissioner of the 24th April last was one of profound astonishment that a gentleman of Mr. McKerrow's reputation for honesty
This letter is simply another attempt to mislead the Government and the public by misstating facts, raising side-issues, and seeking to make it appear that the Railway Reform League and myself have not known what we were asking for, and thus to avoid dealing with a great public question. However, events march on, and Parliament will soon be forced to deal with it, whether the Commissioners like it or not.
First let me remark that no petition has been sent from the Railway Reform League since the session of
Mr. McKerrow states that the Railway Reform League have said that the "Hungarian Government has adopted the system proposed by this League." The letter from which this is quoted was written by the late secretary of the League, and all he ever intended to say was that the Hungarian Government had abolished mileage rating, and adopted a stage system, with fares similar to those I have proposed. The League has never asked for a trial of the Hungarian or Austrian systems; the Commissioners are therefore only beating the wind in talking about them.
What the League has very distinctly asked for is a trial of the system the Parliamentary Committee of
Mr. McKerrow then goes on to say, "Mr. Vaile, however, holds that the Hungarian and Austrian zone systems are faulty and defective, and that little financial improvement can be expected from them."
It is quite true that I have spoken of these systems as defective and utterly unsuited to our requirements, but so far from saying that the Hungarian system would give "but little financial improvement," when the first news of its adoption reached Auckland, in a letter I published in the "New Zealand Herald," of the
Most of the prominent railway men of Europe and America predicted that the Hungarian system would end in disastrous financial failure. The result has shown that the railway men knew nothing about it.
Next follows another misrepresentation as to the effects I expect to result from the adoption of my system. In my letter of the
"From the adoption of the proposed plan I should expect the following results to take place:
From this statement I have never moved.
We next come to (this assertion: "Only a very vague outline of Mr. Vaile's plan of his stage system has ever been divulged by him." Is it possible that Mr. McKerraw can be serious? Does he wish the New Zealand public to believe that the Hon. Major Atkinson, ex-Premier, the then Minister of Public Works, three ex-Ministers of Public Works, and five other well-known M.H.R.'s spent nearly ten weeks of valuable time, and some hundreds of pounds of the public money in investigating "only a very vague outline," and then reported that, "bearing in mind its great importance," that in their opinion "a trial should be given to the system." I am surprised that Mr. McKerrow could be induced to append his name to such a ridiculous and discourteous statement.
The fact is, my system is so exceedingly simple that the Commissioners cannot believe it to be a system at all. They forget that all good systems are simple. Among other absurd things they have asked of me is a request that I should make every detail of the present complicated "no-system" fit in with the details of the new system, which was very much like asking me to make ten hands fit into one five-fingered glove.
All the information, and much more, has been given to the Commissioners that was given to Mr. W. Conyers' late commission of South Island railways, and he gave evidence before the Committee that he saw no difficulty in applying the new system, and that he could do it in a very few months. What was sufficient for his guidance ought to be sufficient for them, always supposing that as railway men they are his equals, which, however, appears to be somewhat doubtful.
Mr. McKerrow's next paragraph is an attempt to revive the old charge that the new system is unfair and unequal in its operation. The system is precisely the same in every district, but the Commissioners will not allow any system to be fair when the charge is not made by the mile, which is just what I and those who are with me object to.
He then says: "There is nothing in the system to recommend it." This is the Commissioners' opinion. It does not suit them; but tens of thousands of New Zealand colonists and nearly every local governing body in the colony think otherwise, and have petitioned Parliament that it may be tried.
Next comes a repetition of the statement made in their report, presented Yo Parliament in
In Hungary a man can often travel distances up to ten or more miles for five farthings (1¼d), and he can go a mile further than the whole distance from Culverden to the Bluff, 456 miles, for 3s 11d (three shillings and elevenpence). I have never proposed less than 4d for eight) miles, or 12s 8d for the long distance.
Mr. McKerrow's last paragraph shows that the Commissioners persistently ignore the fact that what the public demands is not merely "lower fares," but) a thorough and complete change of system as regards the transit of both passengers and goods. And it says clearly and distinctly that the public shall not obtain the desired change of policy if he and the other Commissioners can by any means retain their present cherished "no-system," which gives them power to do just as they please 'with the trade and commerce of the country. And this is what they have done during the two years they have had uncontrolled charge.
The following is a table showing goods traffic on the New Zealand railways, with the average charge for carrying and delivering each ton during the years ending
Mr. McKerrow and his fellow Commissioners have made loud professions of reducing rates; their own figures which I give above prove that instead of lowering they have steadily increased the rates till they are now 25 per cent, above what they were when they took charge.
The following table, giving the charge for delivering each ton on the Hurunui-Bluff and Auckland lines respectively during the year
The fact is, the Commissioners have only maintained the present miserable revenue by reducing train services, working the rolling stock to death, raising charges generally, and imposing the most unjust differential rates.
Mr. Vaile said the only question remaining was whether two people would travel where one travelled now. He believed that four would travel where one travelled now.
Mr. Seddon replied that later on in the history of the colony that would be so, but at present it was very problematical. At the present time the colony had not enough population for that; later on, when we had the population. Mr. Vaile would be right.
Mr. Vaile, in reply to a further question by Mr. Seddon, explained his course in first applying his system to the passenger traffic. He went on to say that if the recommendations of the Parliamentary Committee—that his system should be tried—were given effect to, he would be able to prove that he was right. He was not insensible of what his position would be if the system were tried and failed. He had asked nothing for himself. He repeated to the present Government the offer that he had made to previous Governments: that if he were placed in the position to do so, he would apply the system to the Auckland lines, working out the whole thing as it regarded passengers, goods, and parcels, in six months, he believed, and he was prepared to go and hand over the lines in working order. All he asked for that was that his expenses should be paid during the time.
Mr. Seddon said he thought Parliament would be very chary in interfering with the Railway Commissioners as the law at present stood. He had always had very grave doubts as to whether Parliament was wise in handing over the control of the railways to Commissioners; and, after what Mr. Vaile had shown him that day, and from what he knew himself, it was unquestionably, so far, not a success, but it might be that in the end it would come right.
Mr. Vaile: It cannot come right.
Mr. Seddon: Well, they say it will; and as they have been appointed for a certain time, Parliament do not think it would be fair to interfere with them, or to hamper them, until that time has expired. Mr. Seddon went on to say that he thought the country was very much indebted to Mr. Vaile for the trouble
Mr. Vaile: They get it by raising the rates.
Mr. Seddon: They say they have not raised the rates.
Mr. Vaile: I say, "There are your own figures, gentlemen."
Mr. Seddon remarked that the raising of the rates meant an increase of taxation.
Mr. Vaile: Yes, and a very gross form of taxation.
Mr. Seddon went on to say that the people did not know it, and the press did not know it. He pointed out that there was another question which Mr. Vaile had not gone into, and perhaps it had not come under his cognisance, and that was, that the railways and the plant had been going back.
Mr. Vaile: I know that.
Mr. Seddon: At the end of the term, taking the plant as we gave it, and taking the extra charge—
Mr. Vaile: It will take a million to set us right.
Mr. Seddon, continuing, said that the working of the railway system now was much more expensive than was originally intended. The Railway Commissioners recently sent an order home for four new boilers, though such boilers could be made in the colony. His attention having been called to this in Christchurch, he asked the Commissioners why they had not made inquiries in the colony from private firms without sending the order home, and whether or not the work could not be done as well by tender here as by open order sent home. They replied that they had not the necessary shop accommodation, and could not have got the work done within the time allowed. He then asked them how many boilermakers they had discharged, and whether the men employed worked full time. The reply of the Commissioners was that they did not think they were called upon to answer those queries. This meant that they did not think they were called upon to reply to a question by the Minister of Public Works. The members of Parliament looked upon the Minister as the political head of the railway system, but if the Minister was not to know the number of men employed, and the capacity of the shops, and yet a demand was made upon the colony to provide additional accommodation, it showed clearly the position. Parliament had no control; the thing had been handed over bodily to the Commissioners, and that must be accepted as the situation. Therefore, in all cases, he would have to inform members of Parliament when they asked for information that they must apply direct to the Commissioners. He would not take any responsibility in the matter. Though the Commissioners had refused to give him the information he asked for, he had obtained it from another source, thoroughly reliable, and thus found that there were facilities at the boiler-making shops at Addington for
Mr. Vaile said he thought the Act appointing the Commissioners would have to be repealed.
Mr. Seddon replied that the more they talked about repealing the Act the more it would make people say that the Commissioners were being hampered. He said nothing about interfering; he said the proper course was to let the Commissioners finish the time allotted to them by Parliament, and let the results be then seem.
Note.—I first published the above paper in 1889. The system is still in force on our railways, and the only way to abolish it is to do away with mileage rating, reckon by stages, and make all the charges fixed, the same as postal charges are. There is no reason whatever why this should not be done. The vile system is maintained simply because the officials will not part with the power it gives them.
I am often asked: What is differential rating? Tell us exactly what it means.
To describe all that the term "differential rating" means, in a way that will be understood by the general public, is a somewhat difficult task.
Differential rates are known by various names, as discriminations, preferences, drawbacks, rebates, discounts, allowances, through rates, etc.
It will be well to go back a little, and trace how and why the practice arose.
Railways originated in England, and the Government of that country made the mistake of allowing them to be constructed by private people, and held as trade speculations.
The only object the constructors of railways had in view was to make money out of their investments, and this, indeed, is their only object now. To such an extent has this been carried on in some countries, and so much have their powers been abused, that in many parts of Germany, for instance, to call a man a railway "constructor" is more offensive than to call him a liar.
At the commencement of the railway era, fares and charges appear to have been arranged on a fair and equitable basis. On the first railway, the Stockton and Darlington, passengers were charged one uniform fare of one shilling each for the whole, or any portion of the 12½ miles. Parcels also were charged one uniform rate. This line was not intended to carry goods.
As time passed on railway construction and working became more expensive, and as making money was the only object, means must be found by which this money could be obtained.
It soon occurred to the railway managers to "classify" goods; that is, to charge one price for one kind of goods and another price for another class. Thus the price charged for conveying a ton of carrots would be much less than for a ton of broadcloths. This is not differential rating; it is classification" and, to a certain extent, it is not only justifiable, but necessary. For instance, it would be neither convenient nor profitable to attempt to carry live stock and crockery in the same vehicle. They must be separated. Classification, however, in the effort to get "all that the traffic will bear," has been pushed to an undue extent, and been made a grievous burden.
The Stockton and Darlington Railway was opened on the
The change in the cost of carrying goods long distances by rail instead of by horse power was so great, that the heavy charges made by the railway companies were hardly felt for a time, but prices soon began to adjust themselves, and experience showed that the rates charged killed the long distance traffic.
The companies, by their charters, were empowered to levy tolls (note the idea of a toll-bar) at so much per mile. After a time it was found out that these mileage rates could not be enforced, because the constant piling up of an additional toll or charge for every mile passed over, could not be borne except by foods which carried a large profit. This was the difficulty that first gave rise to the differential rating system.
The controllers of railways soon apprehended what a mighty engine this system was for extracting money from the pockets
It is probable that the earliest form of differential rating was giving "through rates," that is to say, rates from point to point, as from Birmingham to London. These rates were often given at less than the price charged for only half the distance. This constitutes a differential rate in favour of the large centre, and against the weaker districts. It is manifestly unfair, especially when mileage rates are used.
As the necessities of the railway companies became greater, worse forms of differential rating crept in. Thus the companies, if they could not get their regular rate from a customer, would take a lower one, while a less powerful customer would have to pay the full rate, and in process of time it became such a matter of bargaining that everybody had to "inquire at the situation" for their rate; and according to Sir Edward Watkin, there were over ten million (10,000,000) different rates in existence in
Up to quite a recent period a pretence has been made of regulating railway charges by the "cost of service." We hear but little of this now, the railway men claiming instead that they have the right to charge "what the traffic will bear." That is to say, to take all they can get.
The forms of differential rating are very various. Perhaps the most common is the result of inquiring at the stations for a rate. Mr. Maxwell, in a letter to the Auckland Chamber of Commerce, and in one of his reports, which I shall afterwards quote, has openly expressed his wish to drive the users of New Zealand railways into this position.
A man "inquires at the station" for the rate for conveying, say, 2,000 sheep to a given point. He is told the rate as per tariff, and if he is absolutely dependant on the railway this rate will be adhered to, unless he has a friend at court, in which case, or if he can drive or send them by water, he will probably get his sheep carried at half the rate.
A poor man with only 30 head applies at the same station. Ho will get no consideration whatever, but must either pay the full rate or drive his sheep.
This is a differential rate in favour of the rich and against the poor man, as indeed all differential rates may be said to be. The railway men say it is given to "develope industries." Whatever the intention, the effect is to develope monopoly.
The following are some other forms of differential rating:—
Large users of railways arrange that in their monthly freight bills they are to receive a certain portion of the amount back by way of discount, rebate, drawback, or allowance of some
A worse form is "secret rating." A speculator or manufacturer will enter into a secret contract with a railway company or owner to take his goods at a certain rate. He on his part undertakes to pay them not less than so much per month or per annum, and the railway owners on their part agree not to carry the same class of goods for any other producer at less than say double the rate they charge the contracting party. Both parities to this contract enter into heavy bonds not to divulge its nature.
Imagine a transaction like this, being, as it now is, perfectly legal on our New Zealand Railways.
Another form is to call 100 miles 50, 60, or 70 miles only. We have more than one example of this class of differential rating in New Zealand. On one railway in Canterbury 31 miles is "deemed" to be 15 miles only, and on another 21 miles is also "deemed" to be 15 miles.
There are differential rates in favour of Christchurch and against the rest of the colony.
Another form is to call 15cwt. or 30cwt. a ton, according as the railway controllers may wish to fix a rate in favour of or against any particular individual. This is the way the recent railway frauds in New South Wales were perpetrated.
Some time ago differential rates were in existence in favour of certain districts in the Waikato; the object was not to favour these districts, but to ruin the Waikato Steam Navigation Company, which the Government succeeded in doing, and then immediately raised the rates;.
Another form is to charge one district a certain rate, and in another a rate and a-quarter or a rate and a-half for precisely the same service rendered; or, to say with regard to certain districts, all goods belonging to a certain class shall be charged as if they belonged to goods of a higher classification—that is, a class paying a higher rate.
Both these two last forms have been and still are extensively used on the New Zealand Railways. A few years ago agricultural produce generally (class E) was charged a single rate in the South Island, and a rate and a-quarter in the North Island. This has been removed as regards Auckland, but still remains against Wellington, Napier, and Wanganui. Very heavy differential rates are also imposed against the weaker districts in the South Island.
Both these forms constitute differential rates in favour of the wealthy and against the poorer districts.
Parliament votes subsidies and bonuses to protect and assist weak industries, and at the same time passes an Act to empower the Railway Commissioners to levy rates that will effectually crush these weak industries and also weak districts.
Differential rates have often been given in favour of one manufactory, say, a woollen mill, or a coal mine, and against
This form of rating is also now legal on the New Zealand lines, and as, if the abominable Act of
Professor R. T. Ely, of Baltimore, who has aptly described the present way of administering railways as "our abominable no-system of railways," speaking of differential rating says, "It is difficult to tell where to begin or where to end on account of abuses, as they are so numerous and momentous. Equally difficult is it to find language in which to pourtray the sober, scientific truth in regard to these abuses, for their enormity is such as almost to baffle description."
He speaks of one company "of odious memory, whose history is marked not only by theft, wholesale bribery, and legislative corruption, but even by violence and murder." He says that effective essays might be written on differential rating under such titles as "Corruption no Harm," "Lying no Sin," "Theft no Crime."
I emphatically endorse Professor Ely's condemnation of this system. It is the vilest thing the trading world has ever produced. There is no other thing, not even excepting the liquor traffic, that has brought so much social, moral, political, and commercial degradation and misery in its train as the present "no-system" of railway administration.
Years ago I published' the following paragraph:—
"If the whole history of commerce, from the earliest times, was searched with the minutest care, I do not believe it would be possible to find in its darkest records anything to equal the differential rating system for unmitigated dishonesty. How it could have come into almost universal use I cannot imagine, and still more do I wonder that our great writers have failed to notice and point out the enormous influence for evil it must have on commercial and social affairs."
Yet we have passed an Act, one of the main objects—if not the main object—of which is to fully develop this evil amongst us, and we have appointed as administrators of that Act two men who are its ardent advocates. Here is what one, if not two, of them say:—
Mr. Maxwell, in his report for
Anyone wishing to see what two of our present Commissioners can say in favour of this system, cannot do better than peruse Parliamentary Paper I. 9,
He first of all took up the ground that it was justified by cost of service, and that it secured "equality of treatment." Driven from pillar to post in his defence of this abominable system, he then said that "you can get it" (equality of treatment) if the conditions were precisely similar. Which is simply saying, if two things are exactly similar, they must be alike. Finally, he was compelled to say that the sole object of the system was to "get revenue."
In most countries the passenger fare, for distances of from 10 to 15 miles round the great cities, is half the rate per mile that is charged for the longer distances. That is to say, dwellers in the country or small towns have to pay twice the price that dwellers in the city do. It will easily be seen how this must cripple the weaker districts, and make them poorer still.
This is one of the worst forms of differential raiting in favour of the great cities and against the country.
As to the meaning of the term "differential rating" when applied to railway working, I define it as meaning any system which gives to the officers or controllers of railways the power to alter or vary fares, rates, or charges at their pleasure, or to suit their idea of the requirements of trade.
At the Parliamentary inquiry in
Mr. Waring, I may state, was formerly a member of the British Parliament, and a, very prominent man. His opinion is certainly worth more than that of Messrs. Maxwell and Hannay.
This is what I said to Mr. Waring: "If you can spare the time. I shall esteem it a favour if you will answer me this question:—
"As in the system I propose all the fares and rates will be definitely fixed, for at any rate, a number of years, and the officers will have no power to alter or vary them—Can my system be called a differential raiting system?"
This is his reply:—"In answer to the specific question you put to me, I hardly see how any system in which rates and fares are established on a fixed basis can be properly called a differential rating system. That is not what we mean when we speak of a differential system in England, and describes, indeed, the exact reverse."
My contention is that all fares, rates, and charges ought to be brought down to the lowest possible point, and then arranged on a fixed basis for a period of years, and only altered then on a regularly defined system. There is no difficulty whatever in doing this; the only obstacle in the way is the self-interested prejudices of the railway officials.
Speaking of the differential rating system, Mr. J. F. Hudson, of America, says:—"It cuts down the profits of one competitor, and enhances those of another; and thus acts as a perpetual disturbing force in trade, against which sagacity, energy, and integrity contend in vain."
This is absolutely true, and it is also true that we have legislated with the special object of working this system to the fullest extent. To such an extent has this system been worked in America, that the evidence with reference to if taken by the Legislature of New York alone fills nearly 5,000 pages.
The author quoted above says: "Discrimination (the American, and better word for differential) between different localities or cities involves the daily exorcise by railway officials who adjust freight tariffs of a power greater than that possessed by any civilised Government—except perhaps that of Russia.'
What would this writer say to our Act? He would not need to except Russia; there is nothing there to equal it for absolute tyranny.
To give a very limited account of the evil effects of differential rating will occupy the full space of another paper.
As our Railway Commissioners have now full power to impose "differential rates" in any and every form, and the public has no remedy whatever, either at law or by an appeal to Parliament, it may be as well if I give a few instances of what has been done under the iniquitous system which has now been legalised in New Zealand.
In order to work this vile "no-system" effectively, the first thing to be done is to multiply and confuse the rates as much as possible, so that no one can understand them, and thus compel the public, as Mr. Maxwell says, to "apply at the station for their rate." Anyone who will take the trouble to study the Gazette will see how rapidly our Commissioners are bringing about this state of things.
On the Midland Railway of England there are over 30,000,000 rates. Who could pick the legal one from such a mass?
In my last paper I quoted Mr. Maxwell's statement that differential raiting was not carried far enough in New Zealand, and also that "maximum rates might be fixed by law, and a suitable Court of Appeal constituted to prevent abuse of the powers given."
One hardly knows what to think of this suggestion of Mr. Maxwell's. Is he simply trying to throw dust in the eyes of the public, or is he so supremely in the dark as to what is going on in the railway world as to believe that such a course could be any protection to the public.
Such a tribunal has been in existence in Great Britain since
Fifty-five miles: Maximum legal rate for minerals, 5s 5½d per ton; rate charged, 11s 8d, or 6s 2½d in excess.
Fifty-five miles:—Manchester goods, etc.: Legal rate, 10s 10d; rate charged, 22s 6d; excess charge, 11s 8d per ton.
Fourteen miles:—Boots and shoes, etc.: Legal rate, 24s 3d: rate charged, 55s: excess charge, 30s 9d, for transporting a ton only 14 miles.
Cork to Bandon, 20 miles. The following charges are made over and above the legal maximum rates per ton:—
Drain pipes, 2s 6d; hides, 3s 9d: wool, 2s 11d.
Cork to Drimoleague, 45 miles: 5th class, overcharge, 11s 11d per ton; 6th class, 26s 11d.
Coal rates: Legal rate per ton for six miles, 3d: rate charged, 9d. Ten miles: Legal rate, 7d; rate charged, 1s 1¼d. Seventeen miles: Legal rate, 1s l ¾d; charged, 1s 8¾d.
As examples of preferential rating, I quote the following, given on the Caledonian Railway in favour of the Aberdeen Commercial Company:—
Ordinary rate: Three miles, 1s 3d; rate to Commercial Company, 5d. Twenty-two miles: Ordinary rate, 4s 6d; to Commercial Company, 3s 4d. Forty-two miles: Ordinary rate, 8s 4d: to Commercial Company, 5s 4d.
I speak within bounds when I say that thousands of similar instances to the above could be produced. I have selected these few at random; they are by no means the worst that can be found. Professor Hunter gave evidence before the British Royal Commission of
Mr. Findlay gave evidence before this Commission to this effect, "I believe that to certain stations north of Sudbury or Harrow we charge a higher rate than we do to London, simply because it is within our power."
Mr. Waring says that "The unalterable rule of the railway directors is to get all they can," and shows that the law is futile to protect the public.
However, we need not talk of law in New Zealand. There is no law for the public in this country. The law has been most carefully drawn to protect the Commissioners from the effects of wrong-doing in their efforts to "get revenue" from the public, but as to the people, they must take their chance as best they may.
Seeing that our railways are now worked as if they belonged to a company, and on "commercial principles," if such a term can be applied to a thing that is utterly and absolutely without principle, it may be as well to pursue the subject a little further, and show some of the tilings that have been done in America under the system we have legalised here. I present only a few of the more notorious cases.
In America there exists, or recently did exist, a set of men called "eveners." A number of railway companies agree to "pool" their traffic and profits, each line taking a certain agreed upon percentage. The "eveners" enter into a contract to "even up" these percentages, in consideration of certain rebates allowed to them, but refused to everybody else.
A party of these men in Chicago entered into an engagement with the various trunk lines running east from that city, by which they were to receive from the companies forming the trunk line "pool" a rebate of £3 on every car load of live stock that passed over their lines. This rebate was paid them not only on live stock shipped by themselves, but also on all the live stock sent over these rails by other people. The effect was that they secured an advantage of £6 per truck load over those competing with them, whom they soon brought to ruin, and thus secured a virtual monopoly of the trade.
As showing the power this differential raiting system gives the controllers of railways over any particular industry these gentlemen may choose to speculate in, I direct attention to what was done with the coal trade of Pennsylvania.
The owners of certain railways in that State were also owners of certain coal mines, and they wished to acquire a monopoly of the coal trade, and also to keep down the wages of the men employed in the mines. The miners had struck for higher pay, and the private mine owners yielded to their demand. The railway companies, however, determined not only to keep down the price of labour but also to ruin these owners, and acquire their property for themselves.
They therefore raised the freight rates to the private owners to three times the former rate, the result being that they soon secured 195,000 out of a total of 270,000 acres of coal land.
I commend this fact to the careful consideration of what are called the working classes, and would impress upon them the fact that our Railway Commissioners have it quite within their power to do these things here, and that there is no law or power of any kind that can punish them for so doing.
There is no class of trade or commerce that the abominable system it is intended to fully develop among us cannot reach and destroy, or turn to the private advantage of the controllers of the railways, or those they may wish to favour.
The New York Central Railway Company entered into a contract with a firm of millers by which they undertook to carry all their freight for forty-seven per cent, of the current rate, "provided, however, and this agreement is made upon the express understanding and consideration that the said millers shall regard and treat this agreement as confidential, and will use all reasonable precautions to keep the same secret.."
By means like these dozens of millowners were ruined and their property acquired by the favoured few who had "gotten in on the ground floor" with the railway magnates. To one unfortunate fellow who complained that the freight charged him absorbed nearly the whole of his profit, they said: "Send us a statement showing the details of your business, in order that we may see that your profits are not more than you represent them to be." Knowing that he was entirely in their power, and hoping to make friends, he sent them the statement;. They immediately raised his freight rates, so as to absorb the whole of his profits, and very speedily had him in the Bankruptcy Court, and his property in their possession.
The most notorious of all these cases is that of the Standard Oil Company. It would be impossible in the space of this paper to give a description of the transactions of this company with the Railway Companies. Briefly, the railway people entered into a secret contract with the Standard Company, by which they undertook to give them such special freight rates as should effectually secure them against all competition in the petroleum oil trade. The result has been that the Standard Company soon ruined all their competitors, and now enjoy a complete monopoly of the oil trade, a monopoly the effects of which have been felt all the world over.
It has been proved in evidence that the differential rates given in favour of this company amounted during ten years to the enormous sum of one hundred million dollars (£20,000,000). This was almost as disastrous to the shareholders in the railway companies as it was to the competitors of the Standard Company. This case is a good illustration of what the controllers of railways have the power to do.
I commend the examples given above to the earnest, careful consideration of my fellow-colonists, and I direct their special
If we are simple enough to imagine that sooner or later these powers will not be taken advantage of, we deserve the fate that will surely come upon us.
I know that our Commissioners say that these practices "are not in force on the New Zealand Railways and never have been." Perhaps so, but in their mad attempt to "get revenue" out of their "abominable no-system," they will soon be driven to their wits' ends, and what then? Ah, what then? I say they will resort to more differential rating.
The question is: Is there any necessity for using this system? I assert emphatically, that if the intention is to use railways honestly, in the interests of the whole people, that there is none whatever.
The only legitimate excuse that has ever been urged in favour of differential rating is the statement that it brings the distant producer nearer to his market. The introduction of a Stage System would effectually do away with this excuse. Then all fares, rates, and charges ought to be taken down to the lowest possible point and made fixed and definite for a number of years.
If this were done, and there is no legitimate reason why it should not be, the expansion of trade and commerce would be something enormous. People would have confidence in establishing industries in suitable localities: now they never know when the railways may be used to ruin them, therefore manufacturing industries are only started in the immediate neighbourhood of great towns.
Under such a system our railways would act as fosterers of our national industries. As it is, the Railway Commissioners use our railways, and exert, themselves to the utmost to destroy our coastal and river steam companies, our tramcar, coach, omnibus, dray, and lorry proprietors.
What an act of folly! How can we expect to prosper? If our railway transport charges were made fixed, and at the lowest possible point, these other transport agencies, instead of competing with the railways, would naturally adjust themselves to their proper positions, and act as feeders to them. They would, as it were, work at right angles to, instead of, as now, on parallel lines with our railways.
"With reference to the several discussions we have had with you upon the advisability of introducing throughout, the New Zealand Railways, the low fares you have advocated, we beg to state that, after full and deep consideration, we are prepared to agree with you in respect of the following:—
"That the increase in the number of passenger fares taken would be three times as many as at present, or an increase of two hundred per cent, upon the present issue.
"That the average fare could not sink below one shilling.
"That the increased passenger traffic would not perceptibly increase the working expenses.
Mr. Moody was for 17 years employed in various capacities on the Great Northern and other English Railways.
Mr. Edmonds was trained on the Great Western, England, and in this colony was chief clerk on the Hurunui-Bluff Section.
Mr. Stodart was for 21 years on the Great Western line (for a number of years in charge of the Swindon district); four years on the London, Chatham, and Dover line, and five years on the Bombay, Baroda, and Central India line.
Opinion of Mr. William Conyers, C.E., formerly Commissioner South Island Railways.
In a long letter to me Mr. Conyers, whom at that time I had never seen, says:—"I agree with Messrs. Moody, Stodart, and Edmonds in their report on your system, and you may use my name to that effect. In answer to your first, query, I am of opinion that the number of passenger fares would be three times the present number—that is, an increase of 200 per cent. (" I wrote you this before, never having seen their report at the time.') 2. The average fare, which is now, including season tickets, and probably parcels, dogs, etc., only 2s. 3d., could not sink below one shilling. 3. Three passenger's could be carried as cheaply as one."
In concluding these papers on the railway question, I again avail myself of the opportunity of returning my hearty thanks to those; numerous friends, who, from all parts of the colony, and from many places beyond it, have sent me valuable information, and have otherwise assisted me. My thanks are especially due to the press of New Zealand, not only for the very liberal space they have afforded me, but also for the able way in which a large portion of it has advocated a trial of the Stage System.
To those members of Parliament who, in the numerous debates which have taken place in the House, have also urged a trial of the new system, both the country and myself owe a deep debt of gratitude.
Often I think with feelings of deep regret, of how the band of able men who helped me in the earlier stages of the controversy has been scattered, and thinned, from various causes. Some have left the colony, others have been laid aside through sickness and old age, and others have passed away.
Of the first railway men who gave in their adhesion to the new system, Messrs. James Stodart (of the Great Western) and R. W. Moody (of the Great Northern) have gone to their long home, and Mr. W. Conyers (Commissioner of our South Island Railways) has left the colony. These all in
Sir Henry Atkinson, who gave me strong support on the inquiry of
During the last conversation it was my privilege to have with Sir Harry Atkinson, I mentioned the pressure that had been pub upon me to shorten the long distance stages in the thinly populated districts. I remember well what he said, it was this: "Whatever you do, Mr. Vaile, never yield on that point, for if you do it will destroy the whole thing." "Yes," I said, "I am well aware of that, there is no fear of me yielding, but I am sure that is what the officials will do if they can only get the chance, and (that is why I am so anxious the trial should take place while I am here."
Of this distinguished group, I had most opportunities of conversing with Sir George Grey, who constantly urged me to stick be my task. Once he did this in a manner so characteristic of him that I think the incident worth recording. It was during the Parliamentary Inquiry into the Stage System in "I remember you, Vaile, when you were a boy, and your people lived at the corner of Khyber Pass Road." "Yes, Sir George, that was in the early forties." "Yes; do you remember, Vaile, the war at Wanganui, in old Rauparaha's time?" "Yes, Sir George." "And, you remember, I proclaimed martial law," "Yes, very well." You know, Vaile, there were a lot of fellows there that wanted to sneak out of their share of fighting, and I was determined they should not, so I proclaimed martial law, and appointed a time in the mornings to hear anything any of them had to say. So you know, Vaile, the fellows used to come to me with all sorts of excuses asking to be allowed to leave. One hod got a sick wife, another had a new baby, another felt very ill, and so on. Well, I used to listen to them all, but I never let them off. "One day we had an engagement and several of our men were wounded, among them a man named McGregor. A bullet had struck him on the cheek, knocked out some of his teeth, and passed out through the other cheek. Some mornings after
Just then we reached Parliament House, to which he was going. Turning, he offered his hand and said: "Tata, Vaile, don't forget Mac." "All right, Sir George," I said, "I shall not forget, you may rely on me to do the fighting. Good-bye."
Well, I have done the fighting, done it to the very best of my ability, for thirteen weary years, since then, and again I ask my fellow colonists to do their share. If whenever a candidate presents himself for election, a pledge is extracted from him that he will urge a trial of the new system, and similar pressure is put on those already elected, the matter will soon go through. It is not much to ask and can be easily done.
Should I again contest a seat in Parliament, and be successful, I shall do my best to initiate or support the following measures. My general policy may, however, be described in five words; it is, "Distribution as opposed to Concentration."
Knowing, as we do, that all our material well-being comes from the land, my constant attention will be given to every measure affecting its occupation and use. Land ought to be placed in such a position that every one can, if they think proper, acquire a freehold. Therefore, I shall support any measure having for its object the easy acquisition of land.
To get the best results from land, a good and firm title is absolutely necessary; consequently, I shall always be a staunch advocate of freehold tenure. I would, as is now done, let people take up land on lease, but every Crown leaseholder—except lessees of reserves—ought to have the right to convert his leasehold into a freehold. I would give him every facility for doing this, and I shall be strongly opposed to any measure that will in the least degree shake confidence in the freehold tenure.
While this idea may be, and probably is, right in principle, I hold that with a population of less than three-quarters of a million, in a country capable of supporting at least twenty millions, it is worse than folly to enforce it now. The lands that have been already taken were perhaps not being used in the best manner, still they were employing some labour, and producing some wealth for the community. Why then should we take these when we have many millions of acres still in a state of nature.
I am aware that the statement is made that these lands are so far away that they are not available, but that is only a question of the means of transit, and an alteration in the railway system would practically bring these lands as near the great cities as lands 30 or 40 miles off are now. That this can be done is no longer a question of my theory, it is one of actual fact, ascertained by nearly ten years' experience.
In this resumption of land there is too much danger of political influence being brought to bear to let someone out of an unprofitable estate, at the public expense. No system of land administration can in my opinion be right which does not provide means for enabling every worker to acquire a freehold of his own. This brings me to the question of the proposed Working Men's Towns.
We do not want these towns, but we do want so to alter the conditions that working men can take up land anywhere and everywhere. Homes for our workers has been my cry for many s long year, and I am glad to see others taking it up. If judiciously worked it will have a most beneficial effect; but it is a subject that requires to be most carefully and thoughtfully dealt with. It involves a great deal more than appears on the surface. If we are not careful we shall do the workers greatly Bore harm than good.
The present idea among our politicians seems to be that the Government should purchase blocks of land along our railway lines and lay out "workmen's towns" and run to and from them "workmen's trains." This means that the allotments in these towns must, be reserved for "workmen," and, in the first instance, at any rate, would be purchaseable only by them. Would this be an advantage to the workers? I think not. Have not class distinctions been the curse of the world? Why, then, should we deliberately pass an Act of Parliament and use our railways for the purpose of creating them? I protest against this scheme altogether as being vicious in every respect. Towns composed only of working artisans must necessarily not only be poor towns, but they would always be considered, and would, in fact, be inferior towns, and there would certainly be a class distinction fastened upon their inhabitants. A girl is born in one of these workmen's towns: she grows up and exhibits superior abilities, and tries to make her way. Where does she come from? is asked. "Oh, from that poor little working men's town, Eightbob" Does it help her? Again, I ask, why should we deliberately create these class distinctions? What we want is social intercourse, not social isolation. We want a system that will intermingle rich and poor as much as possible—a system that will bring them frequently into contact with each other: a system that will make them mutually acquainted with each other's wants and requirements. The more we do this the sooner we shall learn that there is much of good in every class and the more we shall esteem each other; but if we deliberately assign one district to one class, and another to another, what can be the result but separation of interests, hostile classes, jealousies, heartburnings. I can scarcely imagine a worse social movement than designedly creating poor districts, which is what these workmen's towns must mean.
We want also to place our work-people in positions where any property they may acquire will increase in value; the more their property improves the better it will be for the State; but how could holdings in districts inhabited by the poorer classes only improve in value? They would not. The better class work-men—all those able to rise—would soon desert them, and they would become the haunts of the idle and the vicious—mere slums.
What we want is to enable workmen, as well as other people, to select homes in any locality best suited for their requirements,
One of the chief objections to these workmen's towns is that they would be the special hunting grounds of the political demagogues. Here they could create imaginary class grievances and prate about the poor injured working man to their heart's content. If the working classes could only be herded together in distinct districts it would be so much easier to manipulate their votes.
Other objections might be urged, as, for instance, the fact that these poor town's would create poor districts; they would depreciate the value of all the surrounding properties; in fact, create an East End and a West End. We do not want this in our colonial towns.
While I am strongly opposed to the Government being the sole landlord, I yet believe it would be greatly for the public good if in each town, village, and country district, one-third of the land was reserved, not as general government, but as local endowment. These reserves I would let on lease for not less than fifty (50) years, with the stipulation that at the end of the lease all the improvements should become the property of the country. By this means I believe the country would be greatly better off than if it owned the whole country on the system proposed by Henry George, for on the termination of the leases it would own one-third of the land, with all the improvements on it, and this third would be largely improved in value by the surrounding freeholds. I believe that reserves of one-third, with two-thirds of freeholds around them would bring in, if let-on terms as proposed, a larger rental than the whole of the land would if let on lease for short terms.
I do not think that any of us really understand what roads mean to the world. When we reflect, taking the sea also as land, that everything we can see or touch, except the firmament above us, is either land or the product of labour applied to land, we see how important the road becomes. Our houses, furniture, food, clothes, jewellery, everything, all come from the land, but
It goes without saying that I shall exert myself to the utmost to procure the adoption of the Stage System.
I believe in railways. I believe in narrow-gauge railways as opposed to common roads, because they are the best roads, and are equally good in winter and summer. They are also, in this country at any rate, the cheapest, for with their rolling stock they can certainly be constructed for less than a macadamised road and its rolling stock. They also render a much more efficient service, are much cheaper to work, and save an immense amount of time.
I have paid considerable attention to this question of narrow gauge railways, and from all the information obtainable consider the 2ft. 6in. gauge the best to adopt.
My proposition is to join up all our present sections by 2ft. 6in. lines.
North of Auckland I would join up the lines now made, by these narrow lines from Makarau to Whangarei, from Whakapara to Kawakawa, from thence to Mongonui and Herd's Point, and from Herd's Point to Kaihu. This would practically open up all the lands north of Auckland, and I estimate that it would take 230 miles of railway to do it.
Going south from Auckland, via the East Coast, I propose to run a line from Rotorua, via Galatea, to Gisborne, with branches from Gala, tea. to Opotiki and Napier, and also from Galatea to Tokaanu, at the southern end of Lake Taupo, and from Te Aroha to Tauranga. This for the present would complete the south-eastern system, which I estimate at 459 miles.
On the south-west, I propose to carry a line from Mokau to Stratford, and from Taumarunui, on the Upper Wanganui, to Tokaanu. This would complete for the present the southwestern system, and would take 150 miles. Total mileage for the North Island, 839 miles.
The effect of constructing these lines would be to connect even town of amy importance in the North Island. It would also connect the East and West Coasts at the Northern end, and also right across the centre of the island, and put Napier and New Plymouth in direct communication with each other.
This scheme of railway construction has been spoken of as an Auckland affair only, but certainly it would not benefit Auckland so much as it would Taranaki, Hawke's Bay, and Wellington.
As regards the South Island, I propose that we should connect Blenheim with Culverden. Bellgrove with St. Ormond's, Culverden with Reefton. This would join up all the Canterbury, Nelson, and Westland lines, and would require 255 miles.
Further south I would connect Ranfurly with Gladstone, and Lawrence with Gore, 123 miles. This would give the South Island:—
North Island lines open, 806 miles; to be added, 839; total mileage, 1,645; total cost, £8,856,073.
South Island lines open, 1,249 miles; to be added, 378 miles; total mileage, 1,627 miles; total cost, £11,057,972, or over two million two hundred thousand pounds more than would be expended in railway construction in the North Island. Therefore, the South cannot complain that this scheme of construction is unfair to it.
In estimating the length of these proposed lines at 1,217 miles, I believe I have considerably exceeded the mileage required. It has been arrived at by the rough and ready process of taking the direct distance, and adding one-third for deflections. I am also certain that they can be constructed and equipped for a less average cost than £2,500 per mile, but taking the mileage and cost as Stated it would be only £3,000,000, and surely it would be worth more than that to join up all the towns and country districts from one end of the colony to the other.
This scheme would certainly benefit the whole colony much more than constructing the North Island Central Railway, and would probably mean little more outlay, while certainly it" would give a tenfold better return.
It will, of course, be opposed by the railway officials. It is altogether too "tin-pot" an affair for them. Whatever you do you must not break the gauge, they say. Why not? I ask. These same gentlemen sing out lustily for roads to act as feeders for their railways. Well, they have the roads, and a dozen drays
Now, the working-expenses of a narrow-gauge railway consumes a much larger proportion of the gross revenue than a broad-gauge line does, up to a certain point—the narrower the gauge, the greater the proportion of revenue consumed in working expenses—but this is far more than made up to the public by the greatly less amount, of capital invested in construction, and consequently the higher rate of interest realised: but while this is a great gain to the public it is in one sense a loss to the Department, for the simple reason that it is not charged with interest on the capital invested in construction. The railway man's test of successful working, is the smallness of the percentage of working expenses to gross revenue, and the narrow-gauge railways would probably increase this percentage, but in these expenses interest is never included. It has been to attain this low percentage of working expenses that since the advent of the late Commissioners our railways have been persistently starved.
Railway officials are very largely imbued with Vanderbilt, sen.'s spirit. Once, when he proposed to do something very outrageous on one of his lines, someone ventured to ask, "But what will the public say?" The reply came quickly, "The public be d—d, let the public take care of themselves. It's my business to look after my railway." This is the spirit in which railways always have been and still are worked. Railway men have had it so ground into them that "railways are commercial institutions and must be made to pay," that they have no other thought than how to make the instrument they use pay at once. The public is never considered, except in so far as money can be immediately extracted from it without any reference to the future. If the interest of the public was really considered, our railways would pay much better.
To construct the lines mentioned on the present gauge (3ft. 6in.) would cost the country £11,945,000, and at 4½ per cent, an annual payment of £537,150, and it would probably take 20 rears to complete their construction.
To construct them on the 2ft. 6in. gauge would, as already stated, cost £3,042,000. and an annual payment of £136,290, or tar, one-fourth the above amount, and they could probably be constructed in six or seven years.
Most people think that on these 2ft 6in railways the rolling stock must be a very miserable affair. This, however, is not so.
The goods trucks weigh from tons to 2 tons 17 cwt, and carry loads of from 3¾ to tons.
If worked on the Stage System it will not only pay, but yield a large profit. If worked on the present no-system, it will greatly increase our loss, but not to the same extent that the present gauge would.
Last advices from home tell us that there are now before the British Parliament, Bills providing for the construction of 500 miles of these railways. If they are good enough for England—and they are expected to do great things there—surely they are good enough for New Zealand. On these distant lines of ours it is not possible that there can be much traffic for many years to come, and when it does come it would be easy work to lift and relay them for branch lines, or, better still, lay another track. If from the first our lines had been 2ft. 6in. gauge, we could have had an up and a down line throughout for less than half the cost of the present lines, and certainly the country would have been better served.
In order to encourage the opening up of the country, I would give to County Councils power to borrow money for the purpose of constructing these narrow-gauge railways. For the construction', maintenance, and working of these county railways, the counties should be responsible. They should also have the right to appoint their own officers and men, and fix their own time tables, and run as many and as few trains as they may think proper. The Government, however, should stipulate that all lines and rolling stock are to be precisely the same as the Government lines, that the charges are to be the same, and that the Government may run on them. Any profit made on these lines to belong to the counties, but to be used for railway construction only.
As I have said elsewhere, in our Government system of education there is too much dead level. How to alter this is a difficult question. Probably something might be done by giving to the masters of our larger schools, more freedom and power in the methods of teaching and in the selection of the books used. It appears to me to be most important to do something to break the present uniformity of teaching, and to endeavour to develope the individual characteristics of the pupils.
Possibly some means might be devised for encouraging and assisting private schools. That parents, in Auckland at any rate, see the necessity for providing something different from the uniform Government system, is evidenced by the large support given
I am a warm advocate of imparting technical education in all the larger schools in the country.
I am in favour of an Elective Upper House, but I am totally opposed to the constituency being the same that elects the Lower House. In my opinion the Upper House should be elected by the County Councils, Borough Councils, Road Boards, the Universities, Education Boards, Chambers of Commerce, Pastoral Associations, Harbour Boards, Employers' Associations, and Labour Federations. These would represent every class in the community, and they would be composed of the best men in rich class.
How the votes should be apportioned to these bodies would require very careful consideration, and much more information than I have at command. Another question is, should each of these bodies be allowed to send a representative, or should they collectively vote for a certain number of candidates.
Whether the Upper House remains a nominated chamber or is elected as proposed above, I am very strongly of opinion that its members ought to be elected for life.
The question arises whether the time has not arrived when Wellington city and district ought, in the interests of the whole colony, to be disenfranchised, and placed in the same position as the district of Columbia, in the United States of America.
The enormous growth and concentration of the Civil Service in Wellington, and the way that service is being manipulated and coerced in the interests of the present Government, render it necessary that, this step should be taken in order to secure good government, a pure administration of justice, and the real welfare of the civil servants themselves, while the selfishness of the leading men of Wellington, their strenuous efforts to concentrate everything worth having in that city, and to make the whole colony subservient to its interests, show that the time has come when this power should be taken out of their hands.
Thinking over our social conditions, and the forces among us that might be utilised for the public good, it has often occurred to me that in the various literary associations with which this city and some other parts of the colony abound we have a large amount of ability and energy, which, so far as practical results are concerned, may be said to be largely wasted.
There can be no doubt that these associations are exercising a good educational, influence on our young people, but they seem to have no higher aspiration than this. They might do much more. Among them they embrace not only the very ablest of our young men and women, but many in middle life and more advanced in years; yet what influence have they upon the public mind, or the actions of our Government, or of our public men None whatever.
My idea is this: These societies should federate. Their relative positions should be ascertained—as I believe is done now—by public competitive debates. Then before the final close of
By this means many hundreds of people, probably thousands, would be discussing all over the country, and at the same time, the same problems. This could not fail to have an educating influence on the public mind. We sadly want, some school in which to educate our future statesmen. We have none now. An organisation like this might, do something towards supplying the want.
It might be commenced as a provincial affair, and in time extended into a colonial institution. This would lead to the great questions of the day being discussed in circles where every class is represented, and where the political demagogue would have but little influence. We certainly want some means of creating a healthy public opinion on social questions.
The effect, too, would certainly be to largely increase the number of these associations, to bring into them older and more experienced men and women, and to give them a standing and an influence they have not hitherto had. They would become a power in the State. When we remember the influence exercised
Our great want in all social matters is leaders. How many really prominent men have we! In Parliament, in politics, in the professions, even in trade and commerce, as compared with the men of 50 years ago, they are conspicuous by their absence, and this seems to me to be more prominently the case with regard to our young men. It is all too much dead level—all wanting to be masters, and few, very few, able to lead.
We are not alone in this matter. We see the same thing in Australia, and to a large extent in America, and notably in France. Why is this, and what are the causes that have led to such a result?
My opinion is that here the main causes are: The influence of our educational system, and the influence of trades unionism, and our labour laws. In France it is probably due to militarism more than anything else. They are all soldiers, and soldiers require but few leaders.
Our educational system as a national system is perhaps not capable of very much improvement, but when you have hundreds of schools—almost our only schools—all teaching the same subjects, all having the same standards of excellence, all working in the same grooves of thought and action:, the effect must be to cramp individual development, to stifle genius.
It was recognising these facts that led me during the election contest, of
Then, trades unionism. While these unions have without doubt done a great deal of good in the past by compelling employers to deal more justly with the employed, yet their levelling tendency and their destruction of individual excellence cannot be denied. One of their great objects is to secure to the most inferior man the same pay and the same position as that accorded to the very best. Such a system must tend to destroy superiority in workers of every class and reduce them all to a dead level of mediocrity.
How is this evil to be met and counteracted? The only way that I can see is to give more efficient protection and encouragement to the free workers, and to do away with the abominable
It is scarcely possible to estimate the degrading influence that the introduction of this provision into our labour Acts will have on our working classes. What it means is, that the veriest idler and loafer who can manage to pay his subscription to a trade union, must be employed in preference to the best man or woman outside of the unions. No free man or woman is to be allowed to earn a living if the "Great Liberal Party" can by any means prevent them. The object, of course, is to try and drive them all into the unions, so that their votes may be more easily manipulated by the political demagogues.
My object just now, however, is not to discuss labour unions and labour laws, but to point, out their tendency to drag everything and everybody down to the lowest level of mediocrity, and to show the necessity of bringing some influence, to bear to counteract this undesirable state of things.
What, of course, is wanted, more than anything else, is the diffusion of knowledge. We want to get a more general and a more intelligent discussion and investigation of the great social questions of the day.
We want some organisations which will drag out of the common level rut the more active minds among us, and convert them into leaders of public opinion, real intelligent leaders of men. Somebody may, and I hope will, be able to show a better plan than I have suggested.
I think that what is wanted, in the first place, is a federation, not an amalgamation, but federation of the various literary associations, mutual improvement societies, and parliamentary unions. If these were worked on the plan indicated, I believe they would soon embrace among them most of our ablest men and women, both young and old, for they would feel that they were exercising a real influence on public thought and action, an influence that must be for good.
It will be curious to note in the future how many leading men and women have been educated in the Government schools.
Note.—The substance of the following paper appeared in the correspondence columns of the "New Zealand Herald" during the years
My connection with the Single Tax controversy dates from the year
After a good deal of persuasion I very reluctantly agreed to investigate the matter. As they were leaving, one of them placed a pile of books on my table, and pushed them towards me. "What are these?" I asked. "Oh, Henry' George's and Wallace's works." "Yes, and what are they for?" "Why, for you to read." "But why should I read them?" "Have you not just promised us you will study this question? How can you do it without reading what the founders of the system say?" "That is not my method. What I have promised is that I will study the question of a Single Tax; not that I will study Henry George and Wallace. I have no wish to have my mind influenced by them in any way. Your proposition is a very simple one. It is, I believe, this. You say:—
"That, I believe, is the whole of your proposition. If you do not think me able to deal with it without the aid of Henry George and Wallace, kindly relieve me from my promise."
They said the case was correctly stated, and hoped I would go on with the study. Well, I have done so, and the Single Taxers do not like my verdict.
In studying this problem three questions arise:—1. Can the proposition be carried out? 2. If carried out would the effect be
1. Can the proposition be carried out? I say positively that it cannot.
The Single Taxers propose that the State shall be the sole landlord, and it shall take the utmost rent that can be obtained for the land. In order to effect this, they propose that the Government valuators shall assess the rental values of the land year by year, and compel the occupiers to pay that rental, or give up his holding and sell his improvements for just what he can get
Now, everybody knows that improved properties are constantly sold at a loss, that is to say, at a less price than the fair market value of the land, with the fair market value of the improvements added. It is evident that under the Single Tax, absolutely the whole of the loss made must fall on the owner of the improvements. No portion of the loss could by any possibility fall on the landlord, the State, because its claim would be secured by being the absolute owner of the land with its rentals secured by the occupier's improvements. The worst that could happen to the State would be that sometimes—I say very often—it would find itself the owner of an "empty house," but in that case it would hold the land and the improvements, and the unfortunate "occupier" would soon lose the whole of them for arrears of rent of premises he was not in any way using, and in the meantime his wife and children would be starving. What a marvellous way of curing poverty. It is about equal to the Zulu chief's plan of slaughtering all the cattle, and destroying all the crops, in order to save his people.
The position between the State, the owner of the land, and the position of the "occupier," the "user" and the supposed owner of the improvements, would be the same as secured and unsecured creditors in a bankrupt estate. The secured creditor, the State, would have all the best of it, and the occupier would suffer as unsecured creditors always do.
We shall best understand the position by supposing a case. A man takes a piece of land at a rental, say, of £100 per annum, and largely improves it. He dies, and his "improvements" are all he has to leave to his widow and children. These are valued, and both sides agree that they are fair value for £2000. But how is this to be realised?
In the first place, it cannot be realised at all until a new occupier is found, and this may, and constantly would take years, for, under the Single Tax, properties would remain empty much longer than leasehold properties do now, for this simple reason: Any new occupier would know that, he could not obtain one penny of the increment in land value, and that he must look to the improvements alone; he, therefore, would not take these unless they exactly suited him—and how often would this be the case?
Who is there now that buys either a freehold or leasehold property, and does not find that he has to spend money in altering "improvements?" Would not the buyer take this into account, and pull down the price accordingly? Again, would he not say the best portion of the life of these improvements is gone, the buildings are of wood and more than 30 years old, there will be an increasing cost of repairs?
Still, again, under this wretched Single Tax, the more rapidly a district improved the worse would be the position of the unfortunate owner of the "improvements," for an improving district would mean an increasing "ground rent."
No portion of the increase in value would attach to the improvements; under the Single Tax it would be attached to the land, and be taken by the State. The improvements would be valued at the cost of construction and production only, and that subject to all past, and a considerable portion of future deterioration.
Would not all sane buyers take these things into account, and provide against them, and where is the provision to come from? It must come from the widow and children's portion, for the State would be absolutely secured in its share. How speedily then would their £2000 dwindle down to less than £1000, and how often would they starve before even that could be realised?
It will thus be seen that in taking the whole of the land, the State must in nearly every case (the only exceptions would be when the buyers of improvements were fools) take a large portion, and in many instances, the whole of the improvements with it. This loss of improvements would fall most frequently and most, severely on what are called the working classes, for they could least afford to wait for a buyer, and it must be borne in mind that, sold or unsold, let or unlet, the ground rent must be paid.
These are the reasons why I say it is impossible to separate th: two values and pay to each party the full value of their respective shares. I do not mean with mathematical precision, but I say not within 20, 30, or even 50 per cent, of it.
Suppose, again, an occupier dies, and his improvements cannot be sold, what is to become of them? Is the State to take them after rent has remained unpaid for a certain period, and so make money by robbing some widow and orphans?
There is another reason why this theory cannot work out in actual practice. It is this:—
The proposition of the Single Taxers is that the State as represented by the Government shall be the universal landlord, and that the State as represented by the great mass of the people shall be the tenants.
Now, I want to know how the State can act in this dual capacity, and do what is right in both positions? It certainly cannot.
We have good authority for saying, "Ye cannot serve two masters." I have a pretty large experience of landlords and
In this case the tenants would absolutely have the master in their own hands. They would have to elect their landlord, and they would take good care to elect one that would reduce their rent. What then would become of the Single Tax, Can anybody imagine a greater absurdity than tenants electing their own landlord?
Before proceeding further, let me state as clearly as possible what the Single Tax proposal really means:—
Let us now examine our second proposition. If the Single Tax were brought into actual operation, would the effect be beneficial to the community generally? I say, No.
I am a thorough believer in, and have always supported, a land tax, but in view of the avowed object of the Single Taxers this tax will have to be very carefully watched. Land, like other things, should bear its fair share of the burden, but an attempt to make it bear the whole, must, and, if carried out, certainly would, result in the most disastrous failure.
I am also a great believer in endowments. I believe that in every village, town, city, and country district, one-third of the land ought to be set aside as endowment. I say one-third because in my opinion that is the largest quantity that could be taken with advantage to the public.
We see that the Government leaseholders are already agitating for a reduction of rentals; and this will always be so until human nature can be altered. If, say one-half, were taken for endowments, then the freeholders and leaseholders would be balanced as regards political power, and the leaseholders would in all probability succeed in getting their rents reduced, and thus the State would suffer. If two-thirds of the land occupiers were freeholders, they would be pretty certain to see that the rents were maintained at a fair figure.
I must guard myself by saying that I should be quite opposed to these rentals being assessed annually, or even as at present every 21 years; I consider the country would reap a greater benefit if the time were not less than 50 years, because this would secure better and more permanent improvements, which would ultimately become the property of the State, and these, after a time, would always be falling in year by year.
What the Single Taxers really propose is to take from every man to the uttermost farthing, not only the whole realisable value of his land, but also all his mortgage securities, and they say that by doing this not Only will they put an end to poverty, but that in addition they will give to the whole community exemption from all other forms of taxation, and in addition, the following "luxuries":—Free water, free gas, free electric light, free baths, free trains, free libraries, free coals, etc. I am not sure if the "free" list includes hospitals, workhouses, and lunatic asylums, but it ought to, for there certainly would be a largely increased demand for them.
This is Henry George's statement, and I have heard one of his admirers on the platform add, and "free everything." Well, he is just as likely to be right as Henry George is. More and more I marvel that-sane men can expect such results from such
To my mind it is the most ill-considered and absolutely dishonest measure that was ever seriously offered to the world for acceptance. I do not think the leaders of this movement can have ever carefully thought out the matter, or can have considered the results that would ensue if it were enforced. They can never have really apprehended the great difference between the present endowments and leaseholds and the proposed Single Tax yearly tenancy. The two things are as widely different as black is from white. Because endowments as at present used have conferred great benefits on the districts to which they belong, the Single Taxers have jumped to the conclusion that if the whole of the land were seized and its utmost rental value extracted from the users, that proportionately good results would be obtained, but this cannot be so.
The difference between the proposed Single Tax holding—if it can be properly called a holding—and leaseholds as they now exist, is this: The present leasehold is given and taken for any fixed period up to 999 years at a rental usually calculated at a low rate of interest on the capital value of the property at the time the lease is made. Consequently all the unearned increment in the rental value for the period of the lease belongs to the leaseholder, and not to the landlord. This often amounts to a large sum. Some years ago I owned a leasehold property, which, with the improvements, I sold for £6,500. Under the Single Tax yearly tenancy I very much doubt if it would have realised £1,000.
The Single Tax holding, instead of being a lease, would be only a yearly tenancy, the "occupier" having the right to remain just as long as he chose to pay the rent the Government valuer demanded from him year by year. This rent the Single Taxers expect would be constantly rising, and the moment the unfortunate occupier found himself unable to pay the rental fixed for him, and in which he would have no say whatever, out he would have to go, and do the best he could with his improvements, and in nine cases out of ten he would lose more than half of them, and in very many cases the whole.
This is the real difference between the two holdings, and yet the Single Taxers, affirm that under their tenure the occupier would have far the best security for his improvements. It is absolutely' certain that he would have no security whatever for his improvements.
Under the Single Tax no man, unless compelled by the force of circumstances to do so, would take up land to build upon or otherwise improve it, because he or his successors must lose on his investment-. He would always be seeking to rent one of the
As no man would know from year to year what his rent would be, and as he would be at the mercy of a very inferior set of valuators, and as no profit could possibly be made on the realisation of his improvements, any improvements made would necessarily be of the most inferior character and of the most flimsy description. The barest wants of the hour would be all that would be provided for.
If an "occupier" greatly improved the land he leased, he would always run the risk of someone offering to the valuator a larger rent than he was paying, and this the valuator would no doubt demand as "unearned increment contributed by the whole community," whereas it would be due to this particular man's work, and for doing which he would have to pay increased taxation.
Everybody who could, would avoid being a land "occupier," because while the "occupiers" would not have the least interest in the value of the land, on them would be thrown the heavy responsibility of collecting the entire revenue of the country. This is no doubt what, Henry George intends when he says: "We will take the kernel and leave the landowners the shell." While they are to be deprived of all the benefits of land ownership, they are to have all its responsibilities thrust upon them.
It would greatly decrease the demand for labour, because no sane man or company of men would lay out large sums of money on erecting expensive buildings or making other improvements on land for which they would not know what rental would be demanded from one year to another. Thus would certainly discourage the opening of factories and workshops, when a large expenditure would be required in the erection of buildings. The same rule would apply to farm lands, as for instance in reclaiming swamps.
Another reason why it would greatly decrease the demand for labour is this: A very large proportion of the money now expended in making improvements on land, and in carrying on other industrial operations, is money borrowed on the freehold of the land. As under the Single Tax this security would be clean swept away, the money so obtained must go out of employment, and with it the workers also. It is probable that at one stroke half the men and women now earning wages would find themselves idle, because the employers would not be able to raise the money wherewith to pay them, and because they would not care to lay out such money as they had by them on such an uncertain tenure. Nor is it the labourer and artisan class alone that would suffer. Borrowed capital is often necessary for the purchase of material for working up in the factories, so the merchant and trader must suffer.
The avowed aim of the Single Taxers is to relieve poverty and distress, and they propose to do this by taking the land from all those who are now occupying and using it, and they say they more particularly want to take the cities and the land immediately around them. They say that they do not want the distant land, and many of them are of opinion that it is an evil to occupy such land. What then they seek to do is to perpetuate and intensify the enormous evil of crowding people in and around the cities.
Surely right-minded, intelligent, and thoughtful men, men who aspire to lead a great, public movement and carry out a
What is the use, what good can arise from depriving people of their property, and giving them nothing for it but some problematic relief from, other forms of taxation, when there is so much unoccupied land? Is not the true problem, how to make these lands available?
What the Single Taxers propose is to compel every man or woman to pay rent for the land or house he or she occupies. Under no condition are they to have free land or a free house. No matter whether they are old or young, sick or strong, poor or rich, this rent., this heavy burden, is to hang over them. And it must be borne in mind that it is not an ordinary rent they will be called upon to pay, such a rental as they would pay now, but a rack-rent of the greatest amount, that can be forced out of them year by year, or out they go, and no doubt Henry George and his followers, among other "luxuries," will provide them with a "free" workhouse. What, multitudes in their old age must fail in their ability to pay this rack-rent.
I wish to draw attention to the fact that these luxuries, which it is proposed to provide by seizing every man's land, can only be enjoyed by the dwellers in cities—no doubt the farmer will be grateful—and thus it will be seen that the Single Tax would greatly increase the overcrowding of the cities, which is now universally admitted to be one of our worst social evils, for if the "free list was open to city dwellers while country people have to pay, everybody would certainly strive to live in a city, and the country districts would be more than ever deserted.
Stripped of the wonderful verbosity with which Henry George has surrounded and wrapt it up, and exhibited it in its naked truth, that is the proposal of the Single Taxers.
It must be borne in mind that in addition to taking every man's land, the Single Taxers also propose taking, without compensation, all mortgage securities over land.
In doing this they also take all our life insurance policies, all our fire insurance policies, all Savings Bank funds, all friendly societies' funds—for is not the ability of these institutions to discharge their liabilities due to the fact that their accumulated funds are for the most part, invested in the mortgage of freehold
Let anyone for a moment contemplate what would be the effect of ruining the life insurance associations of the world. No one would escape. From the crowned heads of Europe, to the labourers of the colonies, everybody would suffer. None of the life policies could be paid; none of the dividends on which so many women and children subsist could be paid; the tens of thousands of men employed would lose their situations, and all the premiums paid, in many cases with so much difficulty, would be lost. Add to this the fact that all the fire insurance companies, savings banks, and friendly societies would all be placed in the same position, and we may have a faint-idea of the state of chaos that would ensue on the introduction of the Single Tax.
As compensation for all this loss, destruction, and misery, what are we to get? Simply the Single Taxers: "We say" that, if you will be so very good and simple as to give up all your land and mortgage securities, and, after doing this, will pay the highest rental we can possibly wring out of you for the use of your own land, then we, the three tailors of Tooley Street, the Single Taxers, say that you shall not be called upon to pay any other form of taxation, and in addition shall be given free luxuries as per list, already quoted. Well, I think every grain of common sense has not yet passed out of the British nation.
Again, the Single Taxers propose that all the articles made in the gaols of America, the factories of China, Japan, India, Germany, and France, the products of the criminal and cheap labour of these countries, shall be admitted absolutely duty free. What would be the effect on our local industries?
Would not the effect be to throw out of work all the people now employed in our factories and workshops? Most certainly it would. The army of the unemployed would be vastly increased, and distress would be universal.
At the same time the Single Taxers propose to throw the liquor trade open and free to everybody. Anyone is to be at liberty to start a still, to establish a brewery, or to open public houses whenever and wherever they think fit, a dozen in a street if they like. I hope none of the Prohibitionist party are so inconsistent as to be Single Taxers.
It is impossible for the human mind to conceive the state of utter disorganisation of society that must supervene if an attempt were made to enforce this idiotic measure. In a few weeks the world would become a very pandemonium. Every financial institution ruined, every home maintained on the savings of former years ruined, all the friendly societies ruined, no employment for capital, our workshops and factories silent, no employment for labour: every brothel, every low lodging house, every small shop a grog saloon, selling liquor of all kinds at
All capable of thinking this matter out will agree that my picture is not overdrawn, and yet we are gravely told that the Single Tax is the only honest way of dealing with the land, and only way to cure poverty and misery.
It is difficult to believe in the sanity of the men who can advocate such a measure and say that it is the only honest one and the only cure for poverty. The fact is that most of them have never really thought the question out. They have been led away by the plausible writing of Henry George, and have taken his assertions for truths.
My third question is: Is the Single Tax proposition fair and honest as between man and man?
How can it be if what I have previously stated is correct? Let us again examine how it would work out. There are numbers of working men and women in this colony, who by hard work and careful saving, have acquired freehold homes of their own; some of these, owing to careful selection of site, have become very valuable. Forty years ago a young couple may have purchased a site for £50, and have erected on it a wooden cottage at a cost of £200. This couple have lived and brought up a family here, and in their old age are still in occupation. The land during the forty years has become worth £500, and they think this will be something to leave to their children. Age has reduced the cottage to something like a ruin, and no one would value it at more than thirty or forty pounds.
The Single Taxer comes along and says to the old people: Yes, it is quite true that by self-denial you managed to screw out 10s per week, and so acquired this property, but "We say" you have no right to this land; you did not give it its value. We who came yesterday did quite as much towards that as you did, who worked here for 50 years; so we are going to take the £500, and you can leave the £30 or £40 to your children. However, "We say" your children will be greatly benefited by this operation; it will not only absolutely save them from poverty, but will enable them to live in luxury. Somehow, I think the old people would entertain a different idea. This is no overdrawn picture, but one that must occur in thousands of instances. Is there any justice in such a transaction?
The Single Tax is such an utterly dishonest and absolutely impracticable measure that it never can, and never will, be brought into force; but a Parliament that could discuss a measure like the Fair Rent Bill might be induced to make the attempt, and the consequences would be disastrous. It is to be hoped that at the coming elections every candidate, who in any way supports this monstrous proposal, will be promptly rejected.
The Single Taxers say they are not Socialists. They are right; they are not, but they are infinitely worse. There is some
The Socialists see and acknowledge that if the State takes the land the State must also take over its financial liabilities, and the Other duties pertaining to the ownership of land. This is so far honest.
The Single Taxers say the State shall take the land, but the State shall not take over the financial liabilities of the land. In this and other countries, when a personal liability attaches to a mortgage, that shall be paid by the occupier out of his "improvements" and other personalty. In all other cases it shall be absolutely lost to the man or the woman who has lent the money. In either case the State shall seize it. We will also impose upon the occupier every other duty in connection with the land, and in addition we will compel him without any remuneration to collect, if not to pay, the whole revenue of the country. Is this honest:? Will St do away with poverty?
The Single Tax idea of taxing "unimproved land values" came into force in this colony in
It is quite clear that taxing the land has not reduced either Customs or any other form of taxation. On the contrary, Customs taxation has been largely increased.
Let me invite Single Taxers' particular attention to the following figures, and, perhaps, they will try to tell us how they account for the result. The amount of land tax is the same now as it was in
So we see that during the last five years—notwithstanding the fact that the population of the colony has increased by no less than 85,500 souls, the land tax produced £18,040 less in
What a complete reply this is to the oft-repealled statement of the Single Taxers, that the mere presence of population increases land values, for it is abundantly proved that not only has the presence of another 85,000 people added nothing whatever to the land value of the colony, but that in spite of their presence it has very largely decreased, and that in a rapidly increasing ratio.
What about the "unearned increment" here? It is abundantly evident that our land will not stand taxation to the extent of Id. in the £. The sooner it is reduced one ½d. the better.
The fact is, the mere presence of people cannot create "land values" They must have implements to work with, and there must be capital to employ them, otherwise they are more than useless, and this is where the Single Taxers fall into another serious error. They assume that all men contribute equally to the increase in land values, and, therefore, ought to share equally. They do not; indeed, cannot.
The following tables will give additional proof of how utterly Single Tax principles have failed in New Zealand. Taxing "unimproved land values" commenced, as I have already said, in
In
Notwithstanding the fact that in
Another very noticeable feature in the table given is the very great decrease in the number of small selectors since the introduction of the Single Tax principle. Those under one acre have decreased one-third, those of one to 50 acres nearly 30 per cent., those of 51 to 250 over 50 per cent., those of 251 to 500 acres over 23 per cent., and from 501 to 1000 acres about 40 per cent., and this notwithstanding the presence of another 116,000 people. This is comparing the reports of the last year of each system.
From the above facts and figures, which are all official, it is absolutely proved that the Single Tax principle does not promote land settlement, nor does, it distribute land nor encourage the small settler, even although they do not pay any land tax.
In passing, I may also point out that these facts also prove the complete failure of the Seddon Government as regards land settlement.
The fact is, the small settler cannot exist without the help of his larger neighbour; he must be able to sell some of his labour, and the more the large holders are taxed the less of the labour of their smaller neighbours will they be able to pay for.
With these facts and figures staring them in the face, the Single Taxers persist in telling us that the only way to promote land settlement is by taxing the value out of land. It is quite clear that the principle has failed here. We ought to be a warning to other countries.
It always appears to me that the Single Tax idea is an absurd attempt to engraft the only good thing in a barbaric state on to the highly civilised institutions of the present day. It cannot be done. Owing to the great changes that have taken place the freehold tenure has become an absolute necessity of modern civilisation.
Equality of reward certainly ought to imply equality of service. In the barbaric state there was a very near approach to equality of service. The wants of the community were few, and limited chiefly to procuring food, such primitive clothing as they used, and the requirements of war. To these wants the whole community could, and did, contribute practically equally, therefore they could hold their land in common, as also they did their food supplies.
In our day this is impossible. Scarcely any two people contribute equally towards building up land values; therefore it would be impossible for the land to be justly held in common.
I denounce the Single Tax as the most fraudulent measure that was ever proposed. It would rob the rich, but would fall with the most unerring severity on the very poor, and by none would it be felt so severely as by the widows and orphans. The more I study it the more I am amazed that any man of respectable ability should advocate it. Thank God none of the master minds of the world have given it any support.
More than once I have placed the following questions before the Single Tax leaders, but they decline to reply, saying they are mere matters of detail, and that it is necessary to settle principles before entering on details:—
Many people attribute our state of social unrest, the ruinous conflicts between labour and capital, the fall in values of land and its products, and our social ills generally to what they are pleased to describe as the "blight," "the curse of Socialism," but how do they account for the fact that we have the same state of things all the world over, and under every form of government, including countries like Russia, where Socialism has had no influence whatever on the Government?
That the trouble exists no one can deny, and I think it is the duty of all right-minded men to earnestly endeavour to find out the cause, and take stops to remove it, and not content themselves with throwing the blame on any one section of the community.
For my own part, I may say at once that I am not a Socialist, nor do I believe in Socialistic methods. Rut when we remember that this movement has been led by such men as Robert Owen, Karl Marx, Ferdinand Lassalle, Friedrich Engels, William Clarke, William Morris, and many other highly educated and prominent men, it is mere presumption on our part, to treat this movement with contempt, and, without the most careful examination, to speak of it as a "blight" and a "curse."
I have devoted some little time and thought to this subject, and the more I study it, the less I like it; but there is urgent need for something to be done, and done effectively, to give the great mass of people better opportunities for acquiring something more than a bare existence, otherwise this Socialistic wave will spread and overwhelm all individualism.
The question arises, and is worth considering: How did this "blight of Socialism" arise, and why is it with us? My reply is this: That the great growth of riches on the one hand, and of poverty and misery on the other hand, have caused the masses to ask why this unequal distribution should exist, and to seek for methods for bringing about a fairer and more equal one.
During the last few years a great deal has been done to relieve and improve the condition of the poorer classes, but much—very much—remains to be done.
There are many men who do not belong to what are called the masses, men of noble minds and brilliant, education and attainments, who have seen the trouble coming, and have cast about for means of meeting it. Among these are the leading Socialists. Many confuse the Socialists and the Single Taxers, whose Socialistic proposal is better known and understood here, but they are totally different. There are many profound thinkers among the Socialists; I do not know of one among the Single Taxers. Their leader, Henry George, is a powerful writer, but if he had been a deep thinker he would long ago have found out that his proposed remedy is not only impracticable but positively mischievous. Probably there never has been another man who while seeking to do good has done so much harm as he has.
By proposing a measure sure to take with the unthinking crowd, and those who had nothing to lose, he frightened holders of real estate and prevented the expenditure of capital. At one time it seemed possible that his proposal might be tried, and investors knew that that would mean a state of commercial and financial chaos, therefore they held back, and vast numbers of people were thrown out of employment.
Both the Socialists and the Single Taxers saw that the trouble arose because the people as a whole cannot obtain land when and in such situations as they want it, and they both thought that the difficulty could be got over by nationalising the land. The Socialists, however, were clever enough to see that if the land were nationalised, that everything else must become national property also, and that individualism must be clean swept away.
The Single Taxers, on the other hand, thought they could nationalise the land, and at the same time retain individualism. The idea is an absurdity: everything goes with the land, and if that becomes national property so must everything else, and individualism must absolutely cease.
I dread the Socialistic movement, and believe it will lead to nothing but evil, but there is no use in blinding our eyes to the
We must by some means make the land available. Leaders of thought in England see this, and they hope to do it by means of the allotment system, "three acres and a cow," but so far this movement has failed, and fail it must, until the transit system is so altered that the workers can live on land, and at the same time have cheap and easy access to districts where they can sell their labour. If this were done we should soon, cease to hear the words Socialism and Single Tax. Every man who has an acre becomes interested in conserving the rights of property.
It is all very well to rail at Socialism, but we must remember that Socialism, Single Tax, One-man-one-vote are not to any extent responsible for the present state of things, for these movements are but of yesterday. The present trouble is the result of the work of ages.
From remote periods property and the propertied classes have governed the world, and with but few exceptions still govern it, and it is because they have neglected their duties and have so much ignored the wants and requirements of the poorer classes that we have this "blight," this "curse of Socialism" among us.
for that reason accumulated in fewer hands? To say that would be to neglect the great extension of Joint Stock Company and to ignore the lesson of the Liberator crash. It will be interesting in this connection to see what advantage is taken of Mr. Chamberlain's Bill for facilitating the acquisition of house-property by the working-classes. One of the suppressed postulates of Political Economy hitherto has been that society is honest as well as competitive. A monograph upon the economic friction produced by swindles might be extremely valuable.
In looking back, as an old New Zealander, at the political developments in the colony during the past ten years, the feature of the situation that seems to impress itself most vividly on the mind is the contrast between the anticipations then entertained with regard to the new policy, alike by its partisans and by its opponents, and the present outcome in actual fact In the expectation, on the one hand, not only of the landowners, but also of a great part of the business community then, the wealthier classes in a body were about to be handed over, bound hand and foot, to the "have-nots," to be despoiled at pleasure; property was about to become as insecure as it is in any of the most turbulent of South American republics, and capital was about to seek safety by flight en masse from so inhospitable a region. Yet, of course, none of all this, nor anything approaching to it, has happened. New Zealand is, perhaps, now as steadily prosperous as any part of Her Majesty's dominions; and the average business man or sheep-farmer there will probably now tell you that it does not seem to make much difference, in the long run, what political party is in power at Wellington.
On the other hand, the devotees of the new policy cannot look back, I should think, on the history of the ten years during which their chosen leaders have guided the fortunes of the community without a feeling of disillusionment. It will take them, probably, something of an effort to recall their own mental attitude in the early nineties. The House of Representatives met the country in régime New Zealand was to become a country where "unemployment" should no longer be heard of, but, on the contrary, where abundance of fairly paid work would be provided for every one who was willing to accept it. So completely were they carried away by their faith in the proximate advent of their millennium, that they began even to be ambitious of making New Zealand their point d'appui in the world for effecting the elevation of the human race generally. Members of the popular party in the New Zealand House, who found themselves in Australia, proclaimed to meetings of trade councils there the steps that were being taken in their own colony to do away with capitalism and competition, and to provide the fair living wage, not only for all the working men of New Zealand, but for all elsewhere who sought the hospitality of its shores; and their irresponsible oratory was further endorsed by an official communication from the Minister of Public Works in Wellington. The New Zealand working classes have had many ups and downs since that day. Things are beginning, I believe, to look somewhat brighter with them now than they were a few years ago. In
It is not very easy, I think, for an observer, who has been accustomed to watch the course of English politics only, to realize fully the character of the political situation in New Zealand, say in
A striking instance of the contrast between anticipation and event, between proposals and performance, is to be found in the history of the New Zealand Government's dealings with the land question. The land question, indeed, it must be said, is that on which more than on any other Australasian politics have always hinged. Thirty years ago, the guidance of affairs in New Zealand was pretty completely in the hands of the class that might be called its aristocracy. Wealth and position were almost as necessary then for the attainment of a seat in the local Parliament there, as they are in the Parliament of England to-day. The contrast was frequently drawn between the New Zealand House and the legislatures of the other Australasian colonies. New Zealanders piqued themselves on the superiority, in presence and in demeanour, which their legislative assembly presented when compared with that which sat in Melbourne or in Sydney. It is not impossible that wealth and position would have preserved to this day their natural leadership, had it not been the case that, among the duties of the legislatures, provincial and general, was that of disposing of the waste lands of the Crown. It was, perhaps, inevitable that, if these Crown lands were to be disposed of at all, they should pass largely into the hands of the legislators and their friends, for the simple reason that that class comprised the bulk of those who had money to invest; and it was, perhaps, also inevitable that the land laws should, during their régime, have been so framed and administered as to facilitate their passing into their hands at prices which seemed fairly satisfactory to themselves. The time, however, came, and, in many instances, seemed to come very suddenly, when these fairly satisfactory prices appeared, as compared with existing prices, to be preposterously insignificant. Properties, it might be thirty thousand acres in extent, were seen to be changing hands at £2 per acre that had been bought, only a year or two previously, from the provincial authorities for 5s. per acre; and the sentiment gained ground that the New
The main aim of the revolution was to redress this wrong, to some extent real and to some extent imaginary. When Mr. Henry George's book appeared, it chimed in with the public sentiment. Land Nationalization was in the air, and, at any rate as regards its preliminary stage, the expropriation of the holders of large estates, it seldom failed to find favour at the hustings. In
So much for the expropriation aspect of the Land Nationalization scheme. For a Government, however, that possessed some millions of acres of waste lands suitable for settlement, there was still considerable scope for bringing into operation the principles of Land Nationalization, even without any expropriation of private owners. Mr. Henry George, as a matter of fact, under some misconception or misinformation, refers to the "Ballance Act" in New Zealand as one which does, to some extent, put into practice his theories. The principle, indeed, of so disposing of the waste lands of the Crown that, in the future, the State should, to a large extent at any rate, profit by the "unearned increment," is one for which in itself there is a great deal to be said. It is not one, however, that finds itself to-day embodied in the New Zealand statutes. Mr. Ballance's Land Bill, as brought down, no doubt provided for a system of "perpetual leases," with periodical resettlements, as in India. By the time that it became law, however, the provision for resettlements was eliminated, and the holder of a "perpetual lease" in New Zealand is now as secure of his "unearned increment" as is the holder of a Scotch feu. In the case of the Village Settlement lands—small blocks on which the Government proposed to locate the unemployed, granting them at the same time loans for the erection of their houses and fencing,—a clause, in the statute dealing with the matter, providing for resettlements was, in the first instance, actually in force. The village settlers, however,
In what we think of as State Socialism, there appear to be two distinct principles involved; and, curiously enough, we find them here operating in direct antagonism to each other. On the one hand, there is the principle of subordinating the interests of the individual to the interests of the community; on the other hand, there is the principle of doing away with the existing system of competitive rewards, and of remunerating the individual in accordance with his needs, rather than in accordance with his capacity. In regard to the first—the subordination of individual to State interests—the history of New Zealand politics goes to indicate that, in the Anglo-Saxon world at any rate, a victorious democracy, instead of being likely to push it to undesirable lengths, is much more likely unduly to ignore it. It is a paternal Government, like that of India, that can be trusted to pay an adequate degree of regard to State interests when they come into collision with those of classes or individuals. The ultimate depositary of power in New Zealand is now the peasant farmer and his wife, and it appears impossible to them to realize to themselves the idea of the State as an entity which has any urgent claims upon them; while, on the other hand, the troubles and the merits of the poor and the pioneer settler appeal readily to their sympathies. If it can be pointed out that his troubles can be diminished at the expense of the land revenue without any special class or individual suffering injury, the claims of the State seem to go down before such an appeal with very little show of resistance.
The other socialist principle, on the contrary—that of remuneration in accordance with needs—seems to be highly effective for a time at any rate, in moulding the policy of such a victorious democracy. In New Zealand its operation was conspicuous in connection with both the land and the labour questions. In
We may glance at it, first, in its bearing on the land policy. I will not, however, endeavour to initiate my readers into the mysteries and technicalities of a colonial waste-lands system, but will confine myself to giving a few salient facts that came under my own observation in the district where I resided—the southern part of the North Island. The waste lands that remained to be dealt with in that part of the country in
When it became apparent that to get one's name down as member of a small-farm association might mean, if one had luck, making a hundred or two at a stroke, or perhaps much more if one was prepared to hold on for a few years, there was, as may be imagined, a run on small-farm associations. To succeed, however, in making money by getting into an association which was worth getting into, it soon appeared, required special qualities and special opportunities, just as much as any other way of making money did. The first thing a settlers' association had to do was to choose an eligible block, and that, with forest land, is not so simple a matter as it may seem. The next, was to get it granted by the central authorities. Plainly the local politician, who was a persona grata at Wellington, and who had access, consequently, to the earliest and best information, would present himself inevitably as the man to whose advice and influence all whose aspirations lay in that direction would resort; and the importance of the Radical members and Radical candidates in their several districts was thus at once enhanced a hundred per cent, by the initiation of the new policy,—and this, it must be said, without any thought of a corrupt aim originally on the part of the Government in initiating it. In the part of the country where I resided it would not be going too far to say that the whole resources of the land revenue, or of what ought to have been land revenue, were practically at the disposal of the "Liberals" for electioneering purposes. It seems, indeed, that always when the State adopts the principle of making concessions to one person or class of persons which, in the nature of things, it is impossible to make to all, the issue is, and must be, political corruption in one form or another. There lies the great difficulty and danger that besets the practical application of the principle of payment in accordance with needs, rather than in accordance with capacity; and it forms a difficulty and a danger that, I think, have not been sufficiently adverted to.
There is a party in the London County Council at present who are in favour of the adoption of a policy that will bring such house accommodation as is now worth 6s. per week within the reach of the class that at present pays only 3s. per week for it, by granting the difference out of the rates. The question is: Will they anyhow achieve their object? New Zealand experience seems to give an answer in the negative. In the first instance, no doubt, the artificially cheapened houses might be granted to a favoured section of the poorest class; but we may be certain that they would not long remain in their occupation. A six-shilling-a-week house with a rent of only three shillings a week, and with practical security of tenure, so long as the rent was paid, would soon carry a respectable sum as goodwill. These sums would probably be realized immediately in almost all instances, and those who had realized them would next set about endeavouring to secure another similar house, and to realize the profit similarly. To effect this, they would inevitably look for assistance to the municipal politician who aspired to obtain their votes. The dereliction of business principles in such matters seems calculated inevitably to corrupt both electors and elected. Every future profit has a present value, and, if the State or the municipality once enters on the course of giving away such future profits, it seems that they might just as well enter on the course of giving away their actual cash in hand.
As regards the new labour policy, its tendency to give rise to political corruption was at least as conspicuous as was that of the new land policy. In the construction of Government roads and railways the time-honoured practice of calling for tenders, and giving the work to the man who offered to do it on the terms most profitable to the State, was done away with. That method, it was said, formed part of the old and vicious competitive system, which it was the aim of the new "Liberalism" to abolish. They substituted for it what they called the system of "Co-operative Works." The word "co-operative" appears to have been made use of mainly because it had a pleasant sound to "Liberal" ears, otherwise its
The worst abuses in connection with the system, it must be said, were showing a tendency to work out their own cure before I left the colony. It is significant, however, to notice how and at what cost the remedial agencies were beginning to operate. The original aim of the policy was, as observed above, to solve the problems of poverty and unemployment. It was the practice, accordingly, in the first instance, to send up batches of men, consisting largely of thriftless ne'er-do-wells from Wellington or Christchurch, to the forest districts, and
ab extra, and over which the Government had no control, and by accommodating to it, as their standard, the terms of the employment which they were in a position to give.
There is, judging by what appears in the public journals, a great anxiety in England to become acquainted with the various social and legislative experiments we are making in the Australasian colonies—especially in New Zealand. It may happen, when what we have done is carefully analysed, that it will be seen that we have no new ideas to offer, but that we have only put into practice very old suggestions.
To understand our experiments, however, the point of view of colonists should be ascertained. Those who have lived in the colonies for over thirty years are struck with the changed view of colonial life which prevails to-day. In the olden days most immigrants came to the colony intending merely a temporary sojourn, and a return to the land of their birth when their fortunes were made. The institutions of the colony were regarded from that point of view. All this has changed. To more than half of our population New Zealand is the birthplace as well as the present home. And there has grown up a strong feeling that no country in the world equals New Zealand in all the elements that go to make for happiness. We are fast acquiring a national spirit and developing a local patriotism. There is, it is true, still a strong "Home-land" feeling, but perhaps that is waning. Not many more than one-fourth of our people have ever seen any part of the United Kingdom, and many of those who were born in England, Scotland, or Ireland were so young when they came to New Zealand that the "Home-land" is but a vague memory to them. They consider themselves as much New Zealanders as if they were native born. This change in the feelings of the people has altered the old point of view, and with that change have followed many other changes in our colonial life. Of course, England herself has changed.
The village life portrayed by Miss Mitford—or even by Charlotte Bronte—is not, I suppose, the prevailing type of village life in England to-day. In the colonies we seem to be drifting further and further apart from the ways of our Mother-land. This may be seen in many directions. Even our language is becoming a distinct type. We use words not used in England, and others in a sense different from English usage. And the pronunciation of our youths is characteristic. If a stranger were to pass down the streets of Wellington or Auckland, and to listen to the ordinary conversation of our youths, he would realise that he was not in an English, Scotch, or Irish town. Nor do we speak as the Americans or Canadians speak, but we are rapidly developing a variety of the English tongue all our own. Our life, also, must be on somewhat different lines from life in England, though, no doubt, it has much in common with it. I judge that there is a considerable difference, from what I learn from those who have recently visited the Home-land, and from the perusal of English books, journals, and newspapers. Our physical environment is considerably different. We have more sunshine and no severe winter. Frost and snow are practically unknown on the sea-coast of the North Island, and even in the South Island the winters are mild compared with those of Southern England. The eyes of the English people do not, however, seem to be turned to the climatic and physical advantages of our life. Social reformers and philanthropists are discussing certain legislative or governmental experiments that we have made and are making, and these seem to be the cause of more debate and discussion in Britain than in New Zealand. We take them as a phase of the necessary evolution of our life. One law for the reform of social abuses has succeeded another, and we did not know that we were making ourselves famous till some able men in London discovered it and told us. Can our experiments, or the reasons why we have made them, be even appreciated if our point of view is not clearly understood?
There are two experiments, if I may so call them (though we ourselves hardly consider that they are experiments), which may illustrate our colonial point of view. The one dealing with Labour, and the other with the attitude of the State towards the Church, will show our view of the functions of the Government, and will serve as a key to explain the principles which guide us. Government is, to us, a powerful institution—as powerful as the Tsar appears to be to his subjects—and it is considered to be benign. The socialistic wave has reached us, and has affected us. And, although we have not any socialistic societies, nor any community-settlements, we appeal to the Government whenever a social wrong is proved to exist to redress it. Is there anything, we ask, which the State cannot set right? And the reply to our query is, Nothing. Our labour laws are a product of
The present labour laws are not deemed the last that will be required and that must be passed. Perhaps the most characteristic of our labour laws is the Industrial Conciliation and Arbitration Act. By it a tribunal is created that has the power, on the demand of the employers or employees in any trade, to fix the hours of labour, the wages, the number of apprentices, &c., in that trade, and the decision of the Court must, under heavy penalties, be obeyed. The final tribunal in all labour matters consists of a Judge of the Supreme Court and two assessors, one appointed by the Employers' Association and one by the trade-unions throughout the colony. We have also a law to regulate the hours during which our shops are to be open for the sale of goods. In every borough there must be a half-holiday on one working day in each week, and no employee is permitted to work in a shop on this half-holiday. We have also innumerable Inspectors—Inspectors of Factories, of Shops, of Dairies, of Stock, of Rabbits, &c. And thus the State has affirmed the right to regulate labour. It is not my intention to discuss the provisions of any statute, or to deal in detail with our labour laws. My inquiry is rather as to how the passing of such laws can be explained. We find that individualism, in the old English Liberal sense, is at a discount in our colony. The Government is no longer deemed an enemy of the people, but, on the contrary, it is believed to be the benign father and mother whose every care is for the people, who are not considered capable of regulating their affairs without such assistance. The action of a political party, or a Ministry, may be condemned or denounced, but the Government can be guilty of no wrong, and whenever or wherever a social evil is discovered, an appeal is at once made to the Government to redress it. The omnipotence of the Government is never doubted. What the effect of this change in the attitude of the people to the Government will be we do not know, and few of us have cared to inquire. If we did, and were we to issue any warnings, our warnings would be ignored. Statistics are often quoted to reassure ns whenever any qualms of distrust of the results of our efforts come upon us. But
The values of our exports of manufactured goods (including flax) were as follows:
The statistics, of our colony will not at present help us much towards realising the effects of our legislative experiments. Many years may—nay, must—elapse before we can ascertain what the results are to be; but, whether they prove beneficial or baneful, we must go on with our experiments. The colonists worship the State and believe that the Legislature and Government can save them from many untoward evils. The other illustration that may be given of this feeling of reliance on the Government is the attitude of the people towards Churches and towards education. State education is believed in, and State aid to Church schools is supported by very few. The Roman Catholic clergy denounce secular and State primary schools, but they have been unable to get any strong support for denominationalism. The idea of allowing Churches to control the education of the young is foreign to the views of the colonists. And as the years roll by the number of those who favour aid to Church schools diminishes. The colonists cannot appreciate the difficulty English statesmen seem to have in dealing with the education question. Take the Irish University question, for example. I have spoken to scores of colonists—men who favour Home Rule for Ireland and have not a tinge of Orange feeling or Protestant bigotry, some of them members of the Roman Church—and they simply cannot understand all the pother over such a question. The solution is so easy and clear to them that they think it is not attempted because of some deep political party consideration. To understand their point of view we have to learn what has been done for higher education in the colonies. In all the colonies the University is a State institution, and not under the aegis of any Church. There are certain institutions called colleges affiliated to the Universities of Sydney and Melbourne. Some of these institutions are connected with Churches; but these so-called colleges are rather of the nature of halls or boarding establishments. The students living there must attend the University lectures and pass the University annual examinations, and the University confers the degrees. New Zealand has a somewhat different and more complicated University system. This was occasioned by the fact that New Zealand, though now one colony, was at first really a congeries of colonies. It was colonised from different centres, and had Provinces and Provincial Parliaments. The late Sir William Fox,
All these institutions for higher education are State institutions, and are endowed and supervised by the State. There are no religions tests, and no Church organisation has anything to do with any of them. The New Zealand University is managed by a Senate of twenty-four Fellows, who were at first chosen by the Government. The Fellows are appointed for life, and if vacancies occur they are filled by the Senate and by the graduates alternately. The University statutes must, before coming into force, be approved of by the Governor. The University colleges are managed by boards or councils, and the modes of appointing the boards or councils vary. The Government has, however, the right to appoint some members on all of the councils. For example,
During all the time that these University institutions have been in existence there has been a persistent demand by the clergy of the Roman Catholic Church for aid to their primary schools, but they have never asked for aid to establish a University college. They have, on the contrary, nobly aided in the management of our University institutions. We cannot, therefore, understand why the same arrangement that has worked so well with us should be impracticable or impossible in Ireland. That is our point of view, and we are amazed when we read in English journals of disputes, which appear to us to be over trifling matters, when the great need of popularising University teaching in Ireland is considered. To imagine that the only solution is an
This is the point of view of the majority of the colonists. The Church and State are kept apart, and we believe that that is the only policy that can give us freedom and true equality as citizens. No one says that our University system has weakened the power of the Churches over their own church members, or that we are less touched with religious emotion than our kin across the seas. We have erected magnificent church buildings, we have quite an army of ecclesiastics, and our Church organisations are active, strong, and zealous. And the State has gained by the separation of Church
May it not be necessary to strengthen the affection of the people for the State so that the perennial struggle in older lands between Churches and the State may cease? The colonists, as has been said, are being trained to look to the State for most things which they require. This may be a phase of our evolution. The time was when the Church loomed largest in the ideas and imaginations of the people. With us the State holds that position. Humanity, it has been said, cannot get on without institutions. Is the State to take the place of the Church? If it is to do so, it must become altruistic and dispense favours. This may explain why it is that in the colonies the functions of the State have been greatly extended in all directions. But who knows but that this increase of State duties and worship of the State may not be a phase of our growth and pass away, just as the domination of the State by the Church is passing away in all nations? The growth of the power of the State has its dangers; but such a power centred in one organisation, and that under democratic control, may prove much less mischievous than power centred in sectarian organisations, which tend to separate citizens and destroy true brotherhood.
These few observations are not offered as a defence of, or apology for, our point of view. This point of view of the State's position and functions exists. It is the stage in politics that we have reached—whether it shows progress or retrogression it is not for me to say. The liberty of the individual is not so sacred in some directions as it was, but it is more so in others. There is a tolerance of opinions, and there is an altruism and a growing civic conscience, that will compensate to some extent, perhaps, for the curtailment of freedom of contract, and for the interference between employers and employees.
Many explanations may be given for our point of view. It has to be remembered that in starting a new colony there is no co-operation amongst the immigrants. The Government is their co-operative association, and it is some time before private associations or companies can be formed. Individual effort can do little without co-operation, and the early immigrants were not capitalists. The Government must perforce do many things that in older countries are left to private enterprise. And as the government of the colony is in the hands of the people of the colony there necessarily is developed this feeling of the power, the wisdom, and the benevolence of the association called Government. And bit by bit its power has extended until the Government has come to occupy a position and importance entirely disproportionate to the position occupied by Governments in the opinion of people in other countries. But, whatever the genesis of this feeling, it exists, and it has to be
Whether our experiments have any lessons for our Mother-land, or whether they can help to point a way to solve her burning questions, it is difficult at this distance to say. To appreciate our attempted solutions, however, it is necessary to understand our point of view. And perhaps it is necessary also to remember our environment. We have many advantages. We are possessors of a country having five-sixths of the area of England, Scotland, and Ireland, with a climate of great variety, extending from the sub-tropical North to the temperate South, with no extremes of heat and cold, and without the droughts or floods of Australia or the hurricanes or blizzards of North America. The scenery of our country cannot be excelled, and its productions are varied and abundant. We are also the healthiest country in the world, for our death-rate is often under 10 per 1000 in a year. Our people are few—under 800,000—and we lack and shall lack great cities with their inevitable slums, or great concentration of people. Our manufactures are small, and our labour troubles can, consequently, never be very acute. Situated as we are we must escape, in their accentuated form, many of the troubles of the older land, though the recent decrease in our birth-rate would seem to show that we, as well as the inhabitants of Europe, have an economic problem. There is, however, no sign amongst our New Zealanders of physical, intellectual, or moral decadence. Our young generation can hold their own and compare favourably with their fathers and mothers. But our time has been but short. One of our colonies—Canterbury—only celebrates its jubilee next year. It may take us fifty years more before we can see the effects of our experiments. If they fail with us they must fail everywhere, for our lines have been cast in pleasant places. And if we succeed, perhaps our success may be due as much to our environment and to the qualities of our race as to our laws. Some of us may have our doubts whether in other lands differently situated our experiments can be models for universal adoption.
I See by this morning's "New Zealand Times" that the Premier has thought fit and proper to make public in the Dunedin Star portions of the correspondence which has passed between himself and me concerning my views as a Journalist upon the Transvaal War.
This most extraordinary and unexpected action on the part of the Premier relieves me from observing longer silence on the subject; indeed it becomes necessary that I should be heard in self-defence.
Taking events in the order of their occurrence, it is incumbent upon me to devote some attention to the doings of the "Dunedin Star" man, and the active part he has taken in the matters disclosed by the correspondence.
Not content with reproducing my article from the "New York Times," the "Dunedin Star" man assailed me in the coarsest and most vindictive terms—in language which one might expect from some ignorant and infuriated fish-fag, or from that Dublin virago whom the great Daniel O'Connell once wagered to enrage and then subdue by the vocabulary of mathematics. In fact, if I had been at the mercy of this ferocious man in Bond Street, there is no doubt I should have been in the shoes of the rollicking hero in "Maritana"—"ordered to be shot at seven." But like Don Caesar de Bazan in his time, I escaped that shocking penalty in mine, and am still in the bosom of my friends. As it was, he could only urge upon the Government the necessity of visiting me with that punishment which was beyond his own power to inflict, and apparently nothing but my immediate dismissal would satisfy him. His persistency was shown in a way which the following little narrative sufficiently illustrates. A few days after his tirade in the "Star," it so happened that the Premier journeyed to Invercargill to attend a banquet given in honor of the Hon. Mr Ward. In the "Star" of February 1st, the following telegram appeared, dated Invercargill that day, from its Special Reporter, under the big head line, "Brought to Book"—
"I have the best reason for saying that the "Evening Star's" article calling attention to Mr Grattan Grey's criticisms in the "New York Times" of colonial policy has been brought under the notice of the Premier. But for the fact that Mr Grey is an officer of Parliament, and therefore under the direct control of the Speaker, and as practically there is no Speaker at present, immediate action would be taken. It may, however, be taken for granted that the Government intend to prevent Mr Grey, while drawing colonial pay, from repeating the attacks on the Colonial policy he has been in the habit of forwarding to the American press."
The Reporter "had the best reason for saying," Ac., Ac. Of course he had, but he might just as well have been candid, and said for a fact that the "Star" article had been brought under the Premier's notice, and by whom the little comedy was so ill-disguised.
A few days after the appearance of the "Star" article, a very able and manly letter from the pen of Mr Wm. Hutchison, ex-member of the Housed Representatives for Dunedin City, was published in the "Star." That letter not only demolished the "Star," so far as its attitude in regard to myself was concerned, but it was also an eloquent protest against what that gentleman rightly considered to be a most serious menace to liberty. As I consider that every lover of liberty in New Zealand should have an opportunity of perusing Mr Hutchison's letter, I now give it the wider circulation which the issue of this pamphlet will ensure to it. The letter is as follows:—
Sir,—Your publication on Monday last of a letter written by Mr. Grattan Grey, of the "Hansard" staff, to the "New York Times" has betrayed you into an advocacy of intolerance, against which, I hope, you will permit me to protest as mildly as I can. I may not blame you over much; Jingoism is in the air. During the last few weeks some of my best friends have written and talked as much rhodomontade about war and glory as would more than suffice for a whole generation—sheer rhodomantade without either rhyme or reason, the "Absent-minded Beggar" included. What fun could have been made of a large portion of it; but the subject is too serious for fun or even an approach to it. "You speak of going to war," says a lady who has much at stake, "as if it were going to a wedding." A wedding indeed—the wedding of death to many a brave heart. What dreary days and sleepless nights this war has already brought to many thou ands of homes. Here are our own young fellows—standing or lying on some veldt strewn with shot and shell, ruined tumbrils, and dead men and horses—in constant danger. It is very pitiful and very cruel; and all for what? But the residents for the most part maintain an uneasy silence, unwilling to add to passions already angry and excited.
Occasionally, however, one must speak even as a measure of self-defence, and this case of Mr. Grey is one in point. This gentleman differs from you, as well as from a large majority of colonists, on the Boer war. He does not think sending contingents from New Zealand necessary, and generally disapproves of the stir which has been made. He may be wrong in these opinions; and it is part of your duty, having published his letter,
I hold no brief for Mr. Grey, but I am sorrowfully convinced that freedom of speech and what Milton described as "the liberty of unlicensed printing," are just now seriously menaced in this colony. I do not heed much that babbling fellow, the man in the street, or even the crowd, when they hinder men from saying what they will; nothing so unstable as a crowd. But the case assumes a graver aspect when men in responsible positions take upon them at public meetings, not only to assail freedom of speech, but to suggest special treatment for those who indulge in it. If you will allow me I will show how it develops in Dunedin. A gentleman holding the office of Public Prosecutor for Otago is reported to have used this language: "Nor was this a time for criticism. Every man who criticised the policy of the British Empire at the present moment was a traitor, and ought to be hounded out of it." If so, Mr. Public Prosecutor, you have a duty to perform, and I say to you as Hamlet said to the player: "Leave thy coarse faces and begin." The writer of this letter holds Imperialism and the Boer war arising out of it to be terrific evils. He does not write anonymously; he is within your jurisdiction, hound him out or hound him down if you dare. Perhaps, however, I am attaching too much importance to the sayings of one who, although a high official, is good-naturedly credited with speaking first and thinking afterwards.
It is impossible, while on this subject, to avoid referring to what Mr. Justice Williams said regarding it At a large meeting in the Agricultural Hall he spoke as follows: "If anyone says to you 'I don't approve of the war,' then there is only one answer: 'Sir, you have got to approve of it. When your mother is in trouble it is your duty to help her even though she may to some extent have brought her trouble upon herself." I have the greatest respect for Mr. Justice Williams, if he will allow me to say so, and I don't think, from his point of view, the case could have been better put, but the least said of its logic the better. I can only suppose that in the furore of cheers and songs and martial music—an atmosphere so different from that to which he is accustomed—he was carried away by the crowded and enthusiastic meeting, and said more or less than he intended. Does Judge Williams think that an honest man should go about among his fellows day by day saying fine things about Imperialism and its war, when he believes them all the time to be outrageous wrongs? That is in effect what the Judge's dictum amounts to; it, however, suggests but poor specimens of manhood, and I at least must respectfully decline to follow it. The simile of the mother is very fine, but it lacks applicability. Children who do not help their mother when in trouble are not worth their salt, but the kind of help depends entirely upon the nature of the trouble. The Eastern sage has told us long ago that the mother may forget—alas! it is an everyday experience; a knock on the head, some mysterious illness, may turn a sweet and loving woman into a raving maniac. She is to be
But I pursue the subject no further. Be assured it is no pleasant experience to be compelled to differ from friends and neighbours on a matter of momentous importance, but there are times when what one believes to be the interests of truth and humanity forbid the suppression of opinions, however unpopular, and this appears to me to be eminently such a time.
In Dunedin last week the spirit of Jingoism was at fever point. In addition to the excited City population itself, thousands of people from the country had poured into Dunedin to witness the despatch of New Zealand's fourth contingent to South Africa. The opportunity, therefore, especially in that inflamed condition of people's minds, must not be lost to publish portions of the correspondence behind the back of an absent man. The whole business was evidently pre-conceived to fit in with the occasion. It is clear that the Premier must have carried the documents with him to Dunedin for that special purpose.
Thus I find in the Dunedin "Star" of March 23, the very eve of the departure of the Fourth Contingent, when the whole place and people were in a whirl of warlike excitement and enthusiasm, the correspondence introduced under the glaring head lines:—
Then follows this preface:—
"Some time after his arrival in Dunedin last night a member of our staff waited on the Premier at the Grand Hotel and endeavoured to elicit information on matters of general importance. Amongst other matters Mr. Seddon was questioned regarding an article which had appeared in this paper taking Mr. Grattan Grey, chief of the 'Hansard,' to task for his strictures published in the "New York Times" on the Colony's attitude on the war in South Africa. The Premier said that, the "Star" having published the attack, he deemed it right that the paper should he allowed to have Mr. Grey's rejoinder. Parliamentary officers are under the control of Mr Sneaker, and as there is no Speaker till the new House meets it is impossible that any action can be taken till June next. Parliament, however, would have to deal with the matter at once. Had Mr. Grey been a Government officer, the Premier said that he would at once have taken such action as would have prevented a repetition of an offence which was clearly setting at naught the decision of a parliamentary body (vide the report of the Printing and Debates Committee herewith), since the sanction of Parliament had been given to the despatch of the First Contingent to the front,"
It will thus be seen that once again the Dunedin "Star" man, to Use an expressive vulgarism, was quickly "on the job." I ask the public if it was Fairplay to select such an occasion to publish these portions of the correspondence? Was the fact of doing so not calculated to seriously prejudice me in the minds of the excited residents of Dunedin and those who had come in to witness the departure of the Contingent next day? Nay more, was it not also calculated to prejudice me beforehand in the eyes of that very tribunal to which my case was to be referred hereafter? Most certainly it was. Was it fairplay? Was it manly?
As to the scandalous aspersions cast upon me by the glaring head-lines I have already quoted, they shew an amount of personal hostility and maliciousness which is shocking to contemplate or to think possible as between one man and another. They are, to say the least of them, cowardly in the extreme.
But I am not the only one who has been stigmatised by offensive epithets because I hold certain views upon the Transvaal War; and amongst others thus attacked is a gentleman (a brother Journalist) who has not escaped insult and abuse, although he is distant 16,000 miles from his unscrupulous and venomous detractors. Has not our Agent-General, the Hon. W. P. Reeves, been accused as I have been and shamefully slandered behind his back? Has not a prominent citizen of Dunedin charged Mr. Reeves with sending Pro-Boer despatches to this Colony, and has he not demanded that Mr. Reeves should declare himself? Has not the Agent-General even been made the subject of a cartoon, in one part of which he is represented as a sanguinary sans-culotte of the Reign of Terror species, despatching a pro-Boer cablegram to the New Zealand Government as "Citizen" Reeves, and in another part of the same cartoon, dressed in the pink of fashion as Agent-General, sending off another cablegram to quite a different effect?
As a great deal of misunderstanding appears to exist in the public mind with reference to my position, it is necessary that I should put people right on that subject. I am not, and never have been, a Civil Servant, and am subject to no Civil Service Regulations. During my 24 years' connection with the New Zealand Parliament I have continued the pursuit of my journalistic profession in accordance with the distinct understanding upon which I entered that service. The faithful and efficient discharge of my Parliamentary duties is a fulfilment of the contract on my part, and there my obligations to Parliament end. No one has ever dared to insinuate that those duties have not been performed faithfully and well, and with the most scrupulous impartiality. Governments and Parliaments have come
In further confirmation of the original understanding upon which I entered the Parliamentary service 24 years ago, I now publish the written contract (under the hand and seal of the Premier), under which I accepted the office of Chief of the Hansard Staff:—
Sir,—I have the honor to inform you that you have been appointed Chief Reporter of the Parliamentary Hansard Staff vice Mr C. C. N. Barron, retired. Your salary will be at the rate of £400 per annum as from
Let the people of New Zealand make no mistake about it—this is a matter which strikes deeply at the foundation of their liberties—freedom of thought and speech. An effort is being made to exercise in New Zealand a press censorship which would not be attempted, I believe, even in autocratic Russia, and to prevent freedom of opinion. I should be an unworthy member of the honourable profession I belong to if I allowed myself to be dictated to by any Government or party as to what I shall write, or shall not write, in my capacity of Journalist.
I should be wanting in manliness and self-respect if I allowed myself to be placed in such a dishonourable and humiliating position, and if I tamely submitted to the surrender of my civil and political rights for the mere sake of the personal sacrifices I might thus escape from at the cost of independence and honour. I do not happen to be built that way, however, and it is in the name of Liberty that I resent this attempted interference with my rights, and with the pursuit of ray profession.
What I now want the public of New Zealand to do is to carefully read and analyse the correspondence, to seriously ask themselves—What is British liberty, fair play and justice? and to pronounce their verdict accordingly.
There is an honourable way and there is also an arbitrary, illegal, and dishonourable way of terminating a contract, if that be desired. The choice of alternatives I leave to those undertaking the responsibility.
While this pamphlet is passing through the press I am in daily receipt of numerous letters from correspondents, many of them utter strangers to me, expressing concurrence with my opinions with regard to the Transvaal War, and their appreciation of my courageous expression of these views. I feel deeply indebted to these correspondents for their sympathy and encouragement.
One of my correspondents, a perfect stranger to me, but whose personal acquaintance I hope to form, writes to me from Dunedin in these Permit me to express my sympathetic and full concurrence with your views on the Transvaal War. I hope one day will be disclosed how the existing excitement in New Zealand originated and has been worked up.It was not spontaneous. With this conviction, and having just witnessed here the enormous programme in getting away the Fourth Contingent, the fraudulent and selfish elements obviously at work afford the strongest emphasis to the courageous expression of opinion by yourself. That it should be possible, already in New Zealand, for political and selfish strategy to attain such proportions, would afford alarm were it not for the declarations and consolations recorded in Holy Writ, Psalm 37."
From Auckland comes a communication signed by several gentlemen, from which I quote as follows:—"Dear Sir, We the undersigned beg to offer you our sincere sympathy in respect to the unjust persecution you are now suffering for your manly, courageous and feeling conduct in reference to the present wicked, unrighteous and cruel war now being carried on by Britain against the Boers, and we assure you that every sentiment you have or may express is fully and heartily concurred in by us. We are one with you in our opinion of the Jingoistic spirit which is at the present time rampant in these Colonies, and we are of the opinion with you that at no far date a reaction will set in. There are hundreds of genuine liberals, who feel on this matter as we do, and if you like to send up any kind of a petition or testimonial we can get it signed by quite a number."
Telegram from New Plymouth;—"Kindly allow sympathiser to express friendship and admiration your noble fearlessness in just cause."
Already, two Journals of high standing—the Wellington "Evening Post "and the Christchurch "Press"—have ably championed the cause of freedom of opinion.
Commenting upon the proposal to call Mr Grattan Grey to account for his article in the "New York Times," the Christchurch "Press" says:—
"It is simply monstrous to talk of punishing Mr Grey because he happens
Sir,—My attention has been called to an article in the Dunedin "Evening Star" of the 29th of January last, which quoted what purports to be extracts from a letter written by you dated from Wellington, 27th October, and published in the "Now York Times" of November 26th, commenting on the action of this and other Australasian Colonies in connection with the despatch of Contingents to the Transvaal, and I shall be glad to know if you really are the author of the letter in question.
Sir,—Your letter dated the 6th instant re the Transvaal War only reached me to-day. As my files of American papers have not come to hand for several months past—a matter which I intend to inquire into at the Post Office—I am not in possession of a copy of the "New York Times," nor of the "Evening Star" mentioned in your letter. If you will kindly supply me with a copy of the "Star," in order that I may see the extracts mentioned, I shall have pleasure in supplying you with the information you desire.
Sir,—The Premier has directed me to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of yesterday's date, and in reply to say that he has not got a copy of the Dunedin "Evening Star," but desires me to send you an extract from the paper which purports to be your letter or a portion of it.
"Throughout the whole of the British Colonies in these latitudes the people have gone wild with excitement over the declaration of war between Great Britain and the Transvaal Republic. There is no limit to their enthusiasm, and the whole of these democractic communities have been suddenly infected with Imperialism of the most pronounced type. Nobody—very few, at all events—pauses to inquire whether the war is a just one, or whether England has any right to interfere with the internal affairs of the Transvaal. The only thing that concerns them is that Great Britain has resorted to the arbitrament of superior force, and, the Mother Country having done this, the Colonies rush to her assistance in crushing poor old Oom Paul and the comparative handful of people in the Transvaal, who consider they have a right to govern themselves without foreign interference or dictation. Everybody feels, of course, that the Republic must go under, and the immorality of the principle that might is right is completely disregarded in this wave of Imperialism that has swept over the whole of the British possessions on this side of the globe. No sooner was the news received of the declaration of war than offers of assistance were cabled to the Imperial authorities from all the Governments of Australasia, and these were at once accepted, more, perhaps, on account of the moral effect they would have upon other nations than because of any substantial assistance the Colonies would lender during the progress of hostilities, because, all told, the combined contingents will not exceed a thousand combatants. To New Zealand the honor belongs of being the first to despatch its mounted rifle corps of 212 officers and men a week ago, and to-day the transport will leave Melbourne, conveying to South Africa the total strength from the Colonies of Victoria, New South Wales, Queensland, South Australia, Western Australia, and Tasmania. To outside nations it would appear not a little odd that self-governing Colonies, 7,000 miles away from the scene of strife should send off bodies of men
Sir,—I am in receipt of your letter of 13th instant, enclosing an extract from the Dunedin "Evening Star" of 29th January, containing portions of my article to the "New York Times," published in that influential journal of
I will preface my reply to your request for information as to the authorship of that article by observing that this is not the first occasion on which this same individual connected with the Dunedin "Evening Star" has displayed the strongest possible animosity against me under the cloak of anonymity, and has shewn personal malice to an extent which must meet with the reprobation of all honest, upright and respectable Journalists. The individual in question, however, is not a Journalist of any weight or position outside the parochial radius of that paper's circulation, and very little within that limited area. Professional etiquette, straight-
As to the article contributed to the "New York Times" from which the extracts have been republished, I beg to inform you that I was the author of that article, and that I adhere to the opinions therein expressed, regardless of consequences.
In the first place, let me inform you that throughout my life I have belonged to the party of peace, and have been an uncompromising opponent of recourse to war for the settlement of international difficulties. I had made a special study of the Transvaal Question, had read all the available literature connected with the subject from every standpoint, and had become, as an impartial and conscientious observer of events, a stanch adherent of the humane and enlightened policy of England's greatest commoner. Mr. Gladstone, with regard to the Transvaal Republic. When war was first hinted at in the winter months of last year I could not bring myself to believe that hostilities would actually eventuate, and made no disguise of my sentiments that if war did ensue, it would be one of the most unjust and unrighteous wars recorded in history. I could not, however, believe that the British nation would allow itself to be deluded by a band of greedy and grasping capitalists into undertaking a war against a people whose right to self-government had been fully recognised; for I maintain that it is a war which has been fomented by capitalists, and it is lamentable to think that so much precious blood has been and will be spilt and so much treasure expended at the instigation of these moneyed magnates for purposes of their own aggrandisement. Does anyone in his proper senses, anyone with the smallest atom of intelligence or fair-mindedness, really believe that but for the gold and diamond discoveries in South Africa the Boers would ever have been disturbed in their isolation? All candid and thoughful men, however reluctant they may be at this juncture to confess it, must feel in their hearts that the greed of unscrupulous capitalists is in truth the real raison d'être of the present deplorable conflict, the primary cause which lies at the bottom of the hideous tragedy which is now being enacted in South Africa.
Immediately before and after the commencement of hostilities I regarded with deepest sorrow the wave of jingoistic hysteria that inundated these Colonies—the unreasoning and unthinking manner in which this jingoistic spirit was fanned until provincial jealousies
When I considered the marvellous wealth of Great Britain, her inexhaustible resources in men and money, her population of forty four millions of people to draw combatants from, her powerful Navy to defend her against any possible or probable concert of European nations, I could not suppose that England required assistance from her far-off Colonies in settling her differences with a comparative handful of people like the Boers—two hemmed-in Republics in South Africa, without a seaboard and without ports for replenishing supplies which in course of time must become exhausted. All these considerations forced me to the conclusion that it was an act of the supremest folly to drain the Colonies of their population for the purpose of doing battle seven thousand miles away in a struggle about the eventual issue of which there could not be the slightest anxiety or doubt.
If it was considered necessary to impress foreign powers with the moral lesson of Colonial loyalty and enthusiasm by the despatch of a first contingent from each, does it not strike one that the good effect of that lesson is likely to be destroyed by the sending of contingent after contingent upon the same unfortunate errand? Will not this apparently unrestricted exodus to South Africa create an impression in unfriendly quarters that England is in extremities, and that her prestige and prowess are in imminent difficulty and peril? I am not so pessimistic as to suppose for one moment that she is, or is at all likely to be, in such straits, or that her foremost prestige amongst the nations of the earth stands the slightest danger of not being maintained in this war with the Boers. But as tin Australasian I protest against this serious diminution of our population, against this maddened rush from our shores when, if we look to our own requirements, we want to keep every man of them here. What is the state of the defences in any one of the Australasian Colonies? Will anyone say for one moment—or if he does say it, does he really believe it?—that our own defences are in an effective condition? Is there any difficulty in realising the awkward position these Colonies might be placed in at any moment in the event of any European complications that might arise? In this position of affairs, why send the best physical types of our young men, the very flower of our population, out of the country, when it is population, and population of that stamp, we stand most in need of? Why contribute funds to the wealthiest nation on earth when the money could be more wisely and legitimately expended in placing ourselves in a position to repel an enemy?
In the pursuit of my journalistic profession I have given expression to these views. That they are not popular with the present
It is one of the highest functions of every honest, well-meaning and straightforward Journalist to do all he can on occasions such as this to stem the current of popular frenzy, to inculcate the salutary ideas of moderation, and to strive all he knows to direct public opinion into the best and safest channels. In my humble capacity this is precisely what I have endeavoured to do, profoundly and conscientiously believing that I was doing right, and believing also that I was living in a free and enlightened country. Is it possible that I have been under a delusion all the best years of my life, and that I am now to realise that freedom of thought and speech in New Zealand—that boasted palladium of individual and collective liberty—is nothing but a myth after all?
Sir,—It is a remarkable fact—an extraordinary coincidence to say the least of it—that ever since the "New York Times," and my literary connection with that great newspaper was made the subject of a debate in Parliament last session, my files of American papers have not come to hand, although previously they reached me at regular intervals. Will you kindly make inquiries into the matter, as I am entirely at a loss to understand how the files have gone astray.
Subject:— Complaining that copies of the "New York Times" posted to you have not been received.
Sir,—I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter on the above-noted subject. A reply will be sent at an early date.
[Note.—It is again a remarkable fact that a day or two after the despatch of my letter of 13th February, my files of American papers by that month's incoming San Franscisco mail duly reached me, but the missing files complained of have never yet come to hand.—J.G.G.]
Sir,—Referring to your letter of the 13th instant, stating that your files of American newspapers have not for some time back come to band, I have to inform you that there is no trace in the post office here of any papers addressed to you. Any that may have reached Wellington would have been delivered in the usual manner. If you will, however, specify what papers are missing the Department will, if so desired, make enquiries about them through the Postmaster-General, Washington.
Sir,—In order to forestall any further crawling officiousness and malignity on the part of the Dunedin "Star" man, I beg to inform you that an article of mine on the Samoan Question appeared in the "New York Times" of
"No more unwelcome tidings could have been wafted to Australasia than that Great Britain had come to an arrangement with Germany to hand over to that power the control and management of the lion's share of Samoa. The transfer has occurred at a time when there is little disposition to call into question the wisdom of Great Britain in surrendering Samoa without previously taking the Colonies into her confidence on the question. The outbreak of the Transvaal war has brought with it a tidal wave of Imperialism all over the Colonies of Australasia, and the feeling is so intense that for the moment the Colonists generally are blind to the danger of having a great European power like Germany brought into such close proximity to their shores. Had the proposal been put before them in a time of peace, there would have been a howl of indignation from all the British dependencies in these seas, and a stubborn diplomatic effort to prevent Germany from obtaining the foothold she has gained in Samoa.
"Powerless as the Colonies now are, without any hope of getting the thing undone, a strong undercurrent of feeling prevails that Great Britain has not treated the Australasian Colonies as she ought to have done, and this sense of injustice will become intensified with the restoration of peace and a more thorough realisation of the danger to which Germany's presence as a close and powerful neighbor exposes us. It is well known that Germany's interference in Samoan affairs has always been repugnant to the wishes of the majority of the inhabitants of that country, and no less to Australasians, whose chief desire has ever been to keep foreign European
control out of the Southern Pacific as much as possible. To this end, resistance has always been offered against the acquisition of the New Hebrides by France, and, in spite of this, Samoa has been quietly surrendered to Germany, as an expedient of British policy to cultivate the friendship of that nation in a fleeting emergency. "The only atom of consolation we can discover in the arrangement is that Tutuila is to be American, and that an alliance between the two great English-speaking nations of the world can at any time minimize the dangers arising from such an undesirable Germanic proximity to our coasts. One immediate effect of the banding over of Samoa to Germany will be this:—It will impress the Colonies with the necessity of inaugurating and gradually perfecting a combined system of defence on land and sea, as well for internal safety as for the protection of their commerce with the outside world, and the insuring of a greater influence in the councils of the mother land."
Note.—Nearly three years ago, in the columns of the Melbourne "Age" I warned the Governments of Australasia of the designs of Germany upon Samoa. The substance of that warning was immediately cabled back to New Zealand; and the Premier, on being interviewed by a local press representative pooh poohed the idea, and declared that "there was nothing in it." I pointed out in the "Age" that there could not be the slightest doubt, from information in my possession, that Germany meant to acquire Samoa. That intention was only postponed through the outbreak of the Spanish-American war. So far from there being nothing in the warning, there was unfortunately too much in it, and the surrender of Samoa and its partition between Germany and America have come about exactly as I described in the "Age" nearly three years ago. But for the laissez-faire attitude of Mr. Seddon and similar inactivity on the part of the Governments of Australia, this regrettable consummation would not have happened. A combined and vigorous protest on the part of the Governments of Australasia at that time would have upset the intentions of Germany, because England would never have dared to disregard the wishes of combined Australasia upon a question of such vital importance to these Colonies. As it is, we have now an undesirable neighbour like Germany at our very doors, and to the apathy and want of foresight of those in authority must be attributed this lamentable issue of events.
City Printing Coy. (Wright & Grenside), FitzGerald's Avenue, Willis Street, Wellington.—
The author of this pamphlet is alone responsible for its publication. It has no other authority.
The facts given in relation to Divine interference in the Church and the restoration of Ministry as in the beginning, are gathered from living witnesses, the author's own experience, and the writings of some who have fallen asleep.
No attempt is made to defend the people who recognise God's mercy in restoring Apostleship. They know that the charge of "error" brought against them arises through ignorance as to their place in, and relationship to, the Church Universal; and that thereby misapprehension and even prejudice are entertained towards them by their brethren. This position, it is hoped, I they are prepared to endure with charity and patience.
Nor is any attempt made to defend the truth. That would be presumption. It is omnipotent, and, sooner or later, will correct error and drive all evil into eternal oblivion. But it is both duty and charity to make prominent neglected or forgotten, yet momentous, aspects of truth. Such are dealt with in this pamphlet.
In the measure that truth is known, and acted upon, is the true stature of manhood attained. All truth is summed up in man—the Man, Christ Jesus.
A portion of this pamphlet forms a comment upon the address given by Bishop Wallis at a meeting of the Wellington; (Anglican) Synod.
For Bishop Wallis as a man, and honoured servant of God, only the highest respect and affection can be held by all who have the pleasure of his acquaintance. It is to be regretted that, under a supposed sense of duty, he has made and published statements that call for correction.
Religious controversy has been called "the scab on the Church." It is at no time desirable, and as far as the subject will permit, has been avoided.
For the sake of convenience the subject-matter has bees I divided into three parts, viz.:—
The writer, in view of rapidly-approaching judgments on the Church and Christendom, will be pleased to communicate I with any who desire to learn more about the facts stated.
"Five years ago I solemnly declared in this Church that I was ready with all faithful diligence to banish and drive away all erroneous and strange doctrine contrary to God's Word, the Lord being my helper. I am bound, therefore, by a most solemn obligation to warn you, teachers and representatives of the Church of Christ in this land, against a serious error which has spread, and may yet spread more widely, among members of our own body; I do not think it at all likely to affect our brothers of Briber Christian denominations."
These words were spoken in the address delivered by the Bishop presiding at the "opening of the Second Session of the fifteenth Synod of the (Anglican) Diocese of Wellington, in St. Paul's Pro-Cathedral, on the evening of Wednesday,
Such expressions from a Bishop of the Anglican communion, and under the circumstances in which they were uttered, demand the most careful consideration of every thoughtful Christian. They suggest that the speaker, labouring under the responsibility of his office, appeared to discern dangers of the gravest character threatening the Christian Church.
What he considered these dangers to be, he described in terse language in his address, the substance of which follows:—
[For convenience in reference, the various points of the Bishop's address have been numbered.]
During the last two years, in this province, although not in this Diocese, Churchmen have been admitted to Holy Orders by persons popularly known as "Irvingites," and I grave violations of Church order have been committed, of which many of you are aware. I wish to speak of this party with the greatest possible tenderness. It numbers amongst its members three or four of our most devoted and unselfish Churchworkers. With several of its leaders I have had frequent conversations, and I believe that they are earnestly I striving to follow the leading of the Holy Spirit. I trust that in nothing that I shall say to-night I shall misrepresent their teaching, and so put a new obstacle in the way of their return to us.
It is but just to state that they have always vigorously repudiated the title "Irvingite," which partly for lack of a short and intelligible designation, and partly on account of I a misunderstanding of their history, has been (1st) generally applied to them. It was in the church served by the Reverend Edward Irving, a Presbyterian minister (*) of the Established Church of Scotland, that the supposed gifts of
(2nd) For this is their Cardinal Doctrine, that in these last days twelve Apostles have been raised up to succeed the Apostles of old, or rather the twelve who were the first Apostles. These new Apostles are appointed "to be the heads under Christ, and supreme rulers of the Catholic Church; to be the fountains and the teachers of the doctrine of the Church; and lastly, to bestow the Holy Ghost by the laying on of their hands, whether for sealing all who believe, or for ordaining the ministers of the House of God." They are distinguished from all other ministers by this that they "are neither of men, nor by man; but by Jesus Christ and God the Father, sent forth immediately and directly." Since Apostles are "necessary to the true growth of the Church," it is held that the sin of man prevailed to defeat God's purposes, and that for this reason the Church has been without Apostles from the end of the first century to the beginning of the nineteenth. Meanwhile "a measure of the Holy Ghost has been given by the laying on of bishop's hands, and grace has been (†) bestowed in the Sacraments, administered by those whom they ordain." Rut those Sacraments, "being now administered by men who received their commission through inferior means, and unto a people who, as a body, could not be receiving the full measure of the Hoby Ghost—seeing that the ordained channel for that end was lacking—having ceased to be the living realities they were intended to be—the faith, which in its wane could not retain the principal ministries of the Church, was insufficient to apprehend the full blessing in the Sacraments."
(4th) The Liturgy contains also an "Order for the Laying-on of Apostles' Hands" upon those who have been baptised; but no indication is there given, that any gift of the Holy Ghost has been imparted by the laying-on of the Bishop's hands in Confirmation.
(5th) So stupendous a claim as that made by these new Apostles, or by others on their behalf, has never been offered for acceptance by Christian men, with the single exception of the claim of the Bishop of Rome, since the close of the New Testament Canon. (6th) Who are these Apostles? When and how were they appointed? What are their credentials?
(7th) It was not unnatural in the early part of this century for men to read a prophecy of the Lord's speedy return in the events of that time. The horrors of the French Revolution of
What proofs of this apostleship are offered? For to those who know and love the Lord Jesus Christ it is simply incredible (9th) that, having given us no warning in the written Word of what He was about to do, but having promised that (10th) the Spirit should abide with us for ever. He should suddenly entrust to a band of men the guidance (B) and government of His Church with authority to decide doubts and controversies; and should withhold from His people signs whereby they might be recognised. Remember, it is not urged that these Apostles merely fulfil such an "Elias ministry" as was; foretold in Malachi iv., 5, 6; (c) and, as many have thought! by our Lord Himself (Mark ix., 12). They are sent not merely to prepare the Church for His last coming; they are not simple messengers, but (D) rulers with supreme power, whom to ignore and disobey is treason to the Church's Head.
(11th) What then are the signs of these Apostles? Not miracles, it is answered; these may be shown to the heathen, I but not to Christians. The matter is "not to be degraded into an affair of signs and wonders as if we were unspiritual, unbaptised. Jews and heathens;" the only signs that are given are the speaking with tongues and prophesying. May we look to the deeds or words of the Apostles? I know of book of their Acts; and in the Great Testimony which there have composed, apart from such sentences as those I have already quoted, there is hardly anything which has not bed spoken and believed by ourselves and many others. (12th) What test can we apply? Only, I think, the words of their prophets. For if prophesying is one of the signs given, and if it was by the word of prophecy that the Apostles were shown to be from God, then in the words of the prophets we may hope to find a test of the truth of their claims. You can read these words for yourselves in accounts given m others of the "Adherents of the Restored Apostolate," or better still, in the volumes of the Angels' Record, which can be obtained from members of that body. I shrink from giving pain to some whom my words may reach, by reading and criticising before you what they believe to be the direct utterances of the Holy Spirit of God. You can read the yourselves, and decide whether as regards insight into God's ways they are worthy to be ranked with the words of the writers of the New Testament, or even with those of the great spiritual leaders of this century.
Let me add two things more.
(14th) First, the Adherents of the Restored Apostolate are in reality a distinct body. Although in our country districts, where their numbers are few, they allow and even encourage their fellow-adherents to take part in the worship of our Church, yet in large towns they meet in a building of their own, and use their own forms of prayer. Where their number is small, they are loyal members of (15th) the Church; where it is large, they separate themselves from us. They have in no way fulfilled their hope of (16th) helping forward the union of Christians, for which they and we alike pray. They do not call Christians of various bodies to a neutral ground where they may (17th) stand side by side, nor do they offer us great truths (18th) which will reconcile and include the various truths we hold separately. Their doctrines approximate most closely (19th) to those of the Tractarians, with the beginning of whose movement the beginning of their own synchronised. They condemn the distinctive tenets of the Church of Rome and of the Churches of the East; they acknowledge no man as validly ordained unless he has received the laying on of the hands of Bishop or Angel; they teach the Baptism of infants.
(20th) Secondly, their teaching obviously leads those of our clergy who accept it to undervalue the unspeakably precious gifts they have received at their Ordination in comparison with the new gift which the Apostles or their delegates are empowered to bestow; and to attribute, as we have seen, their shortcomings, in part at least, to the lack of this gift. And if these clergy are faithful to their new leaders, they are bound in conscience to do all in their power to bring the children whom they have prepared for Confirmation to receive a gift far greater than Confirmation can bring, bestowed in the laying on of the Apostles' hands.
I have tried to speak with the greatest possible fairness of this movement which has lately begun among us, quoting in all cases from their own writings for the doctrines taught by the so-called Irvingites. I trust I have spoken with gentleness also.
(21st) Had we ourselves believed less in human systems, and more in the continual presence of God the Holy Ghost in His Church, the trouble might have never arisen.
The lessons which I think God means us to learn from this movement are to ponder more diligently the prophetic portions of the Bible, after our forefathers' example; to keep constantly in our hearts the solemn truth that the Lord will come suddenly and may come soon; and to watch and pray always that we may be accounted worthy to escape all the things that shall come to pass, and to stand before the Son of Man.
In the historical part of this address there is not much that exception can be taken to, but several points maybe indicated:—
1st. The Bishop appears to be not well-acquainted with the history of the work that he criticises.
He assumes that events connected with its origin began with, or in the congregation of the Rev. Edward Irving, Presbyterian minister, of London. This is a common error. (*)
The first events that may be said to have had a direct bearing upon the work which followed, were spiritual utterances heard among members of a. Roman Catholic church in Karlshuld, Bavaria.
About two years afterwards (1830) utterances of a similar character were heard among members of the Established Church of Scotland, at Port Glasgow, on the Clyde.
Again, in
But these details only affect the matter as showing that the work did not begin in the congregation of nor with the person whose name is so generally attached to it.
2nd. The Bishop affirms that the "Cardinal Doctrine" of this people is that "twelve Apostles have been raised up to succeed the Apostles of old," et seq. This statement is presumably a lapsus on his part.
The people referred to most certainly believe that the Lord is again manifested in an Apostolate as in the beginning; but the doctrines held by them as "Cardinal" are those held by the Church Universal, and expressed in the three creeds known as the "Apostles'," "Nicene," and "Athenasian," or, as the Bishop in the earlier part of his address quotes, "receiving all true creeds of the Church." (‡)
3rd. When priests ordained by Bishops desire to serve as ministers under restored Apostles, it becomes necessary before being so used that they have their orders confirmed by Apostolic benediction. In no other case is such benediction given to the clergy.
4th. Candidates for sealing, by the laying on of Apostles' hands, are taught that a measure of the Holy Spirit is given to all who are confirmed by the hands of a Bishop (see Bishop's quotation †), but not the full Apostolic measure, which can be given only by Apostles or those directly delegated by them.
5th. These claims may appear what the Bishop terms "stupendous," but they simply mean that the authority of a restored Apostleship is the same as that claimed for the first twelve. This position is only logical, and if it be proved that such a restoration has taken place, what rest, gratitude, and joyful obedience should be the result.
6th. Who these Apostles are, their credentials and appointment, will be considered in the latter part of this pamphlet.
7th. This paragraph records some very startling facts, and vet not so startling as the circumstances would have been, had the Lord not interfered.
When the characters of the persons whose minds were exercised by the events referred to are taken into consideration, as well as the events themselves, the fact that becomes startling is that so few to-day know anything, or so little, about a movement comprehending with its catholic spirit and order what many Christians desire (and have been seeking) as a means of bringing unity and peace to the Church.
8th. The fact of only one of the twelve restored Apostles being left (and he an aged man) is suggested as a difficulty. But if the previous statements concerning this ministry be true, where is the difficulty of discerning in that "very old man" the grace of Apostleship. Is his case very different to that of the Apostle John in his later years? Nor, it is to be feared, his treatment either. St. John complained of a bishop of his day, one Diotrephes, ( (a) 3 Epis. John v., 9, 10.b) 2nd Tim, i., 15: iv.. 10.
9th. But what is referred to as specially "incredible," is that no Divine warning is given concerning the restoration of Apostleship. This, if true, may be incredible to some, and yet it would not be without precedent. Two examples may suffice.
When the Lord chose his twelve He gave not the slightest intimation that He intended to choose other seventy, and yet we find such a ministry chosen and sent forth with much the same credentials as the twelve had (before our Lord's resurrection), and doing very similar work, but under slightly different circumstances Luke x., 1-17
More remarkable still was the appointment of Barnabas and Saul to the Apostleship Acts xiii., 1-3; xiv., 14. Matt, xix., 28. 1st Cor. xv., 8. 2nd Cor. xi.,5.Ektroma (margin, "abortive")—as though his Apostleship indicated some future aspect of the Lord's work to the Gentiles (to whom he was the Apostle)—and also by his saying that he was "not one whit behind the very chiefest Apostles"
Is the action of the Lord in manifesting Himself in an Apostolate in our days more incredible than His adding these two men—Barnabas and Saul—to the first twelve, thus making fourteen in their days? Of the two circumstances, the restoration of this ministry in our days might be supposed to be the more needed, inasmuch as there is a great necessity for a Divinely. I appointed central authority for government and appeal. Barnabas' and Saul's election to the Apostleship does not appear to have been needed to provide such government in their days, as it already existed in the twelve.
But to come back to the Bishop's statement that the Lord has "given no warning in the written word of what He was about to do," et seq. (i.e., restore the Apostolate)—is this correct? Some discern many warnings, or rather promises, of such a restoration. One reference has been quoted by the Bishop (Mark ix., 12).
In the last words of the Old Testament Scriptures it was promised through the prophet Malachi—'Behold, I will send you Elijah the prophet before the coming of the great and dreadful day of the Lord; and he shall turn the heart of the fathers to the children, and the heart of the children to their fathers, lest I come and smite the earth with a curse " Mal. iv., 5. Luke i., 17.
This Elias ministry was fulfilled in John in so far as he, (" the messenger before the Lord") Mark i., 2. Matt, xvii., 2.
This restoration, according to Malachi and the prophecy of the Angel to Zacharias, was to be a means of "preparing" people for the Lord;" and was to be connected with, and to precede, the great and dreadful day of the Lord.
Such a ministry is also distinctly pointed to in the parable of the Ten Virgins Matt xxv., 1-13.
There are many to-day who have heard the cry. Some of them suppose that they have all they require in the lamp. Others have discerned a special ministry (sent ones, i.e., Apostles) and means of preparation, and have sought for and received the fuller measure of oil. Through this ministry there has been a restoration of all that the Church has lacked, since the ministry of the first Apostles ceased to be manifested: and by this means a people (firstfruits) are being prepared to meet the Lord at His coming.
10th. John xvi., 14. Ephes. iv., 11-16. (1) 1st Cor. xii.—Nine gifts of the Spirit are mentioned. Gal. v., 22, 23—Nine fruits of the Spirit are mentioned.
If, as is affirmed, some of these ministries were intended to cease in the early age of the Church (the Scriptures give no I such intimation), who is going to draw the line as to what were to cease and when? The Plymonthists say that since the first Apostles fell asleep, they having fulfilled their purpose, all official ministry ceased: and that now the Holy Spirit is in the Church lead into all truth by ministration through every member of the Body. This, if logical from their standpoint, is simply spiritual anarchy. But is any other section of the Church on this matter much nearer the truth?
(B) The government of the Church is entrusted to some "band" or bands of men (whether Divinely authorised or not is another question), which use authority to decide doubts: certainly not without controversy. No common centre of appeal is recognised by the whole Church, except the written word, which each denomination interprets its own way. The result is the present divided and painful state of the Church Universal.
(C) Whether the restored Apostles fulfil the "Elias" ministry as foretold in Malachi iv., 5, 6 (and commented upon by our Lord, Matt, xvii., 11), is a question that can only be decided by the results of their ministry. The work is not done in a corner, and the facts concerning God's operations in and by it are not to to lightly disputed, and invite the closest honest investigation.
(D) If the restored Apostles are Messengers from God, to "ignore or disobey" them is indeed treason to the Church's Head. John xiii., 20.
11th. The signs of the restored Apostleship should be such as are peculiar to the Apostolic office or ministry.
The gifts of the Spirit (1) were among the signs that should follow them that believe. They were distributed severally to all members of the Body, therefore are never advanced either by the Scriptures or those gathered under restored Apostles as proofs that the possessors of them are Apostles.
Acts viii.e.g. Philip, who was a Deacon, did many wonderful works when preaching to the Samaritans, but could not fulfil the Apostolic act of conveying the Holy Ghost to the converts whom be had baptised
If then these gifts be the inheritance of all the baptised they cannot be the distinctive signs of Apostleship. A time is spoken of Matt, xxiv., 24
12th. Too great care cannot be used in the judgment of what is professedly the voice of the Holy Ghost in prophecy. Paul's warning to "despise not prophesyings" is as necessary to-day—possibly more so—than when uttered. The "stammering lips and other tongue;" with precept upon precept, little by little—at: Isaiah Isa. xxviii., 11.
But the experience of over 70 years has demonstrated, to those who have given heed, that the Holy Ghost, the Comforter, speaks again through prophets as of old.
The prophetic gift, any more than any of the other eight, is not a test of the restoration of Apostles Mk. xvi., 17. Spiritual gifts continued in the Church till the century. See "Narrative of Kurlshuld."
Prophecy is a gift that all may desire. But the person manifesting this gift is not to be the interpreter or judge of what the Holy Ghost through him is speaking to the Church 1st Cor. xiv., 1-31. 1st John iv., 1-3.
By a clear apprehension of the credentials and functions of Apostles, it is possible to determine the signs of their ministry.
As has been quoted, their credentials are that they are neither of men nor by men, but by Jesus Christ and God the Father, sent forth immediately and directly Gal. i., 1.
The credentials of the first twelve involved more than this. In the choice of one in the place of Judas, Peter stated "that of these men which have companied with us all the time that the Lord Jesus went in and out among us, beginning from the baptism of John, unto that same day that He was taken up from us, must one be ordained to be a witness with us of His resurrection" Acts i., 21-26.
Barnabas and Saul had no such credentials. Paul certainly had not companied with the disciples during the time referred to, and there is no evidence of Barnabas having seen the Lord at any time.
At what time these two men were called to be Apostles there is nothing to show. Some think that it was about twelve years after the day of Pentecost. Their work as Apostles appears to have begun after their separation to the work, as recorded in Acts xiii., 1.
Apostolic functions are as clearly indicated in the Scriptures as are their credentials:—
Acts vi., 6. Acts xiv., 23. 1st Tim i., 18; iv., 14. Acts xiv., 6. Ephes. i., 13, 14. 1st Cor. v., 5; 1st Tim. i., 20. 1st Cor. iii., 10-16; 1st Peter ii., 5.
These are Apostolic credentials, and, in condensed form, some of their functions.
Whether such "signs" as may be discerned in the fulfilment of these functions, are found in the restored Apostleship, is for inquirers to discover.
Those who know most about the matter affirm with heartfelt gratitude that all the signs and grace of the Apostolic minister are present and experienced.
14th. What the Bishop would imply by saying that those gathered under restored Apostles are "a distinct body," appears to be that they are not specially joined to some sect or denomination which is divided from, and at variance with, the other sects or denominations.
As our Lord and His disciples were neither Pharisees, Sadducees, Essenes, nor Herodians, but simply members of the commonwealth of Israel, so this people recognise neither Paul, Apollos, Cephas, nor even Christ in division, but are members of that one Body composed of all who are baptised into the Name of the Holy Trinity. "By one Spirit we are all baptised into one Body"(1).
The use of the designation Catholic Apostolic Church does not (as the Bishop quotes) imply that they alone compose that Church, nor that they claim any special right to the name in contrast to their brethren; but is a protest against all sectarianism, and the only name that comprehends all Christians. If any of the baptised choose to particularise themselves by some name implying a difference, then the responsibility is their own.
15th. It is true that those gathered under restored Apostles form separate congregations. This arose in the first instance from the action of the various denominations. Any persons who recognised the restoration of Apostles as the work of God were "put out of the synagogues," and were refused all church fellowship.
Thus were the homeless ones driven to seek shelter, ministry, and blessing elsewhere.
But it may be answered, now that these restrictions have been largely removed, there is not the same necessity for separate congregations.
As previously shown, to join any sect or body would be to deny the catholicity of the Church. Those gathered under restored Apostles appreciate the privilege of communion with their brethren, whilst protesting against their divisions.
16th. How far the Lord by His special work has helped forward the "union of Christians" depends upon (a) how far His people have discerned it to be His work; (b) how far they have been faithful to his revealed mind and purpose.
Any special work of God produces a double result upon the observer—(a) the revealing of the hearts of His people, i.e., the discovering how far they desire His interference, or to follow their own ways; (b) the discovering and gathering together of those who are willing to "follow the Lamb whithersoever He goeth." These latter people become recipients of a special measure of the grace of God, and thereby are enabled to help their brethren as they could not otherwise have done.
John the Baptist (an aspect of the Elias ministry) did not succeed in preparing Israel to meet the Messiah: but in his case, as also by restored Apostles, a witness was, and is, being given as to the means of unity and preparation for the fulfilment of God's purpose.
In the present work, a firstfruits are being gathered—an earnest of the great harvest to follow, and which is to be gathered under very different circumstances.
17th. These truths are of the utmost moment; therefore Christians of every denomination have been, and are, invited to discuss them from the "neutral standpoint" of the Scriptures.
18th. If there are aspects of truth more than others calculated to bring about the unity of the Church, they are contained in that "Blessed hope and the glorious appearing of the great God and our Saviour Jesus Christ"*, and in the restoration of the ministry for the preparation of the Church to meet her Lord with joy at His coming.
It is too evident to all spiritual observers that the Church as a whole, in her present schismatic condition, does not desire, and is altogether unprepared for, such a consummation; nor, indeed, is any denomination prepared for, even if, as is the case, some are expecting. His coming.
19th. The Bishop would trace in this work under restored Apostles "some resemblance to the late Tractarian movement." The leaders of that movement sought for some ground of unity between the greater divisions of the Church, and also endeavoured to get churchmen to apprehend the deeper mysteries of the Sacraments. But whilst the present work aims at these amongst many other objects, it shows that the means of attainment is not by compromise, urging the claims of some particular denomination, nor any wisdom of man, but by the restoration of the one hope, and also ministry given by our Lord at the beginning. Such a thought seems never to have entered the minds of the Tractarians.
20th. It is charged against this work that it causes clergy who receive it to undervalue the "unspeakably precious gifts they have received at their ordination."
In answer to this, one of two things must be true—either that a full Apostolic measure of grace is conveyed by Episcopal ordination, or a lesser measure.
The Bishop evidently does not believe that a measure equal to that claimed for the first twelve (or fourteen) is given. Such a claim he regards as "stupendous."
Then only by the restoration of a ministry having powers equal to the first Apostles can the larger be given, and this must include and confirm the lesser Episcopal measure.
This is also true of sealing by the laying on of Apostles' hands. (See Bishop's quotation†.)
21st. It is indeed true that had the Church realised as she ought to have done the continual presence in her midst of the Holy Spirit, she would have permitted His voice to have been heard through the prophets, and thus have had continual light to lead her. His testimony ever is the Lordship of Jesus as her Head: not only as Bishop, but also as the Apostle and High Priest of her profession. As Israel had the Urim and Thummim—
The loss of these is the cause of the confusion and weakness everywhere manifest. Only by their restoration and recognition can the Church be healed. Then through His Apostles—sent ones—will Jesus again be discerned as the Master over His own house.
Now that the various points touched upon by the Bishop have been considered, it is difficult to discover the need for the strong assertions and warnings given in the opening sentences of his address.
It is evident that his limited knowledge of the work criticised has led him into grave misconceptions of its character and authority.
The doctrines quoted by him as held by this people are those held by the Church Universal.
Their recognised ministry is that found in the Church in her primitive condition, and as given by the Lord Jesus for the perfecting of the saints.
Their recognition of spiritual gifts, tried by the Scriptural test (*), are those promised to believers and manifested through the seal of the Holy Ghost.
What the Bishop appears to take exception to, is that which he defines (mistakenly) as "their Cardinal Doctrine." That is, the claim that the Lord Jesus—"the Apostle and High Priest of our profession"—as a "Son over His own house," has specially interfered to put His house in order. That members of the Body of Christ (represented by Apostles and Prophets), long inactive, and powers of the Spirit, long latent, should again, by the impartation of fresh spiritual vitality, become active and manifest, appears to him to be "stupendous" and "incredible.'
Christians have become so familiar with schism and confusion as to have practically lost sight of the "One Body," and to suppose that the existing conditions must be according to the mind of the Lord. Where there is some idea of catholicity it is too often expressed, by word and action, in hoping for, striving to, and supposing that, eventually all other sects will be absorbed into some pet denomination.
If these comments upon the Bishop's address are necessarily in some measure controversial, they are tendered in the kindliest spirit.
It is hoped that they, and the matter which follows, will help to correct common misconceptions held by the Bishop and many earnest Christians concerning the work of God.
Whilst all admit that the Church as a whole is in a deplorable condition, and that in every denomination there is room for much improvement, they suppose that if matters are allowed to follow I their natural course, gradually there will be evolved the desired end.
When such thoughts or hopes are held, no necessity can be discerned for any special intervention of God in His Church.
Any evidence adduced to prove such interference, is either ignored or explained away.
In the following pages, First—a rapid glance will be taken at some of the more salient points of Church history, in which it will be shown that not only have bishops failed to keep unity, but in nearly all cases, were the cause of the schism that divides the Church. Secondly—Evidence, with which most people are not familiar, will be given to prove that the Lord, in love and mercy, has intervened in the present condition of the Church, I and restored the only means by which her unity may be brought about. Whilst, for reasons to be shown, that end has not been accomplished, an important end has been, by which the Church shall be led on till she arrives at unity.
In Adam and Eve God shadowed forth His great purpose in Christ and the Church.
Adam was created to be God's vicegerent on earth, and to him was given dominion over every creature. In this rule Eve—bone of his bone and flesh of his flesh—was partner and helpmeet. These, by disobedience, forfeited their place and lost dominion and the Kingdom.
To the "last Adam"—God's incarnate Son—was committed authority to redeem the forfeited dominion and Kingdom for man and thus establish God's eternal purpose.
As it is written of the Son, "A body hast Thou prepared Me-Lo I come to do Thy will, O God." And again, "Thy throne. O God, is for ever and ever, A sceptre of righteousness is the sceptre of Thy Kingdom."
The Son, according to the good pleasure of His will, from eternity chose certain members of the human family to be fellow heirs with Him in His Kingdom.
They who are called to this honour comprise all who are baptised in the name of the Holy Trinity, irrespective of time, place, or people. Their attainment to the place unto which they are called depends upon their using the means that will make! their "calling and election sure."
Of the Kingdom of the Saints it is declared "the Kingdom and I dominion, and the greatness of the Kingdom under the whole hf iven shall be given to the Saints of the Most High, whose Kingdom is an everlasting Kingdom, and all dominions shall serve and obey Him."
This is the inheritance of the Church—the Second Eve.
By the incarnation of the Son of God (who becomes thereby the last Adam) she is made "bone of His bone and flesh of His flesh." and to be His Bride and helpmeet.
Before her Lord went away to "prepare a place" for her, He promised to return again to take her to be with Him.
During His absence she is to witness on earth to His resurrection and power, and to be a minister of His grace and health to sin-stricken, suffering humanity.
A stranger in a strange land, she is to be in the world as her Lord was.
She is to endure being misunderstood, and to suffer in humility and patience; to show the spirit of love and beneficence, even to those who revile and persecute her.
To enable her to fulfil her ministry and witness, the Holy Spirit is given to abide with her. He is to comfort, enlighten, and aid her to make intercession for all. Apostles, Prophets, Evangelists, and Pastors are given to nurture, instruct, and guide by the Holy Spirit into all truth, and prepare her to be presented as a chaste virgin to be the Bride of Christ at His coming.
The "blessed hope" placed before her therefore is the "glorious appearing of the great God and her Saviour Jesus Christ." Not till then is "mortality swallowed up of life," and "the promises made to the fathers fulfilled," and salvation realised.
For this consummation not only the Church, but every creature, is waiting in expectancy. Then shall the nations of the earth be saved. Then shall righteousness cover the earth as the waters coyer the seas, and all shall know the Lord, from the least even to the greatest.
Whilst her judges and counsellors (Apostles and Prophets) lived, this hope remained firm, and for several centuries afterwards it continued to give strength to persecuted Christians, and enabled martyrs to endure their torments, not accepting of life in the hope of the "better resurrection." But gradually hope and patience failed—self-seeking men and "wolves in sheep's clothing" crept into the Church, bringing error, confusion, and many commotions.
Heresies and schisms, kept in check with difficulty during the Apostles' lifetime, in their absence became numerous and daring. The judges (Apostles) having passed away, there remained no central court of appeal. Councils of Bishops were called, but generally the determinations of these Councils tended rather to increase the confusion and schisms than diminish them.
The Church, in her emergency, with enemies around and traitors within, appealed to the civil power in the person of the Roman Emperor Constantine, an unbaptised man, who at her expressed desire, became the President of her Councils. She, who was elected to be the Bride of the Lamb, chose to form an adulterous relationship with the kings of the earth. What a rapid decrease of faith and hope is pictured here!
The Gospel of the Kingdom and the Coming of the Lord gradually ceased to be preached, and she herself narrowly escaped becoming Arian and denying the Lord that bought her.
Conscience stricken fear took the place of love and hope. A theory of the Lord's coming as Judge at some long distant day and of the general resurrection was retained and taught; and men said on Sundays, "I believe . . . He shall come again
Judge is not what men hoped for: and they also said, I look for the resurrection of the dead and the life of the world to come," but they ceased to look for the resurrection from the dead: and the life of the world to come became to them the place and state the soul went to after its separation from the body.
In the VI. Century the great controversy between the Bishops of Rome and Constantinople as to supremacy began. This controversy continued with great bitterness till the XIV. Century, when the contending Bishops excommunicated each other; and thus the great schism that divided the Western and Eastern Churches was consummated.
Various circumstances favoured Rome, and she rapidly increased in power. In her assumption of supremacy she said—"There is but one name in the world, and that is the Pope; he only can use the ornaments of Empire; all princes ought to kiss his feet; he only can nominate and displace Bishops and assemble and dissolve Councils. Nobody can judge him; his mere election constitutes him a saint; he has never erred, and never shall err in time to come; he can depose princes, and release subjects from their oaths of fidelity!"
This assumption as supreme bishop rested professedly on the "Petrine" claim, and upon the promise of our Lord that the presence of the Holy Spirit would not allow the gates of hell to prevail against the Church, and would lead her into all truth.
By these expressions it is explained that the Church in Council could not err, but through her head, the Pope, speaking ex cathedra, was infallible.
These claims of Rome were admitted at some time by every section of the pre-Reformation Church.
When the Church ceased to preach the Gospel of the Kingdom and the Coming of Christ, the form of her teaching was, that the preaching of the Gospel would be the means of the rapid conversion of the world ana preparation for the coming Judge; at Whose Coming all the righteous would be gathered into the Church and the others consigned to endless woe. She also began to interpret the Messianic prophecies which spoke of the glories of the Kingdom of God, as applying to the Church during her earthly sojourn and in the absence of her Lord and King.
The XV. Century was noted for another great schism, more comprehensive and far-reaching in its results than that between the Eastern and Western Churches. The Reformation in its upheaval of religious thought, not only was the means of making prominent forgotten and hidden aspects of Divine truth, but also Drought to the surface a latent and lawless condition of spirit that startled Christendom and endangered all rule and authority. Evil spirits stirred up the passions and avarice of the masses, leading them to the committal of every excess. The Church of Rome had long bound men's reason, conscience, and judgment, the results of which were now being made manifest. Contending parties hurled at each other epithets of the coarsest
It is to be observed here that each party, from opposite standpoints, were professedly contending for pure Christianity, and desired that the Church should be brought back to her primitive or virgin condition.
An opportunity was really then afforded to Christendom of seeking for God's aid and interference, and for His restoration of the ministry which the Lord gave in the beginning for the perfecting of the saints and the union of the Church. But instead of doing this, the opposing parties, for protection of their positions, appealed and became subject to the civil princes, rendering their Babylonish captivity more absolute.
Rome at an early period appealed to the civil powers to deal with "refractory heretics for the destruction of the flesh, that the spirit might peradventure be saved, yet though as by fire." The reformed churches, in the name of discipline and for the suppression of heresy, also persecuted those who refused to conform to their doctrines, and handed them over to the civil powers to be dealt with. The Church of England, under Mary (Tudor), caused to be put to death many of her children who held Reformation doctrines, and under Elizabeth, similarly treated those who held the doctrines of Rome; whilst under the Stuart Dynasty, she persecuted all who would not conform to her ritual and doctrines. These facts also apply in some measure to other reformed churches of the times.
Each sect excused its drastic action as necessary for the suppression of heresy, but regarded all its own members who suffered at the instigation of rival sects, as faithful martyrs for the truth, and looked upon those who put them to death as enemies of the Gospel.
How low had the Church fallen when such means were thought necessary to bring about unity, and testify to the saving love of God!
When by the Reformation men's minds were freed from the ignorance and superstitions imposed by Rome, there was a rapid reaction and increase of knowledge. Where Divine aid and light were not sought after, private judgment rapidly evolved sceptical rationalism. In "Catholic France," where the authorities of Church and State had not stopped short of treachery and murder to suppress reformation doctrines, this sceptical restlessness had taken a deeper root than elsewhere.
Consequently, in the XVIII. Century, Christendom was again shaken to its centre by the events of the French Revolution. After centuries of misrule the people of France broke their ecclesiastical and civil bonds, and a raging torrent of clamouring passions, the result of long pent-up wrongs, burst forth and threatened the existence of both Church and State.
Unless by studying the writings of that time, not only of France, but of Europe generally, imagination can hardly grasp
Whilst the Reformation upheaval caused spiritual and religious excesses in contention for a pure Christian faith, the French Revolution was a bold and blasphemous attempt to destroy Christianity as obsolete superstition, and in its place to substitute man's unguided reason, which the leaders of the masses symbolised by a woman of loose character seated upon the Altar of Notre Dame, at Paris.,
To obtain this so-called "liberty, equality, and fraternity," the most horrible tyranny was practised, and rivers of innocent blood shed. And this by France, professedly the eldest son of the Church, encouraged by apostate bishops and priests.
The principles enunciated by the leaders of that Revolution, though apparently stultified by the rise of Napoleon Buonoparte to sudden accession of power, remained simply in abeyance, and gradually began, and continues, to permeate all nations of Christendom; so that whilst, during the present century, activity—greater than anything hitherto—is shown in missionary effort and propagation of the Gospel to heathen nations, the baptised are rapidly lapsing into a more hopeless heathenism.
In this opening of the XX. Century the family of nations designated Christendom, professed believers in and followers of the Prince of Peace, are not, as was hoped they would be, "beating their swords into plowshares and their spears into pruning books," but, as foretold and exhorted to by the Prophet Joel, ire "beating their plowshares into swords and their pruning hooks into spears," and "waking up their mighty men of war." These nations tremble beneath the tread of their myriad armed hosts, preparing for an Armageddon more terrible than anything recorded in history.
Not only is this the condition as between nation and nation, but there is an ever-increasing substratum of discontent the subjects of which will join with any heathen or antichristian power to further their ends, their purpose and determination being to destroy all authority in Church and State. Every relationship in life is strained; interests of employer and employed are brought into direct conflict, in the insatiable thirst for riches and pleasure. In the social life, morals are rapidly deteriorating, and family relationship held but lightly. The so-called masses are filled with envy of all who are in authority or affluence, and under self-seeking demagogues are devising means by which they may, without labour, share those riches and the supposed pleasures bound up with them.
The excuse of these professed reformers, as leaders of associations under various names, is "to benefit the poor and down-trodden," but in most cases notoriety and self-aggrandisement are the greater motives. They professedly regard science as the
In the midst of this prevailing confusion, schemes innumerable are proposed by the Church to prevent the people from altogether drifting away from Christianity. Societies and confederacies are organised, with a view to amuse if not to instruct.
Whilst Protestants are ever ready to charge Rome with making the end sanctify the means, they themselves use means, to increase their revenue, which have similarly no Scriptural warrant, and are often specious evasions of the laws of the land.
Expediency is the rule. This spirit is encouraged by the Church, by her advertising largely, as benefactors, those who subscribe to her funds; and not always is she too careful of the means by which the money may have been obtained. It is said that money must be had to carry on the work of the Church. People pay for the amusement afforded, utterly careless of the use that the money is put to. It was asked of old, "Who hath required this (sacrifice) at your hands?"
The payment of God's tithe is regarded as Utopian and impracticable. It is the exception to regard it as a debt, or duty, to God—the fulfilment of which should be known to no man.
Where is the recognition of "Christ as a Son over His own house?" The answer usually is, "We have the Spirit to abide with us and to lead us into all truth till the end of the age." Yes; and the Lord is faithful to His promise. The Holy Spirit, the Comforter promised, has never been absent from the Church; but has she been led into all truth? No! she has held back, "and followed too much the devices and desires of her own heart." She has made alliances with the kings of the earth, "and preferred the institutions of man to those of God." She has "resisted and hindered the manifestation of the Holy Ghost."
To affirm that each section of the Church has been led in all its action by the Holy Spirit is worse than profanity. God cannot contradict Himself. He cannot in the Church of England elect and consecrate Bishops, and in that of Rome condemn the act as rebellious blasphemy that can have no other effect than the condemnation of all engaged in the act. Nor can He elect in Rome an universal Bishop with supreme power, and in Constantinople, (Moscow), or Canterbury condemn His own election as an act of schismatic arrogance and false pretensions. Nor, again, can He, through the Bishop in Canterbury under one prince, teach certain doctrines and explain the necessity of Sacraments as means of salvation; and, by the Bishop of the same church under the following prince, condemn this teaching as unscriptural, unauthorised, and idolatrous—the practice and faith in which is heresy that can only be atoned for by such torture as may be inflicted by the civil powers under the instruction of the Church.
In modern times, because of the even balance of parties joined with religious apathy, the torture of "heretics" has ceased. But schisms have increased, not only as dividing church
These and innumerable other instances that could be quoted are examples of what has been done professedly by the light and guidance of the Holy Spirit through the Bishops, heads of the Church, who claim to have authority and wisdom to guide and rule her as the successors of the Apostles.
It is true—most true—that the Holy Spirit has ever been with the Church, to guide her so far as her actions of schisms, expediency, trust in earthly princes, and earthly ambition have not proved hindrances. But how far these have hindered His F guidance is only too manifest.
As a Church, she represents a Temple in ruins. Parts of the building have been taken away and built up into other buildings, of which it is claimed of each that if it does not constitute the whole Temple, it is at least the most important part of it. Over these buildings various names have been written, till men have lost nearly all idea of the form and order of the structure originally intended, and remain satisfied with the fragment.
This sketch of the history and condition of the Church under bishops and others, in the absence of Apostles, brings before us the sad fact that after nearly 2000 years of the preaching of the Gospel of Christ, its professed believers are more divided now than at any previous time. Heresies and apostacy abound and increase on every side. The signs of the times indicate that shortly it will be as it was in the "days of Noah."
Nevertheless, the Church is chosen to be the Bride of the Lamb, and God's purpose in her cannot fail. He still regards her in the pitifulness of His great mercy, and would raise her out of the low estate into which she has brought herself; but before this can be done, she must be brought to discern the need of confession and of seeking forgiveness for everything wherein she has, in any measure, gone away from God's ordinances and grieved His Holy Spirit.
She has not yet come to this condition; and it is to be feared that only through terrible judgments—which are looming up on every side, and by which every earthly prop and safeguard, all earthly things that she has in any measure trusted in, shall be snatched from her—will she in despair be compelled to seek her God, with her whole heart, in confession and tears.
It will be with her as with ancient Israel—the example of which is put before her, but, alas! so far in vain.
While she is not unobservant of the ominous signs of the times, and discerns evidences of a gathering storm, she hopes that as previous storms have passed, so may this.
"Judgment must begin at the House of God"—and some of her children have been deeply impressed by events that indicate that judgment has already begun at the Church. They realise that by this means she will be cleansed and prepared as Heaven's
But some are disposed, without examination, to question the facts, which appear to them undesirable. They are of such spirit as those were, whom Paul addressed in the words, "Beware, therefore, lest that come upon you which is spoken of in the prophets . . . Behold, ye despisers, and wonder, and perish: for I work a work in your days, a work which ye shall in no wise believe, though a man declare it unto you."
The purpose of these pages, however, is not accusation, but the desire to make prominent, facts in the dealings of God with His people, the knowledge of which should make all pause and consider.
The startling events of the French Revolution caused many to consider the signs of the times, and to prayerfully study the Prophetic Scriptures. There was also a longing desire for greater spiritual vitality in the Church.
Expression was given to that desire by the Rev. James H. Stewart, a clergyman of the Church of England (but at that time,
This proposal was so much in unison with the feeling of the religious world that the pamphlet rapidly ran through three large editions. Later, an abridged edition was issued by the Tract Society, whereby the whole Christian community was invoked to unite and "to take the Kingdom of Heaven by violence" until this outpouring was vouchsafed.
Mr. Stewart afterwards travelled about the country to establish prayer meetings for the same object, and his endeavours were attended with abundant success.
In the same year a number of ministers and laymen of different denominations agreed to meet once a year for a fortnight I at a time, that they might more frequently and more fully unite in prayer for the outpouring of the Holy Ghost upon the Church; and also that they might read together and meditate upon the unfulfilled prophecies of the Bible. In consequence of this, there met at Albury Park (the seat of Henry Drummond) the first week in Advent,
Whilst these conferences were being held, the remarkable
That district had been noted for its unsanitary condition, irreligion, and consequent immorality. A godly priest of the Roman Church named Johan Lutz had therefore been sent to take spiritual charge, the happy result being the conversion of the people to righteousness and true godliness.
Being instructed in the doctrines of the Roman Church, what she terms "premillenarianism," and condemns as such, would be unknown to them—and equally so, that any change could or would be made in that ministry of which they regarded the Pope as the head and successor of St. Peter.
At the commencement of Lent—Ash Wednesday fell that year,
An exceeding quietness of spirit took possession of the Church, and a holy earnestness filled all hearts. It was at this time, that is to say, at the end of
This was new to Lutz, and quite unexpected by him. He asked the persons what it was that was passing in them. They answered. "We know nothing of that which we utter until we commence to speak; a power comes upon us, and the words which we are to speak are given to us."
Lutz knew these persons to be both faithful and conscientious, and therefore he believed what they told him and received in faith the words which were spoken through them.
The first word spoken in the power was the following:—"Know ye not, ye children of God, that ye are living in the last days, in the days in which the Lord will come? Know ye not that before the Lord comes He will give again apostles, prophets, evangelists, and pastors, and churches as at the beginning?" Other words were—"Ye are living in the time when Jesus will awaken the sleeping ones." "The first resurrection is near. This generation shall live to see it."
The words—"This generation shall live to see it" and "The Lord gives again apostles and churches as at the beginning" were often repeated.
Another word was—"Oh, understand ye, and believe what the Lord Jesus and the Apostles have spoken. Believe ye the promises of God. Search ye the Scriptures, and see whether ye are not come to the time of which the prophets of old have spoken."
Again, "The Lord will pour out His Spirit as at the beginning;" and again, "The Lord will once more offer His Gospel to the whole of Christendom, and to all nations, and then shall the end come."
They were also exhorted by the words of the Spirit to value
In addition to the words spoken in the Spirit, there were other spiritual communications, such as visions and dreams, and to Lutz himself it was revealed through a vision that the Lord would again send forth Apostles.
The result of these gifts being permitted by Lutz was his deposition from the Church of Rome, but this will be touched upon later.
Two years after this, in
The burden of the utterances was—"The Lord is near—the Lord is near," and a continual witness was given to the Incarnation of our Blessed Lord.
An observer says that it is impossible to describe the solemnity and grandeur, both of words and manner, in which those exercised gave testimony to the judgments coming on the earth; but also directed the Church to the coming of the Lord as her hope of deliverance. They are totally devoid of anything like fanaticism or enthusiasm; but on the contrary, are persons of great simplicity of character and of sound common sense. They have no fanciful theology of their own: they make no pretensions to deep knowledge: they are the very opposite of sectarians, both in conduct and principle: they do not assume to be teachers: they are not deeply read: but they seek to be taught of God, in the perusal of and meditation on His revealed word, and to "live quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty."
Those who had come from different parts of England to visit Port Glasgow, and recognised the work there to be of God, returning, declared their convictions to the different religious circles with which they were connected—of whom some received with joy the report of their brethren, and thanked God for His infinite mercy. Among such the former prayers for an outpouring of the Holy Ghost were renewed with intense earnestness, I now not only wishing but hoping to receive from God an abundant answer: boldly pleading that what they had witnessed and heard of in Scotland, God would bestow on them also.
It is a fact, to be noted because it has been ignored by some who have set themselves to misrepresent the course of events connected with the development of the Lord's work, that though
Many were the cases of long-continued sickness, of serious accidents, of incurable disease, of sudden seizures, as by the immediate hand of God, for some purpose personal to the individual, or connected with the circumstances of the congregation, in which, in answer to the prayers of those acting as ministers of God, whether in preaching without or in teaching within the limits of the congregation, the healing was as immediate, as plainly discernible, as the disease had been. Many were the cases of Satanic possession wherein deliverance was obtained. Many were the answers to the unrevealed thoughts of men's hearts by which, as by signs confirmatory, the weak faith of the people was strengthened, and their wavering confidence restored.
The first manifestation of the gift of spiritual utterance in England was in London, through the wife of a solicitor who was sent to Port Glasgow to report on what was taking place there The lady was a member of the Church of England under the pastoral care of the Rev. Baptist Noel.
But during the course of that year—1831—various persons, members of the Church of England, Presbyterian Church, and other denominations, received the same gift of spiritual utterance.
The burden of the prophetic utterances in England, as was the case in Germany and Scotland, was the speedy coming of the Lord to set up His Kingdom in the earth—the judgments about to fall upon Christendom—the sorrow of God over His scattered and desolate flock—His Love which still lingered and longed to save—the humiliation and glory of Christ, and the necessity of a work of recovery and re-building in the Church to prepare His way.
The greater number of those used of the Lord in spiritual utterances were either cast out, or at best, left to themselves by their pastors—who did not recognise these spiritual manifestations—and found present protection and liberty under Mr. Irving, who had long been testifying from his pulpit, as well as by his writings, that Christendom had become corrupt, and that the Lord was at hand.
Not long after these occurrences Mr. Irving, with his congregation, consisting of more than 500 communicants, was turned out into the streets of London naked and bare, following the voice of the Holy Ghost, speaking with stammering lips and another tongue. And this was a sign that God would henceforth lead His people forward, not by might nor by power, but by His Spirit. And He speedily rewarded the faith of His people by raising up Apostles, Prophets, Evangelists, and Pastors, not for those only who believed in and followed the voice of the true Shepherd, but for all who will receive His gifts and acknowledge His ways. Thus had God rewarded the faith of those who were
The doctrines preached by Mr. Irving, and for which he suffered, and was counted a heretic by his countrymen, especially by the clergy of his own land, who, almost to a man, were against him: were—that Christ died for all men; that He took our common nature, subject to all the consequences and penalties of sin; that the Lord Himself was personally holy, free from all sin, original and actual; that those who are regenerate are j brought into a state of holiness and purity, wherein, by the grace of God they should ever abide; and that the gifts of the Holy Ghost are the endowment of the Church, and should be manifested in those who are regenerate, as the firstfruits of the Kingdom, and the earnest of the glory to be revealed; that Christendom had become corrupt, having the character of the Babylon of the Revelation; and that the Lord was at hand to judge the apostates, and to save those who would turn unto Him.
At the close of the following year—1832—a new and important step in the progress of the work was taken. From the first there had been much said in the prophetic utterances of the need of a body. When the reality of the prophetic gift had been fully established by the experience of three years, the office of Apostle, which in its full development and proper form had been in abeyance since the death of John, was again revived. The Apostolate to the Gentiles, of which the beginning and pattern were in Paul, was restored. As the mind of God concerning him was expressed to the Church by the Holy Ghost speaking through prophets at Antioch (Acts xiii., 1—3), so now it was by the same voice of prophecy that the Lord's will was made known that others should serve Him in the same office.
It is the Comforter who, in the absence of Christ, calls men I to be Ministers of His house. Not merely by spiritual conviction in the heart of the candidate, but also by audible voice through the prophet, does the Holy Ghost nominate to the priesthood, as of old. It is true that the Lord Jesus Christ, and not the Holy Ghost, is Head of the Church. The call to office through a prophet is not therefore creative and constitutive, but a revelation of the will of God, and is effectuated by ordination, as the act of the Lord through His ministers.
In the case of Apostles, no ordination is possible. The laying on of hands at Antioch was not for consecration, but for separation—("Separate me Barnabas and Saul unto the work where unto I have called them")—and for dismissal with the blessing of the Church, that they might enter upon that higher ministry unto which, not man, but God, had called them. Matthias was not ordained (Revised Version), but "numbered with the eleven."
In the case of an Apostle, the call of the Holy Ghost is God's witness to the fact that a Divine appointment has been made.
It was on this ground that a member of the Church of England, a layman who had previously fulfilled no ministry was received as an Apostle.
The circumstances of this revival of the Apostolic office are remarkable, as they afford a proof of the presence of design on God's part in the work, and the total absence of design on the part of the instruments employed.
In
However unexpected such an announcement was, it met with immediate response from many hearts.
It was not till some months later that the Apostolic office was brought into exercise. Then the Apostle was directed through one of the prophets to go and ordain as an Evangelist a voting man who, full of zeal and love, had long laboured in visiting the poor and preaching to them the glad tidings of salvation.
In
Mr. Irving, after having been driven from his church in Regent-square, when most of his elders and several of his deacons followed him, was directed to confine himself to the work of a preacher, or deacon.
Some time afterwards he was put in charge of the church in Gordon-square as Angel, or Bishop.
In the latter part of
To one who was with him during the six weeks prior to, and at his death, he expressed his perfect conviction of the truth of that work in which he had taken a part.
Having stood faithfully to the Lord's work, amidst misrepresentation and persecution, he waits his reward in the day when his testimony concerning the doom of Babylon and the coming of the Lord shall be corroborated.
About six months after his death, the Apostolic College was completed by the call of other six persons to the Apostolate.
The twelve were, on the
They were shortly afterwards directed, by prophetic voice, to retire for twelve months for the study of the Scriptures, prayer, and meditation, and to have the open ear to hear, morning by morning, what the Spirit would say to them. Thus were they to be prepared for the more efficient performance of the work to which they had been called.
One of their first acts subsequent to this was to prepare a testimony, which, in
Hitherto the Apostolic Ministry, as the Chief Ministry commissioned immediately by the Lord, and from which all the other ministries receive their authority, was the one towards which the attention of the Church had been principally directed; but at this time the Lord, through the prophets, gave further light regarding the operation of the fourfold ministry of Apostles. Prophets, Evangelists, and Pastors, upon the Church at large.
In the Church the order of the Ministry is threefold, viz:—(1) Bishops or Angels; (2) Priests or Elders; and (3) Deacons. Each of these orders of ministers has a fourfold character, viz:—: Apostolic, Prophetic, Evangelical, and Pastoral. And this fourfold character in each order of ministers is only the development of the fourfold office of our Lord Jesus, the Great High Priest over the House of God.
Jesus alone is the Apostle of God, the Sent of the Father the Ruler and the Judge, with full power over all flesh and over all the creation; claiming for Himself, as the Sent of the Father, all rule, all authority, all judgment, with power to give life and to take it away, to bind and to loose, to remit sins and to retain them. And this authority He exercises by His Apostles, who following His example, are now the servants of all; but shall be assessors with Him on the thrones of judgment, as is seen in Rev. iv., where the twenty-four thrones of the Elder? represent the first and second Apostleship in their office of rulers and judges.
Jesus alone is the Prophet, by Whom the mysteries are revealed, by Whom the Scriptures are opened, by Whom the things to come are foreshown. And the Apostolic and Prophetic offices together are the twofold instrument whereby the Lord not only makes known to His Church the full mystery of the Gospel of Christ—that mystery hid in God from the beginning, and which is now revealed to the Apostles and Prophets by the Spirit—but brings out, in the order and constitution of the Church, the unsearchable riches of Christ, the treasures of wisdom and knowledge hid in Christ—"to the intent that now unto the principalities and powers in heavenly places might be known by the Church the manifold wisdom of God."
Jesus alone is the Evangelist, the Messenger of glad tidings, the Herald of salvation. He alone is the Pastor and Shepherd of Israel.
In the Fourfold Ministry is the going forth of that fourfold grace of the Lord Jesus Christ which He has in Himself, and which He ministers through the vessels whom He chooses. They are symbolised in the river divided into four heads, which waters
This fourfoldness of Ministry is also brought out as far as possible in every congregation.
As Christ, the Angel of the Church Universal, has under Him a fourfold Ministry of Apostles, Prophets. Evangelists, and Pastors, so in each separate church or congregation, there should be the Angel, representing Christ, and with him elders, prophets, evangelists, and pastors. Thus the local church becomes a miniature of the Church Universal.
Deacons are chosen by the people and ordained by the Apostle or Angel of the church in which they are to minister. The deacon's office is to assist in the public services of God's house; they are to be counsellors to the people in matters secular, to attend to the poor, and they are also used to preach. There are also deaconesses, who render assistance in the oversight of families and single women.
Shortly after the delivery of the Testimony, the Apostles were directed by prophetic voice to visit the nations of Christendom and search for the truth remaining in each church. Most of them accordingly proceeded on their mission early in
This work occupied two years. In this journey they gained large and very valuable experience.
Partly as a result of this visit to the nations and churches a Liturgy was framed combining the excellencies of all preceding Liturgies, and yet constructed upon a basis distinct from all others.
It was directed that there should be an Altar in each church, upon which the elements for communion were to be consecrated. Vestments were also introduced as seemly symbols of the glory and beauty of the Church's endowment and of the virtues and graces of the Bride of the Lamb.
Nothing in the service of the Church should be regarded as insignificant, nothing as mere form, nothing as unreal. Worship should not only be in spirit, but in truth.
As the recognition of the work by those in Germany (previously referred to) is interesting, as showing in a special manner the leading of God, a sentence here in addition may be instructive.
Mr. William Caird, the first Evangelist ordained under Apostles, was sent on a mission to Germany in
Whilst the movement under restored Apostles was at first chiefly confined to Britain and Ireland, it rapidly extended to other countries, especially North Germany, where many churches have been organised. Congregations are now found in nearly every land where liberty of worship is given by the laws.
The reasons for these pages are not only to correct misconceptions, held by the Bishop in common with others, but also to bring before earnest inquirers after truth, facts concerning the momentous work of the Lord, which has been going on in the midst of the Church for the last 65 years. (This work has existed in New Zealand for over 40 years.) Many are unfamiliar with these facts, which are of unusual spiritual character, as has been shown, and demand the most serious investigation.
They, like other facts, are open to investigation: for this work was not done in a corner. The London "Times" and other newspapers in Britain and on the Continent devoted column after column to the subject, till the excitement consequent upon the action of the Rev. Edward Irving permitting the manifestation of the gifts in his church, died out.
One or two examples of the spirit of these prints towards the work is shown by the following quotations:—"A virtuous horror was expressed lest this obscure handful of people should demoralise the land, and cause Britain to become a disgrace among the nations through its sufferance of such 'blasphemous fooleries'" ("Times"), "disgusting profanities" ("Morning Chronicle "), "wild delusions" ("Record"), "extravagancies" ("Christian Observer"), "infatuated talk" ("Evangelical Magazine"); the latter religious publication comforting itself with the pious consolation—"but happily the ministers and office-bearers of Regent-square Chapel (Rev. E. living's) are in no affinity whatever to the rest of the Christian world."
The "Times" (London), in discussing the cause of many remarkable healings which had taken place, some of them from (humanly speaking) incurable diseases, arrived at the conclusion that "whatever may have brought about the cures, miraculous interposition could not be admitted."
Where such a spirit exists, no evidence would be accepted.
This disingenuous and dangerous evasion of facts is common in human nature. It arises largely from compromising environment. Many persons suppose themselves to be honest seekers after truth. They profess to be ready and anxious to learn, that they may obey. But when some unlooked-for aspect of truth arises, demanding action that would be unpopular, or misunderstood by others, plausible reasons present themselves for evasion of duty.
The facts presented in these pages are given to convince the reader that Apostles have been restored to the Church. Enquirers are reminded that in these days of many deceptions, keen spiritual discernment is required with honest and prayerful enquiry.
The prejudiced sectarian, who outside of his own coterie cannot discern any action of God, will probably either evade the whole question, seek for distorted and untruthful statements or point to some unfaithful and unwise representative of the work, as a reason for rejecting it.
Doubtless in the days of our Lord's sojourn on earth, the action of Judas, or possibly of the impetuous Peter and other disciples, would form some of the excuses for rejecting the Christ of God.
Such questioners must take the consequences of their own spirit and action. The facts still remain.
That the work is not of man must be self-evident. The forms of spiritual gifts manifested in Germany and Scotland were not only not sought after, but came unexpectedly to both those exercised and others who were observers. That they were not of Satan is evidenced by the fact that through them strong testimony was given to the incarnation of our Lord, the value of sacraments and the coming again of Christ in flesh: these truths being denied by all evil spirits.
Seeing that earnest prayer was made by many persons in different sections of the Church for an outpouring of the Holy Spirit, what other conclusion can be arrived at than that these manifestations were the answers to these prayers? It is true that they came in other forms than were expected, nor did they appear at first amongst the persons who were praying for the outpouring of the Spirit. But when these heard of what had taken place elsewhere, and sought to learn more about the matter, they were convinced that the Lord had answered them; and the more so when, in answer to more urgent prayer, the same gifts were exercised by some of themselves.
In the restoration of these gifts each section of the Church was put upon its trial.
Whilst they tried to explain away the healings, the "stammering lips and other tongue" made them angry. "The foolishness of God" doth not commend itself to men.
As has been shown, the voice of the Holy Ghost was heard first in the Church of Rome, in prophetic utterance through some of her more faithful children. But she sternly forbade such "irregularities," and finally excommunicated the priest and those with him who recognised the Lord's work.
Utterance in the Spirit was afterwards heard amongst members of the Established Church of Scotland. She, too at once forbade permission for the Holy Ghost to speak at her services and drove from her midst one of her most spiritual and talented ministers for permitting it.
The Church of England was also tested by spiritual utterance through her children, but the Bishop of the Diocese, without enquiry, forbade the matter as "irregular and delusive."
Thus did people who asked for miracles as evidence of God's work treat the miraculous.
The action of the various denominations, when tested, implied that none of them either expected or desired any interference on the part of God in His house: they preferred their own ways and schemes: the same spirit is still manifest.
The Church as a whole fails to realise that she is in Babylonish captivity.
When she despised prophesyings, rejected Apostles, and admitted an Emperor to sit in her Council as President, she was married to the world; it was a compact between the two parties—the Church was consenting. From that time—rapidly—the spiritual gifts with which she had been endowed for healing and blessing ceased to be exercised.
Now that these gifts have been restored, her rejection of them is largely responsible for the rise and strength of modern spiritualism and kindred evils. Many of the baptised are led to seek spiritual manifestations and healing from occult evil forces exercised by demons through human agency. They are thus brought under obligations to the powers of evil, the final result of which will be most disastrous. Only by deep repentance, confession, and the act of God in absolution can these people be freed from the chains by which they are bound.
The Church in a large measure fails to discern these and other dangers by which she is surrounded and beset. This not only applies to State Churches, but to others that, while separating themselves from, or being opposed to State relationship, have only gone off the main thoroughfares of Babylon to build houses of their own in the lanes thereof, and thus added to the schism and confusion already existing.
What God looks for is the confession on the part of the Church Universal of every step by which she has declined from Him, from the days of the first Apostles till this present time, for it is only by retracing her steps that she can recover her freedom; and if there is any step of declension which she will not confess, then she will not recover her position by that much; but will stop at some stunted growth and never reach the measure of the stature of the "fulness of Christ."
Previous dispensations ended with apostacy and judgments, and the Christian Church is warned that this dispensation is to end in apostacy, judgments, and tribulation as much greater than previous tribulations, as the light and responsibility of this age are greater than any age that is past. Then will be the hour of temptation that is to try them that dwell upon the earth.
The disciples were exhorted to "watch and pray that they might be found worthy to escape all these things . . . and to stand before the Son of Man."
In Rev. xiv. a company, defined as the firstfruits, is represented as standing on the Mount Zion before the Son of Man.
In Rev. vii. the same people are represented as being sealed by an Angel from the rising Sun (Messenger like unto John going before the Sun of Righteousness).
Another company is referred to (verse 9) as having come out of the tribulation the great (see Greek), and "who have washed their robes and made them white in the Blood of the Lamb."
That terrible blast, the French Revolution of last century, was but the precursor of a coming tempest that will not cease till every ordinance of God in Church and State be swept away. Out of the seething waters (many peoples) shall come forth the Antichrist—he, too, shall have his seal to mark off his own.
As God's people Israel had a choice given them of receiving Christ or Barabbas, so the baptised, under more trying and terrible circumstances, shall be compelled to choose between the Christ of God and the Antichrist.
It is to be feared that by no other means will the Church be brought or driven into unity. During the tribulation of that time her members will form the "harvest"—that great "multitude gathered out of all nations, kindreds, people and tongues, who have washed their robes and made them white in the blood of the Lamb." That time is not far distant.
The Lord's coming draweth nigh. His first thought is of His sleeping ones—the many who have suffered torments for His name's sake—and all "the dead in Christ." They form the blessed and holy ones "who shall have part in the first resurrection".
"The rest of the dead lived not again till the thousand years were finished."
The Lord before going away, when speaking of His coming again, said to His disciples, "And then shall appear the Sign of the Son of Man in heaven" (Matt, xxiv., 30).
This referred to some evidence that would be given to the Church implying that her Lord's coming was near.
It also indicated that, on her part, preparation to meet Him would be necessary.
The few facts given in this pamphlet (more particularly the latter part) demand the prayerful and honest investigation of every spiritual person.
As has been shown, the Lord began His work by impressing many of His people with a deep spirit of intercession, for the whole Church.
Clergymen and laymen of the Anglican and other denominations were led to meet and pray together, and continuously, for a pouring out of a larger measure of the Holy Spirit.
Their ideas were not the restoration of miraculous gifts, Apostles; but to receive deeper spiritual emotions which would lead to more consistent practice on the part of professing Christians.
Contemporary with these prayers, but among spiritual members of a Roman Catholic Church, in a secluded part of Germany, spiritual powers, in all respects similar to those manifested in Apostolic times, were again seen and heard.
Shortly afterwards similar powers, including wonderful physical healings, were manifested in Scotland among Presbyterians. Later the people in England, who had been praying for the outpouring of the Spirit, hearing of what had taken place in Scotland, by more earnest prayer received the same gifts.
They "had asked for bread." Had God given "them a stone?"
The results of this spiritual power, to them that discerned it, were recognition of long-neglected and forgotten aspects of truth; deeper spiritual apprehension of the sacraments, ministry, and ordinances of God's house; a broader catholic spirit, and realisation of the need of special and continuous intercession in the spirit of the Intercessor and Great high Priest) for the whole Church.
The "harvest" is not yet; but the "Sent Ones" of Christ have prevailed to gather a Firstfruits.
This work is "the Sign of the Son of Man in Heaven."
"God would have healed Babylon, but Babylon would no be healed."
Finis.
Printed by Blundell Bros., Ltd., Willis Street, Wellington, N.Z.
When Were Present:
The President, Mr. J. A. Johnson, M.A., in the chair.
Minutes.—The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed.
Welcome to the Delegates—The President introduced his Worship the Mayor of Timaru and the Hon. the Minister of Education, both of whom extended a cordial welcome to the Council to Timaru, and wished the Conference every success. The Hon. the Minister of Education intimated that it was the intention of the Government to introduce a Bill into Parliament during the coming session providing for a colonial scale of staff and salaries. The intimation was received with continuous applause.
The Rev. Mr. Barclay and Mr. Inspector Gow also welcomed the delegates on behalf of the South Canterbury Education Board.
Votes of Thanks.—Votes of thanks were passed to these gentlemen for their cordial welcome.
President's Address.—The President then read the following address:—
Since the meeting of the Council last January the most noteworthy event from the educational standpoint is the Conference held in Wellington. For the first time in the history of the colony, there met in conference representatives from the three bodies that have most interest in primary education—members of the Boards, inspectors, and teachers. One of the chief results of the deliberations of that Conference is the abolition of the rigid individual standard pass, and the substitution in its place of a scheme implying a certain degree of freedom of classification in our schools. It is not my intention to refer in any critical spirit to the new regulations which are now in our hands. Time alone will show how the details of the system will work in actual practice. It is our duty to welcome with joy a change that the leaders of our Institute have been working for during several years; it is difficult to construct, it is easy to criticise; and now that we have the principle affirmed, we can leave the adjustment of details to the future.
Now, what will this change mean for us, the teachers of New Zealand? Will it mean a relaxing of effort, a diminution of work, a less strenuous striving after success? None of these things are implied in the change: but this is implied that greater responsibility is thrown upon the shoulders of the teachers, with possibilities of much harder work and of more careful educative effort, but work and effort under much better conditions. We see in the change that the Department is prepared to place more confidence in its servants than has been the case in the past: in fact, it is willing to give each man under its control the opportunity of working out within certain prescribed lines the powers that he possesses as an educator. But, while this aspect may have its important bearings on the work and success of the teacher, one must not overlook the duty that devolves upon the Department of seeing that its teachers are properly equipped for their work. It is the right of every teacher to be well-trained; few can claim to themselves the privilege of being classed under the category "born teacher"; the great majority have to he made. This "making" implies a slow process of careful work directed towards those ends that experience teaches are necessary to secure success. The young teacher must not be left in the early years of his career to the chance of mere haphazard method. Years of blundering means years of discouragement,
In France the Normal Schools sprang out of the very turmoil of the Revolution. Both in the seventeenth and the eighteenth century the opinion had been held that it would be useless to open schools, unless good teachers had been previously trained for them. The need for these found expression in the report of Lakanal, in
About the same time Herbart was labouring in Germany in the cause of proper educative methods. Mere lecturing did not satisfy him. "Education could not merely be taught; it must be demonstrated and practised." Daily for an hour he took the best of his young men and trained them to continue the work he had begun. They became inspired by his enthusiasm, and permeated with his method. Hence the teaching of the Swiss reformer Pestalozzi bore more fruit in
One important change in connection with the training schools is being advocated by educationists at Home. The student has under the present arrangements to struggle at the time that he is in training with his arts and science course, and to prepare himself for his departmental examinations. Consequently the main aim of the school is often lost sight of, and the greater part of the time is given to preparation for examinations, which work naturally occupies an exaggerated place of importance in the student's eyes. We find that the Normal School student often looks upon the time given to the practice of teaching as so much waste, and that he will by all means in his power try to secure leave of absence from the hours given to that work. There is much need for reform here. The arts examination and the University course should be finished before the student commences his course of training. Then a year devoted solely to the history of education, to well-defined methods, and to practical application of theory in the practising schools, ought to be sufficient to lay the foundations of a successful career. Under our New Zealand system, this year of his life is usually spent by the young teacher in walking the streets of our town, waiting for something to turn up. Habits of laziness and indifference are easily contracted, and great must be the confidence of the authorities in the moral stability and the firmness of will of our young men when they thus cast them adrift at the threshold of their careers. When the degree has been gained, and the arts course in a sense finished, the student is at a critical stage, and needs some outlet for his energies. This is the proper time to enter the training college. Get together in these schools twenty or thirty young men, and, independently of the influence of the Principal, each one's outlook becomes widened by contact with his fellows. All, of course, become imbued with the spirit of the head, who is a master in the art of education: one from whom radiates an enthusiastic desire for improved method, improved machinery, and unattainable ideals. Grandeur and simplicity are his characteristics, and these qualities presuppose elevation of character and singleness of aim. But apart from this personal influence of teacher upon taught, the students breathe an atmosphere of healthy rivalry that is found only where largo numbers congregate. They discuss, argue, compare, note, eliminate the bad and imperfect, assimilate the good and the true. The horizon of the narrow, mechanical, rule-of-thumb pupil teacher is no longer limited by the shadows of the schoolroom. He now sees that he has entered upon a profession which offers a life-struggle for something that can never be reached, As in all art, so is it in the art of teaching, A man's reach should exceed his grasp, or what's a heaven for"? The student-teacher in learning this has got something more precious than if he were endowed with ability always to top the percentage table in his Board's annual report.
With your indulgence, I shall now outline for you the best system of training with which I have come in contact. I find it in the Province of Ontario. We are led to expect something striking and original from a people who make and administer a regulation of this nature: "Every Public School teacher shall attend continuously all the sessions of the Institute of his county or inspectorial division, and in the event of his inability to attend shall report to his inspector, giving reasons for his absence." We expect much, and we are not disappointed. Perhaps the most valued feature of the system of this province is the stress laid open the necessity of giving all teachers right up to the University Professors a thorough training in the science and art of teaching. "No teacher of a High or Public School receives a permanent certificate who does not possess qualifications of a threefold nature—(1) scholarship, (2) a knowledge of pedagogical principles, and (3) success shown by actual experience." In order to carry out this programme, splendidly-equipped Normal schools have been established, where students go after they have completed their University course. In this matter of training the system is most searching. Let me quote from the report: "In the establishment of training schools it is assumed that the different grades of schools—Kindergarten, Public Schools, and High Schools—require teachers of different qualifications, whose professional attainments should be gained at institutions specially provided in each case for the purpose. With this view there have been established in Ontario the following training schools for teachers:—
This scheme commends itself as a complete and thorough one for all professional requirements. The authorities seem to have made the acquirement of a First-class Certificate a matter of the greatest difficulty. Recognising that a man may take a University degree and even go through a course of training, and yet fail when given sole charge of a school, a permanent certificate is refused until the Inspector has reported that the teacher is capable of continuous and effective work. The lowest grade certificate is valid only for three years. If the holder fails to work for a higher, or gives unmistakable evidence that he has mistaken his calling, he must retire and give place to a better man. Compare this with our system: a pupil teacher may show no capability for the work he has undertaken; yet he is permited to continue, much to his own discomfort and to the disadvantage of the school that may be unfortunate enough to get him afterwards as an assistant. In Ontario not only are the incapables weeded out, but there is a chance for the capable man to work his way to the highest position in the profession. Nearly all the inspectors are men who commenced at the lowest rung of the ladder, and who, having climbed themselves by slow degrees through all stages, are capable of sympathising with the men still engaged in the drudgery of the lower schools. Who will deny that this is a good plan? Should not our Primary School teachers look for promotion to the Secondary Schools? Some people are still antiquated enough to consider that there is a great difference in kind between the work of the primary man and that of his fellow-worker in the secondary
first thing to be provided for in any national scheme.
In Australia each colony has its own regulations for the control of the primary schools. All, more or less, depend upon the pupil teacher system for a supply of trained teachers. I have been in communication with the several Boards, arid will summarize for the Council the replies I have received.
The inspectors of Queensland seem to be well satisfied with their present supply of teachers. The only regulation bearing upon training reads: "Head teachers are required to give special attention to the training of their pupil teachers; in the instruction and management of a class." General-Inspector D. Ewart, in his last report, refers to this very matter of the supply of teachers. He strongly favours the present system, and seems to imply that it is well suited to the needs of his district. He writes: "There are no adult teachers to be had for the mere picking up. They do not grow wild in the bush, They are not to be found wandering about in the ranks of the unemployed. They have to be made, and to grow, and to be waited for. We have made them out of pupil teachers all the time, and we must continue to make them that way until a better way is found; and a better way will not be sought for till the present way fails. Three of the eleven inspectors are natives of the colony, and ex-pupil teachers of our own training, and they are not less valued than their brethren for attainments, school masterly skill, activity of mind and body, judgment, tact, worldly wisdom, and common sense. The directness of the training of the pupil teachers in the actual work of the schools, according to the ordinary conditions of colonial life, seems to peculiarly fit our needs, and to make up largely for the want of a more philosophical training, and I confidently appeal to the best of the teachers who have come to us from the training colleges of the home lands if they have not bad to let go something of what they were taught is scholastically correct in order to meet their work here." As long as the Chief Inspector holds these opinions, Queensland remain without her training colleges.
In New South Wales the pupil teacher system is supplemented by partial training in the colleges. There are two such schools—the Fort-street Training School and the Hurlstone Training School for Female Students. Into these
Scholarship (Candidates—" Thirty pupil teachers whose term of service has expired, and who have obtained the highest marks among those passing the entrance examination. Half-Scholarship Candidates— Twenty pupil teachers whose term of service has expired, and who have obtained, after the first thirty, the next highest marks among those passing the entrance examination, and are prepared to pay half the cost of their maintenance while in training.Non-Scholarship Candidates Other pupil teachers who have passed the entrance examination, and are prepared to pay the whole cost of their maintenance while in training."
The obvious criticism on this system is its limitations. Looking up the New South Wales reports for
In the days of Gladman, Victoria led the way in respect to the teachers she produced. Many of the young men who had been trained in the Melbourne School found their way to New Zealand, and received some of the best appointments. Their training was manifest from the skilful and efficient manner in which they conducted their classes and schools. When depression came to Victoria, teachers suffered with the rest of the population, and the training schools were crippled. In the days of prosperity provision had been made not only for a large central Training College in Melbourne, but also for district training schools, not exceeding twenty in number in various parts of the colony. The pioneers of the system seem to have made most elaborate provision for the training of the young teachers of Victoria—a system which has not been realised in its entirety. It is intended, however, to open a Training College at the commencement of this year for the faming of pupil teachers who have completed their course. The present regulations will then be superseded, and a new order of things established. A point to be emphasised is this, that the authorities recognise strongly that the pupil-teacher system is most inadequate for the equipment of efficient and capable teachers. The Victorian inspectors voice this belief in their reports. Mr Frank Tate wrote in
In South Australia the schools seem to be be staffed with men who know their Business. Some of you will remember how enthusiastically Mr. White, of Dunedin, spoke of the Adelaide schools when he returned from Australia three years ago. Now the beginning, the middle, and the end of the South Australian public school system was one man—the late J. A. Hartley. Satisfactory as was the system of training for the colony, the Inspector-General yet supplemented it by giving his Saturday mornings to lecture on method to teachers, young and old, who assembled in Adelaide from all the surrounding districts. Student teachers at present spend
We are all well acquainted with the several arrangements made by the Boards
Turning to the future, let us examine the possibilities of this colony in this matter of training. It is true that to pull down is comparatively easy; to build up, much more difficult. But to construct schemes on paper is not beyond the powers of any of us. To move the official mind to put such schemes into actuality is a much more serious business. Indirectly we have criticised our present system by putting it beside the records of other countries; directly by showing its defects, as evidenced by observation and experience. First I see no hope of any change until the training of teachers is administered directly by the central department, and not left to the Boards. The teachers of the colony should be relieved of the suspicion that the continuance of Normal Schools is conditioned by reduction of salaries. The two schools at present in existence should be better equipped, better endowed, and more generously staffed. Colleges in Auckland and in Wellington ought to be sufficient to overtake the work of the North Island. The latter should be especially equipped to undertake the higher work of training, a school where the best students from each province may be sent, by means of scholarships, to complete their training for secondary work and for the work of inspection. More than this is possible. We notice that each of the Colleges of the New Zealand University has its special faculty: Auckland has music, Canterbury has an Agricultural College, Otago is proud of her Medical and Mining Schools. Why should not Victoria College emulate the example of these? And what better special function can she assume than to foster within her walls the Science and Art of Education? Were she to do this, Victoria College would become, in a real sense, the Alma Mater of the teachers of the colony. The goal of the students in these Colleges ought not to be the D Certificate. No one below this standard should be admitted. To teach the Science and Art of Education and to foster professional enthusiasm and genuine love of teaching ought to be their aim.
It will probably be said that this scheme is purely Utopian, and that such aspirations will never be realised within the experience of the present generation of teachers. My answer is that educational reform is in the air, and we know not what a few years may bring forth. If we put aside all thoughts of future possibilities the question still remains, "Can nothing more be done with our present I machinery?" I am sanguine enough to believe that much can be done, and that with little additional expense. The new regulations open the door for the realisation of reform in many directions. I believe that inspectors have in the past been labouring in many cases to improve the efficiency of their schools and teachers, too much by criticism rather than by guidance. Let us look at the matter from the teachers' standpoint. Many of us who are headmasters are entrusted with the are of young, untried teachers for the first few years of their careers, suppose we set these beginners certain work to perform, and at the end of a stated period examined and criticised the results. If we did nothing further than this, would there be much to wonder at if the expected improvement did not result from the periodic criticism? But no Headmaster works on such a plan as that. He knows the difficulties before the young teacher, and seeks by daily guidance, by the force of continual example, and by criticism that is not felt as criticism, to lead his pupil into the path of success. The inspectors have themselves complained that they have not had time to give such attention to those of their teachers who need it. We hope that the new regulations will set free these gentlemen, who are our masters in method, to do much more of this educative work. The time will come when we will see the Inspector entering the school of a man who has not been altogether successful and saying to him: "I have looked into your career as a teacher and find that you have not had many opportunities of seeing good work. I have
Fellow-teachers, would not such help do more for the cause of education than loads of reports stored away in the shelves of our education offices? But you ask, where is the week to come from? Saved from the time now spent in minute examination of the school that has "efficiency" written on the faces of its teachers, and in which good work is evidenced by the very tone of its class-rooms. Further, in the centres where there are no training schools Saturday classes may be organised to assist young teachers anxious to learn the principles of their profession. In conducting these, the inspectors would get willing help from the older and more experienced teachers in the district. In this way much could be done, much suggested, much inspiration given. The time and trouble thus expended in guiding the beginner will be more than compensated for by the absence of the necessity for fault-finding in after years. This was what I meant by guidance: criticism may or may not be constructive; sympathetic help always is.
These are but suggestions. None of them may be brought to the actual test of experience. Well, what of that? We know that the great body of teachers in the colony are doing efficient work, even in the face of great initial difficulties. What we want to secure by a reformed system is the possibility of more efficient work without friction, and without undue difficulty.
Vote of Thanks.—On the motion of Mr. Grundy, seconded by Mr. T. B. Gill, a vote of thanks to the President for his excellent address was carried by acclamation.
Revision of the Constitution.—On the motion of the President a Sub-Committee, consisting of Messrs. Stewart, Eudey, Holmes, Gill, Macandrew, and Law, was set up to consider proposed amendments to the Constitution, the said Committee to report when ready.
Adjournment of Council.—The Council then adjourned till 2.30 p.m.
The Council resumed, the President in the chair.
Minutes—The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed.
Correspondence.—Correspondence was read from Miss F. Haselden, of Auckland, thanking the Council for the support given her against the action of the Auckland Board. The letter was received.
From Mr. J. M. E. Garrow, B.A., intimating that success had attended the efforts of a deputation from the Otago Institute to obtain an extension of holiday I excursion tickets until February 6th.
On the motion of Mr. Jeffery, seconded by Mr. Davidson, it was resolved unanimously "That this Council thanks the Minister of Railways for his prompt action in granting excursion concessions."
From Mr. Yoxall, M.P., Secretary of the National Union of Teachers, England, suggesting a confederation of Teachers' Associations throughout the Empire.
On the motion of Mr. Stewart, seconded by Mr. Parkinson, the letter was 1 referred to the Constitution Committee to report upon.
From Mr. J. M. E. Garrow, B.A., resigning his seat on the Executive.
On the motion of Mr. Stewart, seconded by Mr. Eudey, it was resolved, That Mr. Garrow's resignation be accepted with regret; that he be thanked for his past services, and that the Council wish him success in his new sphere of life."
From Messrs. Whitcombe and Tombs, asking the Council to adopt the "N. Z. Schoolmaster" as its official organ during the next twelve months.
On the motion of Mr. Macdonald, seconded by Mr. Parkinson, it was resolved, "That Messrs. Newton, Holmes, Parkinson, Hughes, Selby, and the Mover, be a Rub-Committee to deal with the subject of Messrs. Whitcombe and Tombs's letter, and report to the Council."
Training of Teachers.—On the motion of the President, seconded by Mr. Davidson, it was resolved, "That the Council affirms the need for better provision being made for the training of teachers throughout the colony."
Dismissal of Ex-P.T.'s.—On the motion of Mr. Stewart, seconded by Miss Shrewsbury, it was resolved, "That the Council protests against the practice followed by some Boards of Education of dismissing certificated pupil teachers and taking candidates in their places without giving the said ex-pupil teachers two; opportunities of accepting appointments in any school."
Colonial Scale.—On the motion of Mr. Stewart, seconded by Mr. Davidson, it was resolved, unanimously, That this Council has learnt with pleasure from the statement of the Hon. the Minister of Education, that it is the intention of the Government to introduce a Bill providing for a colonial scale of staffs and salaries for teachers."
Council in Committee.—On the motion of Mr. Stewart the Standing Orders were suspended, and the Council was resolved into Committee.
Council Resumed.—Upon resuming the Committee reported that the following gentlemen had been nominated in their several districts to act as organisers in Import of the efforts of the Council to obtain a colonial scale of staffs and salaries:—Auckland, Mr. Stewart; Otago, Mr. Jeffery; North Canterbury, Mr. Hughes; South Canterbury, Mr. Johnson; Southland, Mr, Clark; Hawke's Bay, Mr. Holmes; Nelson, Mr. Gibbs; Taranaki, Mr. Dempsey; Wanganui, Mr. R. Grant; Waikato, Mr. Stevens; Grey, Mr. Smith; Wellington, Mr. Erskine; Marlborough, Mr. Sturrock; Westland, Mr. Henderson.
The Committee's report was adopted by the Council.
Colonial Scale.—On the motion of Mr. Eudey, seconded by Mr. Macandrew, it was resolved, "That the Department of Education be urged to include the following principle in any scheme for a colonial scale—That the ratio of the number of pupil teachers to that of certificated teachers should be limited, say 1 to 5."
Proposed by Mr. Endey, seconded by Mr. Macandrew, "That the principle of bonus for length of service be recognised." The motion was lost by 18 to 15.
Apportionment of Grant.—On the motion of Mr. Cill, seconded by Mr. Parkinson, it was resolved, "That Messrs. Stevens, Holmes, Smith, Hughes, and the Mover, be a Committee to apportion the grant from the Government."
Adjournment of Council.—The Council then adjourned till 10 a.m. next day
The Council resumed, the President in the chair.
Minutes.—The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed.
Marlborough Branch.—On the motion of the Secretary, seconded by Mr. Davidson, it was resolved, "That the Marlborough Educational Institute be
Correspondence.—Correspondence was read from Mr. Stevens, Waikato, applying for a refund of the sum of £2 2s. incurred in the Bruce case.
On the motion of Mr. Stewart, seconded by Mr. Davidson, it was resolved, "That, considering the special circumstances of the Bruce case, and the personal payment by Mr. Stevens of the expenses, the further sum of £2 2s. be voted to the Waikato Branch, the case not to be regarded as a precedent."
From Messrs. S. N. Brown and Co., proprietors of the New Zealand Journal of Education, asking for continued support from the Council.
On the motion of the Secretary the letter was referred to the Committee dealing with Messrs. Whitcombe and Tombs's communication.
From Mr. Newton, Secretary of the Thames Sub-Branch, covering a letter from Miss Haselden, asking for assistance in payment of her costs in the case against the Auckland Board.
On the motion of Mr. Newton, seconded by Mr. Stewart, it was resolved, "That this Council vote the sum of £4 to the Auckland Branch, as part payment of the legal expenses incurred by Miss Haselden in prosecuting her appeal."
From the Education Department with reference to the Habens' Memorial Scholarship.
On the motion of Mr. Law, seconded by Mr. Grant, the letter was received.
Colonial Scale.—On the motion of Mr. Gibbs, seconded by Mr. J. H. Harkness, it was resolved, "That the Council is pleased to learn from the statement of the Hon. the Minister of Education that the Colonial Scale of Staffs and Salaries is, before final adoption, to be submitted to each branch Institute through-out the colony for consideration."
Appointment of Teachers.—On the motion of Mr. Selby, seconded by Mr. Blake, it was resolved, "That the present procedure of some Education Boards in debarring from employment in their districts teachers from other districts, is unjust, and should be altered to prevent our education system from becoming provincialised."
Reduction of Grant by Epidemics.—On the motion of Mr. G. Grant, seconded by Mr. Law, it was resolved, "That when attendance at any school is reduced below 70 per cent, of the roll number during any quarter by epidemics, staff and salary be reckoned according to the same percentage of the roll as was maintained during the corresponding quarter of the previous year."
Capitation Grant.—On the motion of Mr. Stewart, seconded by Mr. Law, it was resolved, "That, pending the introduction of a Colonial Scale of Salary, the Institute should use every endeavour to secure the increase of the capitation grant to Boards to £4."
Adjournment of Council.—The Council then adjourned till 2.30 p.m.
The Council resumed, the President in the chair.
Minutes.—The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed.
Inspectorate.—On the motion of Mr. Law, seconded by Mr. G. Grant, it was resolved, "That Inspectors should be placed under central control, and that they should be changed from district to district periodically."
Department Examinations.—On the motion of Mr. S. H. Ferguson, seconded by Mr. E. N. Ormiston, it was resolved, "That the Council recommends the Education Department to adopt code words or numbers for candidates at examinations conducted by the Departmennt, and that the names of the Examiners should be placed on the examination papers."
Class A Certificate.—Mr. Bethune proposed, seconded by Mr. Parkinson, "That the holders of the M.A. Degree with third-class honours, or without honours, should be placed in Class A upon obtaining another degree, such as B.Sc. or LL.B." The motion was lost by 24 to 13."
Degree in Pedagogy.—On the motion of Mr. Gill, seconded by Mr. Grant, it was resolved, "That the University Senate be asked to grant a diploma in pedagogy."
Representation of Education Boards.—On the motion of Mr. Voss, seconded by Mr. Ryder,pro forma, it was resolved, "That primary school teachers should be granted the power of electing to each Education Board in the colony one member who is not a teacher in the Board's employ."
Historical Readers.—On the motion of Mr. Parkinson, seconded by Mr. Selby,pro forma, it was resolved, "That Inspectors should not require any further evidence of historical teaching in any class, than such as will satisfy them that a suitable historical reader is in regular use in such class in addition to the ordinary reader."
New Zealand History.—On the motion of Mr. Bethune, seconded by Mr. Jeffery, it was resolved, "That in any scheme for instruction in history it is desirable that the history of New Zealand should find a place."
Instructions to Inspectors.—On the motion of Mr. Selby, seconded by Mr. Grundy, it was resolved, "That instructions to inspectors, similar to those issued by the English Committee of Council on Education, should be issued by the Education Department to the Inspectors of the colony."
Superannuation Committee.—On the motion of Mr. Gill, seconded by Mr Eudey, it was resolved, "That Messrs. Grundy, Watson, Macmorran, and Gill, be a committee to deal with the question of providing retiring allowances for public school teachers."
Adjournment of Council.—The Council then adjourned till 10 a.m. next day.
The Council resumed, the President in the chair.
Minutes.—The Minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed.
Executive Report.—The Executive presented the following Report:—
Your Executive has the honour to present its usual Annual Report to the Council.
The Executive has much pleasure in reporting that a Branch Institute has been established in Marlborough, and therefore now every educational district in New Zealand has a branch affiliated with the New Zealand Educational Institute.
The following matters were handed over by the last Council meeting to be considered by the Executive: (a) Investment of legal funds;(b) English Superannuation scheme; (c) Revision of the Constitution;(d) Members of the Executive to be members of the Council.
We deal with these seriatim.
Legal Assistance Fund.—As requested by the Council, the Executive submitted to the Branches the advisability of investing with Trustees all amounts in the Legal Assistance Fund over £250. The branches which have replied are all favourable to this way of dealing with the Fund.
Constitution.—Your Executive desires to state its opinion that all propositions for radical changes in the Constitution must emanate from the Council itself. The Executive being a body scattered over New Zealand, finds it very difficult to deal with a large question of this sort which needs long discussion. Notes from Otago and Auckland are at the disposal of any committee which may be appointed by your Council.
Interview with the Minister.—On April 22nd the Wellington members of the Executive had an interview with the Minister of Education for the purpose of laying before him the resolutions of the last Council. We were received, as usual, with great courtesy and sympathy. The following matters were discussed:—
General Conference.—Your Executive points out with satisfaction that members of the Branch Institutes were invited to attend a joint conference of Board members, Inspectors and teachers.
The Executive thinks that the courtesy of the Board prompting the conference should be recognised by your Council.
Technical Report.—Your Executive would draw the attention of the Council to the report on Technical Education drawn up by the Special Committee appointed by the Council at its last meeting.
Nelson Case.—In the early part of the year your Executive had under its consideration a case from Nelson. The headmaster of the Boys' Central School refused to place in Standard IV. a boy who had passed into that standard at a previous examination, but who had been absent from school for a lengthened period after the examination, and who had, in consequence, gone greatly back in his work. The parent protested and appealed first to the School Committee (which body supported the master's action) and subsequently to the Board. The Board upheld the parent's demand. The master applied to the Executive, and a case was stated for the opinion of our solicitors, who advised that the master was strictly within his legal rights, and suggested an appeal to the Minister of Education. The Minister upheld the master's action in every point. Your Executive incurred an expense of £7 7s., subject to a discount of £2 2s., and suggest that this amount be voted by the Council in payment of the costs. The headmaster concerned reports to your Executive that the action taken has had a most salutary effect on the attendance at the schools of the Nelson district.
In conclusion your Executive would suggest the advisability of making provision for payment of travelling expenses, if necessary, to members of the Executive for, say one meeting during the year. This would enable the whole Executive to meet together once a year if any very important matter cropped up.
Adoption of Report.—On the motion of Mr. Stewart, seconded by Mr. Parkinson, the report was received and adopted.
Nelson Case.—On the motion of Mr. Davidson, seconded by Mr. Law, it was resolved, "That the Council pay the expenses incurred in connection with the Kelson case."
Wanoanui Education Board.—On the motion of Mr. Gill, seconded by Mr. Eudey, it was resolved, "That this Council expresses to the Wanganui Education Board its appreciation of the courtesy extended to the New Zealand Educational Institute in inviting representatives of the various district institutes to take part in the Education Conference in July last, and also its satisfaction at the tangible results of that Conference.
Report of Committee.—The Committee appointed to consider the letters received from Messrs. Whitcombe and Tombs and S. N. Brown and Co., brought up the following report:—
The Committee met to consider letters received from Messrs. S. N. Brown and Co. and Whitcombe and Tombs. There were present Messrs. Macdonald (Chairman), Hughes, Holmes, Newton, Selby and Parkinson.
The letters received by the Council were considered.
It was decided to make the following recommendations:—
Adoption of Report.—On the motion of Mr. Macdonald, seconded by Mr. Eudey, the report was received and adopted.
Constitution Committee.—The Council then resolved into Committee to consider the report of the Constitution Committee.
Upon resuming the Committee reported progress, and asked for leave to sit again.
Adjournment of Council.—The Council then adjourned till 2.30 p.m.
The Council resumed, the President in the chair.
Minutes.—The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed.
Holiday Fares.—On the motion of Mr. Jeffery, seconded by Mr. Hughes it was resolved, "That the Minister of Railways be asked to grant holiday fares to
Technical Report.—On the motion of Mr. Parkinson, seconded by Mr. Gibbs, it was resolved, "That a copy of the report of the Council's Committee on manual and technical instruction be sent to every Education Board member, and to every newspaper in the colony."
On the motion of Mr. Eudey, seconded by Mr. McElrea, it was resolved, "That the hearty thanks of the Institute be accorded to the Committee on Technical Education for its very valuable report, and especially to Messrs. Watson, Gill and Grundy.
School Libraries.—Moved by Mr. Ryder, seconded by Mr. Ambrose, "That the Minister of Education be asked to assist school libraries by establishing distributing centres, such centres to be supported by a small annual grant."
The motion was lost by 16 to 19.
Balance Sheet.—The treasurer presented his annual balance sheet, which was adopted.
Appointment of Teachers.—On the motion of Mr. Grant, seconded by Mr. Gibbs, it was resolved "That the Education Act,
Petition to Parliament.—On the motion of Mr. E. N. Ormiston, seconded by Mr. Newton, it was resolved, "That as an additional means of securing that much-desired boon—a colonial scale of salaries—this Council urges upon each of its district branches to petition both Houses of Legislature on the question."
Patriotic Fund.—On the motion of Mr. Davidson, seconded by Mr. Stevens, It was resolved, "That this Council approves of the suggestion to give the children of the colony an opportunity to contribute to a New Zealand Children's Patriotic Fund in connection with the Transvaal Relief Fund."
Competitive Examinations.—On the motion of Mr. Jeffery, seconded by Mr. J. Grant, it was resolved, "That in competitive examinations, and for Teachers' and P.T.'s Certificates, the Education Department and Education Boards should not permit teachers to examine their own students in subjects they teach to those students."
Mr. Yoxall's Letter. The Committee reported "That having considered the letter of Mr. Yoxall re a Confederation of Teachers' Unions throughout the empire, this Committee recommends the Institute to reply that it is willing to join in such a movement. Your Committee has included a clause in the Constitution to enable that to be done."
On the motion of Mr. Gill, seconded by Mr. Stewart, the report was adopted.
Council in Committee.—The Council was resolved into Committee to consider the report of the Constitution Committee, and, on resuming, the Committee reported progress, and asked for leave to sit again.
Secretary's Expenses.—On the motion of Mr. Holmes, seconded by Mr. Law, it was resolved, "That the Secretary's expenses be paid out of the general funds."
Legal Assistance Fund.—On the motion of the Treasurer it was resolved, "That £50 be transferred from the General Fund to the Legal Assistance Fund "
Adjournment of Council.—The Council then adjourned till 7.80 p.m.
The Council resumed, the President in the chair.
Minutes.—The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed.
Council in Committee—The Council was resolved into Committee to consider the report of the Constitution Committee.
On resuming the amended Constitution was presented, and on the motion of Mr. Stewart, seconded by Mr. Gill, was adopted.
Vote of Thanks.—On the motion of Mr. Jeffery, seconded by Mr. Ryder, it was resolved, "That a hearty vote of thanks be accorded by the Council to the Constitution Committee for its labours."
Distribution of Constitution.—On the motion of Mr. G. Grant, seconded by Mr. Gibbs, it was resolved, "That the Executive arrange to supply to all teachers eligible for membership a copy of the institute Constitution as adopted, together with a circular setting forth the advantages of membership."
Model District Constitution.—On the motion of Mr. Eudey, seconded by Mr. Davidson, it was resolved, "That a model constitution for district institutes, and regulations for the administration of the Legal Assistance Fund, be drawn up by April 30th; that it be sent to the district institutes for suggestions; that it be then put into shape and submitted to the Institute's solicitors; that a copy be sent to the district institutes for consideration before being finally adopted at the annual meeting in
Next Meeting of the Council.—On the motion of Mr. Parkinson, seconded by Mr. Gill, it was resolved, 44 That the Council meet in Wellington on
Election of President.—On the motion of Mr. Eudey, seconded by Mr. Davidson, it was resolved, "That Mr. W. T. Grundy be the President for the next year."
Mr. Grundy returned thanks for the honour bestowed on him.
Address to the Secretary.—Speeches appreciative of the services of Mr. Grundy as Secretary were made by Mr. Johnson (the retiring President), Mr Stewart, and Mr. Davidson, and Mr. Newton, Secretary of the Testimonial Committee, read the following address:—
Dear Sir,—On behalf of the various Branches of this Institute, we have great pleasure in taking advantage of this opportunity of conveying to you the heartiest thanks of the members for the great and valuable services rendered by you, as its Secretary, during the past eight years.
That the steady growth and increased influence of the Institute is very largely due to your efforts is no mere platitude.
While we may refer more especially to your arduous labours iu connection with the Court of Appeal Act and its amendment, and the movement for freedom of classification, it is beyond doubt that your personal influence has been of the greatest value to the Institute, and has helped to secure for the teachers of New Zealand most of the benefits granted by the Legislature.
To show that the members of the N.Z. Educational Institute in some degree appreciate these earnest and self-denying efforts, we are directed to ask your
Mr. Grundy feelingly returned thanks.
Printing of Address.—On the motion of Mr. Newton, seconded by Mr. Hughes, it was resolved, "That the Secretary be authorised to have the address suitably engrossed on parchment, and hand the same to Mr. Grundy."
Election of Treasurer.—On the motion of Mr. Johnson, seconded by Mr. Eudey, it was resolved, "That Mr. Hughes, B.A., be re-elected Treasurer."
Mr. Hughes returned thanks.
Election of Secretary.—On the motion of Mr. Stewart, seconded by Mr. Macdonald, it was resolved, "That Mr. T. H. Gill, M.A., be elected Secretary."
Mr. Gill returned thanks.
Executive.—Messrs. Stewart, Davidson and Watson were duly nominated and elected as members of the Executive.
Votes of Thanks.—Hearty votes of thanks were passed—
Adjournment of Council.—The Council then adjourned.
T. H. Gill, M.A., Wellington,
And
Audited and certified correct,
Audited and certified correct,
Audited and certified correct,
Being the Application of the theory of "Constructive Impact" to cosmic evolution.
This synoptic statement is a brief resume of the contents of the volume, which itself is a plain statement for the general reader of this highly suggestive theory of the genesis of celestial bodies and systems. The book will be published on or before Bickerton's Romance of the Earth, a Reading-book of the History of the Earth, with Illustrations, published at 2s. 6d., on
London
Swan Sonnenschein & Co., Lim.
This abstract will serve the general reader as a summary of the theory of impact. It is especially intended to save the time of scientific men. Should any statement not appear obvious to such readers reference can be made to the body of the work. For the instruction those who may desire to study the original papers a list is appended at the end of the synopsis.
Stellar Collision—Partial Impact—New Stars and Planetary Nebulæ-Sclective Molecular Escape—Formation of Star-Clusters and Meteoric Swarms—Comets—Variable Stars—Double Stars—Nebulæ—The Solar System—Mathematical Conditions of the Formation of Nebulæ—The Cosmos possibly Immortal—Sequence of Agencies—List of Papers in the Transactions of the New Zealand Institute.
1. The new photographic charts have demonstrated that there are over a hundred million bright stars in the Milky Way.
2. The companion of Sirius and the dark component of Algol prove the existence of dead suns. These are possibly very numerous. Sir Robert Ball thinks them more numerous than luminous
3. Stars have an independent velocity or proper motion of about ten miles a second upon an average. Recent spectroscopic observations seem to suggest a slightly higher velocity than this.
4. This motion is apparently without much order. It will alter the relative distance of stars, and may bring them near each other, and possibly into impact.
5. If they are brought near each other their mutual attraction will alter their velocity, and curve their courses into hyperbolic orbits. If they do not graze they will ultimately again attain their original proper motion.
6. When stars are very near each other their attraction will cause them to be distorted into an egg-shape.
7. The tendency to collision will therefore be increased by their mutual attraction in these two ways, for it will cause them (1) to curve their courses, (2) to be distorted when very near each other. The chances of collision will thereby be made one hundred times greater on an average. In the case of two such bodies as our
8. All impacts brought about in this way by deflection will be of a grazing character; consequently nearly all stellar collisions of approximately equal bodies will be of a grazing character.
9. The average velocity of stars at impact will be hundreds of miles a second, and in many cases thousands. The average "proper motion" will not appreciably affect the final velocity. Thus a proper motion of ten miles will add less than half a mile a second to a colliding velocity (velocity acquired by attraction) of one hundred miles a second.
10. A mere graze of the atmospheres of stars obviously will not cause them to coalesce, nor will a slight graze of the stars themselves. As a mean result, when more than a third of each of two equal bodies collide, coalescence will ensue, but this will depend on the original proper motion. Were nine-tenths of 1830 Groombridge to collide with a similar star the remaining tenth would not be stopped in its course; it would pass on in space, the bulk of the two stars temporarily coalescing and then dissipating into space.
11. The effect of the collision will be to intensely heat the colliding parts. Were the surface of the sun composed of oxygen the temperature produced by a slight graze would be about 120,000,000 centigrade.
12. The heating effect of a graze of two stars, of two star-clusters, or of two nebulæ, or even of a star plunging through a star-cluster, will not appreciably extend to the parts not colliding. To emphasize this fact such impacts have been called "partial."
13. "Partial impacts" of stars generally result in the formation of three bodies. The fraction of each star, lying in the path of the other, which actually collides, and whose momentum will be nearly or quite destroyed, will be cut off from the rest of the star; they will coalesce and remain behind, whilst the two cut stars pass on in space.
14. Partial impacts of a third of two equal, stars having considerable original proper motion would make of the two impacting orbs three equal bodies: two of them would travel on in space in opposite directions; the third would
15. The temperature produced by an impact depends on the velocity destroyed and on the chemical constitution of the colliding bodies. High velocities and heavy molecules both tend to produce high temperatures. Consequently the temperature does not depend upon the amount of the graze. Were one-tenth or one-hundredth grazed off the impacting stars, the temperature of the coalesced part would be the same.
16. Although the temperature will be the same, the gravitating power of the coalesced part will depend upon the mass and volume of that part; it will increase as the mass increases, and diminish as the volume increases if the mass remains constant.
17. There is a speed called the "critical velocity" at which projectiles would permanently leave cosmic bodies; this velocity is seven miles a second for the earth and 378 miles a second for the sun.
18. Heat is molecular motion. In a small graze of any given pair of stars the molecules will have the same velocity as in a large graze, but the gravitating force holding the bodies together will be different. In a large graze the body may be stable, the velocity of the molecules not overcoming the attraction of gravitation; in a small graze the body will expand indefinitely in consequence of the small attractive power of the coalesced mass, and every expanding particle-will have so high a velocity that it will in general become an independent wanderer in space, the velocity of the molecules being above the critical velocity of the mass. Consequently space will be spread with free molecules.
19 The mass of gas produced by such an impact will obviously expand temporarily into a hollow shell of gas. Herschel tells us this is the condition of planetary nebulas.
20 A partial impact of stars will therefore generally produce in less than an hour an intensely heated body that will expand enormously without, for a time, much diminution of heat.
It will consequently become very bright indeed, after that it will continue to expand with di-minishing intensity until it becomes a planetary nebula, and will then often disappear by the molecules dissipating completely into space.
21. Therefore in this time a new star has been born that increases in intensity until the general parallelism of motion of the molecules causes a lessening number of impacts between the molecules. As Sir William Crook's experiments in radiant prove that molecules only radiate immediately after encounters, the luminosity will diminish, and will go on diminishing until the body disappears. In special cases the planetary nebula may be fairly permanent. In other cases a permanent star may appear in the centre of the nebula.
22. The graze occupies less than an hour and as with bodies of equal density the velocity acquired is proportional to the diameter, all grazing impacts of true stars or dead ones will occupy about one hour.
23. The molecules on the far side of the nebula (or third body formed by the two colliding stars) will be retreating from us; those on the near side will be advancing towards us.
The spectrum of such a body will consequently be crossed by broad bright bands with a maximum in the centre and gradually dying imperceptibly away. If this body has any motion in space, as it probably will have when the two colliding stars are unequal, the line of maximum intensity, though in the centre of the band, may be displaced from its true position.
24. Soon after impact the escaping molecular velocity will be greater than the motion of recession of the two cut stars, consequently the displaced lines of these bodies will be on either side of the centre of the broad band, but on its surface.
25. Immediately after the impact the temperature of different kinds of molecules will be very different from one another. Were the two colliding spheres composed of oxygen, they would be sixteen times as hot as if they were similar spheres of hydrogen. The temperature at impact will be proportional to the atomic weight. In a sphere of mixed elements these inequalities of temperature would quickly equalize themselves. When this was the case the hydrogen
energy will be inversely as their atomic weight, that is hydrogen will have sixteen times the chance of escape that oxygen has.
26. This difference of velocity will tend to sort the molecules into layers like those of a lily bulb. The hydrogen on the outside will be followed by helium, lithium and other elements in the order of their atomic weights.
27. If there are elements lighter than hydrogen or if as Prof. J. J. Thomson suggests there be entities smaller than atoms, these will, of course, precede hydrogen. In my lectures and papers on this subject I have called this action "selective molecular escape."
28. Space will be thickly spread with free molecules of the lightest elements. This fact is important: it is one of the counteracting agencies that prevent the theory of the dissipation of energy being of cosmic application.
29. A telescopic view of a new planetary nebula produced by a partial impact, if seen through a prism, should give a series of discs of
30. This fact, taken in conjunction with the broadening of the lines into bands, will enable us to calculate the distance of such a body. It is possible, however, that the parallelism of the motion of the foremost molecules may prevent encounters; hence this layer of gas may not be luminous.
31. The hydrogen will rob the heavy molecules of their energy: hence in any considerable graze the heavy metals might not indefinitely expand. They would lose their velocity by radiation and by doing work against gravitation, and they would be attracted back again, and may form a star in the centre of the nebula. Some nebulae have such stars.
32. In a partial impact the coalesced part will not have all its motion converted into heat. The momentum on the two sides will not be exactly balanced. The body will consequently tend to spin. It is generic of partial impact that it tends to cause rotation in all the bodies
33. It is a peculiarity of oxygen that it tends to render its compounds with metals less volatile than are the metals themselves. Almost all metallic oxides are less volatile than the metals forming them. Consequently, when metallic atoms and oxygen come together, they produce molecules that tend to coalesce. Thus nuclei form in a nebula and it becomes dusty. If the nebula be rotating this dust tends to move in orbits, and it would be constantly picking up other dust and molecules. Thus a rotating metallic nebula, in which molecular selective escape has dissipated the light molecules, tends to aggregate, not necessarily into a single body, but oftener into a number of bodies orbitally connected. If the mass be large it will become a star-cluster, if small a meteoric swarm.
34. In star-clusters, impacts should be frequent. These groups should be photographically observed to notice any sudden increase of intensity. Then the pair of impacting stars should be watched for nebula; and for variability.
35. Star-clusters would as a rule be very deficient in hellium and neon, and also have but
36. Meteoric swarms when near the sun would be distorted, and the constituent fragments would impact with extraordinary frequency. They would therefore become very brilliant, and show as comets. The friction would produce an enormous developement of heat and electricity.
37. It is certain that the material of a tail of a comet does not belong to the comet itself. It is the dust of space lit up in some way like motes in air illuminated by a search-light. The phe-nomenon of the tail is almost certainly electrical. In a paper "On a New Relation between Heat and Electricity," I have discussed agencies that may explain the phenomenon.
38. Such a swarm, when close to the sun, would have its near part drawn in advance of, and its distant part left in the rear of, the general swarm. Its weak attractive power would often cause it to separate into a train.
The above are some of the phenomena that may ensue in the coalesced mass.
39. The two stars that grazed would have a part cut out of each: this would expose the probably hot interior. Each star would entangle a portion of the other. This would increase the temperature and luminosity of the cut part of each.
40. The stars after collision would recover their sphericity chiefly by the molten interior welling up. This by momentum would overfill the space, and there would be a rhythmic tidal action, the molten lake overfilling and then sinking.
41. The retardation of the sheared stars by the entangled material would cause them to spin. This would act chiefly on the outer layers; the inside would tend to retain the original rotation of the star.
42. Thus in the sheared stars there are three tendencies struggling with one another—(1) the original rotation, (2) the new rotation, (3) the tidal action.
43. But the new rotation would be a large component. We have therefore a star which rotates and shows us alternately its hot and cool sides. The old rotation and the tidal motion produce other fluctuations of intensity, and also inequalities of the rate of motion.
44. Evidently such a body as described would be a variable star, and for a time such stars would be in pairs.
45. Many variable stars are in pairs. It is so striking a phenomenon that the probability is one hundred sextillions to one against its being the result of chance.
46. The stars of these pairs would have a motion directed outward from each other. The spectra might show displaced lines, if so the displacement should be in opposite directions in the two stars.
47. Conduction, convection, tidal motion, and the contending rotations will tend to bring about equality of temperature. This condition of variability will consequently be a temporary
48. Convection is due to difference of density. This difference may result from differences of temperature, or of chemical composition or of both. The lake of fire in the sheared star will consist of heavier molecules than the remaining surface, and it will also be at a higher temperature. These two will tend to neutralize each other; so that equality of temperature due to convection will not be brought about quickly.
49. Therefore, although such variable stars will doubtlessly become uniform, it is surprising what a number of agencies there are tending to retain this inequality of temperature. On theoretical grounds it Appears that this condition of unequal heating may, as an extreme case, last thousands of years.
50. The work of cutting the stars will be infinitesimal in relation to their available energy before collision. It will not cause any appreciable lessening of the velocity of the escaping stars. But the middle body will exert a power-
51. If however, the original proper motion were large, and the graze small, the two stars would escape each other. If the original motion were small, and the graze, on an average, more than a tenth, then the two stars would become orbitally connected.
52. Such a pair, when thus connected, would form a permanent double star. It is the opinion of some astronomers that impacting stars becoming orbitally connected could not make double stars, as they think such stars would impact again. Rut they overlook the fact that the nebula that retarded their escape and formed an important factor after the first impact, will have dissipated before they return.
53. Hence the eccentricity will lessen greatly, and, as a rule, instead of impacting again they
54. There is a possibility of a second impact when the graze has been a very small fraction, or if one of the stars were multiple. But the period of the subsequent recurrence of impacts, after the first recurrence, would lessen in point of time. On calculating the dates of the apparently recurrent star, "The Pilgrim," viz., 945, 1264, and 1572, this is proved to be the case. The dark bodies producing these impacts must be of absolutely stupendous dimensions. The dark bodies producing Nova Auriga: were probably 8,000 and 4,000 times the mass of the sun respectively.
55. Double stars should be more often variable than single stars. Struvé has proved that they are hundreds of thousands of times more variable than ordinary stars.
56. We should expect them also to be more frequently coloured. This, too, is most strikingly the case.
57. We should look for them to be associated with nebulae. Herschell says the association of
58. They should be highly eccentric. This is also well known to be the case.
59. A large number of agencies tend to render the orbit less eccentric. These are fully discussed in my papers of
60. If stars come into partial impact, the tendency to form nebula; of definite form, other than planetary or cometic, seems to be entirely destroyed by the outrush of the high-velocity gas. This is not the case with the impact of nebulæ.
61. Impact may take place between nebulæ, between star-clusters, between meteoric swarms, and between any two similar or dissimilar celestial bodies. The graze may be little or large; the original bodies may have had a small or great proper motion; and all these peculiarities will tend to vary the results.
62. If two nebulæ come into a slight grazing impact there will result a double nebula, which will show a spindle at the centre. As they are parting company they may have temporarily a dumb-bell appearance; but, as the two sides of
63. One or both of the original nebulae may be entangled in the spiral.
64. If the impact be considerable, the two nebulæ do not escape each other, and an annular, nebula results. It would have gauze-like masses of nebulae at the poles of the ring, produced by the outrush of gas during the impact.
65. There are nebulae corresponding to every one of these conditions: nebulae coming into impact—some in impact with the spindle showing between them; there are also spindle nebulæ left alone; others with an incipient spiral visible at the centre; others where the spiral is more distinctly visible; and others where the double spiral is fully developed.
66. Finally there are annular nebula; with the gauze-like caps referred to above. Thus at one and the same time the evolution of nebulæ at any of its stages may be watched, and not unlikely older drawings may show the less advanced stages of the same nebulæ.
67. If two Cosmic systems such as the Magellanic Clouds come into grazing impact, an annular cosmic system will result, the poles of which will be covered with nebulous matter owing to the outrush of gas during the millions of years of the impact.
68. This principle of outrush needs some explanation. As two globular masses close in upon each other, the motion will lie chiefly in a plane which might be called the orbital plane. It is obvious that the pressure of the heated gas resulting from the impact, as the bodies close the gas in, can find 110 escape in this orbital plane, but can only escape upwards and down-wards.
69. Stars will pass into such caps of nebula as originally covered the galactic poles, and will there be entrapped, and will attract nebulous matter. They will thus become nebulous stars; or they may be volatilized altogether and become globular nebula;. Such a distribution of nebula; exactly corresponds with our universe.
70. Where globular nebulae are thick we should expect double, spindle, and spiral nebulae. These nebulae are actually found amongst the
71. If the universe were formed by such a graze as we describe we should expect a greater density of stars in those parts of space where their motion chiefly directs the two original cosmic systems. Proctor speaks of two such clustering masses as striking features of our universe.
72. If our galactic system were the result of impact there would be much community of motion in adjacent stars. This is a remarkable peculiarity of the stars in the Milky Way. A large number of further coincidences are debated in my papers "On the Visible Universe," in the N.Z. Phil, transactions, and in the body of the present volume.
73. Nebulæ must tend to entrap bodies passing through them. Such bodies would frequently become orbitally connected with the
74. Were a sun to impact with such a body or with a dense star-cluster, and were the graze considerable, all the planets would be whirled roughly into one plane, and the central mass would become a bun-shaped nebula.
75. It is not improbable that our sun was formed by an incipient star-cluster impacting with a nebulous sun, and that the present solar system constitutes a large part of the whole impacting mass. In other words, it is probable that there was not a large ratio of the original bodies dissipated into space during the impact, but it is probable that the impact was a large-ratio collision.
76. It is to be supposed that in every impact much matter will leave the system. Some of the gas extruded by the pressure acting along the axis will be lost, with much of the hydrogen. The attraction, therefore, on the return of the planets may be so much lessened by these losses that the orbits may be converted into an
77. Of course, at first the rotation on their axes of the newly-constituted planets would be in all possible directions. Thus, the axes may be in the ecliptic, or the motion may be retrograde. The order observed in the rotation of the inner planets will be established afterwards, the outer planets largely escaping these agencies.
78. Gaseous adhesion and many other agencies are at work to cause apsides to rotate. Consequently the larger nebular planets would gradually pick up all matter within the limits of their orbits, thus giving the rough order to the distance of the planets that is commonly known as Bode's law.
79. In a rotary nebula I have shown that much matter will tend to become meteoric. The absorption by a planet of every meteorite will tend to cause the planet to rotate in the common direction of the nebula, and will cause
80. All this exactly accords with the actual inclinations of the axes of the respective planets.
81. It is probable that the orbits of the planets were originally much smaller; but much of the potential energy of dimension would, as they shrank, be converted into energy of rotation, and this, by tidal action, into increased distance from the sun. The same may also be true of the moons.
82. As the volume of the nebula diminished its temperature would increase. An increased temperature would produce molecular exchanges between the planets and the nebula, and this would most affect the nearer bodies. Thus the near planets would lose all their light atoms by their escape into the surrounding nebula; whilst, on the other hand, the low velocity of the heavy
83. Hence the near or inner planets would be small and dense, as we find them in our solar system, and the outer planets large and less dense, as in reality they are.
84. The heat of the contracting nebula will tend to increase the temperature of the planets, which would consequently expand. This would lessen their hold upon their light matter in two ways: (1) by the lessened attraction produced by expansion, and (2) by the increased velocity of the molecules themselves. The near planets would consequently be composed almost wholly of the heavy metals. The smaller and hotter any planets were, the greater would be their chance of being without atmosphere. The absence of this and the small volume of the planets would lessen their trapping action. Consequently they would not be so upright in their orbital planes as the middle planets.
85. The distant planets, being almost out of the nebula, would not collect an appreciable quantity of matter; hence the original axes of rotation may be at any angle, or even retro-grade, as, in fact, they are.
86. As the nebula shrank within the orbits of the planets, the planets would again pick up light molecules that would form an atmosphere; but the temperature of the planets would not allow of much hydrogen being picked up unless it were in combination.
87. The resistance and contraction of the central nebula would clear space of all meteoric dust unless such were orbitally connected with a planet. The asteroids are probably parts of an exploded planet. The impact of a rapidly-moving body plunging into a planet could easily blow it to pieces. It has been suggested that, if so, such bodies would pass through the common point of their explosion. This idea is an error, as a planetary perturbation and other agencies would prevent such coincidence.
88. The trapping of their moons by the planets would probably occur when the planets were nebulous, and before the central nebula had attained to any great density. Hence they would lie roughly on the planet's equatorial plane.
89. Whilst a body of the mass of the earth could pick up an atmosphere, the smaller attractive power of the moon would not allow
90. Many other agencies that would convert the system under discussion into one similar to our own are treated off in my paper on "Causes tending to lessen the Eccentricity of Planetary Orbits," in N. Z. Phil. Trans.
91. It can be shown, that if two gaseous suns impact completely, the suns having had no original proper motion, and that were the whole of the motion converted into heat, and this heat into the potential energy of expansion, then the new sun would have a diameter the sum of the diameters of the original suns. It can also be shown that such a condition is one of molecular equilibrium.
92. Consequently the complete impact of two gaseous suns not possessing much original motion, and brought together by gravitation, does not make a nebula of them; but as soon as
93. Were there great original proper motion, they might become a nebula by complete impact; but were the original velocity of the two bodies very high, and the impact of very great energy, then an indefinitely-defused nebula would result. Such a nebula, if hot, would be unstable, and would indefinitely expand. Croll's theory to account in this way for an increase in the age of the sun's heat is therefore umtenable.
94. If our universe be proved, from its configuration and character, to have been formed of two previously-existing cosmic systems as appear probable from et seqq., then the entire cosmos may be made up of an infinity of cosmic systems.
95. Meteoric swarms prove space to be dusty with wandering dark bodies, and "molecular selective escape" proves it also to be spread with
96. If this be the case, radiation must all be caught by the dust of space, and, unless some agency be found to take this heat away, the dust must be gradually increasing in temperature.
97. Bodies not in closed orbits when moving at high velocities take but a short time to pass over great distances; they take longer and longer periods as the velocity is reduced. Hence the molecules of hydrogen and other light gases when they have travelled into positions comparatively free from the influence of matter, will be generally moving slowly. But such slowly-moving molecules is cold: hence such gas maybe at a lower temperature than any other matter in space.
98. Whenever by their mutual motions such molecules strike cosmic dust, they will acquire the temperature of the latter: that is, it will increase their molecular velocity. It will thus have a new start of motion.
99. It is evident that unless it strikes something the molecule can only lose this motion by
100. Moving matter not in orbits will tend to move slowest where there is least matter—that is, where gravitation potential is highest—because in these places it has done most work against gravitation. Where bodies moving indiscriminately move slowest they obviously tend to aggregate: in other words the hydrogen and other light gases of space tend to accumulate in the sparsest portions of space.
101. Thus radiant energy falls upon the dust of space and heats it. This heat gives motion to molecules, and the molecules then tends to use their new energy to pass to positions of high potential, thus converting low-temperature heat—that is, dissipated energy—into potential energy of gravition—that is, into the highest from of available energy.
102. This action will tend to go on until attraction is equal in different parts of space. Thus we should have, if there were no counter-
103. But long before this equality of distribution can ensue another action is set up. The mass of light gas will become a retarding trap to indiscriminately-moving bodies.
104. Free bodies moving indiscriminately will tend to pass through a group of masses similar to our galactic system, through which
105. The potential of this part of space lessens, and the work required to reach these positions not being so great as at first, oxygen and other heavier molecules get there, increasing the density; and oxygen also tends to produce non-volatile compound molecules. Hydrogen would form water molecules, these would coalesce; but helium and the other cosmic pioneers do not combine, they remain permanently gaseous.
106. Although dense bodies sent out of
107. Two such systems colliding produce a system of the second order. The Magellanic Clouds are probably systems of the second order. This is suggested by their spiral form.
108. Such systems colliding with any other cosmic system, produces a system of the third order. Our own galactic system is very probably a tertiary system. It is too orderly to be a primary system and too irregular to be a secondary system.
109. When three bodies pass near each other, one at least has its velocity increased. In this way it is possible to account for the enormous velocity of
110. If it could be shown that the impact of two similar universes would result in the formation of one which, in a similar stage, was of larger mass than the larger of the originals, then impact would be, on the whole, an aggregating agency, and the permanent equilibrium of the cosmos would be disturbed.
111. This is probably not the case, for during the impact of the universes themselves much matter would escape, and at every impact of individual bodies within the new universe light molecules would be set wandering that would ultimately leave the system. When the new universe has become more dense, during the
112. We have in these phenomena a complex series of agencies tending to overcome the dissipation of energy and the aggregation of matter. Impact developes heat, separates bodies, and diffuses gas. Radiation falls on the matter of space and heats it: this energy is taken up by the hydrogen to increase its velocity. As the hydrogen loses this new velocity it is carried to positions of higher potential. It will tend to linger in the empty parts of space, and it then becomes a trap for wandering bodies. These wandering bodies are separated from systems by the mutual interaction of three bodies.
113. Thus, is suggested the possibility of an immortal cosmos, in which we have neither evidence of a beginning nor promise of an end. The sequence of these agencies is as follows:—
The diagrammatic scheme of cosmic evolution illustrates these agencies. It must be noted that bodies and systems are printed in italic capitals; and where several such are one above another it implies sequence of phenomena.
The following Papers on Construction Collision, are to be found in the Transactions of the N.Z. Institute.
On Temporary and Variable Stars.
On Partial Impact, &c.
On The Visible Universe.
On the General Problem of Stellar Collision.
Presidental Address on the Genesis of Worlds and Systems.
Causes tending to alter Eccentricity of Planetary Orbits.
On the Origin of the Solar System,
The Origin of Double Stars.
Some recent evidence in favour of Impact.
The Immortality of the Cosmos.
Synoptic Statement of the Principles and Phenomena of Cosmic Impact Prepared for the criticism of Scientific Men and Societies.
Sir,—The theory of Cosmic Evolution, contains close on a hundred, scientific principles that at the time of their publication appear to have been unknown. Most are still quite unknown, or at least unused by-astronomers. The theory of cosmic atom sorting has been re-discovered, and a part of this branch of the theory is now current science. Many other ideas are vaguely used without acknowledging their source. Probably the users are unaware how they got the ideas. They do not in any way claim as their own; they are besides so imperfectly stated as to show they could not have been directly taken from my books.
The first, the most fundamental principle of the whole theory is that in the grazing collision of suns, a third body must be formed by the coalescence of the parts struck from each. In order to emphasise this idea I called this branch of the theory Partial Impact, clearly meaning that the impact did not extend to the whole of the colliding suns, only to the portions actually meeting, the remainder passing on hardly affected by the impact. Finding the idea, that a new body was formed, had been overlooked by scientific writers, in recent papers I called the two colliding suns "Flint and Steel," and the new body "Cosmic Spark." Still this third body is absolutely overlooked. Yet on this new third body the whole of this branch hinges. It is as essential to it as is a motor to an electric car. Most ludicrous is the effect of the oversight. Most ridiculous arguments load the discussion of the colliding two-sun-theory of new stars.
But it is in the writings of Sir Robert Ball that the oversight is most glaringly apparent. I have sent him my papers from the beginning, and as many of these have diagrams that strike the eye, these papers even when glanced through leave an impression. In a widely distributed article of his on double stars, he attributes them to grazing impact, yet without the third body his explanation could not make a double star of them. Both the wedding of the pair of stars and the character of their orbits depend on the new third body. Yet be never mentions it. In "Earth's Beginning" he says (page 356): "We have the best reason for knowing that celestial collisions do sometimes occur," and bases the remark on the new star, Nova Pensei. On page 360 he says:—"A collision affords the simplest explanation of the sudden outbreak of the star, and also accounts for the remarkable spectrum which the star exhibits." Yet other careful writers say a grazing impact of suns could not account for the spectrum of new stars. And without the third body they are right. Yet, Sir Robert Ball whilst accepting the results, never mentions this third body. So often is grazing impact referred to in "Earth's Beginning" that if the third body had been mentioned it would read like chapters from my system of evolution. Yet, save where he shows the Solar Nebula to have originated in a grazing impact (because he leaves out this third body) his references have no basis at all.
The wondrful new stars that suddenly appear, that increase in brilliancy until they are ten thousand times more luminous than the sun, were he placed at their distance away, that sometimes shine a score of times brighter than the superb star Sirius, that can be seen at mid-day, that give bright band spectra; all these marvellous apparitions are the third bodies, the cosmic sparks struck from grazing suns, generally dead suns, whilst the two suns pursue their journey scarred by the conflict. These luminous scars add complexity to the spectrum, but the bright spectrum itself is due to the new body, to the parts struck from each that coalesced into a body ten thousand times the temperature of our hottest furnace. It is an explosion a score of thousand times the power of dynamite. A new star is the amazing flash of this tremendous explosion, and as it is blown to isolated atoms, it disappears. It is flaming gas, hence it gives a bright band spectra.
Yet it is this very newly-formed body that Sir Robert Ball and all other astronomers have missed, so casually have they read the books, pamphlets, letters and papers I have sent to them.—I am, etc.,
Swan Sonnenschein & Co., Lim., London
The opening paragraph of the leading Article in the Age newspaper of Argus, were expressed by Jean Jacques Rousseau, who died in
In his speech in the Legislative Council in September last year against the "Women's Franchise Bill," Sir Henry Wrixon gave expression to sentiments quite in harmony with the above. "Woman's duty in life and her calling in life," Sir Henry said, "are quite as important as those of men, and, I say
This charming picture casts a shadow. This, of course, proves its solidity. It must be very solid indeed, for the shadow is intensely dark. "Just enough to starve on," was the remark of a London Coroner, whilst lately holding an inquest respecting the death of a spinster who had been earning about six shillings a week by shirt-making. A juror remarked," They don't get much by shirt-making. Its all sweating, and the poor people gradually starve." The jury returned a verdict of death by "Natural causes." Very Natural indeed—nothing could be more so than that one should die of starvation under such wretched conditions. Many thousands of forlorn women—and let the anti-sweating league and the Margaret Heffernans bear witness to the evil amongst ourselves—have to lead the dreariest and most hopeless of lives, under class-made laws and social restrictions more oppressive than any disabilities under which men have to suffer, and yet, they are not permitted to have a voice in the election of those who make the laws for them. Now, that men have attained to their political freedom, the injustice and positive cruelty of denying the same to women, is more manifest and condemnable than ever. "To have a voice in choosing those by whom one is governed, is a means of self-protection due to every one. Under whatever conditions, and within whatever limits, men are admitted to the franchise, there is not a shadow of justification for not admitting women under the same." It is but natural to find that William Lloyd Garrison, the well known agitator for the abolition of slavery, held exactly similar views to those expressed in the above familiar paragraph from the writings of John Stuart Mill, "Those who are ruled by the law," said Garrison, "should have the power to say what shall be the laws, and who the law makers. Women are as much interested in legislation as men, and are entitled to representation."
No plea could possibly be stronger, nor arguments more convincing, yet it is certain that the physiological plausibility upon which the question is now made to turn, has caused some to hesitate as to the advisableness of giving support to
In the struggle of existence man—the male—is actuated by purely selfish motives; and although, as circumstances gradually compel him to enter into social relationships for his better self-security, each individual has to conduct himself with some regard for the interests of others, yet there is no corresponding development of the altruistic sentiment. Indeed, such a feeling is repudiated by the man of affairs, his motto being, "There is no friendship in business." Such study as he makes of society as an institution finds its almost sole incentive in the desire to promote personal interests, conceding to others as little, and grasping for his individual self as much, as he possibly can. In this contest the intellect is powerfully developed, but not, equo pede, the moral sense of scrupulosity as to the means whereby success may be won, or a feeling of sympathy with the sufferings: endured by those whose fate it is to fail in the struggle,
Prince Krapotkin says that "Herbert Spencer has well put it, that the state of enmity is ever tending to be eventually replaced by a state of amity," adding, "and this is but an expression of the truth that antagonism is a lesser force than co-operation." A writer in the Co-operative News gives expression to similar views:—"We cannot deny," he says, "that in the lower orders of life there appear no signs of unselfishness, but as we rise in the scale we find an in-creasing element of association and interdependence, until at last, in the mind of man, we reach the conception, though not at present the realization, of perfect harmony."
"Man," in the above extract, refers to Mankind, but is here used to indicate sex, for the purpose of pointing out the process of mind development in man, in contradistinction to that of mind development in Woman. In Man, mind is developed from selfishness and antagonism to mutuality and altruism by utilitarian and economic considerations, very slowly arriving at the conception of human brotherhood, and still more slowly at any practical manifestations of it. On the other hand, mind in woman develops itself upon distinctly opposite lines, from the sympathetic to the intellectual. By reason of the maternal functions and duties which Nature has assigned to Woman, her disposition is to manifest that amount of altruism in feeling and conduct, which is necessary for the tending and rearing of the young. With her, the development of the sympathetic nature precedes the enlightenment characteristic of intellectual growth. In man, as already observed, enlightened conduct, based upon progressive conceptions of what is due to self-interests, precedes the development of the altruistic sentiment; but the evolution of mind in Man, and the evolution of mind in Woman, each developing upon opposite, but not antagonistic lines, contributes its own quota to the formation of a Mind of Humanity, with its emotional and intellectual sides proportionatey balanced, so that motives may be formed, and translated into actions, in conformity with ethical principles.
To illustrate this Mind of Humanity, instances may be given of historic characters, who, in consequence of having attained to this high moral and intellectual development, have been the most earnest agitators and workers for the relief of human suffering, and the originators of great reform movements. Robert Owen is a notable instance from amongst men. In
It will be found more instructive to take the further instances of this mental development from amongst women, as being more apposite to the subject in hand, serving to illustrate the mode in which women develop intellectual powers when once they are moved by their emotional nature to take active part in social work, and, also, how natural and necessary it is that women should engage in such work by virtue of that very constitution in which they are said to be "essentially different" from men—a natural fitness, which the opponents of the female franchise illogically and unphilosophically misconstrue into a disqualification.
A recent instance of this perversion of ideas—which may be here interpolated—occurs in a letter from its New York correspondent published in the "I regard women's rights women and society leaders in the higher walks of life as the worst enemies of the female sex. They rob woman of all that is amiable and gentle, tender, and attractive; they rob her of innate grace of character, and give her nothing in return but masculine boldness and brazen effrontery. They are habitually preaching about woman's rights and prerogatives, and have not a word to say about her duties and responsibilities. They withdraw her from those sacred obligations which properly belong to her sex,
Argus of 21st March last, containing the following paragraph, said to be an extract from a sermon preached by a high ecclesiastical dignitary:—
The reply to such misconceptions as these will be found in the history of pure and noble-minded women who, tracing the degradation of their sex to far different causes than such as those above alluded to, had found it necessary to break with childish conventionality and the "traditions of men" regarding women and their duties, in their efforts to modify the conditions under which thousands of their sex so cruelly suffered. It was a necessary outcome of this movement that it must, sooner or later, include a demand for the female franchise, not only as a right to which women are justly entitled, but as a means of correcting much of the evil which afflicts humanity at its very source in our legislatures.
If "God and Nature" be permitted to speak by facts, "he who runs may read" the lessons they so plainly teach. It was in obedience to the promptings of a highly developed womanly nature, "amiable, gentle and tender," with a full sense of "those sacred obligations which properly belonged to her sex," that, from
Miss Florence Nightingale is a later instance of this mind of humanity in woman; sympathetic and intellectual, qualified and devoted by nature for a life of philanthropic work. A biographer says of her;—"In early childhood, a marked sympathy with every kind of affliction declared itself in her; and it was fostered both by the encouragement of her friends, and the means for its exercise which her father's fortune placed at her disposal. From the first, her benevolence took the aspect of method, being quiet, thoughtful and serious;
Now, these notable women, with many others, have been the pioneers of a woman's movement which is rapidly growing, and expanding so as to reach every situation in life where misery has to be relieved and wrongs righted, and typical of the woman's mental development which accompanies the new departure. This movement so plainly manifests itself that it would be discreditable not to perceive it, and is proving of such inestimable benefit to humanity, that it would be barbarous to attempt to repress or discourage it. The sentiment ascribed to Terence is at once felt to be more appropriately applicable to woman than to man:—"Homo sum, et humani a me nil alienum puto." How much more fit-tingly and naturally it would appeal to universal experience:—"I am a woman, and I think nothing human foreign to me"? The womanly feelings of affection and sympathy developed in the nursery and the family, degree by degree, enlarge the zone of their influence until they embrace the human family, and form the welding principle of human sisterhood and brotherhood. In the efforts to relieve human suffering, and mitigate the evils of life, the female intellect is awakened and educated; nursing, for instance, is raised to the rank of a trained profession, naturally developing into a medical education, and the political and social sciences are studied as necessary parts of the modern woman's mental
Mind of Humanity, with its emotional and intellectual sides morally balanced, and all subservient to the dictates of a highly informed conscience. Carefully inquiring into general causes, near and remote, its effort would be to find an economic solution for all social problems, treating misery in the mass, yet not neglecting to give what relief might be possible to individual sufferers. That this is not a vague anticipation is shown by the followers of Robert Owen, who have built up a gigantic trading organisation based upon principles of commercial morality and mutuality, and social ethics, extending into the sphere of politics, form a never failing part of their propaganda. Their rules confer equal rights upon men and women within their ranks, and it is perfectly certain that without the prominently active and intelligent part which women have taken in the movement it could not have succeeded.
Under its influence, again, the Woman's Movement is growing apace, embracing all kinds of social and philanthropise questions, and the politics which bear upon them. In England there is a Woman's Co-operative Guild, having 270 branches and 12,500 members. Delegates elected by the branches meet in Annual Congress, held at various centres, attracting a large amount of public attention, and at which women read essays and deliver addresses, marked by much ability of thought and clearness of expression. The last congress was held at Plymouth under the presidency of a Mrs. Carr, whose opening address was in every way worthy of the occasion and the movement. A Mrs. Marshall read a paper on "Women on Educational Committees," in which the following summary was given of the extensive social work now carried on by women, and their determination to persist in it:—"All shades of politics, religious bodies, and temperance workers," said Mrs. Marshall, "have their women's organizations, in fact, one of the most notable features of English life is the ever widening degree of interest which women are taking in all things pertaining to public life, and the determination of the sex to let nothing stop their progress, or limit their usefulness."
A meeting of delegates representing the Scottish Women's Guild met in Glasgow on the 16th December last, under the presidency of a Mrs. Campsie, at which a Mrs. Buchan read a paper on "The Advanced Woman," which seems to have been in agreement with the views herein expressed respecting the special mode in which mind development in woman takes place, and the enlargement of the sphere of woman's influence of which this mind development is the
These are replies by representatives of many thousands of intelligent and thinking women, to such one-sided criticisms as prevail in our Legislative Council, and to conservative expositors of "natural law." The British House of Commons, recognising the value of this force, included a clause in a London Government Bill in favour of admitting women to become councillors in the new municipalities—a clause which was speedily struck out after the Bill reached the House of Lords. It may be well to repeat what was said of women's special fitness for the position in an editorial of the Co-operative News, the press organ of over a million families, of what is called "the cream of the working classes" of Great Britain, and no more reliable authority could be quoted upon such a subject. "Women," says the News, "are by nature more sympathetic than men. They are more in touch with the needs of the working classes. They are more used to visiting in the slums and purlieus of our great city, and they are more enthusiastic in the cause of the social well-being of their fellow creatures. They are, therefore, admirably suited to aid the Municipal Councils in their work of improving the dwellings of the poor. These are potent reasons why they should be given seats on the Municipal bodies, and we cannot imagine equally strong reasons against their admission." It was at the instance of a deputation promoted by "The Women's Industrial Council," that Sir John Gorst called for a "Parliamentary Return regarding the wage-earning of children attending, or presumably attending, elementary schools "—a document which Sir John Gorst, in his speech in Parliament, characterised as "painful and sickening," disclosing a state of infantile privation and suffering, which proved how very little real good had been affected by social legislation and benevolent organisations, compared with the enormous amount of work yet to be done before much relief could reach the many thousands
Outlines of Cosmic Philosophy, "that many men are cruel, in word or deed, because they are incapable of adequately representing to themselves the pain, physical and mental, of which they are the cause. The validity of such an interpretation is confirmed by the fact that, even when there is very high representative capacity, the lack of the requisite elements of personal experience will prevent the rise of sympathetic feeling." It is chiefly owing to the work instigated and conducted by women that so much misery—the relief of which, by any means judged to be incompatible with the law of the survival of the fittest, men are taught to consider contrary to "economics," and which conservative Podsnappery would sweep behind its back—has been dragged into the light of day, and that the public conscience has been, to some extent, aroused from a state of self-satisfied complacency and indifference.
Thus, it may be seen how a Mind of Humanity is developed by means of the several activities of men and of women. In man, the process is from the selfish to the altruistic, under pressure of the higher law of self-preservation, which forces the individual to seek ultimate safety in communal well-being. In women the process is exactly the reverse, and they are instrumental in developing the emotional side of mind in man, by forcing men to contemplate the awful amount of misery in which many thousands of human beings are submerged owing to class-made laws, unscrupulous competition, and social injustice, which men, as a class, are trained to ignore, or wink at. Women's own intellectual powers are being developed at the same time, the two forces forming a morally balanced mind, fitted for the work of human betterment. "Thus it will happen," says the Baroness Süttner, "by the falling of the fetters which our sex has borne so long, that not it alone, but also the other will rise to a higher human dignity. Exactly the contrary will take place of what is dreaded by the opponents of the emancipation of woman; the woman will not assume gross masculine defects, the man will not sink into womanish effeminacy, but both united, among them the best, the strongest, and the most intelligent will form models of a nobler race." If the limited, and really contemptible, ideas of woman's nature and duties, entertained by the opponents of the female franchise, could have been made the measure of women's character and conduct, the noble and self-sacrificing work
Communicated by Prof. A. W. Rücker, Sec. R.S.
In this paper the term galactic system will mean not only the milky way, but also the caps of nebulas at its poles. The term milky way will be used to imply the galaxy itself. The term cosmic system will be applied to aggregations of dimensions comparable to the Magellanic clouds and to our own galactic system. (In my earlier papers these masses were called universes; but Lord Kelvin and Lord Rayleigh independently pointed out that this name might mislead, I have consequently substituted cosmic systems.) The term cosmic system of the first order applies to aggregations without definite structure, in which no general collision has occurred. In systems of the second order, a single general collision has taken place, and the symmetry is perfect. All other cosmic systems are of the third order. In these more than one general collision has occurred, and there is too much symmetry to be of the first order, and too little symmetry to be of the second. The visible universe (the galactic system of which our solar system is a part) is consequently a system of the third order.
The group of recently-discovered monatomic elements that have no combining power, namely, helium, neon, argon, crypton, and xenon, I call cosmic pioneers. They are practically
This paper is chiefly devoted to grazing and whirling collisions of celestial bodies.
Grazing collisions of stars were discussed before the Royal Society by Dr. Johnstone Stoney more than thirty years ago. The formation of double stars and new stars by such an occurrence was suggested by him, as well as the probability of the existence of dead suns in countless hosts.
The especial point I wish to forward is that a grazing impact will generally result in the formation of a new body, whilst the two struck stars proceed on their journey; as it were, flint and steel have struck and have cut off a part from each other, that results in an intensely heated spark.
Because the non-colliding parts are but little affected by the collision I call such a phenomenon a "partial impact."
With stars of the same order of dimensions that our sun has, the velocity developed by mutual attraction will be hundreds of miles a second. When by impact this motion is converted into heat in the coalesced parts, the temperature will be practically the same, whatever the amount struck off; if the graze be small, the attractive power of the new body will also be small, and it is evident that the velocity of the molecules may be great enough for every molecule to have more than the critical velocity; each molecule as it reaches the surface will consequently leave the body, never to return.
The temperature may easily be from ten to a hundred million centigrade. It will of course vary with the chemical composition.
Thus is produced in less than an hour a fiery mass expanding about a million miles an hour, and this increase in size will cause for a time an increase in brilliancy. Presently, however, the radial direction of the molecules will tend to cause their motion to become parallel, and will lessen the number of molecular encounters, and consequently the amount of radiation, so that after a time our bright star becomes a planetary nebula. In a year or so each molecule is wandering alone; the brilliant body and the nebula are gone. The body has lost its light, not by cooling, but by being too hot to hold together.
The two stars that struck have been heated where they were sheared, and they are separating at a speed of hundreds of miles a second. Hence the spectrum of our nova is made up of a continuous spectrum, with broad, bright, indistinct bands produced by the expanding gas, and on this band are superimposed two other lines, bright or dark, dependent on the position from which we view the lake of fire produced by the impact.
Obviously the tangential retardation will cause rotation, and the cut stars may alternately show their light and dark faces. Thus two variable stars are produced at once; generally this variability will tend to die out more quickly in one than in the other, yet there are many such pairs still existing.
It is certain that such pairing is not the result of chance. Whatever the explanation offered to account for variable stars must account also for the existence of pairs. (The accompanying diagram represents such a series of phenomena. With bodies of solar density the time taken to produce the changes shown in the series is less than two hours. The mass of the bodies makes no difference in the time, as with bodies of equal density the velocity acquired by gravitation is proportional to the diameter.)
The middle body attracts and retards the escaping stars, and may wed them into a pair.
Then, were no other agency to come into play, the pair would return to impact again, but long before they attain aphelion distance the central mass (consisting as it does of gas above the critical velocity) will have fled into space.
Hence the only force that attracts the stars back again is their own mass, and consequently, instead of colliding, the stars move in the ordinary double-star orbit. Double stars, when first connected, would be variable, and would be associated with nebulæ; this is actually the case, and any satisfactory account of double stars must explain these facts.
If the two stars had had a considerable proper motion they would not have been orbitally connected, and they would constantly increase their distance from each other.
This is doubtless the condition of the unassociated variable stars that are in pairs, and it is possible that their increase in distance could be observed.
Supposing too much had been cut off and coalesced, and the attraction were consequently too great for the heat to give every molecule more than its critical velocity; on attaining equality of temperature the light atoms would rob the others of their energy and escape.
Diagram showing an Impact of two dead Suns, forming a temporary and two variable Stars.
Hydrogen at the same temperature has sixteen times the tendency to escape that oxygen has, and two-hundred and eight times that of lead. This tendency of the chemical elements to sort themselves I call "selective molecular escape."
Hence at every cosmic impact of dense bodies some) light molecules leave with such extreme velocity as to escape not merely the mass, but the galactic system altogether. These molecules wander in space, perchance to other cosmic systems.
Another agency is at work giving motion to free molecules. Radiant energy is caught by cosmic dust of all dimensions. Sir W. Crookes's experiments on "Radiant Matter" suggest that free molecules do not take up or give out radiation. (Dr. Johnstone Stoney has lately suggested to me that this point is unimportant, as even should the molecules absorb radiation, this energy will increase the velocity of the succeeding rebound.) But when slowly moving light molecules touch this heated dust, it will bound off in the same way that molecules fly with increased velocity from radiometer-vanes. Thus radiant energy is converted into heat, and this into potential energy.
There are other agencies by which light atoms are liberated from cosmic systems to wander indiscriminately. Such atoms do work against the attraction of systems, and where potential is highest they move slowest.
Where they thus linger they tend to accumulate. The potential of this part of space lessens, and the work required to reach these positions not being so great as at first, oxygen and other heavier molecules get there, increasing the density; and oxygen also tends to produce non-volatile compound molecules.
These would coalesce; but helium and the other cosmic pioneers do not combine, they remain permanently gaseous. Thus a primary cosmic system is incipient. Dense bodies sent out of cosmic systems by the interaction of three bodies would generally pass through old cosmic systems where matter is in dense masses, but evidently not through such vast gaseous aggregations as the incipient cosmic systems. The bodies would be retarded by the friction produced, and perchance volatilized, forming nucleii in the general mass; their mutual attraction would cause denser aggregations to occur, and a cosmic system of the first order would be produced. Two such systems colliding produce a system of the second order. This, colliding with any other cosmic system, produces a system of the third order. Our own galactic system is very probably a tertiary system.
The kinematic condition of the impact would exactly produce such a system. It is now known to be a rough double spiral of stars, with sprays and streams of stars and two caps of nebulae. It is not difficult to picture the kinematic conditions necessary to form such a rough ring, or double spiral of stars with polar caps of nebulous matter.
Let us assume a complete whirling coalescence of two cosmic systems in which the part coming into collision is considerable. This heated part is in the centre of the system. Here all the material is volatilized, and the pressure produced can find no relief save axially; hence the system is, as it were, a short cannon open at each end, and the discharged gas spreads itself over the poles of the system.
This discharge, that is commenced by pressure, is finished by molecular escape. Globular nebulæ form in this gaseous matter by the attraction produced by wandering bodies plunging into the gas. The globular nebulæ so produced attract one another and become double nebulæ; they are then wrought into spindles, spirals, dumbbells, or rings by the kinematic peculiarities of the varying depths of impact.
It is significant that temporary stars, planetary nebulæ, and all the bodies likely to be produced by the impact of stars are in the milky way; and all the forms of nebulae deduced as resulting from the impact of nebulae are where we should expect them to be, namely, at the poles of the milky way.
If this generalization represents the mode of nature's action, then there is a possibility that the entire cosmos is immortal, and the present order but a phase of an eternal rhythm.
The sequence of these agencies is as follows:—
By the interaction of three bodies the velocity acquired by one sometimes takes it out of the cosmic system.
The accompanying diagrammatic scheme illustrates these agencies. It must be noted that bodies and systems are printed in italic capitals; and where several such are one above another it implies sequence of phenomena.
The suggestions contained in this essay were first presented in a short paper offered to the "Sydney Morning Herald" some fifteen years ago—they were not then thought to be of sufficient general interest to warrant their publication.
The essay itself was written two or three years ago. It is printed practically as it was then written, though the writer, had he followed his inclination, would have added a large amount of matter to it. The temptation to enlarge was chiefly from the historical and statistical points of view. But the student of penology will find an excellent historical summary under the heading "Prison Discipline" in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, and Mulhall (from whom the Statistics in Section II are taken) contains an enormous mass of figures from which the laborious investigator will gather much food for thought; it was not therefore necessary to add to the length of the essay with matter which can be so readily obtained elsewhere.
It would have been interesting, too, to have pursued further the considerations as to the physical characteristics of the criminal; but for this the reader must be referred to Lombroso's principal works, "The Criminal Man," "The Criminal Woman" and the "Man of Genius," all of which have been translated into English.
In addition to the books mentioned above and in the essay, the writer would express bis obligations to Wine's "State of Prisons," Mr Horsley's "Prisons and Prisoners" and many papers and reports, Winter's "New York State Reformatory at Elmira," many reports of American prisons, of the Prison Reform Association of England and the National Prison Association of America, and much periodical literature.
Upon one point only does he think it necessary to add to what he has written. It may be disputed that crime is increasing. That petty offences are decreasing and
But surely in New Zealand crime is decreasing? Does not the "Year Book" say that the statistics "show a marked decrease in crime"? Statistics of crime are made up so differently in different countries that it is impossible to institute satisfactory comparisons between them, but as far as figures can guide us, crime appears to be very much greater here than in the United Kingdom. In the latter the total of all offences was 2,780 to 100,000 persons in
But while concerned not to allow any false hope that crime is dying out the writer does not want it to be sup-
instigante diabolo, no thought of its cure or prevention could be entertained, it could only be punished. And even when it was thought possible to prevent it even then no one thought of curing it. But when at last we began to see that crime, like disease, is not only prevenible but curable, then means began to be adopted for its cure; these means were naturally inefficient at first and it was soon found that institutions which were set up for the punishment of the criminal could be of little use for his reformation, that they really increased the crime they were attempting to cure; then the cry arose and: has long been sounding for a "rational system" of dealing with this moral disease. Thus as the increase of physical disease, due to, but in excess of, the increase of population, owing to insanitary conditions generally and especially in the hospitals themselves, led to the vast improvements of the present day, so will the corresponding, increase of moral disease, due to analogous insanitary
New Zealand is passing through a critical period o her brilliant youth—just as all of us pass through critica periods in our youth What her future will be depends very much upon the wisdom of her rulers now. If they expend their energies in vapouring about the admitted glories of their country but fear to attack the evils which they well know, the sores which are eating into the body of the State, lest their personal popularity should suffer, then the prospect for the future is dark indeed. But let them manfully fight these evils and though the multitude may curse them now, many generations of prosperous citizens of the land they have redeemed will bless them in the golden days that are to come. One of these evil symptoms is the prevalence of crime, and it is the humble object of this essay to show, not how crime may be prevented—that is a larger and grander subject—but how existing crime may be dealt with. The criminal exists because of the imperfect moral conditions which the rulers of the State at present deliberately permit, because no efficient means have been adopted for building up his character, when alone character can be built up, in his childhood and his youth—he has therefore, in simple justice, the strongest claim to be treated with every consideration, with every reasonable kindness indeed, until those glorious days come, as they surely will come, when by the gradual but sure operation of true educational principles, rationally applied, crime itself shall be destroyed.
From almost every part of the world comes the cry that crime is increasing. "In France, in Germany, in Italy, in Belgium, in Spain, in the United States, the tide of criminality is becoming higher steadily and rapidly," says Dr. Havelock Ellis. "That crime is on the increase, out of proportion to population, is indicated in many ways," says General Brinkeschoff in his address to the National Prison Association of America in
It is necessary, however, to premise that I am not now dealing with the far more important question of the prevention of crime. Public opinion is rapidly focussing
What applies to prisons must necessarily have some bearing also on reformatories, industrial schools, refuges, penitentiaries, and the like: but it is of the prisons only that I now speak.
Confining our attention, then, to the convicted criminal, there are two questions which must be considered before we discuss the best manner of dealing with him. They are: What is the criminal? and What do we mean when we speak of the punishment due to his offence?
To take the second question first, there seem to be three conceivable ways in which we may regard his amenability to (what we must for the present call) punishment. First, we may consider his offence as an outrage against society, and say that outraged society has a right to vindicate and avenge itself. This is the earliest view of crime that organized society will take, and in fact all our existing laws for the repression of crime are based upon it. It is simply transferring to society the right of revenge which in barbarous ages lay with the individual wronged—the old crude rule, "an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth," no longer carried out by the individual but by the community to which he belongs on his behalf. It is not so very long since English criminal courts attempted no more than to regulate the exercise of private vengeance—to arbitrate between the parties, and estimate or limit the penalty that might be exacted by the injured one. And much
wergild, or pecuniary compensation, for injuries inflicted. But even this was not a penalty demanded by the State; it was a compensation paid by the offender to the injured party or his representatives. In process of time the State grew strong enough to prohibit altogether the practice of private revenge and to treat all offences as committed against itself-against society at large. So our statute laws now attempt to estimate the penalty due to each particular offence, and, that having been inflicted, society is supposed to be satisfied, and the criminal to have purged his crime, and to be able to start his life again at the point he had reached before he was convicted. This method has certainly the merit of simplicity, but it is clear that neither our legislators nor our people have for a long time regarded it as satisfactory. For a long time now statutes have stated in regard to offences, not the exact penalty due to each, as was the case formerly, but the maximum penalty that may be inflicted—not exceeding so long—leaving it to the judges to consider the special circumstances of each case. For an equally long time public opinion has certainly not regarded the criminal who has purged his offence quite as if he had never offended. And it has long since been evident to all that it is impossible to assign the fit penalty due to each offence, for the heinousness of crime depends very much upon the circumstances under which an offence is committed, and a specific penalty may be trivial or severe, according to the condition of the person upon whom it is inflicted—upon his education, his refinement, his surroundings, his character, his social position.
We pass on, then, to the second stage in the development of opinion—the view that punishment should be inflicted, not in revenge, but as a deterrent, both as regards the criminal himself and others who may be tempted to follow in his steps. As regards the criminal himself, the punishment is sup-
But now the whole question of punishment, whether in the form of expiation, or as a deterrent, is in process of reconsideration. The first note of revolt against established ideas came, as was right, from the Church. In
But it is only within about the last twenty years that the question has commanded general attention. Now it is a "burning" question and men are beginning to ask whether punishment, as such, has any true place at all in Society's dealing with the criminal?—is it of any value at all, remedial or deterrent?—has Society any right at all to inflict it? As to its value it is found that brutalized habitual criminals do not in the least fear the punishment now inflicted, nay there are cases, many such, where criminals have expressed regret at the shortness of their sentence, or where they have deliberately allowed themselves to be arrested in order that they might enjoy an inexpensive and not altogether
right to inflict punishment is also answered Among savages bodily ailments or abnormalities are frequently punished, sometimes even by death, and to quite recent times in "civilized" countries, madmen were chained and beaten, while lepers and other sufferers regarded as incurable, or as suffering from some direct judgment of the Deity upon them for their sins, were driven from any intercourse with their fellows and deprived of all the amenities of life. All this has passed away and men are beginning to ask whether society has any more right to punish the homicide, the thief, the morally weak, than it is now admitted to have to punish the leper, the epileptic, the mentally afflicted. Of course every one allows there are precautions which society must take for its own protection—of segregation and disinfection—but these apply to one kind of sickness as well as to the other, and stand quite apart from the question of punishment. The real point is—one man is often as much to blame (or as little) for his gout, his broken limb, or his imbecility, as another is for his violence, his dishonesty or his immorality—why then should the two be so differently treated?
This question will gain vastly additional force when we consider what the criminal is. Meanwhile the duty of the State—society in its legislative and administrative aspect—according to this view is either to cure the part of the body affected—the criminal—or, if that is impossible, so to confine its activity that the rest of the body may not suffer from its corruption, as Recorder Hill put it forty years ago, "Reformation or Incapacitation."
What, then, is the criminal?
The science of criminology is almost entirely of today, and some of its conclusions are as yet only partially established. But many Italian, French and German, and a few English and American students have deeply studied it. Many investigations and experiments have been made, and there are a sufficient number of results obtained, upon which there is a general consensus of opinion, to make it possible to attempt, at least, a partial reply to the question.
The subject has been attacked from two principal points of view—the psychological and evolutionary and the sociological. From the former point of view, heredity becomes the predominating factor; from the latter, environment. The more sober writers combine the two, and in this combination, no doubt, the truth is to be found.
Of the first point of view, perhaps, Lombroso, Ferri, and Benedikt may be said to be the leading exponents. The argument is that as men, like all the rest of nature, are constantly developing minute differences of structure, so are they also constantly developing constant differences in their mental and moral endowments. It would be difficult to say what exactly is the normal type of man. A man perfectly proportioned—physically, mentally, morally—is altogether unknown. Moreover, if we should try to imagine this typical man, our estimate of him would differ from age to age, rising gradually as time advances. Only the Christian can look up to a perfect type, a perfect Exemplar—and He was God as well as man.
All men, as we know them, possess slight differences in all the parts of their being; no two are alike.
Now these differences involve the increased development of some organ, function, or capacity, or some combination of these, at the expense of the rest. The functions or capacities developed may be of an intellectual or imaginative character, then we get the inventor or the poet; they may be those that lead to strength of
Thus Lombroso describes genius as a "neurosis of an epileptic character"; crime he would describe as a similar disease but exhibiting contrary symptoms. This must be received with the reservations already mentioned. But so much seems clear: that the circumstances on the one hand which predispose a man to virtue or genius, and those on the other which predispose him to degeneration and crime, are equally beyond his own control. A few facts will strongly emphasise these considerations, and are of much interest in themselves. I turn to the statistics of murders in the United Kingdom for the ten years ending
I do not lay much stress upon the supposed physical peculiarities of the criminal—the receding forehead, the "sugar-loaf" form of skull, the prominent frontal crest, the ear projecting and deficiency of the lobule. There is much difference of opinion about these, and no real proof as yet exists that they are peculiar to criminals. The "criminal type" so often observed, not always inside a prison, may be due to circumstances of environment. Yet some of the facts adduced by Lombroso are striking and suggestive. He tells us, for instance, of a child who would not speak to a young man who was charming society by his manners and wit—"he is a
If now I have rightly described the "criminal" it must be clear that the idea of punishment can have no place in our dealings with him; indignation, disgust, revenge are feelings which must be repressed, however horrible his crimes may have been; there is but one sentiment that must remain in our hearts—compassion, pity—we must exercise towards him "mercy and not judgment "—just as we do not allow our natural disgust to influence our care for the idiot or the leper, however foul may be his habits or his person.
For let us, remembering what has been said in the last section as to the nature of the criminal, briefly consider how he comes to be what he is. He is in the beginning one whose peculiarities, physical, mental, moral, separate him more or less from the bulk of his fellow men—these peculiarities individually are not different from those of other men, it is in their combination that they differentiate him, and even in this he shares them with many others. The actual development of crime depends upon his being placed in a
Now, for this fostering environment of crime—criminal surroundings, poverty, lack of moral education—who is most to blame, the criminal who is powerless to protect himself till the full mischief is wrought or the State which
Clearly, then, the duty of the State towards the criminal is reformation, not punishment. Owing to causes for which the State is chiefly responsible, he has become a bad citizen—an enemy to himself, a burden to the State to which he ought to be a support. It is the business of the State to undo all this, to restore him to good citizenship, to happiness and usefulness. Perhaps the task will not, when it is fairly entered upon, be found so difficult as it at first appears. Whatever a man is by nature, the development of his-character depends upon his environment: and man has the power, which no other animal has, of improving—either by himself or his fellows—that environment. The treatment of the criminal, then, consists in placing him under such conditions that his good impulses, now weak, may be made strong, and that his evil tendencies, now strong, may be made weak; that his strength may be turned into good and useful directions, and, specially, that his will may be braced and his powers of self-control fostered and increased. It remains for me to-enquire how our present system is accomplishing this work, and what changes are necessary to render it efficient for the purpose. But before entering upon this part of my subject it will be necessary to say something, of the classification of the criminal, for upon this essential points of prison reform will be found to depend.
Now, criminals are variously classified, but four divisions will be sufficiently inclusive. The first will include those in whom crime has not developed. They have criminal instincts, but happily circumstances have been
In certain cases members of the third division would be regarded by almost all in these days as maniacs. It is a serious question how far the same term ought to be applied to the whole of this fourth division also. The usual rule in criminal cases has been to regard as lunatics those whose will has become so weakened or is naturally
Nothing has been said or, indeed, can be said in this connection of the class of so called criminals known as political, ecclesiastical, or civil offenders. To these an entirely different set of considerations apply and they are only mentioned for the sake of completeness. It is only when political or civil quarrels develope other propensities, as in the case of brigands or condottieri, that the offenders can be classed as true criminals. Then the quarrels in question may be regarded as a vicious environment and the crimes produced will place their perpetrator sin the third of the divisions described above.
I may now enquire how far our present system of dealing with the criminal is effective towards this end of reformation. Let us bear in mind what the criminal is, and that his treatment must, to be of any use, follow two definite lines. The environment which nourishes his diseased condition must be changed, he must be given wholesome occupation in wholesome surroundings that shall turn his thoughts from his former anti-social engrossment in his own perverted desires to a delight in his present and future social utility. Then
The employment of criminals is evidently an important matter. No fault can be found in this respect with the managers of our existing prisons—the best is probably done that can be done under the conditions under which their work has to be carried on. But the conditions are capable of vast improvement. What, for instance, can be more absurd than the demand so often heard for the prohibition of any occupation for prisoners in which they may appear to compete with labourers outside? It is exactly those occupations, by which they will be able to get an honourable living when free, that they should be taught. It is a constant complaint in prison workshops that the workers are allowed to manufacture only particular lines of goods, frequently those in least demand outside. This is remedied somewhat where there is land connected with the prison which can be cultivated, but even here it very seldom or never happens that the land is sufficient in area to afford a really useful training for the number of labourers the prison authorities must put upon it. The employment of prisoners on State works—such as breakwaters or fortifications—seems at first to meet some of the difficulties. But surely this is illusory. If the works have to be carried out, the competition with the limited classes of stone masons and quarrymen and with unskilled labour is as severe as if the prisoners made clothes or tin or basket ware, nay more severe, for in these last employments it is only with low grade workers that they at present compete, here it is partly
Leaving the question of the proper employment of prisoners to be discussed with other reforms later on, I pass on to the means in use for strengthening the weak moral powers of the criminal. The systems adopted may be divided into the solitary and the collective—the former being again divided into the Pennsylvania and Auburn systems, in the former of which the prisoners are kept constantly apart, while in the latter they associate during the day but are separated during the night. The evils connected with the association of criminals are evidently so great—they cannot, indeed, be easily exaggerated—that more than a hundred and fifty years ago attention was drawn to the subject, and it grew to be believed that the solution of all difficulties would be found in the isolation of each prisoner in a separate cell, never allowing him to see or communicate with his fellow prisoners. The first attempt to carry out this idea partially I by separate sleeping apartments) seems to have been at the celebrated St. Michael's prison, at Rome, in is our present prison system. The strange thing about it is that the defect is universally admitted, while practically no serious steps are taken to amend it. Magistrates, it is true, avoid as much as possible sending young persons or first offenders to gaol, but this affects only a few cases, and is but a very ineffectual check upon a system which is in itself hopelessly bad. That it is not altered can only be because people have not yet realised its enormous iniquity. A French jurist lately maintained that an hour in prison, where he associated unreservedly with the other inmates, might, and probably would, ruin any man. An acquaintance is struck up, he said, an appointment is made for a future meeting, and a career of crime commenced. The worst crimes are planned in prison; few comparatively innocent persons can escape the contagion of such a place. Judges and magistrates know this quite well
were in much the same condition. There was no proper classification, walls, floors, bedding were impregnated with the germs of disease, they were the very hotbeds of the diseases they were built to cure. Let people once realise that that is what our prisons are, that the money spent on them is, as magistrates well know, largely spent for the propagation of the criminality they are designed to cure, and there will soon be so loud an outcry that our Governments will be compelled, in spite of their natural disinclination to move, to inaugurate the much-needed reforms
A matter which must be only briefly referred to is the question of the attention paid to the bodily comforts of the prisoners. And here I complain chiefly of the inconsistency of the present system. If it is designed to make "the way of the transgressors hard," our prisons signally fail. The food and lodging is often better than the prisoner gets outside; there is no drink, it is true, but he gets used to that; there are but very few to whom the drink is a serious loss; what, at least, the male prisoner really misses is his tobacco, but he is sometimes allowed a modicum of that, and sometimes he gets it-somehow. The treatment is certainly not hard enough to act as a deterrent, and, even if it were desirable, it would be impossible in the present state of public opinion to make it so. I have already pointed out how criminals often seek a period of imprisonment for health and rest; at least this is notoriously so in Europe.
Crime is disease in the region of morals—that all admit. A certain class of men make it the work of their lives to study moral health and disease as physicians study the conditions of physical health and disease. A rational system of prison discipline would naturally make the work of the clergyman the chief factor in the prisoner's treatment. There are Australasian prisons—many indeed—which have no chaplains and where clergymen are only admitted on sufferance and principally for the purpose of conducting services. To parallel this let us try to imagine a hospital to which medical men were only admitted on sufferance and in which they were expected to confine themselves chiefly to
Of course as long as the chaplain is regarded only as the devotional mouthpiece of a congregation, or as one whose sole end is the delivery of more or less entertaining discourses of a moral nature, such work is impossible. In the Massachusetts State prison, as in others, daily prayers are indeed offered, and that in a decent chapel set apart for this sole purpose, but the real work of the chaplain is (as that of the medical attendant is) his work with the individual-the work of restoring lost self-respect and strength of character by council, guidance, instruction, and, above all, brotherly sympathy.
The last objection I bring against our present system lies in the necessary inefficiency of many of the prison officers. This is naturally a delicate point to deal with. I have many kind and excellent friends among them and I know how anxious they are to do their duty and help to the best of their ability the unfortunate beings placed under their control. But the system is against them. The warders are untrained, they are in no way induced to make their work a calling for life, the higher offices
Such are, briefly, some of the objections to be urged against the existing conditions of criminal treatment. A concrete instance will show better than many words the waste of the system and its hopelessness for any purposes of reform.
A. B. was a young man of an excitable temperament, but honest, sober, religious, a Methodist or Baptist local preacher. Whatever vicious impulses he had by nature had been kept under due control, until one unfortunate day, when passion, baulked of its gratification, overcame his reason, and a horrible homicide was the result. The horror of the crime shocked the public imagination, and though murder could not be charged against him, there being no intention to destroy life, yet he was condemned to imprisonment for life: that is, under the customary conditions, fourteen years, if his conduct was good. His conduct was more than good; he soon asserted his superiority, and was even allowed (unwisely) to conduct religious services on Sundays for his fellow-prisoners. For several years he was head cook, which, in an establishment of some 250 persons, is a really responsible position. This office gave him the use of a room to himself, and of pencil and paper, and he spent much of his time in reading and in writing poetry, some of his work showing imagination and considerable delicacy of thought. In no sense was he a dangerous criminal, but there was always a certain independence of manner and bluntness of speech in his dealings with the prison officers, and even in the petitions which he sent in as required to the authorities when the end of his term of fourteen
One other case, typical of many, from the same prison. C. D. was in prison, for the sixth or seventh time, for larceny. He had been a gentleman's servant, a total abstainer and devout Roman Catholic. But his strength was only equal to resistance up to a certain point. The story was the same in every case—one taste of drink, too much for one unaccustomed to it, drunkenness, crime, prison, good conduct, release, da capo.
Now what good, either to the man himself or to the community, was accomplished by his incarceration in either of these cases? There was the expense of maintenance in one case for over fourteen years, in the other for nearly as many, the services of the two men to the community for the same period lost, and the results nothing; the men left prison as weak, and at least as unable to help themselves as when they entered it. And these are but ordinary cases. Many have left prison far weaker men, far worse and more dangerous in every respect than they were when they entered it.
The remainder of my task is much simpler, for it is not difficult to point out the reforms that are necessary. What is really difficult is so to overcome the vis inertia of prejudice and prepossession as to persuade their adoption. But the future is with the reformers, and we have no cause to be dissatisfied—remembering how slowly the greatest reforms have come about—with the progress that has been made in America and Europe and even in Japan.
One reform it is pleasant to record had its origin in Australasia—a reform now adopted throughout the world. This is the mark system and conditional release, the "ticket of leave." In
Of another specially Australasian reform not quite so good an account can be given. This is the First Offenders' Probation Act, by which a first offender's sentence may be, and usually is, remitted at the discretion of the presiding magistrate except in very serious cases. It is indeed rather a palliative of the evils of the existing system than a reform and is in truth inconsistent in itself. It is an admission that no good can be done to the offender or the community by the offender's incarceration. It is only reasonable on the ancient and exploded theory that revenge is the reason for his imprisonment. And there is the further weakness in it that, however slight the offence for which the "first offender" is tried, he may be a person of dangerous criminal instincts and it may in that case be a serious danger to the community that he should be at large. What can be said of the provisions of the Act is that they may often be of exceeding value under present conditions, but they will be useless when the reforms now demanded are obtained.
More valuable is the existing Massachusetts "probation system" established in
Not much need be said of the introduction of useful labour into the prisons; the value of this is universally admitted. The first recorded experiment in this, as in many other directions, deserves again to be mentioned. This is the St. Michael's prison established by Pope Clement XI. in
But the most important reform of all—and that which is, indeed, but the logical outcome of all the others-is that known as "the indeterminate sentence." The first experiments in this direction were, and are being, made at the New York State Prison at Elmira. It was in the necessary reform was the inde-determinate sentence—that the prisoner should remain, not for a given period, but for the period, short or long, necessary for his cure. The Legislature conceded this with one reservation—the period was not to exceed a fixed maximum. Of course this is illogical and mischievous, for there are chronic cases and incurable cases of criminality, as there are chronic and incurable cases of mental and physical disease. But even with
I place, then, the "indeterminate sentence" as the first and most important of prison reforms, as the chief step towards a rational system of treatment of prisoners. At present an attempt is made, very unsuccessfully, to fit the sentence to the crime, the old idea of punishment and expiation being still dominant here. Rationally the sentence should be fitted to the nature of the moral sickness it is intended to cure. Hospitals do not fix a hard and fast period of detention for each disease irrespective of the special conditions of the case. Or, from another point of view, as Mr Horsley, late chaplain of Clerkenwell Prison, used to put it, what can be more senseless than sending a man, just because the period of his sentence is finished, out again into society, though you know that his criminal instincts are as strong as ever, though you know that he will lead the same life that he led before and sooner or later return to you, though he may even boast, as many do, of the crimes he intends to commit in the future? Or, I may add, where is the sense in retaining in prison, only because the term of his sentence has not yet expired, another man, who, you are persuaded, will now be able to control his vicious propensities and lead an honest and profitable life, thus risking the loss of all the man has gained, and incurring expense worse than useless to the State? For some it is evidently morally and economically profitable that the State should find them a secluded dwelling and a sufficiently supportable maintenance for the remainder of their lives; for others it is equally profitable that the State should restore them to liberty and responsibility at the earliest possible moment. The true alternative is, as Recorder Hill put it, in
Next in importance to the indeterminate sentence comes the matter of a rational classification of prisoners. Much has already been done in this direction, but much remains to be done. Formerly young children were herded in prisons with all kinds of adult offenders. Later they were confined in separate prisons, but even so a brand was put upon them which went far to destroy their future usefulness. Charles Mayhew, writing in
As to the treatment of the prisoner, no one can doubt but that the two sides of it—the bodily and the spiritual—are equally important. All criminals are more or less physically unhealthy, and there is more connection than is often supposed between bodily and spiritual ailments. At present the prison doctor's business is chiefly to detect malingerers and to minister to sickness actually incurred. In the reformed prison his chief work will be to restore a healthy tone and vigorous vitality to the debased and degenerate bodies brought under his care. Thus, among other instances, some time since, at Elmira, a group of eleven criminals underwent for some months a course of baths, massage, and gymnastics before they were considered sound enough physically to begin their moral and intellectual training. At this prison it is reported that 40 per cent of the prisoners received are more or less physically infirm. The moral and intellectual training will be the chaplain's business. Hitherto his work has been chiefly to conduct services and to visit those in hospital or under punishment in the cells. In the future he will also have to suggest the proper employment of each prisoner and, in conjunction with the doctor, to arrange details of classification. The employment provided will be such as to turn the thoughts from self-introspection, to suggest higher aims, to inculcate self-respect, to strengthen self-control. To this end it must be varied, intelligent, useful. It is
Besides the cultivation of independence by making, the prisoner earn his own living, his employment should have two other features—it should tend to draw out his highest powers, it should arouse his sense of responsibility. The first aim has, it is said, been very successfully attained at Elmira, in Massachussets and elsewhere, by courses of study in English literature, and by the practice of debating. In a Japanese prison a visitor found (as recorded by Havelock Ellis) sixty men executing the most delicate artistic work, an enamel of metal upon brass, while those who were unequal to this were set to just such tasks, in great variety, as they showed themselves best fitted for. The second aim it is sought to fulfil at Elmira by the adoption of a military organisation for purposes of discipline, in which prisoners act as "non-commissioned" officers. It was with the same end in view that, in
In the reformed prison punishment, as such, will of course cease to exist, but, as in hospitals and asylums, force must be kept in reserve to meet force, if necessary. Even this will, probably, not long be required. In the Japanese prison before referred to, the visitor was shown the punishment cell, a beautifully clean, artistically-painted bamboo apartment, in the middle of a yard. "How many prisoners had been confined there in the last month," he asked. "None at all," was the reply. Discipline has not suffered in the army and navy from the abolition of the lash. The best school teacher is he who least needs to inflict punishment. The time will come when public, opinion on the side of order will be sufficient in every well-appointed prison to keep in check the insubordinate minority. Some day the very name of punishment will be forgotten.
The only important matter remaining is the question of the officials of the reformed prison. These will be the Governor, the Chaplain, the Doctor and the Warders. The Governor will of course be the supreme authority in the prison and have general control over its discipline and domestic concerns as well as charge of all its external affairs. But the direct management of the prison will be in the hands of the Chaplain and the Doctor. To the Chaplain chiefly will fall the care of the spiritual, moral, and intellectual interests of the prisoners, his it will be to raise degraded souls out of the mire of self-seeking, to give right tone to the perverted instincts, and,
The Warders will have to carry out the plans of the Chaplain and Doctor, as well as maintain the discipline and routine of the prison. Their selection and training is a matter of as much importance as any that have gone before. They must be men who will make the work the work of their lives, as hospital nurses do, as long as their physical fitness for it remains. I should like to see them organized as a religious order or, at least, a quasi-religious order, as St. John's Nursing Sisterhood. In any case their work is that of nurses on a higher platform, and they must be organized and trained as hospital nurses are organized and trained. There should be a college for them, and they should be admitted to the
Will not such reforms be very costly? it may be asked. I believe the new prisons will from the first be much less costly than the old ones. Eventually they will be self-supporting. Warders now are paid from £100 to £130 a year, with lodging, rations and two suits of uniform clothes a year; they number about one to every five prisoners. The higher class of warders now demanded will cost but little more than this, even including their training and their pensions, and they will be much fewer in number, partly because they will be so much more efficient, partly because the prisoners will do so much more for themselves. The care of the prisoners and the appointments of the prison will, doubtless, be much more costly than at present, but, on the other hand, the earnings of the prisoners will be larger. But in any case the new system must be more economical, than the old, because it will really do the work which the old system often only mars.
I have thus stated what seem to me the chief necessary reforms required in our present system of prison, management. Others will follow from them, and without difficulty, when the principles here laid down are conceded. And, indeed, we shall not have long to wait for the general concession of principles already admitted theoretically, and already approving themselves in practice, wherever and to whatsoever extent a fair trial has been made of them. The idea of retaliation has all but gone; the idea of punishment is following rapidly;
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"This product is clearly the work of a man of large and expansive sympathies, and a high order of intellect. It shows the manifold spiritual and other difficulties which such a man meets with when he begins to think for himself, and to see the world with his own eyes. It also shows how Evening Press, Wellington.
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"'At The Cross-Roads' is the title of a Evening Post, Wellington,
To My Readers,—
The lines included in "At the Cross-Roads," were written at times when, as the text indicates, the writer was passing through a mental crisis. One does not part from all they have been taught to look upon as the vital essence and beauty of life without a struggle; but Truth is before all, and it was a conscientious search extending over years that brought the conclusions arrived at. If the reader finds herein that which brings the pleasure of intercommunion of spirit through likeness of thought then the Author will be amply re-warded beyond his expectations. It was at the instance of many kind friends that the little work was first published in
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"The poem . . . deals with the problems of life—social and religious, and there is a humanitarian spirit running throughout the work."—Auckland Herald, 1893.
"The subject of the little booklet is the struggle of an earnest mind, an anxious soul, between Faith and Doubt, told in good well-formed blank verse. . . . The little book will repay perusal by all who feel interested in the great problems of life and death, in the origin and destiny of man, in his gradual rise as a civilised being . . . and in the unfoldment of his mental powers, his moral sentiments to perfection."—Robert White, Lyceum, Christchurch.
It is evident from the way the writer has dealt with his theme that his pictures of human life in the multitudinous forms of joys and ills are not depicted by a mere recluse, but by a master hand, whose sympathies have not lain dormant and untouched in the great struggle of life or in the battle of the strong against the weak: . . . gathering up life's rich experiences at every turn of the road he points out the correct path but leaves the human will to fix the choice. We commend the little work to those who want truth apart from mere sentiment."—Auckland Star,
New Zealand has come to be regarded as a sort of laboratory for political and social experiments, and her people are inclined to be rather proud of the rôle, and are optimistic enough to believe that their experiments have issued successfully. Of such experiments, what is known as our system of Compulsory Conciliation and Arbitration in Industrial Disputes, is one of the most interesting, and in the following pages the writer has candidly answered the question appearing on the title page. It is with regret he finds himself constrained to answer in the negative, because, as a member of the Upper House, he helped the author of the measure, the Hon. W. P Reeves, to get it placed upon the Statute Hook. Having closely observed and studied the working of the system during the six years it has been in operation he claims to be in a better position to answer the question than Mr. Reeves can possibly be, inasmuch as he has been absent from the Colony during nearly the whole of that period. The writer finds himself driven by candour to admit that the system is not in any sense what it purports, and was intended to be—a means of settling industrial disputes and strikes by conciliation and arbi-tration—but is rather a system for the regulation of the industries of the Colony by means of ordinances (misnamed "awards") issued by a court of law. It is impossible for Mr. Reeves to contend that the system has been a success for the purpose for which he intended it, and the writer is convinced that Mr. Reeves is incapable of having resort to the subterfuge of arguing, as some people have done, that it has served its purpose of preventing strikes but in a different way from that intended—subjecting all industries to regulation by a court; and it is as such it must be justified by anyone who advocates its adoption by other countries. It may be necessary to remind such foolish people that a laboratory experiment is not a sufficient test, and that ad poenitendum properat, cito qui judicat.
It may be mentioned that since the first publication of the papers in the "Otago Daily Times," an Act has been passed which practically repeals the conciliation provisions of the Act; this has been done in spite of the opposition of the Trades Union Government. Mr. Reeves, as an honorable man, should either admit that the system has failed or disown it; only the skeleton remains and the skeleton is not the man.
Let no man who begins an innovation in a State expect that he shall stop it at his pleasure, or regulate it according to his intention.
Of all the labour laws of New Zealand the Industrial Conciliation and Arbitration Act has attracted most attention beyond the colony, and that mainly on account of the generally recognised difficulty of the problem dealt with, and the novelty and boldness of the attempt at a solution. Visitors from Britain, the United States, France, and the other colonies have inquired into the working of this and our other labour laws; numerous articles upon the subject have appeared in the newspapers and magazines. A well-known writer on industrial and social subjects, Mr Henry Demarest Lloyd, of Chicago, after spending some months in New Zealand, published a book with the title "A Land Without Strikes," eulogising our system; and now we have the report of a Royal Commission sent from New South Wales for the express purpose of reporting upon the subject for the guidance of the Government and people of that colony. One thing that must strike such visitors is the fact that we in New Zealand have so soon come to regard as mere matters of course experiments which to them appear so novel and interesting on this and other subjects—such, for example, as that of woman suffrage. The Arbitration Act has been in operation now for six years, and it is indeed truly remarkable how little attention has been paid by the people of the colony generally, and especially by employers, to the question of the probable ultimate effects of legislation so novel and far-reaching. What little discussion has taken place has been until quite recently somewhat optimistic in tone, and the explanation probably is that during the whole period the colony has been in the enjoyment of a gradually, increasing prosperity; employers and workers have been in the position of a healthy man of good digestion and with plenty to eat, who is unconscious of having digestive organs, and has no occasion to observe, still less to study, the processes going on. Thus it happens that up till now the opinion of employers upon the working of the system has been of so little value, and it is impossible to imagine an experiment being tried under circumstances more favourable; everybody wished it to have a successful issue. Three years ago the writer ventured to question whether the system was serving the purpose for which it was intended, but his voice was like that of one crying in the wilderness; now, however, when symptoms of waning prosperity are beginning to appear, and our Premier admits that the state of our public finance is causing him much anxiety, our general tone is not quite so optimistic, and now at length the question is being seriously discussed whether our much-vaunted system may not do more harm than good. Hitherto our newspapers—with, I think, only one important exception, the (Auckland) New Zealand Herald—have been friendly in their attitude towards the system; but now there are signs of a change. The employers have been too busy to pay much attention to the proceedings of the Conciliation Boards and Arbitration Court, or to form combinations to resist the multitudinous demands of the workers; they have, indeed, shown a remarkable lack of foresight and regard for their common interests, which they will probably have cause to regret. Another thing that renders the opinion of the employers almost valueless is that they are so completely at the mercy of the unions; they are afraid to say a word against the system, whilst many of them who enjoy Government patronage are afraid of giving offence in that quarter, for real liberty decreases as Liberalism increases. Whilst the em
To the question at the head of this article—Has compulsory arbitration been a success?—the answers will, of course, vary a good deal; but it would probably be correct to say that, till quite recently, few thought of raising the question. Of course the Liberals and the Liberal Government declare that not only has the law been a success, but that it has largely contributed to the prosperity of the country; and there is no doubt that working people generally, but especially the unionists, are so satisfied of this that they regard as their enemy any man who dares to so much as question it. As for the employers, their attitude has been that of indifference, with, perhaps, a general inclination to regard the act as a success on account of their immunity from strikes. Their policy has been simply to make the best of the good times while they lasted, and to let the future take care of itself—a very short-sighted and dangerous policy, as they are even now beginning to find out. It is safe to say that if the employers in England had pursued a like policy, instead of combining to fight the great strike in the engineering trade in
Proceeding, then, to endeavour to arrive at an answer to the question whether the act has been a success, we have first to recall to mind the object in view, and the circumstances under which the act was passed. It must be remembered, then, that the act was the direct outcome of the great maritime strike of
Obviously, then, the object of the Legislature in passing the act and of Mr Reeves in drafting and introducing it was to provide means by which strikes and lock-out and disputes likely to result in such might be prevented or settled.
In order to see how completely the Ensure has been diverted from its real purpose we have only to refer to Mr Reeve's speeches in Hansard. In volume 77, at page 30, we read:—"This House is only asked by public opinion to legislate to prevent that class of labour disputes which cause loss or danger to the community—loss to those concerned and danger inasmuch as they may arrest the processes of industry." One wonders what he would have said if any one had suggested that, instead of being brought into requisition in such disputes as he describes, the act would be plied daily for the purpose of creating disputes? And by answer may be inferred from the reasons be gave for preventing individual workmen from invoking the powers of the act. "I determined to confine its operation to deputes between masters and trade unions. . . . I was induced to take that course for several reasons, one of which is this: that, if you allow one workman or two or three unorganised workmen to drag an employer before the Board of Conciliation, not only would that be grossly unfair to the employer, but it would soon make a laughing stock of the whole system. It would make the measure so extremely unpopular that a succeeding Parliament would probably sweep it away." We have reason to suppose that Mr Reeves thinks his pet measure is being made a laughing stock is spite of his precautions, for in the Legislative Council in
If anything further were required to show how completely the system has been perverted we find it in Mr Reeves's references to the Massachusetts system: "I cannot help thinking after devoting many hours to the study of this subject that the ideal board is one consisting of three persons appointed by the State, paid an annual salary, and able to go to any part of New Zealand where a dispute arises—a board which should have the power to transform itself into a judicial tribunal, able to compel parties to come before it and make its decisions legally binding. But I do not think public opinion is ripe for that yet. I think objection would be raised to pay three permanent officers suitable salaries. This passage shows quite clearly that our Court of Arbitration was intended to discharge the same function as the Massachusetts Board—namely, to settle strikes and lock-outs and such disputes as inevitably arise in the ordinary course of industry. Instead of this we have a court of law constantly moving about from end to end of the colony, like a Court of Assize, to adjudicate upon a long list of cases that have been got up by the unions and hurried through before the Conciliation Boards in order to be ready for trial by the court. Instead of one strike or dispute at a time, the court has long lists of cases awaiting for it at every centre, and it cannot overtake the work.
To complete the proof of this part of my thesis it only remains to mention the fact that Mr Reeves's act contemplated the imposition of only one fine, and that of a maximum sum of £500, under one award, the idea being that an employer locking out his men or a union persisting in a strike in defiance of an award could be brought to reason by the imposition of such a penalty. Instead of this we have a court that undertakes to regulate all the industries and most of the other businesses of the country down to the minutest details, simply because a union of perhaps only seven men, or even seven girls, has got up a "dispute" with the employers, and cited them before the court to have all the details of their business which the union has thought proper to mention adjudicated upon by the court! And thus it has come about that this statutory court, which has enormous powers against which there is no appeal, is seen perambulating the country like a peripatetic police court, inflicting fines of a few shillings upon some employer who has dared to give a job to a starving youth who has the misfortune to be a non-unionist!
At this point, then, our answer to the question, Has the system been a success? must be this : that as a scheme for the settlement of industrial disputes in the ordinary sense it has never been tried; and the ordinary argument in its favour—that it has saved the country from strikes—reminds one of the saying about the number of jives saved by pins—by people not swallowing them. The reply will probably be that it has made strikes impossible by reason of the fact that all industries are regulated by the decrees of the court. So be it; but let the system be judged as one used for that purpose and not for the purpose for which it was intended. The man who wrote "A Land without Strikes" shows by the very title of his book that he failed to realise the real nature and operation of the system. The same remark applies to Sir W. J. Lyne, Edmund Barton, and the other Australian politicians (not statesmen), who propose to introduce the system into Australia on the ground that it has been such a success in New Zealand as a means of preventing strikes. Mr Reeves said in Parliament "that it would take years before the public can say whether or not they consider it a good and useful measure—experience alone will show that"; obviously because he thought the compulsory clauses might not be invoked for years, inasmuch as they were not to be used except as a last resort for the settlement of some strike, lock-out, or dispute likely to" cause loss or danger to the community." For such a purpose the act has never been tried, and yet responsible Ministers of the Crown are ready to apply it to the whole of Australia on the strength of our experience, and a sentimental English bishop and that prince of cranks and faddists, W. T. Stead, are ready to run the risk of applying it to the enormous industries of Great Britain!
If there is any lesson to be learnt by other countries from the experience of New Zealand it is this: that, if they want a system of arbitration for the settlement of strikes and real disputes rather than one for the creation and multiplication of factitious disputes, they should adopt some such system as that of Massachusetts.
So far, then, our answer to our question is that the system cannot be said to have been a success, inasmuch as it has never been tried for the purpose for which it was intended; whether it can be pronounced a success as a system for the regulation of all the conditions of all industries, trade, and occupations is quite another matter, which we propose to consider later on.
In the meantime, let us consider it as a means of promoting conciliation. As we have already seen, the author of the system was utterly mistaken as to the purposes for which it would be used, and I propose to show now that he was equally mistaken as to the method in which it would be used. In moving the second reading (in
There can be no doubt as to which of these members had the clearest conception of the probable outcome of the measure—the tiger has indeed lain down with the lamb—inside, and the smile on his face is very broad. Three years ago the present writer contended that as a means of promoting conciliation the system had failed, and that the Boards of Conciliation should be abolished; and within the last few days the Premier hay practically admitted this, although, instead of blaming the unionists, he blames the boards.
Reverting to our question, then, we can have no hesitation about saying that as a means of promoting the settlement of labour disputes by conciliation, this scheme, so far from being a success, has been an almost complete failure. The position, then, is this: that the measure intended to serve the same purpose as the Massachusetts system—namely, the settlement or prevention of strikes and lock-outs and disputes likely result in such—has completely missed object. If it can be said to be a success must be in some quite different way that intended. Now, we know there
Our conclusions, then, so far are that, as
Let us now proceed to consider the actual working of the system, and whether it can be described as a success. Although it is incorrect to say that "it has put a stop to strikes," the fact remains that during the period the act has been in operation New Zealand has been a "land without strikes," I am prepared to go the length of admitting that the probabilities are that but for the existence of the act we should have had one or more strikes. Is it then correct, after all, to say that the act has prevented strikes? Have we simply been splitting straws all the time? By no means: the act was intended to be applied, like the Massachusetts system, for the prevention of strikes in the sense of providing the means of settling disputes resulting in or likely to result in strikes or lock-outs. If the system has prevented strikes it has done so by reason of its being worked, not as a method of settling disputes arising in the ordinary course, but as a method of enabling unions to get up factitious "disputes" for the express purpose of having them adjudicated upon by a court of law. Herein lies the whole crux of the question. This is one way of "preventing" strikes, but it is not the way contemplated by the author of the measure nor by the Parliament that enacted it. Still, the question is whether it has been successful, and we should have had no fault to find with those who declare that it has been successful had they not used terms implying that the system had been used, and successfully used, in the settlement of disputes in the ordinary sense. That it has been successful as a system for getting up "disputes" for the express purpose of having them adjudicated upon there is no doubt; but the real question is whether a system which "prevents strikes" in this way is necessarily beneficial. We have now succeeded in making clear the absurdity of describing as a method of preventing strikes a system used for an entirely different purpose—namely, the regulation of all the details of trade and industry by the decrees of a statutory court of law made under the pretence of settling disputes—disputes got up for the express purpose of being, submitted to the court, and which in all probability would never have been thought of but for the fact that the existence of the court prompted them.
What we have to inquire about, then, is the success or failure of a scheme, not for preventing strikes, but for the control and regulation of the trade and industries of the country with the object of making strikes impossible—two very different things; and the real question is whether immunity from strikes is a matter of such transcendent importance as to make it worth our whiile placing the regulation of our industriies under the control of a court of law. That is the real question, and books like "'A
Let us see what it means in actual practice. During the period of less than six years that the act has been in actual operation a multitude of disputes have been "faked up" under it, and there is scarcely an industry or trade in the colony that is not subject to restrictions imposed by an award of the court at the instigation of the unions, and in a sense at their dictation, inasmuch as they can call upon the court .to adjudicate upon any question they think proper to raise affecting any industry. There is scarcely an employer in the colony that is not subject to an award of some kind, and many are subject to quite a number of awards at the same time: in the engineering trade, for example, an engineer may be hedged round by seven different awards. The modus operandi is very simple. A meeting of the union in any industry, from shipping or coal mining to hair-dressing or shirtmaking, is held. A long list of demands is drawn up, and great ingenuity and resource is shown in formulating them so as to cover the minutest details of the trade. This list of demands is sent to the employers in the trade, and in case of any of them refusing or ignoring the demands, a "dispute" is held to have arisen within the meaning of the act, and the machinery is put in motion for the "settlement" of the "dispute." As a rule many of the employers, and those of the employed who do not belong to the union, are not aware of the existence of the "dispute" until they see some reference to it in a newspaper. In many instances the so-called trades union is as purely factitious as the "dispute," inasmuch as it is formed for the express purpose of getting up the dispute. And so the formation of unions, the getting up of "disputes," and the settlement or the adjudication of them goes merrily on. If the act was intended simply to provide the means of getting up disputes for the express purpose of being adjudicated upon, regardless of ultimate consequences, then it must be pronounced a success; but I have shown clearly that it was intended for quite a different purpose. It cannot be said
The position, then, is this: that the
If the system had been put to the
Objection will probably be taken to my describing the Court of Arbitration as a court of law for dictating to employers and regulating industries at the instigation and dictation of unions, but the terms are perfectly justifiable. In the first place, the
When one learns that nearly every industry in the colony has its award, one begins to see a strong resemblance between such awards and the "Statute of Labourers" of a Tudor tyrant, and to wonder whether the most progressive country in the world (in its own estimation) has gone to the fourteenth century for its notions of political economy. In New Zealand, methods essentially the same as those used in the fourteenth century by masters against men are now being used by workers against employers. In the fourteenth century, a Parliament of masters, because of the "insolence of the servants," who asked for higher wages than had been previously paid, "to the great detriment of the lords and commons," ordained that no person should refuse to labour for the same wages they were accustomed to receive in the twentieth year of the King's reign (1347), and that even the lords of the manor, if they paid higher wages, were to be fined in treble damages. Also that the lord was to have the first claim to the labour of the serf, and those who refused to work for him or others at the fixed price were to be sent to the common jail. Now, however, the tables are turned
This wonderful ordinance of the English masters remained on the Statute Book over 200 years, and for some time the fines and forfeitures levied under it formed a large source of Royal revenue; but in spite of Kings and Parliaments, and pains and penalties—even to branding of the forehead with a red-hot iron—it became impossible to enforce the law, for wages kept rising in spite of all. The landowners complained that the law was entirely inoperative, and Parliament obediently made further enactments; and in
In obedience to the demand of the
Then follows a specimen of coercive
Dominations in alios servitium suum Mercedem dant.
Having shown, I think conclusively, that the system is not, and never can be, a success
It has been truly said that unionism must dominate Parliament if it is not controlled by Parliament, and in New Zealand for some years it has dominated the government, and through it the Parliament. The ultimate aim of the ringleaders in the conspiracy is to dominate the employers and control all the industries of the colony; and Parliament has deliberately furthered their aims, whilst the court, by awarding preference to unionists, has unconsciously played into their hands. They have achieved their object, and the employers from end to end of the colony feel themselves to be at their mercy. This is no exaggeration, but a sober statement of fact. Is it possible or conceivable that such a system can be a success?
If the teachings of history have any value at all, there is a strong presumption against the success of legislative and other artificial attempts such as this to fix wages and otherwise arbitrarily regulate the production and distribution of wealth; and this presumption is almost raised to a certainty when the attempt is made by means of a system so completely controlled by unionism as the New Zealand system is. In New Zealand, as in the other colonies, and in the United States, there is amongst the working classes generally a growing tendency towards socialism of a vague kind; whilst the leaders of unionism are, with probably few exceptions, influenced by the materialistic socialism of Karl Marx. They regard Marx's "Capital" as their Bible and accept as infallible truths fallacies which have been exploded over and over again, and doctrines which Marx himself admitted towards the end of his life to be erroneous. Many of them accept as gospel the asserted right of the worker to the whole produce of industry, which has been called "the fundamental revolutionary conception of our time," and consequently they regard the capitalist as the vampire that sucks the blood of the workers. They accept as beyond question Marx's teaching as to class warfare, which sees in society simply a war of classes for the posssession of material adventages, and regards the capitalist as a stranger and an enemy; it is not justice they demand for the workers, but power, looking forward to the time when the workers, organised into federated unions and societies, must obtain complete control of the government of the country and of all the instruments of production. They also echo his contempt for patriotism: the union and the interests of one particular class have taken the place of patriotism, and there is good reason to believe that many of the leaders are pro-Boer in their sympathies.
Unionism in Now Zealand has become a triple tyranny—the ringleaders and agitators tyrannise over the general body of unionists: the unionists, who are only a minority of the workers have established a tyranny over the workers generally, and they exercise almost complete control over the Ministry and the Legislature. They are at present concentrating all their efforts upon one object—to compel employers to use their capital according to the determinations of the unions, dictated through the Court of Arbitration, and in the meantime to give the least possible return to the employers for wages received.
The submissiveness of the general body to a small clique has always been characteristic of unionism. "There is too little individual thought or volition among them, and that little is rarely courageous. They follow others, thinking they are going with the majority, when in truth often half the majority are ignorant or reluctant, the impulse being given by a small, often unwise, sometimes selfish and dishonest clique. There is, perhaps, no such thorough oligarchy as that often to be found among trades unions." In order that they may coerce the employers, they are content to surrender their individual liberties and individual judgments, and they show no resentment, however dictatorial may be the rule exercised over them by their self-constituted leaders. This feature of unionism generally is specially characteristic of the peculiar variety created and fostered in New Zealand, inasmuch as the preference of employment to unionists compels large numbers to join the ranks who would much prefer to retain their liberty. A solidarity which is quite artificial and unreal is made the pretext for tyranny, not only over members, but also over non-unionists.
We have already seen how completely the unions have captured Parliament; this is entirely the work of a few wire-pullers, who arrange the "tickets" at elections, and succeed in imposing themselves, not only on the unionists, but upon the workers generally. At our last general election, for example, the wire-pullers consummated a secret alliance of the labour party with the Roman Catholics and the liquor interest, by means of which they succeeded in foisting upon the constituencies members of whom they were in some cases ashamed when they came to know them. But there are indications now of a determination on the part of the other classes to throw off this infamous tyranny of a minority of a minority—this government within the government.
With such a spirit animating trade unionism, it was inevitable that our system of conciliation and arbitration should be perverted into an instrument of tyranny over employers; and the action of the court in granting the right of preference to
One of the features of new unionism
Such are the general tendencies
The quality of our unionism strengthens Profess to have any such
The authors of "Industrial Democracy," in
The limitation of the number of apprentices is a subject on which New Zealand unionism insists very strongly, and almost every award of the court imposes such restrictions; and yet our authors describe it as "undemocratic in its scope, unscientific in its educational methods, and fundamentally unsound in its financial aspects."
To see how little New Zealand unionism is entitled to the disclaimer of interference with management, one has only to read the demands filed by the unions and the awards of the court. That court has stretched its enormous power of interference even beyond its very wide legal jurisdiction by ordering an employer, on the demand of the union, to reinstate certain unionists whom he had dis-missed. As an instance of interferences on the part of a union, I give the following sppecimen of a letter from the secretary of a unnion to an employer:—
"Dear Madame,—I have been instructedd by the ...... Industrial Union to inform you that unless Miss ........ (to whom you gave one week's notice without just cause whatever, after being in your employ for a considerable number of years) is reinstated within three days from date, further proceedings will be taken by the above union.
"I have also the honour, as secretary, of forwarding you the log, which is enclosed, and agreed upon by this union, to which we shall be pleased to hear of your answer on Saturday, June 1 inst. Failing that, we intetend to file the statement immediately after that date.
This is an example of what employers are getting used to in the way of interference c (to put it mildly) in the Land without Strikekes; the case is interesting also as an illustratiation of the way in which a "dispute" is got up for conciliation. Down to the minutest detætails the unions interfere with management: in in a reference filed by the tramway employees, o, one of the demands is, "That employees be e allowed to smoke when the car is not in n motion!"
Call that which is just equal, not that which is equal just.—Greek proverb.
The result of our investigation up to this point has been to find that a system intended by Parliament as one for the settlement of strikes has proved in actual practice to be an arrangement for placing the regulation of all trade and industry under the control of the unions exercised through a court created for the purpose. The union leader is constituted a Lycurgus, organising things according to his own ideas, and he is busily engaged in framing a constitution for a society composed of consumers, employers, and wage-earners, amongst whom he undertakes to distribute wealth as he thinks proper. How little consideration the consumer receives either from the unions or from the court we shall see further on. The unions assert and exercise through the court the right to say what wages all classes of workers are to receive and what work they shall give in return; and the question arises whether this is practicable in a community not founded upon pure Socialism, but upon private property, and ostensibly upon freedom of contract, and in which industries are carried on by private employers at their own risk and with their own capital. This attempt is made by arbitrarily fixing a minimum wage for each industry, and it is probably not the least use arguing with the workers that all such efforts to enrich one class at the expense of another are wholly uneconomic: for they would probably reply, "So much the better"; nor is it any use expecting to convince them that the only way to permanently raise wages is to increase production. For the teachings of history and economics not only the unionists, but the delegates they send to Parliament, have the most profound contempt; and so it is useless to prove that such arbitrary devices to increase wages are as ineffectual as were the "Statute of Labourers" and the conspiracy laws to keep wages down. The unionist refuses to believe that wages are proportioned to the productivity of industry and the abundance of capital, and that whatever tends to restrict output, whether it be legislation or union regulations, reacts in the long run upon the worker. Unfortunately for the worker the tendency of unionism has been to lead him to look upon wages as so much money extracted from the capitalist, and to regard the capitalist as an enemy to be despoiled; whereas facts show that if the interests of capital and labour are not identical they are certainly not antagonistic: they are reciprocal. The real antagonism is between employer and employer. There is
By means of incessant labour
In England the danger is proving
At present the unions are
Let us now proceed to consider some of the more direct effects of the minimum wage. The unions strenuously claim credit for the general rise in wages; but there is good reason to believe that in many cases it has been attained not by means of unionism, but in spite of it—by reason of the increase; of production, by the increased use of machinery, and improved methods of work. As to the fact of the increase there is no doubt: not only the nominal (money) wages but the real wages have increased, because the prices of the necessities and conveniences of life have tended to decrease even more than nominal wages have increased. That this is the tendency under conditions of freedom there is no doubt; but can the same be said under a system used for the purpose of artificially and arbitrarily raising wages? The answer must be in the negative so far as the New Zealand experiment is concerned. Nominal (money) wages have been raised in many instances by the court, but even unionists admit that prices have gone up in a greater proportion. The ultimate outcome is that real wages (i.e., the number of commodities that can be bought with the money wages) have not increased. A natural rise of wages does not increase prices or dimininish profits, but an arbitrary rise tends to produce both of these effects, and the only way of increasing the income and improving the material condition of the wage-earners is through a natural and permanent, advance e of real wages. The worker's standard of liviving
The recent history of the boot trade in New Zealand presents a lesson which even the unionists are taking to heart. It will be remembered that the court, having regard to the effect of the importation of American goods upon the local industry, refused to raise the minimum wage. What is the result? That the workers, recognising the impossibility of keeping up wages by decree of the court, have joined the employers in sending two operatives to the United States to learn the American system. Here, then, is a case in which even unionists have been constrained to admit that neither acts of Parliament, nor awards, nor further protection could enable them to compete with the Americans, and that the only way is to increase and cheapen production.
The same thing must happen in all industries in which foreign competition can operate. There are, no doubt, some industries in which it is possible to maintain a minimum wage by raising prices, and in some trades there has existed what can only be described as a conspiracy between the unionists and the employers (to which the Conciliation Boards and the court have been parties) against the interests of the public as consumers. But, after all, the workers themselves constitute by far the larger proportion of the consumers, so that an increase of (nominal) wages gained at the cost of an equal (and probably greater) increase in the cost of necessaries is no real benefit to them, whilst such an increase is positively unfair to other classes in the community. Here we come face to
There is one class in particular
Even the unionists themselves
An instance of this has been brought under my notice as I write. An employer in Christchurch was keeping on one of his workmen when he was over 70 years of age, and paying him 7s a day. The unionists came along and insisted upon the employer paying the minimum wage, and the consequence was that the workman had to be turned adrift. The unionists will no doubt say he can get an old-age pension; and if he cannot, he is entitled to charitable aid!
We have yet to learn that there are some demands which can only be made by madmen and listened to by fools, and this demand for a minimum wage in all industries seems to be one of them. At the root of it lies the Utopian cry "Equality and Fraternity," at once preached and discredited by the French Revolution. For Liberty we have substituted Liberalism, which in New Zealand means its opposite; and we are likely to learn by experience the truth of the saying, "Equality may be a right, but no human power can convert it into a fact." But we may perhaps console ourselves with the reflection that there is a presumption that what cannot be accomplished ought not to be accomplished.
If hopes are dupes, fears may be liars.
We have been studying the working of a unique experiment in labour legislation, the outcome of which is being closely watched by other countries. In New South Wales a bill embodying the principle of compulsory arbitration (but without concliation provisions) passed the Legislative Assembly last year, but was lost in the Council. Now, it is perfectly clear form the expressions used by the then Premier,. Sir W. J. Lyne, that when he undertook the great responsibility of introducing a measure of such tremendous importance he must have been quite ignorant of the real nature and outcome of our act. It is indeed comical, and says little for the statesmanship of New South Wales, and indeed of the other Australian colonies, that their politicians should be so ready to slavishly follow the example of New Zealand in this and other matters. It reminds one of our own action during the last Melbourne boom, when New Zealand was sunk in depression and we thought of nothing but studying and imitating the means by which the supposed marvellous prosperity of Victoria
Turning now to Judge
If the New South Wales Government had appointed as its commissioner a business man of some perspicacity, who could see the true inwardness of our system for himself, instead of a judge, who merely summarises what he was told, we should probably have received some fresh light upon the subject, and found him arriving at some such conclusions as the following:—
It only remains to add that the writer did his best as a member of the Legislature to secure the passing of the act; that he believed it would prove a beneficent measure, and still believes it would have so proved had it not been perverted to improper uses; that he has watched it closely from its inception, hoping against hope that it might yet fulfil its promise and justify the expectations of its author; that he has been reluctantly driven to the con-
Printed at the Otago Daily Times Office, High Street, Dunedin.
This pamphlet is a re-print of an article which was published in the Age newspaper of Saturday, March 23rd. It had to appear in a condensed form owing to the pressure on space at a time when the contests for seats in the Federal Parliament were at their height. To have appeared in the columns of a leading newspaper at such a time was, in itself, a recognation of the great importance of the question, and of the necessity that it should be made the subject of early legislation. The deplorable sufferings caused by the financial crash of
Every attempt to better social conditions will have but little real or permanent value without this complete monetary reform. No stability can be given to trade, nor safe expansion to commerce, nor certainty and regularity to employment, nor just compensation to labor, without a monetary system that will keep even pace with industrial and commercial progress, and that will afford instant and unhesitating support to every sound business at times when temporary suspensions of credit might otherwise develop into panics.
It is understood, from remarks made by Sir George Turner in a speech recently delivered at St. Kilda, that he is in touch with representative bankers with the view of early legislation on the subject in the Federal Parliament. I would beg leave to suggest that a Federal Banking Scheme be formulated in consultation with State Governments as well as with bankers, so that ample provision may be made for supplying States with federal notes in a direct manner, and not give private banks a monopoly of the circulation. To fail in this would be a serious mistake, limiting the elasticity of the currency, and depriving States of monetary facilities for economically developing their resources and promoting social improvements.
The need for a State bank is perfectly plain as a means for regulating the currency, to give all possible stability to credit and commerce, and prevent the enormous sacrifices of values occasioned by ever-recurrent monetary panics. The uniformity of the monetary circulation is the object to be aimed at, and an instrument whereby to accomplish this, so as to reduce to a minimum the fluctuation between inflations and contractions of credit, is the thing desired. The keeping of this main object steadily in view will provide a guiding principle in the framing of a constitution for a State Bank, and in directing its operations. The quantitative theory of money, as stated by Mill, is "that the value of money, other things being equal, varies inversely as to its quantity; every increase of quantity lowering its value, and every diminution raising it, in ratio exactly equivalent." The supreme importance of this law will be more evident when expressed in its alternative form, namely, the values of commodities rise or fall, other things being equal, in direct ratio to the rise or fall in the volume of money. For instance, if, by any means, the volume the world's money were reduced to one-half, that half would come to command as much of the world's goods as the entire volume could have done before its reduction, to the great injury of industry and commerce. An inflation of the currency would work in an exactly opposite direction; both are evils, but a currency contraction is by far the greater of the two. An increasing commerce will soon overtake a redundant currency and reduce inflated values to normal levels, but if trade expands without a corresponding expansion of money volume prices must keep on falling in proportion, and no manufacturer would continue to produce, nor merchant to purchase, goods which had to be disposed of in a continuously falling market. The consequences would be that commerce would have to limit itself to articles of more absolute necessity, and that the effective demand for articles of minor necessity would become continuously lower with increase of population—a reversion towards barbarism. "If money depreciates," says Hume, "and prices rise, everything takes a new face. Labor and industry gain life, the merchant becomes more enterprising, the manufacturer more diligent and skilful, and even the farmer ploughs with greater alacrity and attention. If it appreciates and prices fall, then poverty, beggary and sloth are easily foreseen." But the desideratum is to find a scientific monetary system capable of expanding in exact ratio to the natural expansion of commerce, and not liable to the sudden contractions to which a monetary system formed of credit based upon gold only is constantly exposed. A period of prosperity may have no speculative "boom" in it such as naturally leads to financial failures; it may be a perfectly legitimate and necessary expansion of commerce, tested by uniformity and steadiness of values. Yet hundreds of circumstances, such as the sudden cessation of a large public expenditure, a bad harvest, shortage in the supply of the staple of some leading industry, and so on, may interfere with the smooth course of commercial exchanges, and bring about a period of unrest, which may easily develop into a crisis, when credit may become suspended and a demand for gold set in. "At no time," says Ricardo, "can there be in a bank or in a country so much specie or bullion as the moneyed individuals of such country have a right to demand." Bankers themselves, therefore, in sensitive apprehension of danger, are influential factors in the precipita-
Fortunately, leading bankers seem to recognise the gravity of the situation, and to realise that in State aid only can safety be found. This was clearly manifested at a conference of bankers held in Sydney in
In the number of "United Australia" for April last year, Mr. H. G. Turner, general manager of the Commercial Bank, Melbourne, advocates uniform legislation, applicable to all banks carrying on business throughout the Commonwealth, and to the July number of the same quarterly Mr. J. Russell-French, general manager of the Bank of New South Wales, Sydney, contributes a paper on Federal Currency, of very great value to the State Bank discussion, but with a banker's bias respecting the control under which the Federal Bank notes ought to be distributed. "Some scheme," says Mr. French, "is earnestly to be desired of a Federal character to place our paper currency on a satisfactory basis as regards its usefulness, and to lift it out of the comparatively subordinate position it now occupies. The bankers recognise that this can be accomplished more successfully if the management is brought more closely in touch with the State; but at the same time they believe that the banks are the most convenient and suitable medium of distribution."
Mr. French clearly depends upon a State Bank of Issue as the instrument, under bankers' control, by which the currency can be endowed with the qualities of elasticity and stability so necessary for the expansion and steady maintenance of commerce. He says:—"As time goes on and our population increases and internal trade expands, the currency arrangements must be made to keep pace with them; and if, in addition to the ordinary requirements, some elastic properties can be imparted to it of a sound but simple character, so that it may prove a weapon of defence in times of crisis, then it will become a real benefit to the community, instead of a very partial one, as it is at present." This is really admirable. In this way the elasticity of the currency, which comes from the expansion of a credit which is timorously ready to collapse as soon as it receives a slight check and a demand sets in for a little of the ridiculously insufficient volume of legal tender money upon which it is based, would be substituted by an elasticity derived from a credit based upon State notes, available to supply all solvent banking demands, and which all creditors would be ready to accept without doubt or hesitation. This would supply an elastic and stable currency, involving a complete departure from the theory that every bank note must represent so much actual gold in reserve. Yet, nothwithstanding this, the monetary value of a bank note would still be measured by a gold standard. "So long," says M'Leod, "as the market or paper price of gold bullion coincides with the mint price it is an infallible proof that the currency is not depreciated, that the paper is at its par value. We have little hesitation in saying that the maxim that the issues of paper must be rigidly restricted to the gold which they displace is an unnecessary and cruel hardship to commerce and agriculture." It is necessary that all this should be understood as the keynote to the situation. The form of State aid to banking which Mr. French recommends is that which was adopted by the Sydney conference of bankers in The present separate issues of the banks in the Australian colonies to be given up, and their place taken by an uniform issue for each colony, managed and regulated by commissioners, under appropriate acts of Parliament, the banks to act as agents or medium of distribution, and to share with the Government in the appointment of representatives on the commission, and also in the profits derivable from the working of the issue. The banks on application to have rights to receive notes from the commissioners in exchange for coin; the supply of notes to each being regulated by their existing note issues and their total assets and liabilities in each colony; that is to say, in proportion to their business. These notes to be used:—First, to retire from circulation existing notes of the banks of issue; secondly, to provide till money in lieu of the existing rights to issue notes from these tills. The coin so provided, save 25 to 30 per cent kept as a reserve in coin, to be invested in local Government stock. Notes thus issued to be legal tender, save at the office of the commissioners, where they would be converted into gold. The Expansion Clause provided for the issue of further quantities of notes to any bank requiring them on special deposit of 20 per cent, of coin, in addition to lodgment of approved Government securities, on such terms of interest and repayment as might be arranged. Discretionary emergency powers were provided, so that the commissioners could issue notes on other classes of securities in very special cases.
"The foregoing scheme," Mr. French remarks, "would be as applicable under federation as in the case of separate colonies. The issue would, of course, need to be uniform to in character throughout, and it would gain additional strength by resting on the much wider and more solid basis of Federal instead of State security. It is probable that the bankers who formulated that scheme wild not see any necessity to modify their lesions very materially at the present day, and that is the reason why I have given it fine prominence."
The proposed legislation suggests a real and practical currency and banking reform, based upon scientific conceptions of currency principles, infinitely superior to the flaky, haphazard system it is intended to supersede. If, however, the scheme were to be adopted without modifications of its proposed management, it might be found to favor restrictions which would prevent its marking out for the public benefit to the full extent of which it is capable. It seem evident, and, indeed, inevitable, that State Governments will have to create State Banks in touch with a Federal Bank of Issue the better to enable each to fulfil its obligations within its own territory as universal landlord and if private banking interests were to dominate in the administration of a Federal Bank of Issue, it might found an obstacle to the due performance of the duties which a State Govern it might find itself obliged to undertake the interests of country settlements
It is not only necessary that a Federal Bank if Issue should have the power to apply private banks with sufficient While, therefore, we utterly dissent from the doctrine that paper should be limited by the actual quantity of gold it displaces, we think the preceding considerations suggest the following as the only limit:—That the quantity of paper which the industry of the country can absorb at its par value . . . is the quantity of paper it legitimately requires for a due development of its resources, and that is the quantity it ought to have. . . . The more paper the better, so long as it is exactly equivalent to its nominal value in gold, because it proves that the industry of the country is prosperous.
He then proceeds to show how this currency expansion could, and ought to, take place, so as to develop sources of wealth otherwise neglected.
Let us suppose, he says, that there is a tract of uncultivated or unreclaimed land which is, however, capable of being cultivated; let us suppose that there are a number of people living in its neighborhood sunk in poverty and misery from having no one to employ them. Suppose that a bank, seeing this state of things, plants a branch in this district of country, and a number of poor but skilful and industrious farmers settle there, and take leases of this uncultivated land. The bank agrees to advance them a number of its notes. With the advances so made the farmers engage the poor people as laborers, and in a very short time that which was a moor and a waste is covered with fields of waving corn and turnips and potatoes, affording sustenance to a large population; and cattle, and the excess of its produce over what is required for their support is exported abroad, and brings all sorts of commodities in exchange.
The history of land reclamation and farming in Scotland presents not a few practical instances of this kind, owing to the freedom with which Scottish banks could issue notes without slavish adherence to actual gold reserves.
A perfect and often quoted example of the benefits to be derived from a judicious issue of paper money is afforded by a scheme under which a meat market was built in the Island of Guernsey in The estimated cost of the new market being about £4000, how to raise the amount became the immediate question with the promoters of the scheme. Numerous consultations were held, the upshot of which was that, instead of borrowing gold at interest payable in gold, the promoters determined to issue "market house scrip," or legal tender notes of their own, founded on the credit of the island. The politicians of the day called them a set of innovators for adopting a course so opposed to ancient custom: but, notwithstanding all opposition, market house scrip to the requisite amount was ultimately issued by the authority of the House of Assembly, when Daniel de Lisle Brock was Governor of the island. The materials were found, the men put to work, the market erected, and the stalls rented. Every month's rent reduced the total of the scrip, and in less than ten years all the scrip was paid back into the public treasury, stamped "cancelled"; and thus ended the life of the Guernsey market house scrip. But the rents have to this day continued, and are applied to local improvements.
The value of a monetary issue of this description cannot be doubted. Although
A planter, immediately he purchases any land, can go to a public office and receive notes to the amount of half the value of his land, which notes he employs in payments, and they circulate through the colony by convention. To prevent the colony being overwhelmed by this representative money, there are two means employed—first, the notes issued to any one planter must not exceed a certain sum, whatever may be the value of the land; secondly, every planter is obliged to pay back into the public office every year one-tenth of his notes.
The prosperity of Pennsylvania under this monetary system was phenomenal. The limitation of the notes issued to any one individual land owner discouraged land monopoly, and the loans were repaid and the notes canceled in periodic instalments, whilst the gold in the State was left free for use as international money. These two instances supply examples of a perfect circulating medium of exchange. Paper money was issued to effect certain reproductive purposes, and from the new sources of profit thus created the notes were repaid with periodic regularity, leaving behind them results which permanently enriched the communities—in the one case, a revenue-producing public market; in the other, land settlements and improvements, and the trade expansion which naturally accompanies them.
The valuable principle set out in my previous article is embodied in the Credit Foncier method of loan repayments, and is applied by Credit Foncier associations to their borrowings as well as to their lendings; a practice which ought to be followed as closely as may be found possible by Governments, municipalities and money lending societies, as one of the best safeguards against bad business, and a most efficient regulator of the currency. The periods of repayments must vary from we month to twelve months or more, according to circumstances. New loans for the planting of orchards, vineyards and land improvements may have to stand unreduced for a fixed term of years, until the investments begin to yield profitable returns, bat after that the periodic repayment should commence forthwith. Under the practice of "fixed loans" the tendency of interest is to rise and swallow up the whole of the profits made by a large proportion of borrowers, depriving them of ability to make provision for repayment of principal, or any part of it, as loans mature. This is a taxi upon industry to which the adoption of the Credit Foncier system would be a whole-some check. The compulsory character of periodic repayments of loans, both principal and interest, would prevent reckless borrowings and usurious lendings, whilst testing the ability of borrowers to meet their obligations right through the course from beginning to end.
Building societies have adopted the gradual repayment system, but very imperfectly. They apply the principle to the repayment of advances made by themselves to borrowers, but not to the repayment of their own borrowings from the public who supply them with loan funds. It is not easy to see how they could have done otherwise without Government assistance, even if they tried, in a community where the system is so unknown and its economic value so little understood. Where Credit Foncier societies are in vogue, and their operations familiar, their credit—which can never be assailed as ours can be under the cruder methods we employ—is such that their bonds are saleable with but slight variations in value, notwithstanding minor temporary fluctuations in the market rate of interest for no purchaser would give much more than par for stock that was liable to be balloted for at any time at face value, and no seller, for the same reason, would accept much less. The essential part of the system must be that the bonds should carry interest comparing favorably with that carried by other sound stocks, with a slight increase to compensate for any inconvenience a bond holder might suffer in having to surrender his scrip and accept payment at short notice. All this goes to give a steadiness to the value of Credit Foncier bonds, which makes them favorite stock for temporary investments, and, when made of small denominations, form an addition to the currency, being as easily changed as a ten pound note.
This enables the directors of Credit Foncier societies to effect another important economy, which forms a special feature of the system when carried out in its integrity, and that is, to make their advances in bonds instead of in cash. Borrowers have to accept the responsibility of selling
If our Government, at the commencement of lending money to farmers on the Credit Foncier system, had issued its bonds a rate of interest liberal enough to take them at once attractive to investors, the public would by this time have become familiarised with this description of stock, and interest, if at first a little too would have come to adjust itself to a fair market rate, after which every other economy belonging to the system, other things being equal, could come into practical with natural facility. But under the monetary system which prevails other things might not remain equal, for it has to be constantly kept in view in this discussion that every extended use made of a volume of money not elastic enough to expand "pari passu" with the demand for it is like the distribution of an insufficient quantity of water to supply the wants of a increasing population, "losing in depth what it gains in diffusion," as Dr. Chalmers said of the literature of his day. For want if new money to support trade expansion, new demands must either remain unsatisfied, or must be met by an extended use of the volume of money already in existence—amounting to a practical shrinking of the currency, with a proportionate tendency to the lowering of prices. A State bank in touch with a Federal Bank of Issue would meet this case on exactly the same principle as that on which it has been argued that Bute banks in touch with a Federal Bank of Issue could be provided with an elastic currency to support commercial expansion at level prices. In granting loans to farmers, for instance, the Government could make its advances in bonds instead of cash, and enter into arrangements with the State and Federal Banks under which the State Bank could at once purchase the bonds from the borrower, and pay for them in Federal notes, issued on the security of the new business and the guaranty of the State, the state Bank immediately placing the bonds on Change to be taken up by private is restors Savings Bank commissioners as they might feel disposed.
This mode of working the Credit Foncier system in association with the State, in making loans to farmers and to societies formed for the better housing of the people, or in any direction in which the State may have to accept responsibility, would be in complete harmony with the proposed banking and currency reform—indeed, a very necessary part of it—and, whilst promoting public interests of the most important character, would have the following economic effects, proving it to be based on true currency principles:—
This would be a sound and perfect currency, which is well tested in other lands where many millions of pounds of people's money are invested in societies which adopt it. If the Labor party here understood but a little of its great value as the most economical of all means for providing the workers with better homes, it would not cease to agitate for it until Government gave it being, not as a Government department, like the Brunswick experiment, but by chartering and assisting a Credit Foncier society to give it effect, and to prevent its administration falling into the hands of politicians.
The institution of a Federal Bank of Issue and of a State Bank on the lines suggested, and in touch with each other, would bear analogy to the two departments into which the Bank of England was divided by the Act of
The situation may be summarised as follows:—Our currency is formed of a maximum of credit based upon a minimum of legal tender metallic money. The expansion of commerce which follows increase of population is mainly supported by an extension of this credit, manipulated through an ingenious and highly developed system of banking. (See "Lombard-street," by W. Bagehot.) New credits are formed of people's savings, representing the unconsumed portion of the profits of industry, which is periodically added to the public wealth as new capital; and so long as exchanges are effected at level prices and obligations are met with fair regularity, commerce is sound and healthy. Yet a nation's trade is apt to be thrown into disorder at any moment for want of a monetary system which can be successfully used to support credit when something happens to disturb the even course of commercial exchanged and legal tender money is called for. At such times financiers and bankers, who art the first to perceive signs of approaching danger, look to the Bank of England d affording great possibilities, for a comparatively small issue of notes in excess of the legal quantity would save many serious situations if done promptly before creditors had time to become alarmed, But this is never done, and many millions' worth of the people's savings are lost, and incradicable despair seizes hold of many thousands of human hearts before the Government decides to take the only course which can put an end to a financial panic, and sanction the further issue of as many notes as will effect the purpose. Instead of making this action exceptional and dilatory, and under the taint of failure, surely frequent and bitted experiences must have amply proved that it would be much wiser to make this power leading feature of the bank's constitution, to be exercised at the discretion of the directors, not tardily and spasmodically, but continuously and judiciously, as occasion might demand. There would be no danger then to public credit from allowing any business concern to go into prompt liquidation, however large the amount involved, if proved to be hopelessly insolvent, because it would be well understood that all sound businesses would receive ample support, and rotten branches could be cut off without creation serious public alarm.
It therefore seems an absolute necessity that the creation of a Federal Bank of Issue, on the lines wisely laid down by the Sydney Conference of Bankers, with some such modifications as are herein suggested, should, next to the settlement of the till be amongst the very first measures to engage the attention of the Federal Parliament; and that each State should take steps to establish a State Bank in touch with the Federal Bank of Issue, in order to enable it economically to carry out its land purchase and land settlement operations; to aid municipalities, county councils and Credit Foncier societies for the better housing suburban and rural populations. The rapid and solid progress of the nation and the expansion and permanent safety of our commerce depend upon the elastic and stable currency which such institutions would provide.
"Human Betterment" has been delivered, as an address, in various parts of the colony, and is now published by desire of the National Council of the Women of New Zealand. The writer wishes to thank the National Council, and the many true-souled men and women who have helped her in trying to advance the Great Cause. She will be glad to receive correspondence tending to the increase of knowledge relative to the prerogatives of noble parenthood
approach my theme with reverence, conscious that it is one of the very greatest the human mind can contemplate. The subject is as wide as it is high, and I shall but touch its fringes, in the hope that some additional attention may be directed to the true mode of effecting human betterment.
Possibly it may be objected, here and there, that this true mode cannot fittingly be represented by one who has not herself experienced the supreme glory of womanhood; and yet, perhaps, unusual opportunities of observation, and intense realisation of the fraternity which links every grade of existence to its Supreme Source, may be admitted to atone—in some degree—for the disadvantage.
Again, it may be urged, the subject is one that should be reserved for exclusive consideration. But, we meet, in sacred assembly, that we may study, together, the matters of the soul—the soul which, in this stage of being, functions by means of physical organism. We meditate, together, on our past, our present, and our future; we read, together, in the Book of Books, the most direct expressions in all literature regarding the whole constitution of humankind.
Then, it is sometimes thought, the Church and the Bible sanctify any topic; but, otherwise, extreme reserve should be maintained in certain directions. One country surpasses all others in its silence on vital concerns; and this country—the beloved fatherland of some of us—holds a sad distinction in flagrant immorality.
Here we have correlative facts. Do not they suggest that, while the innocence of instruction holds itself calmly and serenely strong throughout the journey of life, the innocence of ignorance is a weakling which may bend, may break, before the first passion it encounters? Do not they also suggest that human existence gains in dignity by every effort which tends toward the solidarity of the race?
The ancient theory of dual souls has of late years been strangely revived. Whatever of fiction or of truth the beautiful idea may contain, it teaches plainly one simple lesson: the profit of either sex is the profit of its complement, and the mutual contemporaneous gain of man and woman forwards irresistibly the general welfare.
Still, a critic may suggest, we colonials know little of the wide world's actualities, and cannot duly estimate the potencies of environment. We have, thank God! no women chain-makers and no women nail-makers in our midst; but, ashamed as we are that there still toil on such victims of the social fabric in great and opulent England—we, too, are devotees of competitiveness—we, too, are busily producing the fruits of that pernicious system. We are manufacturing like conditions, and must expect like consequences. Already our large towns repeat only too faithfully some of the worst features of civilisation. Already, in our New Zealand waters, we have stokers who resignedly anticipate death at forty-five; because, perforce, they slave in Tartarus!
Also, mistaken ideals of domestic management bring monotonous indoor drudgery to the wives and mothers of New Zealand just as to women in older countries. It is pitiful to know that in every hundred little houses a hundred women are banding over a hundred fires, when food for the hundred families could be prepared with more abundance, more variety, and more economy, by an expert—and trained assistants—in one establishment. This central kitchen could be connected with suites of apartments: a social hall for social dining, and rooms for those who prefer separateness; all sumptuously and elegantly supplied, at less cost to the individual than the meals of to-day. Housekeepers who so desired could telephone orders to the central bureau more expeditiously than they now instruct their butchers, bakers, milkmen, grocers, greengrocers, coal merchants and carriers to bring raw
William Wallace levelled the first blow at feudalism when he taught the people of Scotland that they were no mere vassals, but men and women with human claims; the last blow is being struck now when the problem of domestic service is everywhere discussed. The so-called "servant girl difficulty" has assumed international proportions. A New Zealand phase of the matter is the suggestion that Japanese men should be imported to do our domestic work; but the complications of this idea are so many and so obvious that they need not be at present discussed. Some such plan as that of central bureaux is much more likely to be evolved out of conditions which make the kitchen the topic of conversation wherever women come together, and which render the vast majority of women old before their years—unfit to be the glad and bright helpmeets of their husbands, unfit to be the mothers of healthy and happy progeny. The ordinary woman finds it impossible to be true to her own higher self when she has so much interminable washing, scrubbing, tidying, making, mending, cooking, and washing-up to attend to. Her noblest duties and privileges are those which appear to be the most easily neglected, and the energies which might have become manifest in glorious children are worn out in work, and worry, and vitiated air. The extraordinary woman of any country rises above the very worst of these disadvantages, and surrounds herself with love and peace.
Environment is a tremendous factor in the possibilities of being, but it tends to modify rather than to originate. The creative faculty is given to parents, and much more especially to mothers. The father has direct vivifying potency, with subsequent indirect influences; the mother contributes the actual germ, and
The gifted and instructed mother can endow her child with characteristics superior to the environment of its birth. Almost every woman is unselfish enough to devote her maternal capacities in this way, if only she were aware of her marvellous powers. Thus it becomes the duty of all true lovers of humanity to spread the beautiful knowledge: those who are in more favorable surroundings to those who are in less favorable; so that, ere long, the modifying—and modifiable—environment will itself become elevated by the improved persons constantly being born.
Heredity, environment, spiritual influx: the mother, and the mother alone, can blend these forces in celestial unison!
* * * * * *
Our social life is very difficult. It is built on such a terribly false basis that it must of necessity be full of trouble, disappointment, and hard fruitless toil. It is built on the foundation of selfishness—on the conviction that each individual is a unit apart from all other individuals'; that each family is a unit apart from all other families; that each town, each country, each nationality must fight for itself against all the rest of the world.
This conviction is directly opposed to the teachings of Jesus Christ. The opening phrase of the prayer he bequeathed to us gives marvellous suggestion of our one and infinitely protective Source. When the human race has learnt to meditate aright on the words: "Our Father," it will truly recognise the divine brotherhood they imply. The lesson was inculcated by our great Master on every possible occasion. He said: Love thy neighbor; and, yet further, Love thine enemies; then, in simple concise language he codified for us a rule to guide us in every relationship of existence: Do unto others as ye would they should do unto you!
How different from the multitudinous and complex laws enacted by every civilised government! Laws so multitudinous that the people to be governed by them do not know one-hundredth
Every earnest mind, every sympathetic heart, saddens over the sorrows of humanity. They press around us on every side, and noble schemes of reform are constantly being tried. But, when these have any measure of success, they are slow and partial in operation, and they frequently generate new difficulties which they have no power to cope with.
The methods of cure are never so satisfactory as those of prevention, and it was by the methods of prevention that the great Reformer worked and showed us how to work. He said: Except ye be born again ye cannot be saved. Let us try to understand the meaning of these words. It is intensely spiritual; applying not only to this sphere, but to the sphere beyond the grave. Everything we do, every word we utter, every thought we conceive, has consequences in time and in eternity that affect ourselves and others. Of our own strength we cannot fulfil, we cannot even estimate this responsibility. By the light of reason we may try to regulate our actions and our words so as to do good and not evil; but our inmost thought needs higher guidance. And it is the thought that is the individual. We may unconsciously deceive ourselves by generous deeds and pure expressions but thought is selfhood, and persists when nothing remains to cloak it.
If we imagine a state of existence in which we shall be seen as we are, we can scarcely support the idea. We feel that we must have some little shroud to keep our consciousness a thing apart. And yet, even here and now, we are seen as we are; not by the world manifest to our senses, but by that other world in which also we abide. We are surrounded by hosts of witnesses: in the sunshine, in the darkness, in the street, and in our most secluded chambers. We cannot flee from them; because we are spirits incarnate, and they are spirits excarnate.
This knowledge that we mortals live in two worlds has never yet been generally appreciated. The Bible and other inspired books abound in it; but we have explained and interpreted the truth as a truth of past epochs. The great poets, the true seers of every age, have beheld the Unseen, and we have considered them dazzled by the aberrations of their own genius. Here and there the humble mourner has been comforted by dreams or visions, and we have respectfully pitied his fond delusion. But the evidences are fast increasing in every land, and minds of every pitch are symphonising in the discovery of the wondrous glory which material sense veils from our gaze.
When the world-wide revelation does come, it will give ideals very different from those of to-day. We shall learn that moral worth is the only real excellence, and that unselfishness is the key to open the gates of Paradise. We shall learn that human experience is granted us so that we may individualise in moral growth, and that the use we make of earthly opportunity decides our stage of progression beyond the grave. We shall learn that the body must not be the master of the spirit, but must be its minister; for the spirit is so encased that of necessity it acquires knowledge through the body, and this knowledge cither helps forward or retards its eternal well-being. We shall learn that motherhood is the sublimest privilege of humanity; that it has potencies unimagined to-day by the great bulk of the race; we shall learn that motherhood decides the character of the unborn.
Then we shall recognise the futility of curative reform; we shall see that the unequal distribution of wealth, and all the miseries which flow from the competitiveness of selfishness, are evils which will perpetuate themselves under one form or another until we, humankind, are "born again" in the likeness of our Elder Brother.
It may be felt that this "re birth" is but an extravagant phrase; that our own habits and the habits of our surroundings constrain us to go on day by day and year by year in grooves out of which we cannot escape; and that, too frequently, the person who tries in every particular to live the Christ life is incompetent to hold his own in the struggle for existence.
The difficulties are indeed great, but they do not amount to impossibility. Most of us have been privileged to know some simple modest soul, striving—not for his own material profit—but for the service he may render to others; fearing neither poverty, nor disease, nor old age, nor death: just quietly unfolding his personality in heavenly trust. Here and there, too, we know of communities of men and women who have come together that they may help each other to follow the Divine Exemplar. But, because the great mass never consider the urgent need to live according to the Sermon on the Mount, or, considering the need, are prevented by the tremendous obstacles, we know that the world is to be saved by women: the mothers of the present and of coming times.
Motherhood can and will regenerate our race. It must, however, as a first condition, recognise its own duties, its own functions, its own almost illimitable capacities. The criminal carelessness of to-day—which regards children as a haphazard result of mere bodily intimacy—to be refused existence it may be—to be anticipated grudgingly or heedlessly—to be relegated to mercenary care, or endured as unavoidable troubles that have to be fed and clothed—or which pampers them in body and mind as the reflex of parental vanity—all this must be replaced by the solemn conviction that the woman who gives birth to a child introduces an immortal being to the earthly stage of its experiences; and that on the aspiration of her own spirit depends the grade of the entity newly brought into this world, and its further development through the physical.
Instead of the headlong tumult of passion which seeks its own expression, only—so often—to end there, love will again and again sanctify itself that it may become the fitting warranty of parenthood. Then the wife who desires to be a mother will try to regulate her every thought so that she may be worthy to receive from the Great Source of all Being a germ of divinity., and may be able to fashion its human character in harmony with the Supreme. Pre-natal influences are mysteriously attractive, and still more mysteriously creative. How often do we see a child unlike all its progenitors! How often do we remark that genius
We see and we know these facts and others of like significance, but we do not blend their meaning into conduct. The classic Greeks were more thoughtful and more consistent. They were ardent worshippers of human beauty; and, desiring to have beautiful sons and daughters, they adorned their sleeping chambers with marble, which sculptured their exquisite ideals of manly and womanly strength and grace. They gained what they sought—a national face and figure of physical perfection.
Human effort has been applied to the modification of many different kinds of animals, and has invariably succeeded in improving their form and disposition—or in making them approach any desired result. Plant life has been absolutely transmogrified—in numberless instances—by the intelligence of man. But the question of human betterment has been left to lawmakers and reformers; although lawmakers produce lawbreakers, and reform is experimental and uncertain.
Noble motherhood could, in one generation, lift our race to a higher plane; and could, within one century, raise the average individual to the level of glorious strength, beauty, loving-kindness and purity. Let us think of the men and women of past and present times whom most we admire and revere, and imagine the possibility of our lovely planet being wholly peopled by such as they. We find ourselves contemplating "the kingdom of heaven on earth. Our Elder Brother foreknew this kingdom, and taught us to pray for it. Shall we proceed, in the twentieth century, with vain repetitions? Rather let us consider the words: Except ye be born again ye cannot be saved. They are true, strangely and solemnly true for every one of us. Not a fault, not a mistake is obliterated from the book of remembrance until it has been atoned for to the uttermost fraction. We may think we ourselves have forgotten; we may flatter ourselves that no one else has ever known. Vague ideas of the All-seeing Eye may sometimes trouble us, but we allow them to continue vague, fancying that we shall not be held to account so very strictly after all.
But, so soon as we realise our immortality, we also realise that perfection is our goal. Nothing less than perfection can be the aim and object of never-ending existence. We know not what the immeasurable periods may be, how many, and how strange; but we do know that with enlarging consciousness we shall survey the steps of our ascension, more and more able to recognise our own misdoings, more and more willing to acknowledge the divine justice which links all being in one endless chain, so that the secretest error committed by one hurts all, and the cup of cold water administered to the obscurest sufferer is given to the very Lord of Lords!
Order is Heaven's first law. This first law of Heaven is so different from merely human law that it cannot by any possibility be evaded. A coach and six, it is often remarked, may be driven through any enactment in any civil statute book; but there is no power in the whole cosmos that can infringe—in the slightest degree—the law by which the Absolute makes manifestation: the law of cause and effect. It cannot be broken. It cannot be tampered with. If we ignorantly seek to break the law of cause and effect, we break ourselves, while the law inviolably fulfils its operations. If we think we may tamper, ever so slightly, with this law, cause and effect sweep majestically on—and we are left with a bitter harvest. "As ye sow, ye shall reap" is the decree of infinite, eternal justice: infinite throughout infinitude, eternal throughout the time which had no beginning and will have no end.
We are born again when, humbly and reverently, like little children, we come into the realisation of this law. Then we see that there is no other law, truly so-called, and that there is no possibility of happiness outside its observance.
Now let us revert to the responsibility which rests upon motherhood. Thoughts are things. This is no idle phrase. It is the simple expression of an overwhelming fact. Our thoughts project themselves far into infinite space, interblending with emanations from other beings, interweaving our destinies with all the marvels of the Seen and the Unseen. Were we sensitive enough, we should be able to perceive the thought radiations from ourselves and from our surroundings near and remote. Even as we
Her true mate supports her with his aid and with his counsel; where she might falter he is strong; his love enhaloes the group with mutually tender and sacred regard. Such help is of inestimable value to all women, and many fail in their high and holy office of maternity because it is not rendered to them.
Therefore the woman should choose the man for the great love-worthiness that impels reciprocity between them, and for no other reason. The marriage of spiritual kinship is the only guarantee of wedded happiness, and the only rightful authenticity of parenthood.
* * * * * *
Some contrasting illustrations may be cited here. A most estimable young woman married because she was tired of refusing an importunate lover. She very soon realised her fatal blunder, and in her wretchedness she nearly lost her reason. Her son grew up with marked ability, but peculiar characteristics, which developed into hopeless insanity before he reached manhood. Another girl made the same terrible mistake; finding out, soon after marriage, the despotism and the ugly temper she had bound herself to. She, however, determined that, although fatherhood and all other influences seemed unfavorable, her child should be well born; and nobly she kept her resolve. In diet she avoided all stimulants, using fruit, wholemeal bread, and milk chiefly; in conduct she employed herself actively and wisely, especially exercising her talent in drawing; in every word and as far as possible every thought she remembered that she was modelling a new existence. Her son proved healthy and handsome, a gifted architect, loved and honored wherever he was known.
The infamous Juke family, of New York, descended from five unchaste sisters. They were born, as multitudes are born, with prenatal bias toward evil. At last record they numbered 1200 persons, nearly all of whom were at the time inmates of gaols, poor houses, and houses of evil repute; and nearly 600 of the unhappy creatures wore known to be foully diseased.
Guiteau, the miserable assassin of President Garfield, came into existence without one welcome. His mother hated him and tried by every means to slay him before birth. From earliest childhood his body was diseased, his nervous system was depraved, and his mind was the mind of a murderer.
A traveller in a rough district rested for the night with a family who appeared as uncouth as their surroundings were. One exception, however, was a young girl of gentle loveliness. The contrast impressed the traveller very much. He elicited from the poor work-worn mother that, for some months of her life, she possessed a book which in its turn possessed her. All day she read, and all night she dream ad of, Scott's "Lady of the Lake"; and, when at last her little one was born, she felt that she looked upon another Ellen Douglas.
A poor woman, suddenly compelled to support herself and her unborn child by shopkeeping, was hampered by ignorance of
The mother of Huxley had remarkably keen intuitions, and the great biologist proudly told that from her he inherited the swift and clear insight that distinguished him.
Manoah's wife was informed, "by an angel," what she must not eat and must not drink, before Samson was born. Hannah prayed to Heaven for Samuel; and, before his birth, she dedicated him.
Every careful observer can multiply such instances; and every intelligent mother—when her attention has been drawn to this great subject—can recall some of the causes which differentiate each child she has borne from all other children.
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With right conditions preceding nativity, and with that gradual leading-out of all the faculties which alone deserves the name of education: the mode which begins in the very cradle; which brings the growing intellect into closer and closer comprehension of Nature; which vanquishes the ape, the wolf, the tiger, by nourishing the splendid manhood, or womanhood, that is to be—with these just advantages of heredity and environment, humankind will develop in physical strength and grace, in mental power and flexibility, in spiritual fervor and purity, far beyond its possibilities by any other method. The bulwarks which society now erects against the horrors of its own production: prohibitive measures, penal codes, police, gaols, armies, foundling hospitals, homes for the aged poor—all these will melt away in the nothingness of a fevered past. The long, long night will vanish; and, in the effulgence of a new era, the world will begin to appreciate the marvellous perfection of Heaven's first law.
We look to-day toward the abject millions of India, we consider the teeming hordes of China, we glory in born leaders, we notice the characteristics which differentiate the members of every
Shall we seek to contravene it, or blindly ignore it? Then suffering will be ours. If we sow the wind we reap the whirlwind, even though we err in ignorance. Pain is our monitress; austere, inflexible. However hard the lesson, however oft repeated, it must be mastered. Nothing perfunctory will serve us; the cold hard word "duty" has no place in the divine lexicon. Any reform that begins on the outside will only harass and delay our betterment, for all real growth proceeds from within.
The chords of life thrill with gladness when the individual enters into unison with immutable law; they vibrate the happiness of consonance with its majestic harmony. The race awaits this supreme development. All its poverty, famine, disease, warfare, ill-will of every kind, are but the effects of a specific cause, the shrieks of a dissonance that never can become musical. Opposition cannot possibly attune them aright, attempts to ameliorate them will only intensify their jarring influences. Parenthood will subdue them by touching the keynote of universal brotherhood, by endowing the next and successive generations with the invincible courage of fellow-feeling for all that lives. Chiefly the responsibility rests on women, the right divine is almost wholly theirs.
O responsibility superb! O right divine, which out glows the lustre of any kingly crown! Loving purely, women will conceive in purity, loving wisely they will nurture the unborn with spiritual sustenance—fashioning a temple worthy of an immortal spirit. No anger shall disturb those holy months, no malice, no mean intention: peace will be in all their thoughts, and joy, and gratitude. Dwelling in the scene and in the unseen, they will use all material things with temperance and discretion, and they will1
* * * * *
It may be supposed that there is one fatal flaw in any argument based on the potentialities of enlightened parenthood. "Lasses and lads," it may be exclaimed, "will fall in love and marry in the old haphazard manner to the end of time, regardless of all the dictates of physiology and fitness." But this haphazard manner results from ignorance. Essential knowledge is withheld from young people, or it is allowed to drift to them through the basest channels. Human beings, capable of appreciating their own marvellous complexity, and the onward and upward stages of their own development, are drilled in mere words, drilled—like so many automata-in the names of things, names of places, names of people, until they approach that most impressionable period which awakens a new phase of life within them. They are wholly unprepared for it. They notice the reserve maintained regarding it by those who must know what they are just finding out, and they imitate this reserve in a secrecy which works incalculable harm. Some are swept away by the floodtide of passion, which seems to them ungovernable, because they have not been taught that it can be governed; and they earn a keen futurity of suffering for themselves—and others. Some entwine their youth in an ardent but fleeting fancy, a pretty efflorescence of the spring, only to learn that they must thereafter bear the fetters of mistaken union. Is it right that this haphazard manner should be perpetuated—by heedlessness—or by a spurious modesty which treats the holiest subject under the sun as a thing unclean?
Gently, gradually, and beautifully boys and girls can be shown that:
Very young children can be interested in botany. By kindergarten methods they can be trained to take intelligent delight in the buds and blossoms which symbolise human relationships; and,
The true instructor must of course be enthusiastic as well as expert, a lover of his kind, and a devout exponent of Supreme Law. With advancing enlightenment there will be many such; sowing their thrice-winnowed seed in public seminaries; discussing nothing pathological; their commanding theme the very godliness of health, for
They will discern character and ability in every expression: in the head, the face, the hands, more especially. When, for instance, they find the posterior section of the brain unduly developed, they will direct energy to the frontal and coronal regions; knowing, as a scientific fact, that the intellectual and spiritual faculties can be, by such effort, wonderfully enlarged; knowing that construction of the noble proves the only real destruction of the ignoble; and knowing that: "Resist not evil, but overcome all evil with good," is a divinely infallible precept. They will never make suggestions of incapacity or wilfully wrong intention; they will hang no battle scenes on the walls; they will commemorate no ferocities of man or beast; Onward and Upward will be their watchword as they point to the glorious and joyous conquests that await our race in the evolution of its finer forces.
Not in vain does such inspiration as Walt Whitman's proclaim:
"Produce great persons, the rest follows!
A great city is that which has the greatest men and women: The place where a great city stands is not the place of stretched wharves, docks, manufactures,' deposits of produce merely;
In the meantime, parents have almost exclusive privileges as educators in the best sense, though the future is not very remote which will train all its children in self-knowledge, and in the immutability of cause and effect; thus making them laws unto themselves, able to depend on themselves, splendidly eager to become the builders of great cities over the wide and happy earth.
But now, and for all time, the crowning prerogatives belong inalienably to Motherhood. With its divinely creative and formative powers, enlightened Motherhood will bring such great persons into existence that human betterment will be achieved—bright beyond our brightest dreams.
The century just begun has already been named "The Women's Century," and it will abundantly justify its proud designation. Women will prove themselves the regenerators of humankind. They will arise in their righteousness and declare: "There shall be no disease, no poverty, no crime; there shall be no debasement of any appetite; there shall be no war between individuals or between peoples. We say these things shall no longer be. We—mothers of the world, students of the law which rules infinity—affirm that our children and the children of all future times shall be loving, true, wise, brave, strong, and beautiful in the Universal Brotherhood of Divine Harmony."
* * * * * *
I have named Walt Whitman. Because he is a magnificent apostle of causation, of womanhood, and of universal brotherhood I may be allowed to conclude with some of his virile verse. In his "The Song of Prudence" he chants:
Then of the mystery of maternity in his own sonorous way he sings:
And, in his "Song of the Universal," he bursts into the glorious pæan:
Printed at the Gisborne Times Office, Gisborne.
The objects of the Fiji Federal League are to uphold the supremacy of the British Crown in the Pacific, and to promote the social, commercial, and political welfare of all his Majesty's subjects in the islands, by means of the closer union of all the British possessions and settlements in the Western Pacific.
In issuing this pamphlet the League is actuated by a desire to place before the public at an early date reasons social, commercial, and political in favour of an immediate confederation between Fiji and New Zealand.
Fears have been expressed by some that the Government of India will, as a result of Federation, prohibit the introduction from India of labourers for work on the plantations. These fears are however groundless, and are clearly shown in this pamphlet to be so: for as is pointed out therein, the
Though heavily taxed they are refused the exercise of the franchise. Though they are most loyal and law-abiding, as testified by the records of the superior and inferior courts they are deprived of the right of trial by jury. There is no appeal from the decisions of the Supreme Court, which consists of but a single judge, except to a Court, the Privy Council, 16,000 miles away, at a cost prohibitive to all but the wealthy. Owing to the great distance which separates Fiji from England, and owing to their being denied representation in the Legislature, the people of Fiji are entirely without means of obtaining redress for grievances. Complaints against the acts of the Administration pass through the hands of the Governor on their way to the Secretary of State; and in progress are subjected to secret and misleading misrepresentations. To be one who so ventures to address the Secretary of State is to become a man marked out for disfavour by the local Administration and to suffer accordingly. Owing to distance there is great and harrassing delay in receiving a reply to representations made to the Secretary of State. Owing to his inability to obtain independent information gathered on the spot
Under the system of government which prevails in Fiji, the Governor is practically irresponsible. "When his acts are questioned, or his policy disapproved, by men who have lived their lives in Fiji, whose fortunes are bound up therewith, his explanations which are kept from the public eye are as a matter of course, accepted without impartial enquiry on the spot, against the allegations, or opinions, or wishes of those persons feeling themselves aggrieved. This inability to obtain redress for grievances, which is a most substantial grievance in itself will disappear with confederation. Wellington, the capital, and seat of the Government of New Zealand, is but four days' steam from Suva, the capital of Fiji. The central authority at Wellington will be able with ease and despatch at all times to make enquiry on the spot into alleged maladministration and without delay grant redress for such grievances as may arise. The only argument put forward so far, against the proposed confederation is that advanced by the Governor of Fiji (Sir George O'Brien) in an extraordinary speech to the natives on
It is the aim of the Fiji Federal League to secure the needed reform, and as the most effective way of doing so, to bring about the confederation of Fiji with New Zealand.
The Humble Petition of the Undersigned Respectfully Sheweth:—
dc facto slaves of the Government; that they suffer under a perpetual tyranny and are deprived of personal liberty and individuality, and consequently are demoralised.
Your petitioners therefore now most humbly pray:—
And your petitioners, as in duty bound, will ever pray, etc.
The following is a draft of the Memorial recently forwarded from Suva, addressed to the Premier and Ministers of the Government of the Colony of New Zealand:—
1. Your Memorialists are a Committee nominated by the inhabitants of Suva in public meeting assembled for the purpose of bringing about the Incorporation of Fiji with New Zealand.
2. A Petition having that object in view was presented on behalf of this colony to the Speaker and House of Representatives so long ago as the year
3. Since the date of the Petition above referred to, the numbers of the white population of Fiji have grown by natural increase and otherwise, and at present exceeds 4000 persons according to the latest Government Blue Book, During the same period the general population has been increased by the importation of immigrants from British India
4. With deep regret your Memorialists find themselves obliged to state that during the period referred to there has been a grave decrease in the native Fijian population. Numbering, in the year
5. Various causes are from time to time put forward to explain away responsibility for the condition of the native race. Your Memorialists, however, assert without hesitation, that the Government of Fiji is unable to rid itself of responsibility for the present condition of the Fijians. The decrease in population is directly attributable to the specially oppressive system of Government applied to them, and to the excessive burden of taxation to which under that system they are subjected.
The accompanying memorandum by the Rev. W. Slade, a "Wesleyan Missionary among the Fijians of many years' experience, supports the views expressed in this regard by your Memorialists, and is a very powerful indictment of the grinding communal system under which the native Fijians are, against their will, compelled to live.
Your Memorialists assert that the charges and allegations made by the Rev. W. Slade are in no way exaggerated, and your Memorialists would welcome the appointment of a Royal Commission to enquire into such charges and allegations, and generally into the causes for the present condition of the native race.
6. Not only are the native inhabitants governed under a system of personal Government which retards the moral and injures the physical development of the race, but the white inhabitants of the colony, who are for the most part New Zealanders and Australians, and their descendants, are also subjected to personal government, are entirely deprived of all voice in the making of the laws under which they have to live, and are altogether unrepresented in the Legislature which levies the taxes which they have to pay. In the administration of public affairs the interests of the white inhabitants are
Recently the Governor has, in face of the unanimous opposition of the colonists, stopped the small subsidy of £1500, previously to his arrival paid to the Canadian-Australian Royal Mail line of steamers, with the result that the colony has lost the advantage of that means of communication between Australia and Europe, by way of Canada. Again, notwithstanding the earnest protests of the inhabitants of Suva, the Governor persists in retaining within the precincts of the town, and in close proximity to the dwelling houses of certain of the citizens, a Bubonic Plague Station and Leper Settlement. In the absence of representation in the Legislature the people of the colony are unable to place any check upon such arbitrary acts of the Executive, or upon such maladministration of public affairs.
7. The right of trial by jury, which is the birthright of every Englishmen, whether living in England or in a colony, and the only guarantee of freedom and upholding of personal rights, is curtailed in such a manner as to be practically denied to the colonists,
In civil cases the Chief Justice, who is the sole judge in the colony, sits without a jury. In such cases there is no appeal except to the Privy Council, and then only where the sum involved exceeds £500; which renders appeal practically prohibitive.
In criminal cases a jury is allowed only when both the complainant and the accused are whites; in all other cases (and such constitute the vast majority) the Chief Justice sits with Assessors, who are not allowed to find the verdict, but who merely deliver an opinion which the Chief Justice may at his discretion disregard.
8. Your Memorialists, therefore, earnestly pray that you will assist the people of this colony to free themselves from the form of Government under which they are now living, and obtain for them a Government in consonance with their rights as English born people, and one suitable to their wants and aspirations; and with that end in view that you will
7. The colony of Fiji is even now self-supporting, and practically without debt. Freed from the withering effects of arbitrary and irresponsible personal Government, the potentialities of this colony are such as to place it in the first rank among the tropical possessions of the Crown.
8. Your Memorialists confidently believe that the Federation of New Zealand and Fiji would result to the mutual advantage of both colonies.
And your Memorialists will ever pray.
To the Hon. the Speaker and Members of the New Zealand Home of Representatives in Parliament assembled.
Your Petitioners therefore now most humbly pray:—
That your honorable House will take their case into its thoughtful and favourable consideration.That it will be pleased to support and endorse the action here taken, and by its powerful representations to the Imperial Government endeavour to bring about the incorporation of Fiji with New-Zealand.That in the event of the hoped for successful issue it will be graciously pleased to grant Fiji relief from its present disadvantageous position by conferring upon it a form of government more suitable to the wants and conditions of its people.
And your petitioners as in duty bound will ever pray, &c.
Sir,—I notice in your issue of this date a reference to a telegram contained in the Sydney Morning Herald of the 18th May on the subject of Federation with New Zealand. I do not think that there are many in this colony who would not willingly embrace an opportunity of federating with so go-ahead and loyal a colony; and it is in this belief that I venture to place before you, and the general public, certain reasons which appear to me to be sufficient to induce every member of this community to make a strenuous effort to gain Federation.
The reasons I advance are:—
1. Geographical; Physical; Climatic.—Fiji, geographically, should form a part of New Zealand, New Zealand is, geographically, the natural head and centre of a Federation embracing all the islands of the South Pacific, between Longitude 165 west and 150 east.
Fiji, from her geographical position, should be the natural head and centre of a local administration of those islands under the Federal Government at Wellington.
The Port of Suva is but 1400 miles from Auckland—about as far as Brisbane is from Melbourne. The nearest points of Fiji and New Zealand are about 900 miles apart, which is very much less than the distances which separate several of the principal cities of the new Confederation—the Australian Commonwealth. Federation with Fiji would be the commencement of the greater confederation of all the Pacific Islands with New Zealand. It is the legitimate aspiration and proper ultimate destiny of New Zealand to dominate the Pacific between Longitude 1(55 west and 150 east. Let us, therefore,
2. Commercial.—Trade between the Federated Colonies would increase by leaps and bounds.
Federation would at once increase the population of New Zealand by about 125,000 persons, and the population of Fiji by about 800,000, for the two countries would be one, with no Customs dues as between each other. The produce of each would pass freely to the other, and being cheapened by the absence of duties would be more largely purchased than is the case at present. Freetrade would be established between Fiji and New Zealand.
As New Zealand produces practically all Fiji requires in the way of food, and Fiji produces all that New Zealand wants in the way of tropical products, great material advantages would at once arise from the establishment of freetrade between the two countries. The profits thus derived will enable each to buy more largely than at present of the other's products. The profits accruing to Fiji will attract to her capital, and extend the settlement of white men and their families throughout the islands of the group.
The influx of settlers will lead to increased production and exports from Fiji. When the increased production becomes more than sufficient to supply the local wants of New Zealand, the Federal Goverment by means of reciprocity arrangements with other countries will find an outlet for the surplus production. Adequate means of communication between Fiji and the outer world will follow contemporaneously with Federation. The lack of communication is now a serious
3. Political.—Fiji would have representation direct in the Federal Parliament. The blessings of government under free institutions would be gained, and a wide field for distinction opened to her sons. By reason of certain local conditions which are unknown to the people of a temperate climate, and because of wants which are peculiar to Fiji as a tropical country, but which find no place in New Zealand, and can only be dealt with effectively by men of local interests and know-
Indian immigration is essential to our industrial prosperity and at all hazards must be maintained. Federation, however, need in no way jeopardise Indian immigration, and the essential labour which it supplies, if it be made, as it should be a condition that the exclusive right to legislate with respect to the introduction and regulation of coloured immigrants should be reserved to the local legislature of Fiji. Such a condition, too, would prevent any objection on the part of the Government of India to continued immigration on the ground of possible future legislation adverse to natives of India, or less mindful of their interests than that which has hitherto taken place, for then there would be no more room for belief in possible future legislation lessening in any degree the protection now afforded Indians in competition on equal terms with all other persons residing in Fiji.
Until the white population is larger, this Legislative body should be partly elected on a property franchise open to all who possess the requisite qualifications, and partly nominated by the Governor of New Zealand, every such nominee to be a bona fide resident in Fiji. Membership of the Local Legislature should be no disqualification for membership of the Federal Parliament. The Local Legislative body should have exclusive jurisdiction to legislate respecting work and labor on plantations, and in mills and factories, and in respect of everything pertaining to, or connected with the interests of Fiji.
The strong card of the opponents of Federation will be the alleged probability of injurious interference of the Federal Parliament in labor laws, and the alleged probability of restrictions as in New South Wales and Queensland in the
The public debt of Fiji is extremely small. It was originally £250,000, composed of £150,000, at 4 per cent, (borrowed on debentures) and £100,000, at Imperial advance bearing no interest, and repayable as the colonies may be able. The former has been reduced by payments to £120,000 or thereabouts; the balance remaining is amply provided for by a sinking fund. The Imperial loan has been reduced by payments to something like £90,000, the total indebtedness of the colony standing at present at about £210,000. This debt will, of course, become charged on the Consolidated Fund of the Federation. New Zealand would necessarily become liable to the creditors of Fiji; as for the matter of that, Fiji would become responsible to the bondholders of the New Zealand Government. The assets of Fiji are far in excess of her liabilities, her funded debt has been provided for by a sinking fund, and she would go into partnership with New Zealand as perfectly solvent a colony as any in the British Empire. The amount of the public debt of Fiji will not, I venture to say, cause the statesmen of New Zealand one moment's uneasiness when considering the question of Federation.
The Native Policy of Fiji will be brought forward by the few who will be found to oppose Federation. The Native Policy to my mind presents no difficulty. I say at once that the Government of the natives of Fiji may safely be entrusted to the Government of the Federation in Wellington, quite as safely as it is now entrusted to the Colonial Office in Downing Street. New Zealand governs, and for years has governed, wisely and justly, many thousands of brave and warlike Maories; she has also for several years had the direction of the government of the natives of the islands of the Cook Group. In Fiji she will find a ready-made system of local self-government which will render the task of native government
Such changes in the system of native government as time may show to be advantageous can be as easily carried out under a Federal as under the present form of government. That a Federal Parliament would pass unjust, oppressive, or foolish laws with respect to the native Fijians it is absurd to suppose. Surely, if 40,000 Maories and the entire population of the Cook Group can be entrusted to the New Zealand Parliament, the natives of Fiji can be entrusted to the Parliament of the Federation.
4. Legal.—Federation would supply Fiji with a Court of Appeal, readily and cheaply available. The right of ultimate appeal to the Privy Council should be retained, but an intermediate appeal to the Full Court sitting at Wellington would be a great boon to the people of Fiji, and would, in most cases, be all that was requisite. The cost of an appeal to the Privy Council is at present, in most cases, prohibitive, before the right to appeal accrues, the amount in dispute must be over £500. The costs of the appeal must likewise be provided for. This, in the majority of cases, means that the party desirous of appealing must be in a position to find at least £1000.
General.—Fiji's proper destiny is to become one of the great sugar-producing provinces of the Empire. Honolulu produces now something like 200,000 tons per annum. Fiji has a larger area and an equally productive capacity. There is no physical reason why she should not equal or exceed the amount now produced by Honolulu if she had the same, or anything like the same advantages with regard to markets for her sugar. Honolulu has for years been the petted child of the United States. Fiji, on the other hand, is the Cinderella of the Empire.
Federation will do for Fiji what the United States of America have done for Honolulu. Fiji already produces, after
Profitable agriculture in Fiji will mean increase of population, which in turn will mean larger purchasing by the people of Fiji of the manufactured and agricultural products of New Zealand, which would have the advantage of coming into Fiji duty free. With the protection thus afforded her, New Zealand should be able to hold the first place in the Fijian market, and throughout the Federation.
We now grow tea, coffee, cocoa, tobacco, etc., in small quantities. Federation would probably cause an immense boom in tea. Fijian tea is admittedly good, "as good as the best Ceylon," has been remarked of the best Fijian. The cost of production and placing it on the market abroad has hitherto prevented tea growing from being the unqualified success it should be.
Federation would at once open to us the New Zealand market, and thus the table would be turned in our favor, for we should get our tea on that market duty free. One need only look at the value of the tea annually consumed in New Zealand to understand what the command of that market would mean. And that market would necessarily be captured, as Fiji is within four days' steam of Auckland, and far distant Ceylon is our nearest competitor.
With a duty of 6d per pound, and freight in its favour, there would be such an impetus given to tea growing in Fiji that before very long it would stand out as a rival to Ceylon in the volume of its production. Then the Federal Government would (as in the case of sugar) by reciprocity arrangements
Righly or wrongly the principal of non-interference by the state, which may be good political economy in the old country, has been applied here. Whether such a policy is right or wrong, the result in practice is that all attempts to establish small industries, which are the sources of wealth elsewhere, have failed in Fiji—failed for want of assistance from the Government of the country in the initiatory stage, as a child might fail to walk for want of a hand to help it on its legs.
Reciprocity arrangements are opposed to the policy which Crown Government enforces; without such arrangements Fiji cannot hope, in this generation at all events, to compete with the older established tropical colonies, where the valuable products I have mentioned have been grown for generations. Federation will give us, by means of reciprocity, the markets we require, therefore let us have Federation.—I am, &c.,
The recent visit of the Premier of New Zealand has apparently revived the long dormant desires in the hearts of the colonists for some amendment of the constitution of this colony. Unless the existing circumstances
Fiji has not experienced an administrator of the type of Sir George Grey; on the contrary the experience of the past governors of this colony have been the reverse, and they have clung most tenaciously to and exercised most arbitrarily their dictatorial powers. During our present Governor's regime no appeal has been made through his instrumentality for any concession of political rights to the colonists, so it is impossible to say what his attitude would be were such an application made. All we know is he has not of his own motion moved in the direction of voluntarily aiding the colonists in obtaining their rights or of divesting himself of any of his own powers. On the contrary, his Excellency has wielded his autocratic powers as arbitrarily as, or more so, than any of his predecessors in office. The only course, therefore, open is for the colonists to petition Her Majesty in the orthodox constitutional mode for a redress of their grievances, and an intendment of the constitution in such measure as would be reasonable and just. The amendment of the constitution of the colony that at once suggests itself is that a fair proportion of the unofficial members of the Legislative Council should be elected by such persons as should be constituted elector's with the right of exercising the franchise for this specific object. The only question to be considered in replying to such a petition would be whether the conditions and circumstances
The present is an opportune juncture for the performance of gracious acts, and we hope his Excellency, unasked, will represent to Her Majesty, through the Secretary of State for the Colonies, the justice of granting to this colony some quota of its political rights, in the form of electing to the Legislative Council a fair proportion of its members.
Federation with New Zealand at the present is the current topic, and one which naturally appeals to all classes of a community which for so many years has been under a Crown Colony Government of a severe type. It is not an entirely new idea, for as far back as
It is useless to appeal to the Governor, for his actions are bound by certain hard and fast rules laid down by the Home authorities; the consequence is that in the majority of cases colonists, recognising the futility of making representations which will receive no consideration, are content to allow matters to be shelved. A very different state of affairs would obtain if we had representative government, and were able to select our representatives, who, without fear, would see that the legitimate wants of the colony were attended to.
The question broadly stated is simply: Are we, when we have a chance of being represented in Federation, which will entitle one and all of us to have some say in the manner in which we are to be governed still to adhere to the despotic system of Crown Colony Government, a government which would find some difficulty in proving the benefits conferred by it on Fiji from its inception. Much will probably be said for and against Mr. Berkeley's letter, but it certainly seems that the best thing to be done is for one and all to strenuously endeavour to obtain Federation.
Sir,—I have read with a great amount of interest the letter re Federation by Mr. Humphry Berkeley, published in your issue of Saturday last, and would like to ask that
I would like to ask Mr. Berkeley what he considers to be the best way for raising the revenue for the purpose of financing the Confederation, or at least our share of it. This is a most important point—and as he is silent on the matter it must be taken for granted that he can see plainly a way out of the difficulty. But there are many besides myself who would like him to explain in a clear manner where the money is to come from. There are various groups that are not in a position to contribute a great deal. Fiji, by making use of coolie labour has forged ahead and made a name for herself commercially. If I remember rightly we now export to the Chelsea (N.Z.) refinery £200,000 worth of sugar annually. This speaks well for us; but how are we going to galvanise into activity the sleepy Polynesian races and make them contribute their quota to financing the Confederacy. The white man must have a say in the matter. No doubt Federation would be the means of settling much of what now appears to be insurmountable, but before we can have it we must see our way financially. Would Mr. Berkeley please enlighten the public on this point?
Then I would like to know how he is going to constitute an island council? There are a great many difficulties in the road. The Auckland Star, in a leading article on the subject, says:—"The initial difficulty of representation in an Island Council is a problem not easy of solution. While all but a fraction of the inhabitants are natives, their educational and mental limitations would forbid their being allowed representation in proportion to their numbers in a constitutional
Sir.—Now that the question will assuredly arise as to whether or not Fiji shall be federated with New Zealand, it behoves those interested in the colony to look carefully into the whole matter in a business-like manner before saying "aye" or "nay" to the question. Mr. Berkeley, in his very able letter has put so glowing a result to federation that it would seem a pity for any person to argue against same. If federation means a change in the Government policy in any way whatever then Fiji could not possibly be a loser by the transaction, and it might possibly be a great gainer. Since Britain annexed this group of islands, what progress has been made that can be attributed to the good form of Government we have enjoyed? Absolutely none! If any progress has been made it has been entirely owing to the energy of the few settlers and merchants who, in spite of bad times, hung on to their properties and businesses in the hope that better times would come. What has become of the large number of planters that 25 years back were settled on the Rewa? There is not one there now to the ten that were there in the early 70's. The hard despotic labor laws caused the bulk of them to sacrifice their properties, and to clear out of this "Crown
I am not much of a letter writer, so I hope your readers will excuse this rather disjointed effusion, and perhaps some more able pen than mine will assist the matter along.
Sir.—I shall feel obliged if you will allow me to submit some remarks on the letters on the subject of Federation with New Zealand, which appeared in your issues of the 23rd and 27th instant.
Mr. Sowden, in his letter, expresses a doubt as to whether
For the present it should suffice to contemplate a Local Council of say 14 members, of whom 7 should be elected by say four electoral districts, which might consist of (1) Suva, including Rewa, Navua, and Kadavu—returning three members. (2) Viti Levu, including the Yasawas, but excluding Suva, Rewa, and Navua—returning two members. (3) Levuka, including, Taviuni, Lomai Viti, and Lau—returning one member. Vanua Levu—returning one member. They could not be adult franchise for this council, as Mr. Sowden appears to desire. The reason for this is supplied in the extract from Auckland Star, which he himself quotes in his letter. Referring to these Islands, the Star says: Their educational and mental limitations would forbid their being allowed representation in proportion to their number in a constitutional government." But while adult franchise for the Local Council is impracticable, there is no reason for
With respect to financing the Confederation, there will, of course, be a general revenue. There will be but one purse, from which such appropriations as may be necessary for the various portions of the federated colony will annually' be made when the federal estimates are passed. For instance, the federal estimates will annually contain an appropriation of several thousands of pounds for the prosecution of public works in Fiji, such as the construction of roads, the building of bridges and otherwise the opening up of the country to settlement, and this sum so appropriated will be applied by the local administration to the purposes for which it has been voted. There will be no more difficulty in appropriating moneys for the use of the province of Fiji than there is now in appropoiating the moneys required for the province of Auckland. Incidentally, it may be remarked that Auckland is no further from Suva than it is from Dunedin. And let it not be forgotten that the amounts appropriated by the Federal Parliament in. Fiji will not necessarily be limited by regard to the comparatively slender revenues which will at first be contributed by Fiji. When it becomes necessary for great public works, such as light railways, main trunk roads, bridges, etc., to be carried out for the development of the country, such works will not have to wait until the local revenue can bear the cost. They will, if the Federal Parliament determine on them, be carried out on the security, not of Fiji alone, but by the consolidated fund of the federation.
Mr. Lazarus and "Official" suggest that possibly we may be sufferers by adopting the New Zealand tariff, which, it is alleged, is the highest in Australasia. That, however, is not
Mr. Lazarus asks: "Does New Zealand want us?" He is surely answered in the words of Mr. Turner, when that gentleman aptly says: "Fiji is able to provide all the sugar, rice, coffee, tea, and spices required in New Zealand, and, were we federated with that colony, within three year's we would be actually producing the same." In Mr. Turner's words, Mr. Lazarus will also find the answer to his query whether New Zealand would risk inclusion in the great Australian Commonwealth by federating with us. Notwithstanding any suggestion to the contrary, I venture to think that the incorporation of a large and valuable tropical province would be regarded by New Zealand statesmen as of greater economic value than inclusion in the Australain Commonwealth. From the Commonwealth New Zealand has no material advantages to reap that cannot be obtained by reciprocity treaties, and she can, as she probably will, join the Commonwealth in an offensive and defensive alliance without becoming part thereof. "Official" is naturally anxious to know what is to become of him if we federate. He will, I imagine remain where he is, with the difference that he will be better off, in that he will, through the opening up of the country, and erection of public works, find a larger scope for his energies, and a wider field of
Throughout all the letters under notice there seems a vein of anxiety lest Federation should endanger Indian immigration. As I have previously stated, danger to Indian immigration will be the trump card of the opponents of Federation. It is to be relied on to scare the supporters of Federation. "Modesty," for instance, writes: "coolie immigration would almost certainly be withdrawn," and Mr. Lazarus says: "if this be so Federation would be fatal to the best interests of the colony." But this withdrawal of coolie labor is an imaginary bugbear. There is no ground for supposing that anything of the kind would be done by the Indian Government merely because we federated with New Zealand. Nothing of the kind can happen, for, as I took care to point out in my previous letter, it must be made a condition precedent to Federation—a sine qua non of federating—that Indian immigration is to continue, and the right to employ colored labor freely is not to be in any way restricted or interfered with. If New Zealand won't have us on those terms, then we won't federate with her. If she accepts us on those terms and conditions, they cannot subsequently be broken, for they will be fundamental and unalterable articles of the constitution, and there will be no danger to fear as suggested. All who continue to contend to the contrary are merely making bald assertions, in supporting which they can advance no grounds. Assertion is no argument. If we argue for precedent there is no occasion for fear. As Mr. Lazarus himself points out Indian immigration continues in Natal, though it has had Representative Government since
For some years Natal has enjoyed Responsible Government but the Indian Government has not stopped immigration. Moreover, the Representative Government which existed there up to the establishment of Responsible Government was of the following nature: There was a Legislative body consisting of seven nominated and 24 elected members. Such a constitution differs little but in name from Responsible Government. But during the many years that almost free Government existed in Natal, Indian immigration continued, and indeed as I believe still continues under the present completely free and Responsible Government. It will thus be seen that when the serious allegation that Federation will endanger coolie
vide the schedule to the Indian Immigration Act
The French colonies have local elected Legislature and are represented in the French Parliament. I do not know the nature of the constitution of Dutch Guiana or of St. Croix. But of this I am certain, that if the Indian Government trusts their people to the democratic French Republicans and to Dutchmen, it will after Federation not hesitate to allow them to come to Fiji, merely because they will be controlled by statesmen in New Zealand instead of a statesman at the Colonial Office in England.
With respect to the native Fijians Mr. Lazarus asks: "Will the Imperial Government permit the natives to be governed other than at present?" and "what will the natives say to such a proposition?" The questions imply that Federation necessarily involves an immediate change in the present system of Native Government. But it does not at all follow that because New Zealand and Fiji federate there must, therefore, be a change in the system of native local government. On the contrary it seems to me that for some considerable time to come there would possibly be no need for any change in the system. Sir George O'Brien has introduced changes in the direction of individualizing the natives and easing down in some ways the tyranny of old customs, and no doubt the reforms he has adopted will in time make some modification of the present system advisable; but at first and for some time afterwards, the Federal Government would, I take it, so far as the natives are concerned, simply carry on in Fiji under the system now in vogue,—I am, etc.,
Sir,—I am pleased to notice that Federation is causing such an amount of interest to the general public, and I have given much attention to the several letters that have appeared in your valuable columns.
In reply to "Modesty," who presented himself to the public in your issue of the 23rd inst., I may say that it has never occurred to either Mr. Berkeley or myself, that if our efforts meet with success it would most likely be the means of closing the mills of the Colonial Sugar Refining Company in Fiji, but on the contrary, it has suggested itself to us, that if we are successful, (and I think it highly probable that our movement will meet with success) it may be the means of opening up many smaller mills in our fertile and highly-productive country. My curiosity has been aroused to know who "Modesty" can be, since he asserts so positively that our 14,000 coolie inhabitants will be withdrawn should Federation take place, I am of the opinion that if we do federate with New Zealand, the coolie inhabitants will in a short space of years be just double in numbers of what they are to-day, and if "Modesty" had given that attention to Mr. Berkeley's letter which it merits, when he read it, he would have noticed that it would be impossible for us to lose either the Colonial Sugar Company or the coolie inhabitants, for it is specially laid as a condition precedent to Federation, that the coolie immigration must not in any way be interfered with, this matter must be definitely and satisfactorily settled before any decision is arrived at on the subject, and I feel certain that no sane man ("Modesty" always excepted) could for one moment believe that Mr. Berkeley or myself ever contemplated the bringing about of Federation at the risk of losing our coolie labor. We are all of us alive to the fact that without colored labor our great sugar industry that has been so largely entered upon by the Colonial Sugar Refining Company could not be carried on, and, therefore, I say at once, that unless the consent of the proper authorities can be obtained for the continuance of the importation of coolie labourers after Federation is an fait accompli, then we must remain as we are, but I am fully of opinion that, whether our efforts are crowned with success or not, we certainly shall not have made ourselves
I will not trespass any further on your space in this issue, but later on will go into the matter of Customs tariff; but it might not, probably, be out of place to remark here that if the tariffs of the two colonies are taken and very carefully compared you will find that there is very little difference, and I think of the two, the New Zealand tariff applied to Fiji under Federation, would be not so high a one as the tariff in
All Interested in the real progress of Fiji must wish well to the campaign for its Federation with New Zealand. Whether that campaign will end successfuly will depend upon the view taken by New Zealand of the advantages to be gained by that colony through an alliance with us. The decisive battles for Federation must be fought in and by New Zealand and not in and by Fiji; but we in Fiji can produce a contingent as it were to the forces fighting in our cause in New Zealand by advocacy of the cause here. The hopes of the supporters of Federation in this country will rest upon Mr. Seddon, the Premier of New Zealand. Everything depends upon the attitude he is prepared to assume. If he will lead the federal forces, the victory is assured. That he will do so if we ask him there is some indication from remarks he has made and the action which he is reported to have taken since his return to New Zealand. The Premier is reported in the New Zealand papers to have said that "everywhere in the islands he found a desire for federation," to have declared that "the island trade was sound," and that "he intended to see what could be done to increase that trade with New Zealand." The Premier is also reported to have addressed a memorandum to the Secretary of State advocating federation. The sure and immediate way of increasing the island trade with New Zealand is federation. The remarks and the reported action of the Premier have an important bearing on a question recently asked by one of our correspondents, viz., "does New Zealand want us?" The greatest statesman that New Zealand has yet produced is evidently
A public meeting was held in the Oddfellows' Hall, Levuka, on the evening of June 14th, to discuss the question of the Federation of Fiji with New Zealand.
It should be mentioned that previous to the public meeting, a caucus was held in the office of Mr. W. I. Thomas, called by the Warden, to meet Messrs. Riemenschneider and Humphry Berkeley, who, in response to the Warden's invitation, had come to Levuka for the purpose of attending the meeting.
The chair was taken by the Warden (D. J. Solomon, Esq.) On rising, he said: Gentlemen—At the request of the ratepayers of Levuka, I have called this meeting to discuss the question of Federation, but before proceeding further, it will be advisable to appoint a secretary, for which post I would suggest Mr. Carr.
On the motion of Mr. W. I. Thomas, seconded by Captain Robbie, Mr. Carr was duly appointed.
The Chairman, continuing: Gentlemen—I may state I am proud to preside at a meeting to initiate the Federation movement, which I trust will be productive of definite results. We had Mr. Seddon here a short time back and he made a few remarks on the subject of Federation with New Zealand. Among which he stated that he believed that if the residents wanted it there was a reasonable hope of their getting Federation. For my part I believe in Federation, I don't say with New Zealand particularly, as long as it is Federation with a British, and not a foreign power. Now the question is whether we federate with Australia or New Zealand? In discussing this, we must remember that with this country the great questions will be the native population and the Indians. Now, Australian Governments have not shown that they can look after blacks and aborigines I remember King Billy hanging about Sydney hotels for drinks, and not too sober at that. On the other hand the New Zealand Government have shown themselves capable of looking after native races. Mr. Seddon informs me that the Maori race is on the increase; and he says there no reason why there should be no increase among the Fijians. There is no doubt that the object of this meeting is Federation with New Zealand. Such Federation means markets for our products, and will allow their products into this country. At the present, this is a Crown Colony under a "one-man Government," and we must all recognise that Federation with any colony possessing representative Government is better than we are now. Of course, we should have delegates to the Federal Parliament, while internal
Mr. W. I. Thomas, on rising, said: Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen—During thirty years I have been in this colony, I have never been present at so important a meeting. This is not a question of Levuka versus Suva. I appeal to your commonsense to sink differences of opinion, and pull together for the good of the colony as a whole. I may tell you that I have not gone into this subject, but it is one that appeals to every intelligent mind. It is a matter which deals with the progress of this country. Gentlemen, I say I cannot bring before you all the advantages consequent on this country joining itself to New Zealand, but rest assured the gentlemen who will follow me will conclusively prove that we can't live better than as a part of New Zealand. The points that are evident are (1) Federation means, comparatively, freetrade, a question I can't go into. (2) It means a cable, a connection that in itself is of inestimable value to business men, and all alike. We have been here ten days with absolutely no connection with Suva. All such irregularities and inconveniences under Federation would be swept away; a new era will come fraught with benefit to all concerned, Some
Mr. Hedstrom: Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, I am very proud to have the opportunity of seconding this resolution, which will initiate a most important movement. At the same time I would point out there is a peculiar fitness in the choice of mover and seconder. The mover is one of Fiji's pioneers, and the seconder a son of the soil. We have here two generations represented, separated by a period of forty years—and we, the younger men here, those whose duty it is to take up the work before us. Gentlemen, Napoleon has called us a" Nation of Shopkeepers," but we feel something like the defenders of Mafekiug—we are widening the outposts of the Queen. Why are our armies fighting in South Africa? Why are half a million men shoulder to shoulder in arms against the Boers? I was going to tell you at what cost—but the object is of more importance, it is for the franchise. We, the supporters of freedom are pouring out blood and money to vindicate our proud boast in South Africa, and yet, gentlemen,
persona gratia with the Colonial authorities at Home, in consequence of assistance of colonial troops sent to the front. His request and petition would receive attention at the hands of the English Government. This is the most propitious time for bringing this matter forward. Mr. Seddon is a man of strength and will, and we know that if he takes it in hand all will be well. We may go twenty or fifty years before such a chance occurs again. Remember, "There is a tide in the affairs of men which leads on to fortune." We are working for a country we believe in, we live in—the cannibal islands. We are here to-night the makers of an Empire. (Cheers.) I believe in enthusiasm, it is the salt of life. The man who has sunk so low as to worry his soul over a shilling increase on a dozen meats, or on the cost of a new frock I do now appeal to, he had better not join in this object, but on the other hand to those who put their shoulder to the wheel, I say let us do the best we can to forward this important movement. (Loud Cheers.)
The chairman called upon Mr. Garner-Jones to speak to the resolution. He said. Mr. Chairman, gentleman, Federation to us of Fiji means—in a nutshell—Progression. We, like our forefathers, are naturally conservative in our feelings, but when we are convinced that changes are necessary, we can also exhibit that dogged obstinacy and determination that is the heritage of our race, and which in the defence of Mafeking we have bad the latest instance. (Cheers.) To attain our object we must sink all petty local jealousies, we must have no Levuka, no Suva. "We must be united Fiji. This is undoubtedly one of the finest countries in the world, and one ruined by over-government. I do not hesitate in saying that a large business firm, or a company in any of the adjacent colonies could run Fiji successfully as a department of their business. Now, we are not going to obtain Federation in a rush—there are difficulties which, to be overcome must be recognised. I place the principal of them under these heads, and in their order of importance, ignorance, officialism, and the labour question. With the first we collectively and individually must grapple. It will be our duty to put the matter before the public in its proper light, and to propagate all information bearing on the subject. The second obstacle is one to be naturally expected. A certain class have vested interests, as it were, in the Fiji of to-day, and to a superficial observer it would appear that any such
The Chairman called on Mr. Riemenschneider, Warden of Suva, to address the meeting. He was seconded with cheers.
Mr. Riemenschnieder: Mr. Chairman, Gentlemen—I must say that we feel very honoured by the invitation extended to us by Mr. Solomon to come to Levuka and express our views on Federation. Now, Federation is a pet scheme of mine, and has been for a considerable time past. When Mr. Berkeley and I entered the Suva Town Board, we drew up a list of ideas we had in view. Among them, in fact, at the head of the list, stood Federation. At that time my idea was to federate with New South Wales, but since then the Commonwealth Bill has been introduced. And, further, the question
re Indian labour, and we find in the eighth section provision is made by which the Government of India possess and retain the power of granting permission to send labour to certain countries. Natal is mentioned as one. But Natal is no longer a Crown Colony, yet by special arrangement Indian labour is still sent there. This, I take it, removes any difficulties as to the labour question; for if laws could be so modified as to meet the requirements of Natal, it seems only feasible they could be so treated with New Zealand.
Mr. Humphry Berkiey said: Mr. Warden and gentlemen. I can assure you I most thoroughly appreciate the honor you have done me in asking me to attend your meeting. You have had laid before you in a most able way by the various gentlemen who have addressed you the reason that has induced us to assemble here to-night. The subject of Federation with New Zealand is one of paramount importance to us all. It is a subject which commands our most earnest consideration,
sina qua non in our dealings with New Zealand, that we shall have the same laws approximately as at present with regard to native labour. But, it may be suggested, how is this to be obtained? Once federated, the Parliament may pass laws prohibiting the introduction and continuance of coolie labour. That argument is easily met. Federation is merely a partnership; it is a term used where large communities join together for their common benefit; but for the purpose of illustrating my argument we will resort to the better known term, partnership. We all here understand what a partnership means. It is "the result of a contract whereby two or more persons agree to combine property or labour, or both, for the purpose of a common undertaking
Mr. Boue (Messrs. Hedemann, Evers & Co.) asked for information re comparison of tariffs of New Zealand and Fiji,
The Warden: You must understand that at present New Zealand tariff is higher than New South Wales, but the Federated Commonwealth's tarriff will be undoubtedly a protection one, on a higher scale, on account of other colonies being protectionists, and being in the majority.
A voice: What about the imports and exports to come from New Zealand?
The Warden: I have no idea.
A voice: The New Zealand tariff is 25 per cent, higher.
The Warden: You must bear in mind many goods that we are paying duty on now, would, under Federation with New Zealand, come in duty free, such as biscuits, meats, soap, being New Zealand products. Anyway, whichever way we look at it we cannot be worse off than we are now.
Mr. J. Harman: Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, I have listened attentively to all the speakers this evening. I know nothing about Federation. I have been in this country a matter of forty years and know Fiji and the Fijians well.
re Indian labor—section 8, or something—but this I say, we don't want the Indians here. Give the Fijian his freedom and the Indian is not required. Now turn to another point—bribery. It is no secret; any man present to-night has had experience of it. Suppose you want to employ native labor, you must first bribe the buli. He must be bribed before a single man can be got. The men may want to go, but cannot stir without the consent of their chief; and to get that consent you must bribe him. Deny it if you can? Not the men but the buli arranges the whole matter. The native system is rotten—I speak from an experience of forty years. I remember in
Dr. Hallan: Mr. Chairman, the officials have been referred to by Mr. Berkeley as being opposed to advance. But I will ask you all to remember that medical men are the representatives of advance, and on that account alone I protest. I would ask for a little information. My mind is hazy on several points just discussed. I confess that I am still uncertain what is meant by Federation. We want a better definition of the word. Suggestions have been made relative to the establishment of a Federal Council. This seems to me like the tail of the dog (laughter). Again, a question stands out that is not fully dealt with, not the labor question here, which is a minor matter, but the native question in New Zealand. We have had Natal referred to. Now, I have followed the native question in that colony closely, and I think, gentlemen, you can hardly quote Natal with enthusiasm. As to the public debt, why not keep our own debt? I cannot see any obstacle to that course. It seems to me that if we are to agree we must first start with a clear idea of what Federation means or else schisms will creep in.
Mi. Cauley: Mr. Chairman, are natives to have the franchise? (Cries of no! no!)
The Warden: We can't settle that at present. Mr. Berkeley might give us his idea on this point.
Mr. Berkeley: I should say that the qualification for the franchise would be on the property basis, and if the native possesses such property, why not let him vote? It is best, however, at this, stage not to interfere with the question.
Mr. Mackenzie: In New Zealand there are a few Maori electorates.
Mr. R. Headdey (Bentley & Co.): This is a serious question. Fiji is as low as possible. Let us federate by all means. I, myself, am not a great believer in New Zealand, but a change would do us no harm. This is a Crown Colony
The Warden: The Doctor asks, "What is Federation." I take it that if New Zealand accept Fiji as a Federal colony we will have to a great extent a voice in our own government—a Parliament of residents of Fiji conducting local affairs, also a Parliament in New Zealand to discuss larger questions. At present we are annexed and have no voice in our own affairs. There will be no trouble about the labor question. We have men in Fiji amongst us quite competent to manage our local affairs. The natives of New Zealand elect so many members—there is no reason why the same course should not be adopted in Fiji. Understand that in managing our own affairs we should be represented by men interested in the country, not merely drawing their salaries. A speaker referred to annexation and Federation. It is well to remember that we are annexed and are tired of it. Shall we federate with New Zealand or not? That is the question. This must be settled. If they will have us, we can't possibly be worse off no matter what happens. What we want to do is to strengthen the hands of the New Zealand Government in their petition to the Imperial Powers, and, as Mr. Seddon told you, the Imperial Government is inclined to be mora liberal with her Crown Colonies. I now put the motion to the meeting. (Read it.)
Carried unanimously, amidst loud cheering.
Captain D. Robbie: Mr. Chairman, gentlemen, the honor has been deputed to me to move the second resolution. There is little doubt that the object of this meeting is the most important that could have brought us together. There are many points in favor of Federation, many of which have been advanced this evening. New Zealand is a colony of untold wealth. Her mineral wealth is unequalled, and her pastoral area is second to none of the Australasian colonies. She is a colony progressing politically and socially with great strides. (The speaker here read some statistics bearing out his statement.) He then proposed "That a committee be formed for the furtherance of Federation with New Zealand; such committee to cooperate with any other that may be formed in Suva, and to consist of the Warden (Mr. J. Solomon), and Messrs. W. I. Thomas, A. Eastgate, D. Uarner-Jones, J. M.
Mr. A. Eastgate: I have great pleasure in seconding this resolution. I should like to add, however, one gentleman to the number, viz., Mr. R. Headdy. He has large interests in the country, and it is a good thing to have a man with several opinions on a committee, as it enables the matter to be threshed out properly.
The names of Messrs. R. Headdy and T. L. Wood were unanimously added to the committee.
The resolution was then put by his Worship the Warden and carried unanimously.
Mr. Riemenschnieder then thanked the meeting, on behalf of himself and Mr. Berkeley, for the patient hearing that had been granted them, and, speaking of meetings to be held in Suva in the future expressed a hope to see some representatives of Levuka.
The Warden briefly responded, and trusted that the Suva meetings would be as successful as the one that night.
Mr. W. I. Thomas moved and Captain Robbie seconded a vote of thanks to Messrs. Riemenschnieder and Berkeley which, being carried by applause, brought the meeting to a close.
One of the certain consequences of confederation with New Zealand would be the restoration to us of the fine mail steamers of the Canadian-Australian line, which for so many years placed Fiji on the main road of communication round the world. It is to the fact that the steamers of that line called here that we owe the advantage of having had our shores visited by such a man as Lord Brassey. Had the line not then existed, had Fiji then not been a station on the route between London and Melbourne, that distinguished statesman, then Governor of Victoria, would, in all probability, have never come to Fiji. What is true in this respect of Lord Brassey is also true of many others, to be known to whom
Sir,—I send you for publication the letter which I received from the Premier of New Zealand. Mr. Seddon's
It is time that this colony should be relieved from the incubus of arbitrary irresponsible rule. It is time that the colonists should be accorded a voice in their own government. It is time that we should be able at least to command courteous replies to our wishes when expressed in respect of matters which, rightly or wrongly, we deem of vital moment to ourselves.
Mr. Seddon advises that hasty action should be avoided, in that all will concur.
Let us form a committee to consider what steps should be taken to bring about the desired reform in the Constitution of the colony. The Premier of New Zealand promises his hearty support. Possessing his sympathy, and with the promise of his assistance we may go on without fear of the result.
The question has often been asked me of late what attitude does the Wesleyan Mission assume towards Federation? My answer has been: As a Mission, no attitude at all. The Wesleyan Mission, as a Mission, is neutral in politics. But, while the Mission wisely, as I think, maintains an attitude of neutrality, and is not likely, in its corporate capacity, to express any opinion on Federation, this does not prevent individual members of the Mission staff from holding and expressing an opinion either for or against it. In setting forth, therefore, my own views on Federation, as it may affect the native population of Fiji, I wish it to be understood that I write only on my own behalf, and am not committing the Mission to which I belong to any particular set of opinions, much less to any course of action.
The stand-point from which I wish to discuss the question is that of a person whose only reason for being in Fiji at all is the welfare of the natives, and who views Federation, not as it may affect the commercial interests of the European population, but, as it bears on the condition and prospects of the Fijians themselves.
What would be the effect of Federation on them? To answer this question it is necessary to ask another. Has the present Crown Colony Covernment proved so successful in its relation to the natives that it ought to be perpetuated? Let us review the situation.
For several reasons Fiji is an interesting country to the student of political economy. Nowhere else is afforded the opportunity of watching an experiment in governing such as we witness here, and there is nothing so valuable as practical experiments in estimating the worth of theories. For that reason I have watched carefully the progress of government in this country. I have never been one of those whose chief recreation lies in the abuse of the Government, and who are by long habit unable to distinguish between good and bad. It has been my aim to judge calmly and dispassionately, and to view affairs from the point of those who are responsible for the administration of the Government. The following are the result of my observations:—
1. The Fiji Government has committed itself to the maintenance of the communal system. When the cession of the group took place a sort of communal system was found in existence. It would, perhaps, be more correct to say that it was a despotism in which the chiefs were the tyrants. They held sole possession of the lives and property of the population, while the mass of the people were communal in complete subservience to the chiefs. It seemed easy for the new Government to extend and crystallize this system. It was much easier than to face the problem of emancipating the people from its thraldom, and so grew up a code of Ordinances whose effect has been to give the chance communism of the old Fiji all the force of law in the new. I assume, for the sake of brevity, that my readers are sufficiently informed concerning the present communal system to obviate the necessity of my entering into greater detail. To this system the Fiji Government is committed, and to all appearances irrevocably committed. I venture to say that the perpetuation of the communal system has been a great mistake.
Those who know natives well, know that what they most lack, and what, if they are ever to be true men, they must somehow acquire, are the qualities of mind and soul that are expressed in the word "character." But character is just what the natives have not. We, who work for and among them, know, too painfully, how deficient in all manly qualities they are. Courage, honour, firmness, pure ambition, truthfulness, unselfishness—these and kindred qualities are all too rare. Let me say here that the natives are not generally hypocrites, as many thoughtlessly, say; they mean well, but
But environment has everything to do with growth of character. Place any number of men in situations requiring certain qualities of mind and the axoim will be verified that occasions produce the men to deal with them. The vital objection to Socialism is that it obliterates individuality, and Communism is only another name for Socialism. Herd men together like sheep, take away from them all incentive and ambition, impose on them a legal code that stops all outlet for individual effort, stifle all expressions of individual opinion, and the result, most assuredly, will be the annihilation of all character and the production of a placid race of mental and moral invertebrates.
This has been the result of the communal system developed and perpetuated by the Fiji Government. The policy of the Wesleyan Mission in its synods and church courts has been to promote individualism among the natives. Freedom of discussion, room for the exercise of judgment and a share in the legislation and administration of ecclesiastical affairs, these have always been conceded. The policy of the Government has been, and is now, more than ever the direct opposite of this. The Councils are a mere matter of form and are dominated by officials, and the will of the people always gives place to the personal will of the Governor. Freedom of discussion and the expression of private opinion are effectively checked by such laws as that of Vakatubuca, an Ordinance wide enough to catch even the most wary. In such environment a nation of men cannot be formed. It is not being formed in Fiji.
2. The communal system is bound up with the maintenance of the poll tax. I do the Government no wrong when I say the natives are governed principally in the interests of that tax. When I read the report of the Commission on the decrease of the native population, I was struck with the use of the argument that it was desirable to preserve the native race because its extinction meant a serious loss of revenue to the Government. We are witnessing just now a new departure in the operations of the Provincial Inspectors. I have good
About the poll tax I observe—
3. The natives' have been and are still compelled to do large amounts of free labor on roads and other public works from which they personally derive very small benefit. The whole of the road from Nadroga to Viti Levu Bay was made by forced, unpaid native labor. The road from Tavua to Suva, through the percipitous mountains of the interior; the road from Ba which junctions the Tavua road at Nadarivatu, the road from Ba to Fort Carnarvon and through Navosa to Nadarivatu; the road from Viti Levu Bay that junctions the main road at Nubumakita, and many others too numerous to mention, were all, with few exceptions, made under compulsion by the natives, who got not a penny of remuneration and fed themselves into the bargain. And all this in addition to the poll tax and Customs duties. The hand of the Governmont has been heavy indeed on the native population. Roads are desirable, but they should be paid for, not done for nothing, under compulsion, by one class of people already too heavily taxed.
4. For the maintenance of the communal system and the poll tax, the Fiji Government has woven about the natives a web of legislation that has been the grave of all liberty. Take Lawa ni Talaidredre and Lawa ni Vakatubu ca. In these two Ordinances alone the Government has forged for itself and its officials, English and native, most effective instruments shall I say—of oppression. The Government did not mean to oppress, but it has oppressed, nevertheless. Both the above Ordinances were very dangerous weapons to place in the hands of native officials. During my residence in these islands I have been the indignant witness of many arbitrary and oppressive acts done by their means.
During a recent journey through the interior of Viti Levu I met an old man under police escort, on his way to Suva gaol. Happening to know him and also his family, I enquired the reason of his imprisonment. It was Vakatubu ca on two grounds. First, as town chief he opposed the appropriation of a piece of ground for tax purposes (poll tax again) for the reason that it was required for planting food. Secondly, he opposed the removal of his village and the union of its people with another village. In this case one Provincial Inspector ordered the breadfruit trees to be cut down, and when that was done another Inspector decided to remove the village altogether. The old man opposed this, was charged with Vakatubu ca, and is now putting in six months for his courage. I met him on the way. He suffers from a complaint that makes walking a real torture, and this old man was sent staggering over the mountains from Rakiraki to Suva although he could have been sent round by steamer for 10s. To my thinking he has done nothing at all worthy of punishment. But that is where I think the Fiji Government has involved itself in a course that makes tyranny a necessity. To perpetuate Communism and maintain the poll tax Lawa ni Talaidredre and Lawa ni Vakatubu ca are essential, and it follows that conduct, for which we applaud our Pyms, our Hampdens, our Cobdens, and our Wilberforces, becomes an indictable offence in Fiji. If Gladstone had been a Fijian, instead of his country sending him back to Parliament with an overwhelming following for denouncing the Government's cynical apathy over Bulgarian atrocities we should have seen him in a prisoner's procession in the streets of Suva, with hair cropped close and wearing a sulu plentifully besprinkled with broad arrows.
The Fiji Government has deprived the natives of all liberty. They pay about 40 per cent, of their gross income to the Treasury in addition to unpaid labor, yet they have no franchise and no representation. Their Councils are under Government tutelage, one man, and one only, holds them in his hand, and when it happens that the hand is metallic and unsympathetic the natives are to be pitied. In Fiji, a young man who feels the village boundaries to be too strait for him, and his aspirations and ambitions to attain to something above the rank of a mere hewer of wood and drawer of water, is met at the outset by an inflexible communal system that holds him in a relentless grip. He would be a carpenter or a
5. The Fiji Government has made itself an object of hatred and dread to the natives—it rules by fear. It's foolish anxiety to regulate every detail of native life has led to the multiplication of Ordinances that hedge the native round like the spikes ill a regulus barrel. The most law-abiding and well-meaning native can scarcely hope to pass through life without making frequent appearances before magistrates, to answer charges that in other countries would not be thought offences. It would be interesting to see a table for one year of punishments inflicted for offences against the Ordinances that uphold the communal and tax system. The present Governor wrote in a well-remembered message of the sheaves of Ordinances he found in Fiji. It cannot be said, however, that the burden of these sheaves has been made any lighter by the appointment of inspectors, whose mere word, backed by Lawa ni Talaidredre becomes a law; who, knowing of, or caring less for, the customs and feelings of the people, ride rough-shod over them, and who, being foolishly elated by the absolute power bestowed upon them, make occasions to use it.
The government of the natives has become a mere tyranny (I use this word in its original sense), and the greatest discontent is felt in a large part of the country. But this discontent is mostly voiceless; Lawa ni Yakatubu ca compels it to be dumb. If the test of successful government is found in the wealth and happiness it places within reach of its subjects the Fiji Government has miserably failed.
My conclusion, therefore, is that the natives of this country
Now let us look at the attitude of the New Zealand Government to the Maoris.
In the past New Zealand made its own mistakes in dealing with its aboriginal population, and for these it has paid the price. It has also learned wisdom from its mistakes, and no one can now charge that colony with unfairness towards the Maoris.
I conclude, therefore, that the Fijian natives have nothing to lose, but a great deal to gain, from a Federation that would
It would be worthwhile to work for Federation, if only as a way of obtaining opportunities for the discussion of the native affairs, and of escape from the truculent discourtesy that seems always to have been, as it is now the predominant feature of Crown Colony Governments.
"My advisers consider it to be of the first importance to the Empire and this colony that British interests in the islands of the Pacific should be definitely conserved, and in respect to several of the islands, that, with the concurrence of the inhabitants, annexation should, where possible, take place. With a view of removing difficulties and providing satisfactory administration, the extension of the boundaries of this colony may be found necessary, and if so, the people of
Dear Sir,—In reply to your letter of the 18th ultimo, I have the honor to inform you that the Government of this colony would be favourably inclined to consider any proposal regarding Federation of New Zealand with Fiji. It is a matter of great moment to you, and it also concerns the Australian Commonwealth. I notice that the Secretary of State said that in any proposal of the kind the Commonwealth would be consulted. Hasty action of any kind should be avoided, and the first step to be taken should be to obtain self-government. After that, a decision should be come to with regard to Federation. In the Speech from the Throne, delivered to the New Zealand Parliament, which, in all probability, you have seen ere this, the following appears:—
This, I may say, fairly represents the situation. In the meantime, it would only be a neighbourly act on our part and that of Australia, if we assisted in obtaining self-government, which, in my opinion, would be the first step towards the removal of that isolation from which you are undoubtedly suffering.
Sir.—Since the appearance of Mr. Seddon's letters, a suggestion, emanating from a quarter not difficult to fix, has been here and there made that Fiji should endeavour to obtain Federation with the Commonwealth of Australia, and reject the proposal of Mr. Seddon to federate with New Zealand.
The authors of this suggestion, while they openly profess to be ardent supporters of the principle of self-government—which, be it not forgotten, can only be obtained by means of Federation—are in reality the secret emissaries of those who would prevent the Federation of Fiji with either New Zealand or Australia, and keep her in the trammels of Crown Colony Government. While professing a desire to be quit of Crown Colony Government they advise us to disregard the helping hand held out to us by the Premier of New Zealand—the most powerful colonial statesman of to-day—and to make unsupported advances to statesmen in Australia, who have shown no desire to form an alliance with us, and who, for many a day to come, will be fully occupied in bringing their newly-formed Commonwealth into working order. This suggestion is, in-deed, an admirable one for keeping Fiji under the present blighting system of Government, but it has no other merit. The suggestion is rather a clever device to split the federal vote in the colony in order to wreck the movement for self-government, and so retain the present one-man government
It is easy to see the difficult position in which the Secretary of State may thus be placed. If, in deference to the opposition of Australia, he should refuse Mr. Seddon's request to allow us to federate with New Zealand, how could he sanction our Federation with Australia, in face of the opposition he would certainly and naturally experience from New Zealand? "The Crown Colonists" hope and expect that, in such case, the Secretary of State would refuse to allow Fiji to federate with either New Zealand or Australia, and that, thereby, Crown Colony Government in Fiji would be perpetuated. I have pointed out the net which is being spread for us. Let us all, who wish for representative government, support the Federation of Fiji with New Zealand, for such a
The colonies of the Australian mainland, and Tasmania, are now federated; it but remains for New Zealand and Fiji to federate, and subsequently, and in due time, join the great Commonwealth.
He must be blind, indeed, who does not see that nothing is so likely to retard the consummation of that great event as the opposition of Australia to the legitimate aspirations of New Zealand in the direction of Federation with Fiji, and those other portions of the Pacific which, geographically, form part of her. If we desire, ultimately, to form part of a freely governed Australasian Commonwealth, let us eagerly, and at once, accept the invitation of the Premier of New Zealand to federate in the first instance with that colony.
According to advertisement, a public meeting was held in the Mechanics' Institute, on Thursday evening, 13th instant, to consider what steps should be taken to bring about the Federation of Fiji with New Zealand.
At 8 o'clock precisely the Warden of Suva, Mr. F, E Riemenschneider, took the chair, there being present some 170 to 200 people in the hall; all classes of the community being thoroughly represented.
On rising, the chairman said:—Gentlemen, the object for which this meeting has been called has been prominently before you for some months past, through the columns of the local press, and, also, by public meeting held at Levuka some short time back, at which a resolution favoring the movement was passed without one dissentient voice. Before going fully into the business of the evening, I would like to make a few remarks in explanation of why this meeting has been called. Some little time back, and shortly after the Right Hon. Mr. Seddon's visit to Suva, I, in my capacity as Warden of Suva, and your representative, called a meeting in my office of a few of the leading townspeople, to discuss what steps should be taken to endeavour to bring about the Federation of our colony with New Zealand, and at that meeting, of which I was appointed chairman, it was proposed by Mr. J. H Garrick, and seconded by Mr. G. A. Woods, that the chairman be directed to write to the Premier of New Zealand asking whether his Government would be inclined to favorably consider the question of the Federation of his colony with Fiji, In accordance with the resolution I wrote the following letter (letter read), to which I received the following letters in reply (letters read), and in order to give general publicity to what was being done I had this correspondence published in the Fiji Times. Shortly after receipt of Mr. Seddon's replies I again invited the gentlemen who attended the first meeting, together with a few others, to meet at my office to further discuss the subject. All attended with the exception of Mr. Garrick and Mr. Woods, who for reasons best known to themselves declined to attend the second meeting. At this latter meeting, at which there were present Messrs. Humphry Berkeley, G. L. Griffiths, W. T. Sturt, H. G. Hunt, J. Rennie, F. A. Thomas, Dr. Fox and myself in the chair, it was decided after very lengthy discussion to call this public meeting, in order that the matter might be fully thrashed out, and the opinion of the general public taken as to whether or not it was desirable to proceed with the movement; and that, gentlemen, is why we are gathered together this evening. I wish it to be distinctly understood that we gentlemen, who have taken the initiative steps in this matter, do not consider ourselves as the elect of the people; we simply formed ourselves into a committee in order that the movement might take some definite form, and it will rest with you this evening to form a permanent committee from your number to carry on
The Warden was unanimously voted to the chair amidst loud and prolonged cheering, and after returning thanks, said: I will now ask that the business before the meeting be fully discussed by both those for and against (if any) the movement, and request that a fair and impartial hearing be given to all speakers. I now call upon Mr. Humphry Berkeley to move the first resolution.
Mr. Humphry Berkeley, on rising, said: Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen. The resolution, the proposal of which has been entrusted to me, is as follows:—"That, in the opinion of this meeting, it is desirable that the Premier and Government of New Zealand be approached with the view of obtaining their assistance for the purpose of securing self-government for Fiji; or of taking such further or other steps as they may deem necessary for the Federation of this colony with New Zealand."
You will understand from what I have read you that it is proposed, in the first instance, to endeavour with the aid of New Zealand to obtain self-government for Fiji, with the ultimate view, possibly of federating the two colonies. But, before I can ask you to record your votes in favor of this scheme, which necessitates a change, it becomes necessary for us to consider the form of Government under which we are living at present, and the benefits to be derived from the discontinuance of the present and the adoption of the proposed new form of Government. The laws of the colony of Fiji are enacted by a Legislative Council comprising six official and six unofficial members. The head of that Council is his Excellency the Governor, and all of the members are appointed by him. The six official members are bound to support the Government in every measure that is brought forward by it, while the six unofficial members are popularly supposed by the outside world to be the representatives of the colony, and as such to have the right of voting as they please. The Governor, in the event of there being an even number of votes for and against any measure, has the casting vote, and thus may at any time pass any laws he pleases, regardless of
Fiji Times of September 1. It is a letter deserving of the greatest consideration, coming as it does from one who, as a missionary, has been so intimately connected with the Fijian race for a great number of years, and who is consequently conversant with the grave hardships and unnecessary burdens that these poor people are compelled to endure. (Mr. Berkeley here quoted at length from Mr. Slade's letter.) Now, I have told you the strongest argument that the adherents of Crown Colony rule can bring forward against Self-Government or Federation is "that no self-governing colony will treat the natives properly." Gentlemen, you have heard what I have just told you. You have heard the way in which the natives are treated under the present Crown Colony system, I have
Dr. Fox seconded the resolution.
Mr. G. L. Griffiths said he rose to support the motion. It had not been his intention to address the meeting, but since the seconder of the proposition had been so very brief of speech he felt impelled to say something in support. Fifteen years ago it had been his privilege to second a similar motion to the one they were discussing that evening, and that, too, was addressed to the Premier and Government of New
present. For years past the country has been on the down-grade. The Fijian Blue Book of to-day gave the European population as 4000. He (the speaker) doubted very much if it exceeded 3000. He thought it was more like 2500. Why had colonists' sons to leave the country in search of employment? Years ago the attention of the Home Government had been drawn, by petition, to the unsatisfactory condition of the country, but the prayer of their petition had not been vouchsafed. As an old colonist he recognised that there was no help for it, but to follow the course now proposed. The Government of New Zealand, through its Premier, held out their hand to us, and he thought it a duty we owed to ourselves, and our children, that the colony embrace the opportunity. It gave him pleasure to support the resolution. (Cheers.)
Mr. J. B. Turner addressed the meeting in opposition to the resolution. He said Mr. Berkeley had shown no reasons at all why Fiji should federate with New Zealand. He had, indeed, shown reasons for self-government in Fiji, and this has also been shown us by Mr. Seddon, who has advised us to secure self-government, and in doing so he has promised to assist us. Mr. Berkeley, himself, has said that self-government is better than Federation with New Zealand. He (the speaker) had declined to join the Provisional Committee simply because it was aiming at Federation. Had it been for self-government only he would have joined it. Now, people say it is impossible for us to secure this self-rule, that Australia will object to it, and the British Government will not consent to our being federated with any colony. This, he thought, may be so; but then the British Government would allow us to assume self-government as soon as we showed capacity to do so, and this self-government is all that we require. We want elbow-room and power to set things right-side up. We have a fine colony; it will grow almost anything, and from various resources we can supply other colonies with all the tropical produce that they need. Croakers have attempted to run the country down. At one time they said: Oh! this country will not grow sugar; but look at our sugar mills of to-day. We can grow abundance of good sugar. Again, the croakers said we could not grow rice. Go and look at the rice-fields to-day in proof of the contrary. This little colony, if possessed by N.Z. would be worth
Mr. G. A. Woods said: That his name had been used in connection with the committee, and he had reason to speak. He would tell them a little history. They had met to decide upon a question, the effect of which might bear upon the lives
Mr. G. L. Griffiths referred to the incident related by Mr. G. A. Woods, who had stated that over25 years ago he had borrowed £100,000 in Sydney, on the security of 160,000 acres of land, placed at his disposal for that purpose by the native chiefs of Fiji. He would suggest to the meeting if it were possible to-day to secure a loan on the same security. He thought not. Waste lands were comparatively valueless as a security, and this, too, after twenty-five years of British administration. If any present doubted what he (the speaker) alleged, let them go to the bank and test the allegation. He had lately referred to the petition presented to New Zealand fifteen years since—and he would take care that it was reprinted, and that it met the eyes of those present. Some of the figures contained in it would exhibit that the colony, since that period, had not made any substantial progress. The imports, to-day, were less than they were at that date. As regards the suggestion thrown out that the colony should ask the Home Government to grant it responsible government, a recommendation of the kind was beside the mark. How was
The Chairman said: If no one else wishes to address the meeting, I would like, before putting the resolution, to make a few remarks in support of it. A good deal has been said this evening by the previous speakers about the native and labour questions, and the present form of Government; but none seemed to touch upon the advantages that must necessarily accrue to the colony, should Federation with New Zealand be realized. As a natural consequence there would be an influx of population, and with population would come capital, and with population and capital would follow settlement on the land. And, gentlemen, you all know, just as well as I can tell you, what the result of settlement on the land will be, more especially in such a country as this, where the land is so fertile, and where there are millions of acres of uncultivated lands, but no settlers to till the same. The policy suggested by Mr. Turner is a dog-in-the-manger one. He says the lands should not be settled on by the New Zealanders, but should be kept for our children. Well, if we are to wait for advancement until our children come on, we may as well throw up the sponge at once and sink into oblivion. But I think I can state with confidence there are none of you here to-night who agree with Mr. Turner on that point, and further, I venture to state, that within five years after we have federated with New Zealand (and mark me we are going to federate, for the gentlemen who have taken so active a part in this movement do not know the meaning of defeat, and will not rest until they have carried it to a successful issue) the European population will be at least treble what it is to day, and with increased population, and a liberal form of Government, we could have central sugar mills introduced, whereby the smaller farming classes, with only a limited capital, could farm their small blocks and reap the benefit of their labor. For, be it understood, these mills are established by the Government, not for its own profit, but for the benefit of the
Mr. J. B. Turner proposed the following amendment, and Mr. G. A. Woods seconded:—" That in the opinion of this meeting it is desirable that steps be taken with the object of obtaining self-government for this colony."
Capt. A. H. Ogilvie, in reply to Mr. Turner; said:—" I consider that it is impossible for us to command any influence in the Legislative Council against the desire and will of the Government upon questions that are opposed to the wishes of the people, and, therefore, I will support the resolution.
The Chairman then put the amendment, but only 22 voting for it it was lost. The resolution was then put and earned unanimously.
Capt. A. II. Ogilvie then proposed, and Mr. John Cleary seconded:—"That a committee consisting of Messrs. F. E. Riemenschneider, Humphry Berkeley, Dr. G. Fox, H. G. Hunt, G. L. Griffiths. J. Rennie, W. T. Sturt, and F. A. Thomas, with power to add to their number, be appointed for the purpose of carrying out the resolution of this meeting." This was carried unanimously.
Printed by G. L. Griffiths, Suva, Fiji.—
On Tuesday, the 23rd, his Excellency the Governor, accompanied by the Hon. Mr. and Mrs. Allardyce, the Hon. Mr. and Mrs. Sutherland, and Dr. and Mrs. Prior, proceeded by launch to Rewa for the purpose of opening the first of the new Provincial Hospitals which the Government is establishing in several of the outlying districts for the reception and treatment of native patients.
The Governor and party reached the hospital wharf at Wainibokasi a little after noon, where they were met by Dr. Withington and several other officials and escorted to a large native-built marquee, which had been erected in the hospital grounds, and where a number of Europeans, and all the leading chiefs and people of the three provinces of Tailevu, Rewa, and Naitaisiri, including the Roko Tui Tailevu, Roko Tui Rewa, with their Bulis numbering close on a thousand people, had assembled to witness the opening ceremony. Noticeable amongst the spectators were the Rev. Dr. Brown, the Rev. Lane, and all the members of the Wesleyan Mission, and several of the priests from the Roman Catholic Mission Station at Rewa.
The weather was exceptionally fine, and everything bore quite a gala appearance, the hospital buildings being decorated for the occasion with flags and festoons of flowers, and the ponds, which only very recently had been a wilderness of grass, had been cleared and laid out in food and flower
Roko Tui Tailevu, Roko Tui Rewa, and you other chiefs and men of the Rewa and neighbouring provinces, I am very glad to see you all assembled here to-day to witness the opening of the Wainibokasi Hospital.
2. The building of the hospital and doctor's quarters has cost some £1,400. and the Government has spared no expense in fitting it up and equipping it with everything necessary, so that the sick in these provinces may here receive gratis the best possible medical treatment.
3. It is only lately that the Government has had sufficient money at its disposal to try and improve the material condition of the Fijian people. Since it has had the money it has lost no time in spending it for the benefit of the Fijians. Other hospitals are being erected in other provinces; creeks are being bridged: and where the water supply is bad a good supply is being laid on at the expense of the Government. You, in Rewa, have benefitted by the Rewa water supply; and in Tailevu also, and in other provinces works are being undertaken to supply the people with wholesome water for drinking and cooking.
4. Talking of the Rewa water supply I may tell you what happened the other night in Suva, at a meeting which was held in favor of Federation with New Zealand, that is to say, in favor of giving over to New Zealand this country of Fiji, which the Fijians gave to Her Most Gracious Majesty Queen Victoria. Well, at this Federation meeting, mention was made of the Rewa water supply. And what do you think was said of it? Why, it was said that it was absurd to supply you with water, and it was wrong to have spent the money that has been spent in doing so. It was said that all the villages that had been supplied lie on the banks of the Rewa, and that the Rewa water, which was good enough for your forefathers, was good enough for you. The Rewa water, by the way, as is usual in tidal waters, is uncommonly brackish—but never mind about that. And the speaker also said that he was sure that everyone at the meeting agreed with him
5. That, I think, will show you pretty clearly how much the New Zealand party care about you and your welfare. They pretend to be your friends, I know, and they have their own purpose to serve by doing so. But I will tell you one thin", and that is this: When persons, who have never during all their lives done a single thing to benefit you, all of a sudden appear to become very fond of you, and say to you that they will do you all manner of good if you will only listen to their advice, you will do very well to ask yourself the question: "What is it that we have got that these persons want to get from us?"
6. If the chiefs and the more intelligent amongst you ask yourselves the question, what has this New Zealand party to gain from us, you will not have to wait very long before you see the answer. You have the land, my friends, and that is what they want to get, and hope that they will get if you are foolish enough to listen to them. It has always been the same in every country under the kind of Government that there is in New Zealand; the white men have always taken the land from the colored owners. Who owns that land now? The white people have got nearly the whole of it; the colored people are cooped up in a fragment of land that has tan left to them, and many of them have no land at all.
7. What has happened in New Zealand to the colored peoples' land will happen here, too, if New Zealand gets this country. But you have been told that if New Zealand gets this country the native will not have to pay native taxes. Of course the persons who have told you this have done so to tempt you to listen to them in order that, if you are foolish enough, you may think it a good thing that New Zealand should get this country. Therefore, they tell you that if you were under the New Zealand Government you would not have to pay native taxes. But they do not tell you that if you paid no native taxes you would, like the colored people of New Zealand, lose nearly all your land.
8. For what, after all, are those so-called native taxes that you have to pay? I will tell you. They amount to less than a pound a head a year for each adult male, and they are the rents which the Fijian people pay for the lands that they are not actually cultivating. Under the Act of Cession, by which the father of Roko Tui Tailevu, and the other great chiefs of Fiji on behalf of themselves, and their several tribes, made over the country to Her Most Gracious Majesty-Queen Victoria, it was agreed that the Fijians should keep the lands they were cultivating, and that all the rest should belong to Government. But when it was found that this did not please the chiefs and people, the Government allowed them to have all the unoccupied lands, and in return got from them the small rent which is known by the name of native taxes. So you can see if you were to cease to pay that rent you would also cease to own those lands, and they would be taken from you, as the lands have been taken from the owners in New Zealand and other countries that are under the same kind of Government. And what you have to think of is this: Would you rather go on paying your rent to this Government under the Queen, or have your rent remitted by the New-Zealand Government, and lose your lands?
9. I know what your answer is—you would rather pay your rent and keep your lands. But when I tell you this, I tell you also, at the same time, that you are to keep very quiet and to give no sort of trouble. If any of you were to give trouble that would only make it easy for New Zealand to get your country, and for you to lose your lands. What there is to be said on your behalf I have already said to the Queen, and shall, if necessary, say it again. But, in the meantime, I
10. And now my friends a word or two more about this hospital. Hospitals have, I know not why, been sometimes called "the houses of death." This is very wrong. People may die in any kind of house, and they may sometimes die even in a hospital. But in a hospital such as this, many, who would die in their own houses, will be saved from death, and many who are sick will be made well. So this hospital, and the other hospitals which are being built for the Fijians, will in future be known as "the houses of life." And I hope that all who may be sick in these provinces will freely come to this hospital. They will find here a very clever and very kind gentlemen, Dr. Withington, who will do all he can to cure them, and they will always meet here with every possible kindness and good treatment. I have now great pleasure in declaring this hospital open, and in expressing my assured conviction that it will be the means under Almighty God of much blessing to the people for whom it has been built.
The address, which was delivered in English and interpreted by the Hon. W. L. Allardyce, losing none of its force or effect in the translation, was received with much applause, and a short epistle was presented and read, thanking the Governor for water supply, hospital, etc.
A vote of thanks, in the usual native form, was passed, and his Excellency rose and invited those present to adjourn to the hospital and partake of light refreshments, where, in a few words, the health of Dr. Withington, in whose charge the hospital had been placed, was proposed by the Governor and drunk by those present. The hospital buildings, which comprise three wards, dispensary, operating room, and quarters for resident doctor and native attendants, were then inspected and the general opinion was that the site was well and centrally situated, and the buildings admirably suited for the treatment of the native sick, being large, well lighted and ventilated, and bear more the appearance of a cheerful home than that of a hospital, the three wards opening out on to a
Before leaving again for Suva three ringing cheers were given for his Excellency.
Three ringing cheers for his Excellency terminated the proceedings, and the launch with the Governor and party on board pushed off from the wharf at Wainibokasi about 3 o'clock, arriving in Suva two hours later.
The band from the Roman Catholic Mission Station, at Nailili was in attendance and played several selections during the afternoon.
Sir.—The unjustifiable attack upon the New Zealand Government made by his Excellency the Governor of Fiji in his speech at the opening of the Wainibokasi Hospital will, I have no doubt, be dealt with officially, but as of necessity many days must elapse before the utterly untrue statements can be contradicted from Wellington, I trust you will allow me to state a few facts in order to place the position fairly before the people of Suva. There are at present in the North Island of New Zealand (the Maoris are practically confined to the North Island) according to the census of
The natives have been far too well cared for under the above treaty; thousands of acres of land having been handed over to them by secure titles that they never set foot in. If any injustice was ever done the native race it was done when New Zealand was a Crown Colony. This is an absolute fact, and must be known to his Excellency, and it seems to me it places him in rather an unenviable position. The Governments, from Sir Harry Atkinson's down to the present administration under the Right Hon. Mr. Seddon, have rectified many abuses that crept in under the old Crown Colony days, and at present the large tracts of land held by the Maoris are not allowed under any consideration to be sold to white settlers. To sum up 40,000 Maoris (all told, men, women, and children) hold some five millions of acres of land, and over and above draw rents to an extent of at least £400,000. Let your readers compare the above statements with paragraph 6 m his Excellency's speech, and then they will wonder as I do what his motive was in insulting the colony of New Zealand. I am, etc.,
Sir,—The Governor took advantage of the large gathering of natives and others recently collected by him, ostensibly
That, the Governor of Fiji told the Fijian chiefs, was how the Government of New Zealand had treated the Maoris—the aboriginal inhabitants of that country—and that is how it would treat the Fijians, if Fiji should federate with New Zealand, or in any way come under her control. One must unhesitatingly condemn this speech as being mischievous in intention, and as deplorable in the results likely to flow from it.
A protest must be entered against such statements from the lips of the Governor of this colony because they are unsustainable in point of fact; are an unjust accusation against the Government of a neighbouring British colony: and are calculated to cause embarrassment to that Government in its dealings with the natives of those islands which, with the sanction of the imperial Government, are on the point of being placed under the administration of New Zealand. The Government of New Zealand has—so says the Governor of Fiji—deprived the Maoris of their lands so that they are now cooped up within a small area, and, so that many of them now have no land at all. That statement has been demonstrated by Dr. Purdy of New Zealand to be "utterly untrue," and an "insult" to that colony.
The words of the Governor of Fiji, spoken as a warning to the natives of Fiji, lest they should consent to come under the dominion of New Zealand, will sink into the ears of the natives of the Cook Islands, and fill them with dread and fear, and distrust of the Government of New Zealand; for has not the Governor of Fiji told the chiefs of that country that the Government of New Zealand wants to federate with Fiji, in order that it may get the opportunity to deprive the Fijians of their lands and give them to white men. That is "what happened in New Zealand" says the Governor of Fiji. "and that is what will happen here also if New Zealand gets Fiji."
Anything more calculated to inflame the native mind against the white people of this colony, and of New Zealand, and to lead to a disturbance of those relations which have
Now, all this alleged unjust treatment of the Maoris by by the Government of New Zealand, and all this alleged desire of the white people in Fiji to deprive the Fijians of their land, is, of course, great nonsense. But, it is nonsense of a most dangerous sort when addressed by a person in the high position of Governor to persons like the Fijians, who naturally accept as real all that is told them by the Governor.
No doubt the Government of New Zealand will take a very serious view of the libellous accusations brought against it by the Governor of Fiji, and, for the sake of the honor and good fame of that Government, it is necessary that it should do so, and that it should take effectual steps to refute these accusations. The Government of New Zealand has been publicly and officially accused of exploiting the Maoris for the benefit of the white man. Before New Zealand can hope to successfully govern in the islands of the South Seas she must eradicate from the native mind the damaging prejudice created against her by the speech of the Governor of Fiji to the chiefs assembled at Wainibokasi. "What has happened to the Maoris is what happens to all colored people under such a Government as New Zealand possesses"—so says the Governor of the Crown Colony of Fiji!
That is to say that the Government of a country, which has free and enlightened institutions, and responsible ministers, always treat the natives unjustly, and exploits them for the
But, it is absolutely certain that New Guinea will shortly be handed over to the Government of the Commonwealth. In view of that certainty, and of the fact that New Zealand is on the point of annexing the Cook Islands, it would seem that Mr. Chamberlain does not altogether agree with the Governor of Fiji in his estimate of the character of the Government of New Zealand, and others of like nature.
The Governor should apologise for his accusations against the honor of the white people of Fiji, and for his accusations against the honour of the Government of New Zealand. The accusations having been publicly, and officially made, should, in like manner be publicly and officially retraced, and this his Excellency should in fairness do in the next issue of Na Mata. That the speech was a blunder is clear; the publication, far and wide among the natives, of unfounded aspersions on the honor of the Government of New Zealand is of course something of a more serious nature, but if amends in the shape of a retractation and apology be at once made, it is to be hoped that the regrettable incident may be passed over without further notice, and be relegated to oblivion.
Sir,—The Governor's speech to the Fijians at Wainibokasi was certainly a lamentable piece of ineptitude. It reads like a speech made for party purposes by an irresponsible politician, careless of the accuracy of his facts, satisfied so long as he can make a point for the time being against his
The charges contained in it are unfounded in fact, and are easily disproved, and it is only a matter of a short time when they must be withdrawn as publicly as they have been made; for it is impossible for New Zealand, with her mission in the South Seas, to allow herself to lie under the stigma which has been placed upon her by the Governor of Fiji, who, be it remembered, is also the High Commissioner for the Western Pacific. The holder of these high offices is expected to possess the qualities which distinguish a statesman and a diplomatist from the ordinary official.
The great French Foreign Minister, Tallyrand, is credited with having declared that in a diplomatist a blunder was worse than a crime. Certainly Her Majesty's High Commissioner for the Western Pacific has committed an egregious blunder in making accusations which will be bitterly resented by New Zealand, and which are without warrant or excuse. Happily, the Government will have no difficulty in refuting the charges made against it, for it has spent in purchasing lands from the Maoris over two millions of money, as any one interested in the subject may learn from Blue Books and other official publications, and the Maoris in addition draw from rented lands more than four hundred thousand pounds sterling a year. To impute, therefore to the New Zealand Government unjust dealings in the lands of the Maoris would be laughable where it not so cruel and unjust to the people of New Zealand, who, with every right to do so, pride themselves on the benevolent and enlightened manner in which they have always treated the Maoris. To the Maoris themselves it will come as strange news that they are a down-trodden people, unjustly deprived of their hereditary lands. But the Fijians will, of course, believe the allegation until it is contradicted in the same authoritative manner as that in which it has been made.
Until that is done, Tongatabu and the Cook Islands, and
That speech has been published by his Excellency in the Na Mata, the native official newspaper, and has, by his Excellency's order, been read by the chief of each village in Fiji to the villagers assembled for the purpose. "On receipt of this Na Mata, you will appoint a day for a public meeting at which you or your nominee will read the Governor's speech in order to make its contents known to all." Such is the direction which has been issued to the chief of each village in Fiji, and it is signed "By order of the Governor. Wm. Sutherland, Native Commissioner."
There is no mistake about the official character of the accusations against the Government of New Zealand, and the supporters of Federation. What was his Excellency's Executive Council about when it allowed such pernicious stuff to be officially spread broadcast among excitable natives? Can it be that they were not consulted on the subject? What was Mr. Allardyce, the Assistant Colonial Secretary, about when he took part in the propogation of unfounded slanders against the Government of New Zealand and the people of this colony? Is it the case that he knew little or nothing of the matter until called upon to interpret the speech? What was the Native Commissioner about? He must have known the (lunger of
The rumour is (and probably in this case rumour is correct) that his Excellency consulted no one on the subject If so, what a crushing commentary is afforded on the mischief attendant on "one-man Government," and what a strong argument it provides for the abolition of that discredited system, and the bestowal on the colony of Representative Government. After all the sacrifices in blood and treasure by the loyal New Zealanders in the hour of the Empire's need, it is nothing short of an outrage that they should be officially held up to public opprobrium by a high and responsible Imperial official.
Dear Sir,—I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 3rd November, containing an extract from the Fiji Times of the 31st October, being a report of the speech delivered by his Excellency the Governor, and High Commissioner of the Pacific, Sir George O'Brien, on the occasion of the opening of the Wainibokasi Hospital.
I presume the report must be taken as correct, seeing that this speech was re-printed in the current number of the Na Mata, a Government publication printed in Fiji, and a copy of which notification, signed, by order of the Governor, William Sutherland, Native Commissioner, has reached me.
I read the speech with surprise and amazement, and had not the after effects been so serious, I should have been more amused than annoyed. I do not think there is a precedent a the annals of our history for such a situation, or that it
So far back as
So much for the action of the New Zealand Parliament being construed as a desire to interfere with native ownership, or the natives in respect to their lands in Fiji.
As regards the allegation made to the effect that the Maori natives of New Zealand have been wronged in respect to their lands, and were without lands, anyone who has read what has been going on—and it is the duty of those holding high positions to make themselves acquainted with what is going on—knows that such is not the case, but that, on the contrary, it is found in the North Island of New Zealand there are some 30,000 natives who own, at the present time, some 5,000,000 aces of land. The law affecting native lands has for some years been that no alienation can take place except through the Government, nor until a court has certified that the natives desirous of alienating by lease or otherwise have sufficient land in excess of that to be sold or leased to maintain them. Only last session we passed the Maori Lands Administration Act, a copy of which I herewith forward you, and under which the native land-owners elected their own councils to administrate the lands for them; and the Government of the colony assisted by advancing moneys for the purpose of surveying roads and developing, the lands. Many years ago, and before Responsible Government was given to our colony, the natives of the South Island, after reserving what they deemed sufficient for the revenues, ceded the rest to the New Zealand Company and to the Government. Of late years it was found that sufficient reserves had not been retained, and some three years ago the Government,
I do not think it is necessary for me to say anything further on this subject, for it is generally conceded throughout the civilized world that the treatment by the Parliaments and Governments of the aboriginal natives in New Zealand has been most humane, far reaching and satisfactory. We give them representation in Parliament, local self-government, administration of their own lands, special representation of Maori race in the Cabinet and Executive Council, and I don't hesitate to say that they are given greater freedom, and are better off in every respect than our own flesh and blood—the Britishers who are now located in the Fiji Islands.
However, the matter cannot rest where it is. As far as this colony is concerned, there is no reason given for the course that his Excellency, your Governor, has taken. I deeply regret the occurrence, for I fear it will have a detrimental effect upon the British policy in the Pacific Islands, There is no question upon which the Polynesian or Papuan race are so sensitive as that of their lands, and I scarcely think that this view of the question could have been taken into consideration when the High Commissioner of the Pacific decided to bring the matter before the natives on the occasion of the opening of the hospital at Wainibokasi.
Sir,—For your information, and, as showing that the natives of this colony have been well treated and appreciate the freedom they enjoy, the following communications speak for themselves:—
King Mahuta, Tawhiao, and 78 others."
After perusal of these communications, all lovers of justice and fair play must come to the conclusion that the statements made by his Excellency Sir George O'Brien are unfounded, and based on incorrect information, and I feel sure, had enquiry been made from reliable sources, the remarks would never have been uttered.
Sir,—I noticed in your last issue the letter from the Premier of New Zealand to the chairman of the Federai League on the subject of the Governor's address to the natives assembled on the occasion of the opening of the Wainibokasi Hospital.
Seldom, if ever, has so powerful and well-earned a rebuke been administered to the representative of Her Majesty in any portion of those dominions on which the sun never sets.
Mr. Seddon says he read the speech "with surprise and amazement;" and well, indeed, ho may have done so. He is not the only one who read that speech with the same feelings. To every right-minded man the utterances of his Excellency the Governor were such as should never have been made. They are statements which are "unfounded, and based on incorrect information." Statements which, used by one holding the high positions of Governor of Fiji and High Commissioner of the Western Pacific, are calculated to do the greatest harm in creating in the minds of the natives a feeling of antagonism to the whites. It behaves every member of the community, especially a community in which the native element preponderates, to use his utmost endeavours to foster a friendly feeling between the white and coloured races. The dangerous nature of an inflammatory speech, such as that referred to in Mr. Seddon's letter, cannot be over-estimated. For one at the head of affairs to tell those who are brought up to regard him as their highest chief and as the representative of Her Majesty, that a section of the white community, with the aid of a neighbouring British Colony, is endeavoring to deprive them of their lands is nothing short of an outrage, more especially when his Excellency's speech is coupled with his subsequent actions. (I allude to the promulgation of this speech far and wide throughout the Fiji Group in the columns of Na Mata.) It is, indeed, inconceivable that Her Majesty's Ministers should have entrusted the guidance of one of her most loyal colonies to the care of one who could so recklessly misrepresent facts, and engender feelings of mistrust amongst those whom he has been sent out to govern. That the statements made by his Excellency were "based on incorrect information, and can therefore, be easily controverted," has really nothing to do with the case. To disprove the facts by letters written by Mr. Seddon and others simply means that the white people who read the newspaper are merely fortified in the opinion that one and all must hold with regard to the deplorable speech at Wainibokasi. But the mischief has been done. In every village, by order of the Governor, a copy of the Government native paper has been read.
The natives have had it instilled into their minds that the white man is to be dreaded, and more especially if he happens to be a New Zealander. The problem that has now to be considered is, how is that pernicious impression—that most fatal
Eradicated it must be if the whiteman is to continue on the same friendly relations with the Fijian. The evil consequences of this speech are so far reaching, and the harm that may, nay will be done, is so incalculable if the incorrect assertions of his Excellency are allowed to remain officially uncontradicted before the natives, that some decisive measure must be taken to let them know the truth.
His Excellency stated in his speech, paragraph 2: "You have the land, my friends, and that is what they (the New Zealand party) want to get, and hope that they will get if you are foolish enough to listen to them."
Of little avail is the absolute answer to so misleading an assertion, contained in the letter and telegram received from Mr. Seddon, for their contents can never be made known. There is no means of communicating them to the Fijians. There will be no order issued, signed by the "Governor. Wm. Sutherland, Native Commissioner," issued to the head of each village or his nominee, directing him to assemble the villagers in order that the refutations to his Excellency's speech be read to them. It is well known that no private individual or band of private individuals would be allowed to address the natives in their various villages, and so, unless some measures are devised to acquaint the Fijians with the facts of the case, they will certainly remain in ignorance of them. Those who have taken up the cause of Federation and Representation will, doubtless, find the means, and it is only to be hoped, in the interests of the colony, that they will not allow this serious attack on the white portion of the community to remain unanswered. As far as New Zealand is concerned, Mr. Seddon has said, "However, the matter cannot rest where it is. As far as this colony is concerned, there has been no reason given for the course his Excellency, your Governor, has taken," and it may be taken for granted that that powerful statesman will not brook the wanton insult which has been gratuitously offered to the colony of which he forms so distinguished a head.—I am, etc.,
An interesting address on the "Extents of Trade and Commerce" was read by Mr John Holmes before the Conference of Chambers of Commerce last week, as follows:—
In accepting the responsible task of stealing in a short paper with such an important subject as the Expansion of our Trade and Commerce, I am reminded of Bancroft's words, when he says, "Commerce defies every wind, outrides every tempest, and invades every zone." I therefore approach the subject with considerable hesitation, knowing how inadequate my efforts will be to do justice to it.
We meet to-day under the gloom of a great and terrible war still raging in south Africa. Its continuance and uncertainty must be matters of the gravest concern to our Imperial statesmen, as well as to every Government in his Majesty's possessions beyond the seas, There are none less anxious to see a greedy and satisfactory termination of this bloody conflict than the people of this colony, who, through the Right Hon. B. J. Seddon, have shown to Britain and the world at large that their sympathies are not mere idle words, but deeds of section What more striking illustration of the bond of true sympathy could be found than in the ready and magnificent response to the Empire's call as exhibited by Canada, Australia and New Zealand. When the history of this struggle comes to be written, and future orators speak with powerful eloquence upon the present crisis, they will all bear testimony to the fact that not only did the blood of England, of Ireland and of Scotland, but also that of the colonies, flow in the same battlefields to uphold the right and give freedom to Britain's sons in South Africa. From this, the most distant of his Majesty's dominions, we have just sent forward the Surrey with 500 men, and the balance will, within a few days, complete the 8th Contingent of over 1000 strong. This is already supplemented by a further 1000 men now in readiness to embark for the 9th Contingent, reprinting a total of over 5000 officers and men, with nearly 6000 horses, which New Zealand has, from its limited population, contributed to the South African campaign. Who, therefore, can deny that this colony has done its share to uphold the Empire?
This is neither the time nor the place to express any opinion as to the causes which led to the great sacrifices of human
In dealing with the question of the extension of our Trade and Commerce, which we are to-day considering, I have first of all to congratulate the council of this Chamber upon the excellence of its arrangements in the varied and interesting subjects tabled for discussion, the ventilation of which in a true and friendly spirit, cannot fail to be of great and permanent benefit to this colony.
I am one of those who believe that there are few questions of greater importance to the well being of any country than the development of its natural resources and the consequent extension of its trade and commerce. Agriculture and commerce are inseparably linked together. The prosperity of the one means the success of the other, and the adversity of the one means the depression of the other. It, therefore, behoves us to help forward the genera] movement which is now occupying the close attention of the Government of this colony, to whom we are largely indebted for the prosperity which we have long enjoyed in New Zealand.
We have many things contributing to our wealth and happiness, for which we ought to be thankful. We possess a beautiful climate, rich and fertile country of 104,000 square miles, regular rainfall, numerous rivers, a land which nature has richly endowed, free from droughts or disappointments, 2300 miles of railway, connecting the main land with the seaboard, good bridges, excellent roads, and 7249 miles of telegraph and also telephone communication, and in fact every facility that the people of so young a country could reasonably expect.
Surrounded by the ocean with a coastline of 4330 miles, and exceptional harbour facilities from the Bluff in the South to Auckland in the North, all combine to give us easy access to the markets of the world. Our distance of 12,000 miles from the manufacturing centres of Britain is perhaps the chief barrier that blocks our way to greater progress.
While saying this, however, I must not be understood to mean that we have reached the haven of our prosperity, and that nothing more is to be done. On the contrary I am of opinion that one of the many reasons which should increase our activity and vigilance is the fact that compared with other countries, we are the most distant from the great consuming population of the Old World. The old saying "Out of sight out of mind" may be applied to commerce as well as to individuals. The success attending our friendly American cousins in marketing their produce and manufactures is largely due to the enterprise they display in their endeavours to capture the markets of other countries, and their readiness to comply with the altered requirements.
They are always in evidence, constants pushing their goods, an important factor in permanently establishing an export trade. Emulating the people of the United States are to be found our Canadian friends, who exhibit that rare combination of talents which might best be described as having all the vivacity of the French, the solidity of the English and the enterprise of the American.
During my visit to Europe as New Zealand Trade Commissioner in
Thousands of specially prepared and beautifully illustrated pamphlets, setting forth the many advantages of the coun-
Evidence of this I saw everywhere. In England at the Agricultural Shows, Canada was in evidence. At the Healtheries Exhibition in Dublin in
That we may have a fuller appreciate of the necessity for extended markets for our produce, I have pleasure in subjoining a detailed list showing the growth of our exports during
Note.—The most important items of exports given under the heading of "Other New Zealand Produce," are coal, silver,
Showing an increase in butter and cheese since
The bulk of these shipments are consigned to London, as will be seen by the following table:—
It is instructive to read a similar return from our neighbouring colonies.
The largely increased export of dairy produce from New Zealand has done immense good to the small farmers. One illustration will suffice to show the great improvement in the North Island. I would specially direct attention to the following valuation of the New Plymouth Harbour rating district:—
With the development of our dairy industry, our exports in fresh pork, bacon, hams and lard are expanding and promise to be a very profitable addition to the dairy farmers' annual revenue.
The poultry industry is also steadily growing in favour. Mr Hyde, the expert, is devoting all his energy, ability and special knowledge in assisting to establish poultry farms all through the country. With cheaper ferights and a better knowledge of the requirements of the Home and South African markets, the trade in frozen poultry must steadily increase.
I recently had the pleasure of meeting a gentleman, largely interested in the export of Australian wines. He assured me that for certain classes of wine, such as claret and champagne, the North Island should be able to successfully compete against any country in the world.
This information has been confirmed by Mr T. W. Kirk, the Government Biologist, who has, by persistent effort and illustration, shown to many settlers how profitable fruit and vine culture is.
There were 23,956 acres in orchard in
While directing attention to the advantages, nay, even the necessity for new markets I think that in our eagerness to seek fresh fields we are apt to lose sight of the fact that there is yet plenty of work in Britain.
Judging from the various discussions which from time to time have taken place the impression seems to gain ground that because we have long enjoyed the advantages of an excellent direct steam service to London, we have exploited all the markets of Great Britain and must of necessity look to such countries as South Africa, India, China i and Japan, in which to place our increasing exports from this colony.
Having an established direct trade with London, which can with advantage and little expense be further extended to the provinces, I would direct your attention to the fact that the total population of the United Kingdom is in round number 38,000,000. In
Not only the population, but the wealth also is great, and the conditions of the great masses of the people are much improved. To Great Britain, therefore we must look for our permanent market; and anything that can be done by the Government of New Zealand to extend our trade with the English provinces, Scotland and Ireland, should have the support and approval of every producer and merchant in this colony.
While in England in "You will remember when you visited England I met you at your hotel, I and we had a conversation on the New Zealand mutton trade, I specially mentioned that I had frequently tendered for the supply of Canterbury mutton, but had not been successful, and was just about to tender again to the firm that had previously rejected me. I did so, but was not accepted; another firm got the contract for Canterbury mutton. I was determined to watch their deliveries, and I discovered that the mutton was none other than River Plate. At the expiration of the contract I privately exposed the fraud to the receivers and the result was that when the contract was re-let they debarred this firm from competing. I tendered again, but was unsuccessful, another firm having preference to supply Canterbury mutton at 3¼d per lb. I have also watched this, and I am surprised that the so-called Canterbury is nothing but River Plate, with false labels and wrappers stamped "Canterbury." Of course I am not in a position to prove this, and I appeal to you to put me in the way of discovering the genuine brand and give me some information respecting it. I am sure this cannot fail to interest you, as it will give you some idea to what extent this fraud is carried on in this corner of the globe. You will observe that I have not been idle since we parted, and I hope that before long I shall have the pleasure of supplying some of the consumers of River Plate with the genuine article."
Let me here remark this is the testimony of an English meat salesman. I might multiply these instances of my experience as New Zealand Trade Commissioner, but I content myself with adding a recent letter dated As you know, I do a very large business in butter, and am much interested in it from all quarters. I have during the last three years been the pioneer of the Siberian trade, which has made astonishing progress both as to quality and quantity exported. As I told you when here, New Zealand butter is much liked here, but as your exporters only consign to London houses it is to a large extent boycotted here. We large importers here will not do business if we can help it with second hand people. We must import our own goods, and until you do that we will supply our customers with Finnish, Russian and Canadian butters, which come direct to us. We, or let me speak for myself, but I know all others agree with me, will not open credits in New Zealand. The shippers must draw on us direct at sixty days' sight, against B/L and insurance policy in such a way as we are accustomed to."
I am of opinion that every effort should be made to bring New Zealand into closer trade relations with such markets as Liverpool, Manchester, Glasgow, Belfast, Edinburgh and Dublin, even to the extent of subsidising a line of steamers that would include these ports of call in their round trip from this colony. You have only to visit the Manchester Ship Canal to see what enterprise is there displayed to secure direct trade. Already over £17,000,000 have been spent on that magnificent waterway, £5,000,000 of which have been provided by the corporation of the city, who recognise the immense
The accomplishment of this is not as difficult as it appears at first sight. Upon further investigation I found the majority of the Bradford Woollen Mills and other importers of New Zealand produce were anxious to secure their New Zealand purchases via the Ship Canal in preference to London.
In view of the yearly increase of our wool sales in this colony, as blown by the following figures:—
and bearing in mind that Yorkshire houses are perhaps the largest buyers, I see no reason why with such a nucleus of assured freight, direct trade with Manchester has been so long delayed. It may be contended that the present steamers are too large, but surely this should not be an insurmountable difficulty. The advantages of direct trade with 8,000,000 of consumers cannot be over-estimated, and is worthy of our best consideration.
To insure for this colony the best representation in the British markets, I would respectfully suggest the advisableness of giving extended powers to the AgentGeneral, who has already done signal service for New Zealand, or separating the political from the commercial representation in London, establishing an office in the city under a qualified commercial trade commissioner, with power to appoint agents in the provinces, who could supply general information. This latter plan has been adopted by Canada, while the former has been worked successfully by our Victorian neighbours. The resident commissioner and his staff would, with advantage, arrange periodical conferences with the various boards of trade and chambers of commerce to whom he could supply the fullest and most reliable information as to the names of the shippers, values of produce, rates of freights, also help to overcome the many prejudices that at present exist against New Zealand product and correct wrong impressions as to the conduct of the export business. While disseminating useful information he would also be gathering valuable data for the guidance of the mercantile community in New Zealand which would repay the outlay.
Mr H. C. Cameron, the present Produce Commissioner in London, has done his utmost to place New Zealand produce in the fore front, but the time has arrived when with more assistance and greater freedom he could render better service to the colony. The adoption of the plan I propose would accomplish this. While advocating closer investigation of the British markets, I also think every effort should be made to establish our name as exporters in the other countries referred to.
It must be as gratifying to every character of commerce in this colony as it is to this conference that the Government is taking such active steps to bring us into closer and more direct communication with South Africa, Ever watchful of New Zealand's intersts, the present administration, under the able guidance off the Right Hon. the Premier, has from time to time during the last three years, seized the psychological moment in proclaiming to the world at large that New Zealand is not the least amongst his Majesty's possessions, willing to share the sorrows as well as the joys of the Empire. Who among us can appraise the enormous advantages that such statesmanship, judgement and diplomacy will have upon the commerce of this country in the future
My long connection with and interest a the New Zealand fibre trade suggested in me the desirableness of sending, some years ago, several samples of our "phormium tenax" to Japan. The report was far from encouraging. No hope was held out for future sales, and the gloomiest future was prophesied. Having undergone similar experiences in the establishment of the frozen meat trade of Marlborough in
Towards the end of
I immediately seized the opportunity of suggesting the importance of importing New Zealand lamb, which, in addition to its excellent quality, had the further advantage of arriving when their home grown could not be supplied. It may be very Utopian to suggest such an expansion of our trade, but I would re-
I congratulate the Government upon the establishment of the Department of Industries and Commerce, and upon the appointment of a trade commissioner. Under the able direction of the Hon. Sir Joseph Ward, K.C.M.G., with Mr T. E. Donne, as secretary, the efforts of the various chambers of commerce to widen the outlets for our produce will, I am sure, be greatly assisted.
Gentlemen,—The rapid growth of New Zealand is wonderful, and is unrivalled by any of her sister colonies. Let us give full scope and freedom to this expansion. Let us encourage every reasonable effort without extravagance to place our produce in the markets of the world remembering that the longer we delay the greater the difficulties in permanently establishing our name against our rivals, Let us also remember that to secure the confidence of buyers in the outer world we must be prepared to send the best one colony can produce, and at all till maintain our standard of uniform quality. The careful supervision of the Agricultural Department has already secured for us the confidence of dairy produce and hemp buyers in the Mother Land, which has been of incalculable benefit to those engaged in the respective trades.
Gentlemen,—If we are all true to ourselves, if we would remember that indifference to our commerce produces depreciation of trade, and that industry and activity bring wealth and power, we have nothing to fear as to our future commercial condition, which must, in their natural order of things, bring increased prosperity to these "Fortunate Isles."
Printed at the office of the New Zealand Times Company, Limited, Wellington.
Attacks on the Labour legislation of the colony have been frequent of late, its opponents apparently thinking the time has at length come to unveil their hostility. To permit these attacks to pass unrefuted would be to let the case go by default, which would in itself form the ground for further attacks in the future. It is hoped that the contents of this pamphlet will do something, j however trifling, to remove the reproach that the organised Labour party are "dumb dogs," and be of some little value in showing that there are solid grounds for the admiration and imitation which the Labour laws have met with outside the colony.
It is with a certain amount of reluctance that we take up the pen to reply to Mr Macgregor's question: "Is Industrial Arbitration a success?' and for a variety of reasons. He gives hardly any facts upon which ho may be confuted He gives no proof that the system has not been a success. He does not point to any industry that has been ruined, or to any that is in danger of being ruined by its operations, but he argues on abstract grounds that the system must be a failure because it conflicts with the law of supply and demand, and because the intention of the framers of the Act of
"Instead of this" (the settlement of disputes that have actually come to a point of tension not defined) he says, "we have a Court that undertakes to regulate all the industries and most of the other businesses of the country down to the minutest details, simply because a union of perhaps only seven men, or even seven girls, has got up a 'dispute' with the employers and cited them before the Court to have all their business which the anion has thought proper to mention adjudicated on by the Court."
This is apparently regarded as a crime, and for the reason that it conflicts with the sacred law of supply and demand (which he says elsewhere has been banished to Saturn), and is a gross and flagrant abuse of the powers given by the Act in
Further reluctance is created by the difficulty in finding expressions sufficiently decorous in which to describe one who is opposed to any attempt to better the condition of the workers. What is the nature of the mind that can ignore the sufferings that lie behind low wages and the evils that inevitably arise from unrestricted competition? He must have been aware that under the old rudimentary labour laws the evils that make the lot of the bulk of the toilers in the old lands a long drawn agony, offering no hope but the imminent grave, were also growing here. Would he have the worker remain under the stigma of mental inferiority because the means of education are denied him; would be confine his ameliorative efforts to spasmodic and hysterical protests against sweating? If he would not, but would see the worker lift himself to a higher plane, why sneer at
"This statutory court, which has enormous powers against which there is no appeal, perambulating the country like a peripatetic police court, inflicting fines of a few shillings upon some employer who has dared to give a job to a starving youth who has the misfortune to be a non-unionist."
It is to the last degree difficult to abstain from characterising such criticism with the heat it deserves, when we know as a matter of fact that under such circumstances the employer almost invariably takes advantage of the youth's starving condition to get work out of him for less than its fair value. And surely it is wiser to endeavour to bring about such conditions that there shall be no starving youth to be a menace to the well-being of his fellow workers. It is this strained and prejudiced view that makes it difficult to deal circumspectly with such a critic. But it throws a flood of light on the mental habit of the critic, and makes it easy to understand why the Macgregors were so frequently outlawed in the past.
It will be noted that those who are attempting to copy this law elsewhere are termed "politicians," and those who recommend it are termed "faddists." Writers like Mr. H. D. Lloyd, who venture to affirm after full enquiry that New Zealand is a land without strikes, have "failed to realise the real nature and operation of the system." It is only statesmen like Mr. Macgregor who are able to peer below the surface and discern that New Zealand is walking on the thin crust of an industrial volcano, which may at any moment collapse and engulph the whole community in the molten lava
He tells us that Industrial Arbitration
"As a scheme for the settlement of industrial pursuits in the ordinary sense of the word has never been tried; and the ordinary argument in its favour—that it has saved the country from strikes—reminds one of the number of lives saved by pins—by people not swallowing them. The reply will probably be that it has made strikes impossible by reason of the fact that all industries are regulated by the decree of the Court. So be it, but let the system be judged as one used for that purpose, and not for the purpose for which it was intended."
But it has been shown that the Act was expressly intended "to encourage the growth of unions." What, then, do unions exist for? Are they merely to be debating or social clubs, not daring to discuss the conditions under which their daily lives are spent, and not venturing to dispute the terms upon which
"Surely never outside of Barataria was such a court ever held or imagined, and yet the court goes on its way, trying hard to look dignified as it hurls its mimic thunderbolts against some wicked master baker for the heinous offence of employing some hungry boy guilty of the offence of being a non-unionist."
At the very moment Mr. Macgregor was inditing this sneer there were women working in Dunedin in hosiery factories who had been nine years and upwards at the trade and yet were earning only seven shillings a week, while out of their labour the employer was making £1000 a year. These women formulate their demand for a more humane condition of things. Afraid to appear in the forefront themselves, well knowing that a speedy "holiday" would be their lot, they obtain outside assistance to represent them before the court, and lo, instigated by self-seeking and venal agitators, they are "faking" a dispute before a burlesque court and Mr. Macgregor can find nothing but a lofty sneer with which to designate the process. The worker has reason to thank God that such as Mr. Macgregor have by a discerning Government no longer the power to shape his or her destiny.
It may be granted that the Boards of Conciliation have not done all that was expected of them, but this has arisen from causes easily defined, and therefore as easily capable of amendment.
One principal cause was the contempt with which employers treated the whole subject. When the Act of
There has never been a case before any of the Boards in which the demands of the workers were flouted. A comparison of the records would show that the recommendation of the Boards conceded to the workers nearly, if not quite the whole, of their demands. Still the employers held aloof; and compelled the workers to invoke the aid of Arbitration. It is interesting at this stage to recall some of the arguments advanced against the Bill when it was first mooted. Compulsory arbitration was held to be a self-contradiction, and it has been found that this has been verified from the consistency with which the employers did—nothing. They merely sat tight, and compelled the unions to put the machinery in motion. Instead of cheerfully accepting the Act in the spirit in which it was framed, they have all along adopted the air of contumacious defendants. In spite of the Act and of the advanced opinions that now govern the relations between the employer and employed, they regarded, and still secretly regard, the claims of the workers as a piece of preposterous impudence, and are shocked at the temerity of any one who would dare to inquire into the profits they were making, and to ascertain whether capital was not taking an undue share.
As the 'Bulletin' neatly puts it in a recant shocking case of sweating in Sydney, the agitation is not between the workers and the law of supply and demand, but between the workers and the infamous exaction of 25 per cent profits. The injudicious and partisan action of certain Boards outside of Dunedin helped to bring Conciliation into disrepute, until it really is the case, as Mr Macgregor says, that the Boards are merely courts of first instance. Employers now use them to feel the strength of the case against them. But it does not therefore follow that the Boards should be abolished. It might assist to establish confidence in them, and inculcate respect for their recommendations, if their personnel were changed so as to have skilled persons sitting in every particular dispute, and it ought to be possible to group unions in allied industries so as to avoid the needless irritation of citing one employer in as many cases as he has branches in his business, but when it is found that the Court of Arbitration gives substantially all that the Board recommends, which has been the result so far, then employers will recognise the fairness of the Boards, and abide by their recommendations.
It is something extraordinary that enemies to the worker like Mr Macgregor should be permitted to traduce the labour courts with impunity. It is impossible to conceive courts more fairly constituted, and their pains-taking impartiality has been manifest, yet the impression has been sedulously fostered that they are the creatures of the workers, and have entered into a conspiracy with Parliament, and with some parson or persons unknown, to rob the innocent capitalist of his wealth and to divide it among a number of corrupt and designing persons called unionists Language like this regarding the Magistrates' Court, or the Supreme Court, would lead to speedy punishment. In a lawyer it would probably lead to suspension. Even if it were true, no person would be allowed to say it in public; how much less should it be tolerated when it comes from a pen charged with the gall of party and the bitterness of the discomfited politician.
"But," says Mr. Macgregor, "the unions have divorced the Act from its real purposes as disclosed by Mr Reeves." Yet if we refer to Mr Reeves' speech, as quoted by the critic, and read the parts not quoted by him, we shall find that Mr Reeves actually cited cases where the details of industries were brought up for amendment. Indeed, it is impossible to conceive a lab our court that shall not be competent to deal with the details, thus according to Mr Macgregor "creating disputes," It is
Mr Macgregor refers in various places to the "iniquitous" demand for preference to unionists, and in this portion of his attack is absolutely dishonest. He conceals the very important circumstance that Mr Justice Williams, before it was quite clear that the original Act did not confer upon the court the power to give such preference, yet did award preference as a matter of equity. He said, in effect, that the unionists had incurred the trouble, expense, and odium of coming forward to obtain better conditions. The whole body of workers benefited by the advantages obtained, and it was only just that those who had been instrumental in obtaining them should have the preference It is further, characteristically left unmentioned by Mr Macgregor that any award giving preference to unionists is conditional only. Take any award you please, and you will find something like this:—It and so long as the rules of the union permit any person of good character upon a payment of 5s, and of subsequent contributions at a rate not exceeding 6d per week, without ballot or other selection to become members, employers shall employ members of the union in preference to non-members, if they are equally qualified. It is also further provided in all awards that if any workman deem himself incompetent to earn the minimum wage ho may be paid such wages as may be agreed upon between the union and the employer, with the chairman of the Conciliation Board in reserve in case of dispute.
What, than becomes of Mr Macgregor's philanthropic baker and the starving young non-unionist? If he is not a myth, he must be a sneak, who is ashamed to come before the Union and show cause why he should accept less than the ruling wage. Of all men it ill becomes a member of the legal profession to malign arbitration and conciliation, and one of its consequences preference to unionists. The profession is the closest union that can be found. The rates (minimum wage) are laid down by rules that cannot be evaded under pain of expulsion. The fees that may be charged are laid down in an Act. No doubt many get much more than is laid down. Eminent jurists like Mr Macgregor no doubt laugh at the petty restrictions, because they move in a higher plane, where the fees are lordly, but then all workmen do not assess their services at the minimum wage. The law says that a competent workman shall not receive less than a given wage. Ha gets as much more as he can—just like a lawyer. Volumes might be written about the iniquity of the closeness of the union of lawyers, but it has been exposed so often that this is unnecessary.
Medical men are also bound in a union. Surveyors, accountants, almost all the professions, have bound themselves similarly, and for precisely the same reasons that actuate workmen. The ostensible reason with professional men is the public advantage, but the real one is their own advantage. They must not be blamed for this. Neither should the workers be blamed, and indeed they are not blamed except by some malcontent whose reasons if carried into effect would lead to anarchy in respect of associations. If the principle underlying industrial association is bad, then the principle underlying all professional associations is also bad and if one should be abolished, then the other should also be destroyed.
The real point of Mr Macgregor's attackers disclosed in his article on Colonial trade unionism, and the malevolence which he feels makes him ridiculously overstate the case. Colonial unionism, he says, dominates parliament, dominates courts, and dominates the majority of workers. And the evil of this is, according to him, that the domination comes from the inner circle of wire pullers, who arrange the ticket at elections and foist upon constituencies candidates sub-servient to themselves. In this case it is an easy task to confute the libel, because, for the first time, he descends to particulars. "At our last election" he says, "the wire pullers consummated a secret alliance of the labour party with the Roman Catholics and the liquor interest, by means of which they succeeded in foisting upon the constituencies members of whom they were in some cases ashamed when they came to know them."
This bold assertion is merely a surmise, for which events have given no justification. It bears on its face the stamp of improbability. It is well known that in concerted politics the Catholics have only one aim, which is the obtaining of a state subsidy for their schools. Is it at all likely that they expected Mi Millar to grant it? Could they expect it from Mr Arnold? Was Mr Barclay at all a likely partisan of denominational education? The supposition is absurd. As a matter of fact, these gentlemen have been denounced by the official organ of the Catholics over the Stoke school inquiry. It is more than likely that a number of individual Catholics supported the Government candidates, but that is merely evidence of their discrimination and good sense. It is well known that a number of individual Catholics also supported the Opposition candidates and have been regretting it ever since. The Catholic vote is one of those bugbears that hysterical and designing persons periodically raise for the purpose of discrediting opponents, even though it should be at the cost of raising degrading party issues that evoke the basest passions of human nature. In point of fact, Mr Macgregor has wilfully raised the "no popery" cry in readiness for next election.
For a similar reason he has raised the "no liquor" cry. An unholy alliance between the liquor party and the unionist coterie is attributed to the "wire pullers." Where is the evidence of this? Is it in the Amending Licensing Bill before Parliament? Surely any political party is possessed of more sense than to imagine that measure a reward for support. The plain fact simply is that the majority favoured the Liberal candidate, and we must not look to the Catholics or the liquor party, or the Wesleyans, or the temperance party, or to any organisation in particular, but to a majority of the whole, who were determined that in Dunedin at all events the hands of the clock should not go back, but that men should be sent to Parliament to push forward the work of industrial reform, already so well begun.
As for foisting candidates upon the constituencies, it may be raid at once that a fool has no chance of selection, which is far more than can be said of Conservative candidates who may happen to be wealthy. The process of selection before nomination is a most protracted and searching one. The names of candidates are submitted to all the unions individually, and the one who obtains the greatest number of votes becomes the accepted candidate, when the minority loyally fall in with the choice. If there is a better way of choosing a candidate, if there is one more free from the suspicion of favour, undue influence, log rolling, or corruption of any kind, Mr Macgregor ought to come forward with it and earn the thanks of a grateful country.
Another dastardly charge against colonial unionism is the one that it d teriorates individual character To a certain extent individual character must be submerged in any collective effort for a common purpose, but Mr Macgregor has the impudence to declare that "the whole spirit of unionism in New Zealand is to give the employer as little value as possible for the maximum of wages." To such a statement the obvious retort is that all lawyers are arrant rogues, and one is as capable of proof as the other, and quite as reasonable. Nevertheless, unionism has an aim with respect to the output of labour and its relation to the wage. Does anyone outside the field of practical labour realise what the maximum amount of work is? It means "racing" the whole time; the utmost tension of mind and body during the whole of the working hours. Why should any man or woman sacrifice himself or herself on the altar of greed in this way? This is the real "ca' canny." Some persons can produce a given result with less exertion than others. If they exert themselves to the full extent of their powers they fix a
The limitation of the number of apprentices is an arguable matter that Mr Macgregor very wisely does not dwell upon, but relies on Dr and Mrs Webb's dictum that it is undemocratic. It would be so if apprentices were rigorously bound and scrupulously taught, but it is not so where the apprenticeship system is prostituted for the purpose of flooding the market with cheap boys, who are discharged half taught when they begin to want men's wages.
The employees in a given industry combine to improve their condition. A union is formed and steps are taken to formulate the grievances (which may have existed for years without a gleam of hope of improvement). At this stage the employer becomes alarmed lest the light of day should be let into his (or her) practices. The ringleader in the movement is dismissed for the encouragement of the others. The law has foreseen this contingency, and has ordained that while a dispute is pending no employee shall be dismissed without sufficient cause The union directs the attention of the employer to the infraction of a very wise law, and Mr Macgregor terms this "interference with management." And it really is so. It is interference with business in the same sense as the bull's eye of the policeman interferes with the business of the burglar.
Go into any factory, and you will see pasted up the notice: "No smoking allowed." This is perfectly justifiable, according to Mr Macgregor, though it may be in a foundry, where a fire could possibly rise from smoking. A cumber of employees
There is one thing for which Mr Macgregor must be thanked, though perhaps the thanks are due to his own misadvertence. He has not trotted out Jack Cade. In the minds of cheap journalists and critics who think they are broadly generalising when they are only groping in a fog of conjecture, this worthy has long Served as a type for social and industrial reformers. In a similar manner a justice of the peace finds a prototype in Dogberry Let there be an occasion for a smart paragraph, and the puny whipster turns to his faithful little book of quotations, and lo, the enemy is annihilated, as the French army was by Captain Bobadil. Because the Statute of Labourers failed in its object, which was to fix a maximum wage, the law prescribing a minimum wage must also fail. This is reasoning by analogy with a vengeance. As well take any other ancient law that has fallen into desuetude and reason that because it failed efforts in the direction of reform must be left to the mysterious law of nature, as shown in the divinely appointed system of supply and demand. It is like the tide, untiring in its flux and reflux, irresistible in its might, and eternal in its duration. But if Mr Macgregor had given only a portion of the study to industrialism that we would fain hope he has devoted to his profession, he would at least know the elements of the question The difference between the fixing of a maximum wage and the fixing of a minimum is so wide that no reasoning can reconcile them. The law that wages are fixed by the standard of living is as well defined, and ought to be as well known, as the law of gravity, and this law operates very largely in the progresare demand for a shorter day. This demand was one of the earliest features in the programme of organised labour.
In the early part of the century women and children worked thirteen to fifteen hours a day. The working day was limited
Our friend is among those who hoped Judge Backhouse would curse the Labour laws of New Zealand, He his blessed them instead, like Baalam, and yet it is not recorded that any ass restrained him. But it would have been far different if a commercial man and not a judge had been selected by New South Wales to report. If for instance, one of those Sydney manufacturers who get trousers made for 2½d a pair had been chosen, there might have been produced a report altogether to Mr Macgregor's liking. It is easy to be wise after the event. Where Judge Backhouse went wrong was in not consulting Mr Macgregor, who would have produced him a report, piping hot from the oven, and warranted to make Labour leaders everywhere and anywhere squirm.
In his last article our local prophet has outlined the report his special protege "might" have furnished. But unfortunately the selection of the critic was not placed in Mr Macgregor's hands. The New South Wales government seem to have thought they knew their own business best. So they chose a man most likely from his calling, and his independence of business ties, to furnish the best report. A judge would seem to most thinkers an eminently suitable medium by which the evidence for and against a system might be brought to avizandum and weighed. But our New Zealand iconoclast has as little reverence for judges as he has for governments. Let us hope in the interests of his clients that it is not for the same reason.
It is well to note again that a singular fatality seems to have attended all who have examined the conditions in New Zealand and found them good; Mr Lloyd, Sir W. J. Lynn, Mr
In some respects an attitude of self-sufficiency like this is admirable. There is something not altogether unpleasing in the contemplation of a man who is endowed with a disposition that causes him to believe that he alone is right and all the others wrong. What is unpleasing about it is the contemptuous ascription of ignorance and the culpable insinuation of corruptness of motive.
It may only be surmised whether Mr Macgregor, and those for whom ho holds a brief, even dimly realise the sacrifices made by so called Labour leaders. The vulgar belief is inculcated that they make a very good thing out of their agitation. As a matter of fact, the opposite is the case. The unions are not wealthy bodies. They can pay no high fees for skilled advocacy. It was the knowledge of this that was responsible for keeping lawyers out of the Labour courts. And the Labour advocate has no other compensation. On the contrary, he incurs the odium, and in many instances, experiences the revenge, of the class who have employment to give. If need be, the wealthy man can live on his capital; the working man must employ his capital, which is his labour, or starve And not only does he incur the risk of starving in his own person, he may also condemn his family to a narrow way of living that may blight their future. The Labour agitator has nothing to hope from his agitation; what he does is usually done because of his unquenchable desire to raise his class to a better position.
Another erroneous and injurious belief is that all Labour men are candidates for Government employment. In another series of articles not long ago, Mr Macgregor went so far as to say that departments were created to find billets for supporters. It would be about as reasonable to object to the construction of railways because porters are employed, or to rail at the courts of justice because they are the happy hunting grounds of lawyers.
Still another misconception is it that Labour and Seddonism are synonymous terms. The rights of Labour to a larger share of the world's good things are eternal; Seddonism is only a passing phase of Colonial politics.
The Labour laws are doing that which any person of or-
Organised labour takes other ground. It declares that existing relations between Capital and Labour are radically bad, that the caprice or averice of the employer, or organised employers, deprives Labour of its fair share of the comforts and amenities and graces of life; that the same brand of humanity is on employer and employed; that a human being is different from the machine he operates, and that he has inherent claims to something higher than to be a mere chattel. To quote a recent writer in the 'Clarion': "There is a growing grasp of ideas, of ambitions, of desires, books, newspapers, and travel contributing to the awakening of Labour to a world of sense. The Trade unions because of the lessons of the past, are beginning to fight the drudge curse, to apprehend a bigger lesson, so that field, stream, lake, river, mines, cities, machinery, factories, docks, steam, electricity, ships, tides, seasons, crops markets, education, work, government, laws, the subordination of brute and raw nature to man's needs, are facts becoming better known and appreciated. Instead of being drudge, to be master and sharer of these is the dream of the dawning intellect and conscience of the worker."
Mr Macgregor devotes the longest of his articles to an exposition of what he calls the ecconomic fallacy of a minimum wage, and according to the old school of ecconomists he is right. If, for example, a man obtains a contract from a public body, and takes advantage of a depression in the labour market to employ men at 8s 6d a day; that also is quite right from the point of view of the ecconomist. The ecconimist is simply buying in the cheapest and selling in the dearest market. If a large firm of drapers employ a girl for nothing a week during the first 12 months, and at the end of that period discharge her, taking on another at the same wages, that is also quite right, and another illustration of the divine law of supply and demand. And if a humane legislature, more concerned about the welfare of humanity than with the sophistry of the schools, steps in and says to public bodies that they shall not let a contract unless the contractor undertakes to pay a living wage, and tells the draper that he must either be content with smaller profits or charge more for the dresses, that is wrong, according to Mr Macgregor. Be it so, and let us see whether it will load us.
If it is wrong to intervene in the matter of wages, it is also wrong to meddle in other conditions of labour that may enhance prices. Sanitation, overcrowding, provision for decency, the adoption of health preserving precautions—these are all matters that should be left to the individual grace of the employer, or the law of supply and demand. Whence it follows that all labour legislation, though it has taken boys and girls from slavery in coal mines, though it has admitted a ray of sunlight to the mills of Lancashire, though it has enfranchised the woman chain makers of Cradley is a huge blunder from an ecconomic point of view, and ought not to have been entered upon because it increases the cost of production. If this involves the principle that we must produce goods as cheaply as we can, without regard to the condition of the workers who produce them, then we ought to employ the cheapest labour of all, which is slave labour, obtained merely for the cost of subsistence. It is not to
Undoubtedly the tendency of a minimum wage is to become a maximum one. It is especially liable to become so when there are more men than jobs for them to do. But it is humanitarian in its intention, and is the admission of a principle that one man has no right to employ another under conditions that will not yield him a comfortable subsistence. If an industry will not do this, then it were better that it perished.
A great deal has been heard of the enhanced cost of living, which is attributed to the demands of the unions Mr Macgregor's illustration is the rent of houses in Dunedin. "The landlord may have to pay almost one third more for material in order that the worker may receive higher wages, but he must not raise the rent." Raise what rent? If a man builds a house he fixes a rent which will presumably give him a sufficient return for his capital. He is quite within his rights in doing so. But that p'.ea does not justify him in raising the rent of houses already built. He may raise them because there is a demand for bouses, and they have been raised in some cases 25 per cent in the city, on tenants who have been occupants for many years, but the landlord is not honest enough to fall back on the law of supply and demand. By his advocate he attributes his piracy to the higher prices of labour and material. And the demand for municipal dwellings is to place the supply of shelter, which is almost as great a necessity as food, above the law of supply and demand, which unrestricted leads to the slums that are the despair of social reformers.
As a matter of fact, the increase in the price of living is the result of a conspiracy among retailers, who have learned the lesson of combination too well. Specific instances can be quoed where the baker compelled to pay an additional 30s a week to a man and a youth, has raised by a halfpenny each the 2000 loaves they produced and thus recouped himself nearly fourfold, The butchers played the same game, though they were to some extent, but not nearly so much as alleged, justified by the price of stock.
The case of the coal merchants, raising the price by a shilling because of the operation of workman's compensation is
The bogey of Mr Macgregor, the labour leader, the Lycurgus, as he calls him, is not the fool he is assumed to be. He is not ignorant of the laws of capital, and is very far from imagining a capatalist to be an enemy. But the capitalist is an enemy not only to the worker, but to mankind at large, when he enslaves labour so that he may exact an undue share of profit. If Mr Macgregor will examine the list of properties for sale in Dunedin for one week and note the price asked and the return offered by way of rents, he will see that house property is expected to yield from 10 to 20 per cent on the outlay.
If it were possible to examine the books of some of the largest firms, he would find that the capital, originally borrowed at high rates from outside sources, is doled out three or four times over to subsidiary firms, each posing as an independent employer, and each levying his quota of blackmail, until it reaches the lowest stratum in the man who deals direct with the worker. The toil of the worker has to yield three or four profits, and his is the only medium that is supposed to be elastic. All the successive middlemen must have their four or five per cent on the turn over; it is the workman's wage only that must obey the law of supply and demand.
A typical case may here be mentioned. A group of money lenders hold money for investment. They employ an agent, who in turn secretely pulls the strings of a factory, or several factories. The nominal proprietor of each factory poses as the employing principle, but the workers have to maintain (1) themselves, (2) their nominal employer, (3) the lenders' agent, and (4) the lenders. And all the intermediaries wear purple and fine linen and fare sumptuously every day, while the workers earn a bare and precarious subsistence. A beautiful instance of the law of supply and demand.
This has come about simply because labour was disorganised, and children must eat. This disorganisation first permitted of the accumulation of capital in alien hands. Labour was indispensable to its accumulation; it is indispensable in its use, and its claims to the first consideration in the allocation of the results are undeniable, for they are sanctioned by the dictates
When a hostile critic like, Mr Macgregor asks whether the Industrial Arbitration system in New Zealand has been a failure, and puts the question affirmatively, it is only reasonable to expect him to show that it has been a failure. This, however, he has completely failed to do, and for the simple reason that the facts which are available prove the contrary. It may be possible for him to give us a hundred reasons why, in his opinion, it should be a failure, but his long stream of diatribes contains not one single fact to warrant them. It certainly cannot be said that the system has injured any industry. The number of persons employed under the Factory's Act in
It has been shown that by regulating the system of labour strikes are prevented, but Mr Macgregor has another argument in reserve. He is like the woman who would not lend her neighbour a tub because it leaked, and another neighbour had borrowed it, besides which she haden't got a tub. Ho says the real question is whether immunity from strikes is, after all, "a matter of such importance as to make it worth our while placing the regulation of our industries under the control of a court of law." The English is a little shady, but much may be excused in a critic who attaches so little importance to the disastrous influence of industrial convulsions. Millions upon millions of pounds have been wasted in fruitless and unnecessary industrial war. Countless women and children have "clemmed" to death, as the expressive Lancashire phrase has it. The lowest passions that debase human nature has been evoked. Disastrous strikes become as memorable as plagues or famines. And yet we are coolly asked whether the regulation of industries—a regulation that defies proof of economical unsoundness-is not too great a sacrifice I Surely the "wretched past" so glibly quoted by the critic has failed to impress him. For such critics history has been written in vain
The attention of a whole civilised world is arrested when a Tzar proposes a method of adjusting international differences without resort to the last argument of nations. Industrial war is far more calamitous, far more injurious, than international
The parish politician holds views that are circumscribed by local influences and interests, or he would not fail to admit that the New Zealand system of compulsory arbitration is an epoch making institution. Perhaps its ultimate influence is dimly discerned and correspondingly feared. It admits the right of the workers to a share of the profits of industry. All employers allege that if the demands of the workers are granted, the industries concerned must be closed down They have said this so often that probably they begin to believe it themselves. They are like the capitalists who threatened to leave the country when the plutocrat special aversion, progressive taxation, came into existence But they have not left yet. Clipped though their wings have been by the State lending department, gloomy as the outlook may be for the man who has merely money and no other recommendations, they still cling to New Zealand. So it is with industrial employers. They have always been going to close down, but no one has done so. The most hostile critic has not, so far, been able to point to one industry that has been destroyed or even injured, by the system of conciliation and arbitration.
The present wail is so transparent that it is ludicrous. During last year Judge Edwards decided that only unions of workers who were "producers" were entitled to come under the jurisdiction of the Act. The Amending Act of debacle of Industrial Conciliation and Arbitration! This is the true interpretation of that rhyme:—
Allusion was made above to the pur blindness of the critic whose horizon is bounded by local influences. To such persons the
The Industrial laws of New Zealand have brought the millennium a step nearer, and for this organised Labour must thank the present government. Men who are both learned and wise, and who are also good, have suggested successive amendments, made desirable after experience. With a hostile or indifferent government these would have been baffled or delayed. The strong position of the Seddon government has made amendment easy, and the development of the law has been a natural and rational process, not begotten of political expediency. It is the forefront of a mighty wave, rolling majestically on to the shore of industrial peace and social development. And critics of the kind we are now dealing with are like little fractious boys who imagine they can stay its progress by throwing peebles at it.
Otago Liberal and Workman print., Kensington, Dunedin, New Zealand.
Twenty-three millions of Chinese live in the province of Kwang-tung, of which Canton, with its two millions, is the chief city. All the Chinese that emigrate to the United States, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand go from eleven districts (out of 81) of Kwang-tung province, the very large majority to America and Australia from four districts—known collectively as "See-yup." In those See-yup, distant over a hundred miles S.W. from Canton, and speaking harsh dialects differing much from pure Cantonese, there are some seventy mission-stations belonging to the American Presbyterians, the American Baptists, the Church Missionaries, and the American Board. Of the 3000 Chinese in New Zealand only a small minority—about one-sixth—come from the "See-vup": the other five-sixths come from two districts—this,
that, bounding P'oon-yu on the east, called
The clannishness of Southern Chinese is very manifest oven in foreign lands. So it comes that, of the 600 and more gold-diggers in Westland, all but a score are P'oon-yu men, likewise the gardeners at Wanganui, Palmerston North, and Kaikorai (Dunedin), also the miners at Nokomai, Waipori, Waikaia, and Orepuki; while the 140 fruit-dealers in Wellington are nearly all from Tsang-shing, as are the Anderson's Bay (Dunedin) gardeners. On the other hand, the laundrymen in Dunedin, Christchurch, and Wellington are almost wholly See-yup men.
Some 2500 of our New Zealand Chinese belong to two clusters of farming villages with a total population of some 400,000. The P'oon-yu cluster, where pure Cantonese prevails, numbers about forty, and lies from 6 to 20 miles north of Canton: the Tsangshing cluster of twenty lies 35 to 40 miles east of the city. Among the former group the American Presbyterians recently opened a chapel: in the latter group the only station was that held by our own student—Mr William Chan—for six weeks last summer at Whitestone Mart.
many of them with from 5000 to 20,000 villagers each, need the Word of Life. And, to supply that need, No Church in the world is so peculiarly fitted as the Presbyterian Church of New Zealand. Since:—
Therefore it follows that:—
In
Mr M'Neur's interesting quintette of first letters from Canton form a unique chapter of mission literature: it can safely be said that during these ninety-five years of Protestant missions to China no other missionary thither ever had such an introduction to the people of his prayers. Without a word of argument, these letters—written privately to me—make quite clear the peculiar responsibility and the rare opportunity of New Zealand Presbyterians.
Mr William Mawson, M.A., has been accepted as the second missionary, and is now studying Chinese with the prospect of joining Mr M'Neur about the end of
What an honour to have been the first Church in the Southern Hemisphere to open in China; but what a responsibility the care of 400,000 souls that no Church can care for as we can! Lord, multiply the hearts that cry: "What must I do?"
(The Chinese personal names are translated into literal English, for Chinese names are given more for sense than sound.)
My first trip through the Upper P'oon-Yu district is over. Every letter has been delivered, and all the money safely handed over. I am grateful to God that He made this possible, and also made the journey a very pleasant one.
We engaged a Ts'ung-fa boat, the only kind that manages up to Yan-woh market town at this time of the year. [Ts'ung-fa is a district bordering on P'oon-Yu to the north-east. It embraces the upper reaches of the river, so boats plying between it and Canton are of very shallow draft.—A. D.] We paid Idol 30c (2s 6d) a day which was the very cheapest obtainable. In the choice of the boat, as, indeed, in all things, God's guiding hand was evident. Many times did the words run in my mind: "To guide our feet into the way of peace." Our boatman had been in the employ of Mr Pearce and Mr Wells (L.M.S.), and thus understood just what was needed. He is an honest, homely man, and we got on well together. He had his wife, a daughter and little child, with a partner.
My outfit consisted of two cotton wadded quilts, two blankets and a pillow—carried
For breakfast William Chan and I had porridge together, followed by an egg and some fruit, with a cup of tea or coffee. We ate Chinese dinner, cooked by our captain's wife—she is a good cook, and we fared well. For tea Willie had rice again, while 1 had tinned meat with some bread and butter. We took jars of water with us, but after we got up about Ah-woo (Crow Lake) village the river water was quite good enough after boiling. We kept a good stock of fruit on hand, replenishing at Ko-t'ong and some other place.
We started on Monday morning, December 30, and returned on Saturday evening, January 4. Whe weather was beautiful throughout—just rather warm about noon and with a touch of frost in the evening air.
Monday.—Sailed in small boat from Fati College to P'oon-t'ong, where we got on the larger boat. As tide and wind were adverse we moved slowly, and at sunset—5 o'clock—found ourselves about half a mile below Nam-kong (South River).
Tuesday.—Started at 6 a.m. We soon passed Nam-kong, and then William and
Here we met several men who showed a trembling desire to bring up from their boot-soles the English they had learned in other lands. I understood them much bettor when they talked Chinese. One man had been gardening in Wellington. Just as we were returning to the boat at the north end of the town 1 saw a Chinese in foreign dress hurrying past, and pulled him up to ask where he got his clothes. I was surprised to see him shake hands with Mr Chan, in whose garden at Forbury he had worked. He told us that "Golden Purpose" (formerly of King street, Dunedin) was just then in the town, and ran off to find him. We returned to our boat, but they did not come.
Appearances may have deceived me, but I think a good work is possible in Ko-t'ong, if entered on very carefully. [The Americans opened a preaching station here some time ago, but were forced to close owing to the antipathy of the townsfolk. It is they whose good will must be gained. On market day quite a number of returned emigrants are about, whose open friendliness more than off-sets the enmity of the residents. One shop in the town is owned by three returned Otago men, which may count for something in getting a footing here.—A. D.]
About 1.30 p.m. we left Ko-t'ong, and
about 4 o'clock neared P'ong-woo (Mussel Lake). It was interesting to see on the river bank a building with which—thanks to your camera—I was already acquainted—the High School. We landed and went for a walk into the town. There were some bad characters who were inclined to be rowdy; but we met some who had been in the colonies, and had a good look at the place. As we were going back to our boat a man said in English, "Good day." He used to work in Maori Gully, and knows James Shum and others there. He asked for a younger brother named "Third-lad," but I could not find his name in my book.
Quito a crowd followed us to the boat, some of them talking very excitedly about the "Fan kwai." After tea and reading and prayer together as usual, a small boat came alongside with some women and a man. One is the wife of "Five Duties," who was working on the Lammerlaw Mountains, out from Serpentine. She was very glad to hear that I knew where he was. Their visit was welcome after some black looks ashore.
Wednesday,
But I must break off here, and give you later a full account of the rest of the journey. Tomorrow morning (D.V.) we start about 6.30 a.m. by steam launch for the Tsang-shing district.
House accommodation cannot be had in Canton, except at exorbitant rates, and the sooner we find a home for our mission work outside the city the better. Yet I hardly think it would be wise for me to go right out into the country until I know a little more. More anon.
You know how unsettled China becomes in the evening of the year (the Chinese next year begins February 8). Even this district, which I believe is fairly orderly, has had a deal of trouble lately. Just the night before we came up, a large band of armed robbers marched into Paak-shek (Whitestone) market-town, and
I am going back to the Upper Poon-Yu trip. It is pretty hard for me to settle down to write, as I am surrounded just now by girls asking all sorts of questions. They are not a bit afraid of the foreigner, but just a little too cheeky.
I left you sometime on January 1 between Ko-tsang and Ai-kong. The ground between those places is very bare, the
We had a hot walk back to Ko-tsang, and met a great many people on their way home from market. Going through the town, several men addressed me in very-much-broken English. One man had returned some years ago from Oamaru, and his face lighted up at the mention of your name. An old man in a shop had been in Australia and New Zealand. He belongs to Dwarf-hill, and kindly invited me to come back and see him. While I was
Thursday, January 2.—After breakfast we sailed down the river to Yan-woh (Human Harmony) market. At the landing was a man in European dress. He had returned from Dunedin some six years ago, and recognised quite a number of the faces in my photo album. [I gave Mr M'Neur some 50 photographs that I had taken of Chinese and their huts and claims in Otago.—A. D.] We walked to the town and into the Gospel Hall of the American Presbyterians, which is at present in charge of a colporteur. The building is well situated and suitable, and a better man is soon to be located here. The colporteur offered to guide us through the market, but I believe we should have been better alone, as the people seem to have little respect for him. At the school the teacher came running out, put himself in
We returned to the boat and sailed down to Ah-woo (Crow-lake), where we landed after midday rice. We first went to Great-lane division, which lies about a quarter of a mile back from the river. "Morning-wealth" was away at Yan-woh, so we left word for him to come to our boat when he returned. We next went to East-gate hamlet, found "Perfect's" house and gave his widow the letter and money. She did not seem very grateful, and wanted to know when her brother-in-law intended returning from Cromwell. A young fellow who had been in Victoria, B.C., walked back with us to the river, and seemed interested in the Gospel. I am inclined to think he is one of the many hundreds, who, in English-speaking lands, profess interest in divine things, but drift back into heathenism on their return.
We were crossing the river to Paak-mai-kaai (White-rice street), which is on the left bank, when we heard a shout behind. It was "Golden Purpose," of King street,
On our return to the boat we received more visitors. "Morning-wealth" came in and got his money and letter. Two men whom you inquired for, who used to be at Waikaia, are still alive and doing fairly well on their farms. When it got dark we pushed into the middle of the river and lay there. Just after worship together we heard a "Coo-ee" from the shore, and I knew by the call that it came from someone who had been in the colonies. He asked for "Golden Purpose,' and on being told that he had gone, asked for "Jesus Don." We poled to the bank, and our visitor came aboard with two young friends. He returned a few months ago from Grey-mouth, and knows you by repute. We had a long and very interesting talk with the three.
Yesterday I delivered the last letter and handed over the last parcel of "gold-boys" (sovereigns). I must now finish the account of the P'oon-Yu visits.
Friday, January 3: There was actually a touch of frost last night. We started early from Crow-lake, and sailed down past the weirs to P'ong-woo (Mussel-lake). Immediately after breakfast we went ashore. The street of shops just at the landing-place houses some undesirable characters. We went to Main-north-gate, and soon found the house of "Palm-present," son of the old man of the Upper Taieri. He is a quiet man, but seemed sincerely grateful for letter and money. As at Dwarf-Hill, so at Crow-lake and Mussel-lake, I was struck with the evident poverty. It seems a crying shame that so much money should be lavished on their temples and idolatrous ceremonies when many of the people are so very poor. Near by we found the house of "Having-blossoms" and "Having-enterprise"; but they were both working some distance off, so we handed the letter and money to their uncle, "Having-riches."
We got "Palm-present to guide us to T'ong-pooi (Damback), but we had first to go to our boat. When we got aboard a crowd followed till the boat was quite full. Someone ashore began throwing stones, but some friends soon stopped that. Dam-back
As soon as we got back to Mussel-lake our boat had a stock of visitors, with questions innumerable. One old woman wishes me to ask you if you know the whereabouts of her boy, "Valiantson." [He is at Cromwell.—A. D.] About 3 p.m. we riled down to High-pond mart, and went for a stroll through the town. We found the shops of "Wealthy"—formerly of Arcade. Dunedin—and "Ox," but neither were in. We visited the post office, which is kept by the brother of a man who was a fellow-passenger on the s.s. Airlie, return-
Saturday, January 4: We breakfasted early, as we intended visiting Shekma (Stonehorse) village before leaving for Canton. A petty official, having 50 men under him, came to the boat, and very respect-fully exchanged cards. Then four or five women came from Watery-ridge with letters and questions. They had gone up to Mussel-lake and not finding us there had hurried down here. It made an interesting picture—the group of women along the side of the boat asking for their friends. They asked for "Pervasive," and I was able to show them his photo at work in his claim at Bendigo Gully. The wife of "You're-famous" gave me a letter for him. It was well worth all the trouble of writing out the long list of names to be able to answer some of the anxious questionings. [I keep a "roll" of the Otago Chinese—their surnames, names, villages, etc.—and Mr
Then we went to the part of the village occupied by the Yuen clan, and inquired for the nearest relatives of Ah Mee, who died at Waikaka on
We got back to the boat, and soon set sail. But alas! wind and tide were against us, and although our crew worked with a will we managed to make only Naisheng by sundown. There we waited for the turn of the tide, and moved down in the darkness to P'oon-t'ong, where the Ts'ung-fa boats lie. I had a restless night. The water was filthy, and I felt out of sorts. On Sunday morning we crossed over to Fati, where a bad cold overtook me during the day and at night I had my first touch of fever. I dosed myself with quinine and have not had a return. I find I will have to be careful in many ways, but I 'hope to profit much by the experience of those who have been so long in this unhealthy field.
With regard to work in the P'oon-yu district, certainly nothing sudden will do. If anyone can get an entrance it will be the worker trained among the Chinese of Otago. But it will need both patience and perseverance before a settlement is obtained. The Americans purpose opening in Ko-t'ong (High-pond) next year. It seems to be the only centre that promises well in our district, and it will have to be handled with great caution. I have had talks with Mr Beattie, who has charge of the work in that district, and he is personally willing enough to leave Ko-t'ong to us if we can gain an opening there. I have no doubt the American Presbyterians would agree to this. There is any amount of room in the district. The Bap-
The day after our return to Canton from Upper P'oon-yu (6th inst.) the wife of "Eastern-Brave" found us out. She came to Fati with her younger brother, and I was glad to hand her the money and letter from her husband. She has had a hard time of it, but her brother has been very kind. [It is a very rare thing for a man to send money to his wife while his father is still living. It was well for this poor woman that E.B. sent money to her as well as to his father, though by so doing he slighted hoary custom.—A. D.]
I must now begin the account of our trip to the Tsang-Shing district. We started up the East River at an early hour on Wednesday, January 8. The Shek-loong (Stone-dragon) passage boat by which we travelled lay across the river near Honan, so we took a sampan across. After some scrambling we got half a cabin and stowed ourselves and goods therein. About 7 o'clock the steam launch that towed us started and made splendid speed. Some of the pagodas seen on the shore are very high and picturesque—one of nine stories has a large mandarin-orange tree growing on top.
These passage-boats are very noisy places. Above our cabin a man was expounding "The Sacred Edict" with great force and at great length. It was interesting to see
On arrival at San-t'ong (New-pond) we got a small boat to take us ashore, and then got our baggage stowed in a rice-shop kept by friends of Willie and Mark Chan. Then we visited John Chan's uncle and handed him the money and letter from his nephew. He asked after your welfare. We visited the chapel of the United Brethren, which is splendidly situated right on the main street. It is comfortably arranged and on market-days there should be very good opportunities. We next passed into a kind of suburb, where I visited the house of Coloured-Ripple and handed over the three sovereigns from his brother at Dunedin. As it was about 1 p.m. we found a restaurant, and had a meal of strange concoctions, some of which were very nice.
We had some difficulty in getting a boat to take us up to San-Kaai (New-street) village, the boat-people objecting that they could not return that night and there were robbers about. However, an old woman and her daughter took us and we had a very pleasant sail up the river. At Kau-yu
That night I was waited upon by a deputation of New-street rats, that inquired loudly as to the nature of the eatables in my hamper. Their tastes are so depraved that they actually tackled some Chinese cakes that were on the table, and left my things alone. Next morning (Thursday) my hands were all swollen with mosquito bites received the night before we left Canton. Willie counted 60 bites on one hand. They say that mosquito-bites bring malaria—I
must have had so many that one half antidoted the other.
After breakfast we walked to Sha-t'au (Sand-bank) village and asked first for Joseph's mother. We were invited to enter one of the large public halls and there treated to cakes and tea. Presently the old lady, who is like her son, came. She asked about his business and wished to know when he is coming home. A returned Walker street man, "Autumn-Child," tried his best to make me feel at home. We met another Dunedin man, who had a garden at Anderson's Bay, and another, and yet another. One said he had wished to attend the services regularly, but the larrikins hindered him. We called on Wong K'au-Foon, who had had an encounter with a thief two days earlier and got his foot hurt. Then we found the father of Lai-Ts'oi, of Stafford street, who had just received a letter saying that we were to be expected.
On our way to Paak-shek (Whitestone) market-town, we passed "Coming-Prosperity" working his plot of ground. Mr Chan says that when he was at Anderson's Bay he used to attend your services regularly; but he came to none of the White-stone meetings last summer. In Whitestone Mart it was soon evident that Mr Chan is well-known and respected. Everywhere he was greeted with "Seen-shang" (teacher). We saw the outside of the building that he held the meetings in, but could not get in as the landlord was away. There was great excitement in the town owing to the rob-
Forest," also a basket filled with yam-flour and oranges. Leaving this village, we saw a scene that seemed to call for a camera, but it would have needed a snapshot. The water had been drained off the village pond, leaving several feet of mud. In this mud the village boys and men were disporting themselves and trying to catch eels, which did not seem to be very plentiful. Just outside the village, on the Whitestone side, a large temple is being built. We returned to New-street through Understone village, lying under the shadow of Toad Hill, familier already to me by your photograph. After dinner we went to the Wanganui man's house for the afternoon, winding up with a great Chinese meal.
This letter closes the account of our "gold and letter" visits.
Friday, January 10: After dinner we walked across to Hok-hoi (Stork-sea), having to use a ferry-boat twice. This village is small, and we soon came to the house of "Girdle-bound," whose wife and old mother were glad to get their letters and money. I got a very warm welcome and a very close examination. It is amusing to see their wonder at the first foreign specimen seen by them. One old woman about 80 was specially interested, and said many quaint things that I cannot remember. Great wonder is expressed at one so young having a moustache. On the way back we passed quite a number of small villages.
On Saturday morning I was awakened early by the women below pounding rice into flour. The harder they pounded the louder and faster they talked. It was hopeless to try to sleep, so I got up. We left after breakfast for Long-ha. It was a long hot walk, but very interesting. After going again through T'ong-mei, we crossed a low range planted thickly with lichee trees. Then we struck across country parallel to the great Nam-heung Mount, meeting several groups or Hakkas on their way to market. Their villages strongly resemble those in Upper P'oon-Yu. Near the far end of the mount is Long-ha, and the first
Going back, we took another road and passed through Paak-shui (Whitewater) village, where there is a Chinese girls' school conducted by a Chinese Christian woman. We also passed Sheung-shiu, whence I believe a good number go to New Zealand. Just outside we stopped to buy some sugarcane, and found that the old stall-holder is a professing Christian returned from abroad. Several others who had been abroad greeted me kindly. As we were about to enter Whitestone Mart we met a man who had been in Sydney. He invited us to his house, which he has built, as far as possible, in Western style. Another man came up who was in Dunedin two years ago. After our long walk we were quite ready for the rice that awaited us at New-street village. The usual company of visitors came in the evening.
On Sunday I felt the effects of having walked so far in the hot sun, though I
Monday, January 13: After breakfast we started for Kong-Naam. We went right through that village and at length met a man who had been in Sydney. He was very anxious to resurrect and air the English he had learned—his Chinese was much more intelligible. He took us to the house of "Little-peace," to whose mother we bore a letter and four sovereigns. We found that the old woman had died over three years ago, but his brother would not send out the news lest it might keep "Little-peace 'from returning home. We met an old friend of yours—one "Vigorous-roots," who used to keep the shop near your church in Walker street. At the house we were treated to the usual delicacies, and your old friend brought out from his mind's inner recesses some fragments of "The Gate Ajar," "Jesus Loves Me," etc., which you had taught him. Over a score of people
On Tuesday I had a spell. I photographed the new tower and the bridge at New-street, also a family group at Willie's home. During the day I was presented with three lots of eggs, so I return to Canton with a bigger nestful than when I came away.
Next morning we were up early and got a boat down to San-t'ong Mart. It was very pleasant on the water. I was much amused at our boat-woman's two-year-old son. He, dressed in nothing but a shirt, was bravely helping mother at the oar, stepping out just like an old hand. [Chinese stand to row.—A. D.] At San-t'ong we had not much time to spare, as the steam launch towing two passage-boats came down about 10 o'clock. We found much difficulty in getting room, but at length got seats in the purser's cabin. One cabin we tried to enter was occupied by some kind of official, who had a brace of pistols lying on one side and a sword on the other. He looked unpleasant, and surveyed the interlopers with undisguised contempt. We were glad to get down to Canton again. The first thing I did was to invest in a mosquito-curtain. In spite of this precaution, the enemy found entrance somehow and gave me a welcome home.
With regard to the Tsang-Shing District, I think we should begin work there as well. P'oon-Yu will be a difficult and discouraging field: Tsang-Shing promises to be the opposite. How good it would be
Round about this district there is quite a number of men who have professed faith in Christ in other lands, but returning here have drifted back until there is little to distinguish them from the heathen around. A church would make it much easier for them to stand true. Whitestone would also be a good place to establish a Christian school.
I hope another missionary will be ready to join me at the end of this year or the beginning of next. It would make such a difference if there were two of us.
Otago Daily Times Print, Dunedin.
The following is the petition which led to this debate. It was presented by Mr. W. F. Massey, and dealt with and reported 011 by the following Railways Committee:—Mr. Flatman, Mr. Lawry, Mr. Massey, Mr. McGuire, Mr. R. McKenzie, Mr. G. W. Russell, Mr. Sidey, Mr. Tanner, Mr. J. W. Thomson, and Hon. Sir J. G. Ward. It will be seen that in this petition I have been careful to repeat all the charges I made against the administration of our railways in the paper I read before the Congress of Chambers of Commerce held in Wellington on
To the Honourable the Speaker and Members of the House of Representatives of the Colony of New Zealand in Parliament assembled.
The Petition of Samuel Vaile of Auckland humbly sheweth—
financial policy of our Railway Administration is radically wrong, and is rapidly involving the country in a ruinous loss.
And as in duty bound, your petitioner will ever pray.
I propose to make a few comments on the arguments put forward and statements made by the various speakers. This will enable me to deal briefly with the various points at issue.
Mr. Tanner (Avon), Chairman Railways Committee, on the 24th July brought up their report, and moved, "That it be laid on the table, and be referred to the Government for consideration."
thereupon moved as an amendment, "That the words be added to the motion, 'so that a trial may be given to the Vaile system.'"
Mr. Pirani, in speaking to the motion, alluded to the many times this question has been before the House. I think I am right in saying that the House has divided on it at least eight or ten times. Personally, I feel very much indebted to Mr. Pirani for the energetic support he has given to the Stage System ever since his first entry into Parliament.
is quite right in saying that he has always voted for a trial of the Stage System, and I very readily acknowledge his consistent and energetic advocacy of it. Mr. Smith says that I have never "attempted to accept the offer of the Government to give his system a trial." That is true. I am not such an idiot as to be a party to the destruction of the work that has cost me so much, or to fall into the trap laid for me by the Department. If Mr. Smith can show how I, or any other sane man, could comply with the demands made upon me, I shall be happy to reconsider.
Mr. Smith says that I ought not to have dealt with other public questions, but with the railway question alone; and he seems to imply that I ought to have kept quiet in order to gain I favour with the Government. Would this be worthy conduct? Has not this sort of thing been the curse of the country?
Mr. Smith says I know the Government are gradually working up to the system of charges that I propose. No greater mistake could possibly be made. Every step taken by the Government so far has been in exactly the opposite direction. My system means much more than mere cheapness—it means distribution: distribution of population, distribution of opportunities, distribution of wealth. All that the Government have done, or propose doing, means more concentration of all these in fewer centres and fewer hands. I will go into this more fully when commenting on the Minister's statements.
is quite right. My system was not designed in the interest of any party or any district, but in the interest of the whole country. Why, then, should I "truckle to the Government of the day"? At any rate, it is quite certain that I have never done so, and never will.
is also right. When before the Railways Committee in
Mr. Napier voices the opinion of most of the Colony when he says that the cost of trying the Stage System would bear a very small proportion to the amount that has been spent on experimental legislation in other directions. He also states the truth when he says that this system (in a much spoilt form) has given remarkable financial results in other countries; and let it be remembered that the financial aspect of the question is the only one our Government has ever attempted to deal with. No one has ever denied the social benefits that would be derived from the Stage System.
Mr. Napier also thinks that I should have done well not to have written on other subjects than the railway question. In saying this I am quite sure he is actuated by the most friendly spirit, but he probably does not remember much about the earlier stages of this agitation, which commenced twenty years ago. Up to this period I had steadily resisted every effort made to induce me to enter public lite, and when I invented the Stage System 1 offered the idea to several of our leading public men, both in the North and South. Not one of them took the least notice of my letters. I believe they all thought me raving mad; indeed, some of them have since told me so. So I had to tackle the task myself.
Then what happened? The Department at once opposed, and their friends soon began to say, "What is the use of listening to Vaile? he has gone mad on the railway question." "He is simply a railway crank." "Did you ever know him do anything else? he can only talk about railways," etc., etc. So, in self-defence and for the good of the Stage System, I thought I had better deal with some other subjects, just to convince the public that I could think straight on other great questions.
touches a very important point when he speaks of the effect the Stage System would have on settling the back country. This is what the system was more especially designed for The Single Taxers see that it will have this effect, and that is their avowed reason why they have always worked their hardest against me and it. It is impossible to increase the value of the back land without increasing the value of the whole Colony.
I quite agree with Mr. Monk that Sir Joseph Ward has made an earnest, honest effort to administer the railways in the interests of the country, but I believe he has been very badly advised by his chief officials. Mr. Monk speaks of a 30 per cent, reduction in
Sir Joseph's speech being one of the utmost importance, I will endeavour to deal with it carefully, and it gives me great pleasure to say that in all the personal intercourse I have had with him, which dates from
The Minister's speech is remarkable for three things. (1st) He does not make the slightest attempt to refute or deny the accuracy of the very serious charges contained in my petition, as regards the manipulation of the Railway Accounts, and the very serious financial loss now being made. (2nd) Sir Joseph frankly admits that the increase of traffic under the Stage System would be so enormous that the Department would not be able to find rolling stock sufficient to deal with it. (3rd) He says that everyone in the country wants a trial of the new system.
Sir Joseph says that when the railway officials have differed from me, I took it as a personal matter, and abused the officials and the administration. I hardly think this is correct, unless telling the plain straight truth is abuse. Then I certainly am guilty. The fact is that it is easy to prove that from first to last these officials, being unable to meet my arguments, and thinking their privileges were being invaded, have most grossly misrepresented me, and have unblushingly said that I made statements and propositions which I never made, and when I have exposed this wrong-doing, then I have been accused of being abusive.
Take the latest instance. In
In it he deliberately states that I propose to reduce the charges on all items of coaching traffic other than "ordinary passengers," and also on all goods traffic, to one-half the present rates. I have never proposed, to do this, either in the work he professes to quoit from, or in any publication, or from any platform, nor have I ever quoted any prices for the transit of goods. Mr. Ronayne's object in making this false statement is to make it appear that the introduction of the Stage System would entail a severe loss. I ask if this is conduct worthy of a Government official in charge of the largest department in the country. Have I not a right to resent it? My reply to Mr. Ronayne's report will be found bound with the paper I read before the Congress of Chambers of Commerce held in Wellington on the
This paper of mine, although it was accepted by the Congress, which thanked me for it and ordered it to be printed, was cut out of the report of the proceedings of the Conference, presumably by order of the Government, while it was passing through the Government printing office. Again I ask, was this fair treatment? The statements therein made are very serious, and if untrue surely it was the duty of the Department to refute them. So far, not the least attempt has been made to do this, although they have been reproduced and commented on in some of the London papers. All I have ever asked for is truthful and fair treatment, and this the Department has never given me, but has striven to put me down by the grossest and most untruthful misrepresentation. Let me here say that my quarrel has been with the General Managers and sub-managers only. I have no complaint whatever against any of the other officials.
In the Press telegrams sent round the Colony reporting this debate, Sir Joseph is reported as saying, "The difficulty was to face the enormously increased expenditure that would be necessitated to provide fresh railway stock to cope with the enormously increased traffic that Must Take Place Under Mr. Vaile's Stage System." In Hansard this is toned down by the addition of the words "for a time." Why for a time? In other countries—in Siberia, for instance, which had a far sparser population than New Zealand, and in every other country where it has been introduced—the increase of traffic has been great and continuous. Why, then, should it not be the same here? I say that it will—there will be neither loss of revenue nor decrease of traffic. At any rate, we have the Minister's distinct statement that the introduction of the Stage System would lead to an "enormously increased traffic." Seeing, then, that under the present system we are now not only losing every penny of interest 011 the capital expended in our railways (£19,496,553), but also in addition over a quarter of a million in working expenses, would it not be wise to try the new system, and see what it will do? It could not possibly be a worse financial and social failure than the
As regards increase of rolling stock required, we have Mr. W. M. Hannay's evidence that in
In Glasgow Evening Citizen sent a "Special Commissioner" to Hungary to investigate this system on the spot; he also reports, "Very little additional expenditure has been incurred in connection with the rolling stock, and the entire staff of workmen and officials has been maintained as before, on account of the increased traffic."
During five months in extra 16,577,200 fares, and to accommodate this enormous increase we have the emphatic statement of their Minister that they only had to expend another £7,267 on new rolling stock. Knowing as we do that for several previous years the Hungarian lines had been in a most deplorable state, it is not in the least likely that their rolling stock was in a more efficient state than ours. I ask, then, why this enormous increase in rolling stock should be required to deal with the 378 miles and 176,000 people of the Auckland Province? It is because Mr. Ronayne knew that I would ask plenty of awkward questions like this one, that I was not allowed to question him, and not because he "knew all about it." As to whether more or less of rolling stock is required, depends on the skill with which it is employed. Our officials seem to think that to carry double the number of passengers, you must of course have double the quantity of rolling stock; but this is by no means the case. The larger your passenger traffic, the easier to arrange for cutting off carriages at the different stations as the train passes along, these cut-off carriages being again immediately used for the short distance traffic. The Stage System simply means hauling full, instead of empty carriages. It is these empty carriages that swell the working expenses. I repeat that it will be entirely the fault of the Department if the introduction of the new system causes any loss whatever.
This so-called offer is merely a repetition of similar offers that no sane or honest man could possibly accept made on former occasions, with another most serious obstacle thrown in the way.
"(a) That a cash guarantee be deposited with the Treasury."
All the efforts of myself and friends have failed to extract from this or former Governments any indication of the amount of
In
Let me here say that it cannot reasonably be expected that the Minister can be sufficiently conversant with details to settle this point himself; he must rely on his superior officers, and I say those officers have consistently and persistently deceived the various Railway Ministers and the public; or else they are densely ignorant of their own business.
"(b) That the trial be for not less than one year." This I readily assented to.
"(c) That the experiment be carried out under the control of the officers of the N.Z. Government Railway Department." All I have ever asked is that I may be in some way associated with them during the trial, so as to assist in seeing that it is a full and fair one. All reasonable men will, I think, see that this is necessary; for in trying any new system little difficulties are sure to arise which the inventor alone is likely to be able to readily deal with.
On the
"(d) That you furnish me with a complete statement of the rolling stock required in order to give the scheme a fair trial."
This is a new demand, and it can only have been made for the purpose of throwing more obstruction in the way. I have always stated that I should expect to carry three times as many fares as under the present system, and the officials ought to know what rolling stock would be required. That is purely traffic manager's business. My work has been with the Financial and Social policy that should govern the administration of railways, and with that only.
Then I am told: "Before the amount of cash guarantee can be appraised, full particulars of the charges to be made for all classes of traffic must be furnished by you. The Department is already in possession of the fares proposed to be charged, and similar information must be given for parcels and goods traffic."
The demand is here made that I shall furnish a complete goods (including live stock) and coaching tariff. Whatever the Minister may think, the General Manager knows that it is utterly impossible for me to comply with this demand. He knows well that there is no information published, or obtainable by me, on which I could found it. As regards ordinary passenger fares it is obtainable, but not as regards any other class of traffic. Mr. Ronayne also knows that it would be a work of immense labour and of considerable expense. I reckon that it would take three or four good clerks at least three months to collate the necessary information, and these would require to have full access to the books and papers of the Department. Why should I go to this great labour and expense, simply to give the Department a chance to destroy the whole thing and pronounce it a failure? This is what they are aiming at, for they know well that I should have to work entirely in the dark.
I have repeatedly pointed out that the only proper way to introduce the new system is to apply it first to "Ordinary Passengers," then to the other items of "Coaching," and finally to "Goods Traffic." This is what the Hungarians did, and it is what we must do if we want to avoid loss; but the Department wants to create loss, and hence their preposterous demand to apply the new system to every branch of traffic at once. Again I ask: Why should I be put to this great labour and expense, merely to give the Department an opportunity to destroy my work?
It is not my fault that I have not been able to work in harmony with the officials; I have tried to do so. The first time Mr. Maxwell was in Auckland after I placed the Stage System before the public, I waited on him, in order to explain it to him. He declined to listen to me, said he had read all I had published, that he had no doubt I believed all I said, but that it was not possible for me to know, and that the officers of the Department alone had access to the necessary information. This is the spirit in which I have been treated throughout.
On arriving in Wellington last year, after leaving my card with the Premier, I had an interview with Sir Joseph, and expressed the hope that I might be able to work in harmony with the Department; then I went to Mr. Ronayne, and after pointing out that the men who had opposed me—Messrs. Maxwell, Hannay, and Hudson—were all now out of the Department, I impressed upon him the desirability of our working together in harmony, to do all that we could for the public good. I told him that on my part I was prepared to sink all the past; and did
Sir Joseph says that it is right that the locality that is to derive the benefit of cheap rates and fares, while other localities are paying higher ones, should guarantee the country against loss. I ask who has proposed to give any one locality this advantage? Most certainly I have never done so; I have persistently fought against it. It is the Department that has insisted on this being done, and I say they have done it for the purpose of stirring up local jealousies, and so preventing any trial taking place.
This is the proposition that I have made, and I consider that it is an eminently fair and judicious one. We must commence somewhere, and it is agreed on all hands that the Auckland Section is the most suitable. This is not because it gives the Stage System the best chance, but because it gives it the worst; for, being an absolutely isolated section, it cannot draw on any other system for support, and it has this further disadvantage that, with the exception of Auckland City, it has only one town of 4,000 people on the whole section, and then one of 1,250, then only villages. My proposition, therefore, is to apply it on this section to ordinary passenger fares, and to those fares only to begin with. We should soon see how it was working, and if it did not give good results we need go no further; for if it will not pay on ordinary fares, it certainly will not pay on any other branch of traffic. But it will pay, and pay well.
As soon as it was thus running in Auckland, I would apply it to the same branch of traffic on the lines South of Dunedin; then I would do the same on the Wellington-Napier-Taranaki Section; and then on the lines in the South Island North of Dunedin. Then I would start again at Auckland and apply the system to the other branches of coaching traffic, going from Auckland to the lines North of Dunedin, then to Wellington, and afterwards to the lines South of Dunedin. Then back to Auckland for the goods traffic, then to Wellington, Dunedin, and Canterbury.
I ask, if the experiment is carried out in this manner, what possible unfairness can there be to any portion of the Colony, and can there possibly be any serious loss incurred? Which is the fairest and most judicious proposal—mine, or that of the Department?
Sir Joseph says that, with all the officers and records of the Department to help him, he has never been able to arrive at what would be a fair amount of guarantee to ask, and yet I am asked to do this without help or information. I direct attention to the fact that Sir Joseph expressly endorsed the statement of "an Hon.
Member" that "everyone wants a trial of the system." He also repeated the statement about the increase of traffic, saying "he recognised, as well as did any member of the House " that once the sixpenny stage system was adopted and made to apply, as it was intended under the system to all the sections of railway, there would be an enormous increase of passenger traffic."
I challenge the correctness of Sir Joseph's statement that "To say they were not willing to give a fair trial to the system was absolutely incorrect." I say emphatically that no offer of a trial that would be fair, either to the country or myself, has ever ken made. I further say that all the so-called offers were carefully and expressly so framed as to render their acceptance impossible. I further also say that in the persistent demand—which I have always protested against—that the system shall at the same time be applied to all branches of traffic, the Department sought to ensure the failure of the system, by making me propose a coaching and goods tariff without having any data to work on, and by making it unpopular by saying it gave an unfair advantage to one district.
I wish again to distinctly say that I do not accuse the different Ministers of complicity in this, but I emphatically say that the various General Managers know that I am speaking the truth: but I have little doubt that I shall be again accused of being abusive. I repeat my denial that I have ever been abusive, but have merely, without mercy, expressed the untruthful manner in which I have been met.
I am much indebted to this gentleman for presenting my petition, and for calling attention to Mr. Arnot Reid's statements as to the working of the Stage System on the Siberian Railways. Mr. Massey very naturally falls into the general belief that the Government are gradually adopting my system, and I have no doubt they think so too. As a matter of fact, they are working in exactly the opposite direction; but I will deal with this in a separate paper. The reductions promised in the Budget are on the plan proposed by the late Mr. Charles Waring in what he called a distance scale (See his work, "State Purchase of Railways," Chapman and Hall,
Mr. Massey is right. If the system is tried, it is tried for the whole Colony; therefore the whole Colony should take the risk, if there is any, which I deny. I quite agree that neither I nor any set of citizens should be allowed to make a profit out of the railways of the country.
says that the verdict of public opinion has denounced the Stage System "over and over again," and mentions the result of various election contests in support of his contention. As to the Waikato contests, all the older residents in that district know that Mr. J. B. White had to retire from his seat owing to his hostility to the Stage System. Then as to the contest between Mr. Thompson and myself. Mr. Thompson was declared to have won by 35 votes. 36 votes were thrown out, said to be informal, but which, when too late, I discovered were never examined by the returning officer. I also found out that 50 of my votes were stolen after they had passed through the ballot-box. Some of these are still in the hands of a legal firm, awaiting a "falling-out of thieves." I am extremely obliged to Mr. Frank Lawry for giving me this opportunity of throwing a little light on that piece of electioneering rascality. At any rate, it is quite certain that Mr. Thompson would have lost his seat by an overwhelming majority, had he not in the strongest manner pledged himself to support the Stage System. This I gratefully acknowledge he did, until he became a Minister.
As to the Parnell contest, that was not a contest between Mr. Lawry and myself, but between Mr. Lawry, Mr. Withy-who received the support of the Temperance Alliance, the Socialists, and the Single Taxers—and myself. I did not intend to contest any seat, and had refused to allow myself to be nominated for two. The Parnell electors were in a disagreeable position; they had to choose between Mr. Lawry and a young Socialist-Single-Taxer, and most of them hated both. Two men they relied on failed them, and strong pressure was then brought to bear to induce me to step into the gap.
I was announced as a candidate on the 14th of November, and the polling took place 011 the 4th of December. Thus I had only 17 days in which to fight a triangular contest. Had I had another 17 days, Mr. Frank Lawry's place in Parliament would have known him no more. His statement that this contest was fought "on that one particular fad of his" is absolutely untrue. I gave in all 14 addresses, and in not one of them did I attempt to deal with the railway question. Many people think that I lost the seat in consequence I feel that it is quite derogatory to have to speak of these election matters, but, as the same argument has before been used against the Stage System, have thought it well to show what Mr. Lawry's statements are worth.
Mr. Lawry's silly talk about inducing people to travel when they do not require to do so is not worth replying to. It is on a par with the argument freely used when I was a boy, that the "common people" ought not to be taught to read, because, if they were, they would be sure to read bad books. Nice argument for a "Liberal "M.H.R.! Mr. Lawry evidently does not think
Mr. Lawry asks why the Railway Companies of America have not adopted the new system. It is a sufficient reply to point out that in all the countries where it has been adopted, the Governments have found it necessary to buy out the companies, as both the United States and the United Kingdom will most certainly have to do.
thinks as many others have done that I ought to have commenced with goods traffic instead of passengers, but he forgets that to make a large reduction in the charge for the transit of goods must at first and probably for years lead to a large reduction in revenue. What chance would a new system have that at its start made a severe financial loss? If I am wrong, then all the countries that have started the Zone System are wrong also. It is only by starting with passengers that the country can be saved from immediate loss.
As to the decreasing charge proposed by the Government, I will deal with that in another paper, and I think I shall be able to show that it is not so good as it appears to be. It is really only another form of differential rating in favour of the great cities. My plan is totally different in policy from Sir Joseph's proposition.
As to the risk of handing the control of a section of our railways over to me, I have no wish to boast—far from it—but I think I may say this: All I have ever asked for is power to control the financial policy that should govern the administration of this section, and I ask, will any man in the House or out of it say that I am not as competent to deal with this branch of the subject as the late Chief Commissioner, or any Minister of Railways who has held office during the last twenty years? It is because Mr. Russell and others do not properly distinguish between railway management, and the policy that should govern that management, that this difficulty arises with them. The policy is all I have pretended to know anything about. The management is the traffic manager's business; the policy is the Minister's.
Mr. G. W. Russell says, "Had Mr. Vaile adopted a conciliatory attitude; had he, instead of abusing everybody who differed from him, been reasonable to those whose business it was to criticize his proposals, there would have been a trial of his scheme long ago." May I with all kindness point out what a poor compliment Mr. Russell here pays to the House of which he is a member? What in effect he says is this: That because some of these gentlemen think I have abused them (which I say is an unjust charge), in order to be revenged on me, they have not hesitated to inflict a most serious injury on the country; for he
I am glad to see that Mr. Russell is among those who take the sensible view that this is not mine but the country's affair, and that, therefore, I ought not to be asked to give any guarantee. I am also glad to find that Mr. Russell sees with me as to the distributing effect the Stage System will have. I do not think a distance of 25 miles on either side a large town would be a fair test. To really test the system we must tap the far distant and most thinly populated country. The Auckland Section presents the most of this. It is more against me, and presents more difficulties than any other section; that is why I ask for it. I am not trying to work a fraud, but to confer a great benefit.
Mr. Russell is far from correct in saying that at each election contest I secured a less number of votes. I entered the Parnell contest, as I have shown, at 17 days' notice, more to keep the Socialist-Single-Taxer out than for any other purpose—in this I succeeded—and all Parnell knows that if I had had another fortnight, I would have kept Mr. Lawry out also. As it was, out of 3,740 votes recorded, he polled 1,770 and I polled 1,302. In my last contest I again entered the field at a fortnight's notice, and for much the same purpose, and I did so on the express understanding that I was not to be put to one shilling of expense, was not to canvass, nor to give addresses. I, however, did give two. As a matter of fact, only £25 was spent on my contest, yet I polled 2,456 votes. How many could have done as well under the circumstances? At my first election I only scored 708 votes, so at my last contest, under the most adverse circumstances, I polled nearly four times as many. So, judged by Messrs. Lawry and Russell's standard, we have the best evidence that the Stage System is growing immensely in popular favour.
This gentleman's ridiculous comparison between a house lift and a railway reminds me of his silly assertion that the single tax tenure is a freehold. There is just as much resemblance between the one thing as the other. He goes on to say, "He hoped that in deciding on the question of giving this system a trial the House and country would not be guided by any facts or figures put forward by Mr. Vaile, because he (Mr. Fowlds) had been compelled to test his figures and statements, and he had never found anyone who could so exaggerate and so misstate facts." He then quotes my statement that our railways last year did not earn their working expenses by £280,266, and goes on to say, "Still, of course, no sane man would accept those figures or believe there was any reliability about them ....... His (Mr. Vaile's) statements were not to be taken as in any sense reliable. During many years he had investigated many statements made by
never found his figures accurate or his statements correct."
It is difficult to imagine a man in the position of a member of Parliament descending so low as to speak thus of another man's work, without making the least attempt to prove the truth of his assertions. He says that for years he has examined my figures and had "never" found them "accurate."
Others, and far more competent, more widely known, and esteemed men than Mr. George Fowlds, have examined my figures and have publicly certified to their accuracy. Among them the first I remember is the late Mr. Whitaker, who formerly represented Waikato. He stated that he had examined my figures and found them "substantially correct." (I have made it a rule to avoid fractions as much as possible.) Then Mr. A. C. Fife, Accountant to the Railway Department, prepared a table which absolutely proves the correctness of all my more important figures and calculations. One of the best known mathematicians in the whole world, Professor Steadman Aldis, kindly checked over some very important figures of mine, which had been called in question, and in writing certified to their correctness; so did Captain W. C. Daldy; also a Committee of the Auckland Chamber of Commerce; also well-known professional accountants like Messrs. J. A. Connell, John Milne, and C. A. Jonas. With evidence like this against him, for Mr. George Fowlds to say that my figures are "never'' correct, savours of something like insolence.
If Mr. Fowlds has made this grand discovery, is it not his duty to expose my error? Does not the country pay him to watch over its interests? I do not ask him for any mercy. I do not claim to be perfect, and it would be strange indeed, if in the vast cloud of figures I have placed before the public during the last twenty years, there were not some errors. But the fact remains that they have never been pointed out, although I have been keenly and closely watched.
I, too, have had occasion to examine some of Mr. Fowlds' figures and statements, and here are some of the results. In England Mr. Fowlds published a letter in which he stated without any qualification whatever, that the increase in the N.Z. Public Debt by £5,108,778 during the then four years of the Seddon adminstration had decreased the burdens of the people, because, he said. "The increase of debt has gone entirely in three directions—the conversion of previous loans at a premium to secure a lower rate of interest, the building of railways, and lending out money to farmers at a much lower rate of interest than they had previously been paying." Now, during this period, the total amount spent in building railways and in loans to settlers was £1,881,223. Consequently, Mr. Fowlds says that during this four years we spent £63,227,555 in converting loans, when the total capital value of the loans converted was considerably under £3,000,000. When this preposterous blunder was brought home
This gentleman also talks of the danger to the country of allowing me to control a section of our railways. I have replied to this argument in my comments on Mr. G. W. Russell's speech, as I also have to the question of a guarantee. Mr. McGowan speaks of the demand made upon me as "such a reasonable request." I consider it as the most unreasonable one ever presented to any private citizen, and, as I have shown, it is one that the Department knew it was quite impossible for me to comply with.
I take exception to Mr. McGowan's statement that the introduction of the Stage System will depreciate the value of laud near our great cities. No class of land will benefit so much; for it will enable all laud within a radius of 30 miles to be brought in as suburban residence sites and for small market gardens, for which purposes land will pay a higher rental than for any other. I contend that from the city out the Stage System will add value to every acre of land in the Colony.
While I gratefully acknowledge that the Railways Committee listened to my statement with great attention, I must respectfully deny that "every opportunity was given me." I was not allowed to ask the officials any questions, nor did they question me. For instance, at the conclusion of my statement, I asked Mr. Ronayne if he would be good enough to inform the Committee how he expected the great loss he spoke of in trying the new system to arise. He was not allowed to reply. I was not informed that this was to be the position, and consequently was placed at a great disadvantage; for I had not come prepared with a full statement, and intended only making a short one, and trusting to question and answer for the rest. It was only the day before meeting the Committee that I accidentally found out the line of action the Department meant to adopt. Had I not made this discovery, I should have been completely thrown. As it was my only chance, I at once set to work and put as much information in my statement as possible, but I feel it was only a poor attempt (See Parliamentary Paper I.. 6B,
As to being struck dumb on the question of framing a goods tariff, I think I have given a sufficient reply to that matter. I ask Mr. Flatman, does he really think I am so silly as to seek to be entrusted with a task I am unable to perform?
Mr. Flatman says, "Was it possible on the same line to carry passengers under one system, and goods under another? It could not be done. There would have to be trains for goods and special trains for passengers." This is a wonderful statement for a member of a Railways Committee to make. Surely Mr. Flatman should know that the perfection of railway working is to separate the goods from the passenger traffic. The wear and tear on a railway is in proportion to the velocity at which weights are carried. Therefore, good traffic managers seek to keep their lines fully employed during the day with their light coaching traffic, which must be sent at the highest velocities, and to work their heavy goods traffic by night, which then may be sent at low velocities. Much of our loss arises from the fact that we run so many mixed trains.
Mr. Flatman twits other members on their want of knowledge, and talks about Hungary; but he does not appear to know that for some years they worked their passenger traffic on the Zone System and their goods traffic on the old system. Nor does be seem to be aware that each time the Hungarians raised their passenger fares, their profit decreased.
Mr. Flatman says: "Any reasonable man would agree to make good any loss that might occur at a trial of the scheme." Why should I do this? Would the trial be for my special benefit? It would be for the benefit of the country; therefore the country should take the risk, of which I again affirm there will be none. The country has repeatedly expressed its willingness to take the risk, but the Department has always sought to force me into a position where it could easily ruin both me and my work.
is quite right in saying that it would pay the Colony to raise a loan to test the new system, but I say no such loan is necessary, and that if the new system is honestly applied in the manner I suggest, it will pay a large and increasing profit, starting from the very first week.
I have replied to all this gentleman said, in dealing with the speeches of other members.
I am pleased to see that this gentleman also takes the right view of the so-called offer made to me. He also pointed out that I could not lay down a goods tariff, and that the Minister must have known this. "An Hon. Member" interrupted him with the question, "Did he (Mr. Vaile) have access to the books
Give me the same information as regards the other items of coaching and goods traffic, and I will undertake to as successfully work out a tariff for these items; but I say it would be easy to prove that since the advent of Mr. Maxwell we have never had a General Manager who could do this. They knew all the difficulties, and hence their persistent attempt to force me into proposing a goods tariff without the necessary information to work upon. This unreasonable demand cannot be made, and is not made, in the public interest. It is made in the hope that through it the Stage System may be discredited and destroyed.
Mr. Herries suggests that I should be appointed Traffic Manager of the Auckland Section. I should hardly like to take the responsibility of this position, seeing that I do not understand traffic management; but possibly some arrangement might be made by which I could be associated with the Traffic Manager. All that I ask for is such a position as will enable me to see that the experiment is faithfully carried out, and that the new system is not ruined by pretended improvements by men who have given such emphatic proof that they know nothing at all about it.
Mr. Herries is quite right in saying that no business man could possibly look at the so-called offer made by the Minister. This is merely a repetition of that made in
To show that this talk about the immense cost of the rolling stock is all bunkum, I may mention that the charge in the United Kingdom between the various companies, one with the other, for the use of each other's rolling stock is as follows:—1st class passenger carriages, ¾d. per mile; 2nd and 3rd class, ½d. per mile; every other class of vehicle, ½d. per mile. These charges are of course for the use of the whole vehicle, and not per passenger or per ton.
A trial on the Manawatu line would not test the system. It does not tap sufficient sparsely-populated country. I do not want it to be said that a section was selected that gave the Stage System an undue advantage. I am not a bit afraid of it on the most unfavourable one.
I am glad to see that Mr. Barclay also looks upon this as a National and not a personal question. He correctly points out that we have run greater risks in our experimental legislation, and I may ask could we run as much risk of loss in trying this system, if it is put in force in the manner I propose, as we shall run in working State coal mines, or State fire insurance? Time will show. Mr. Barclay appears to have a much better grip of what has been done in Hungary than most men, and I feel much indebted to him for placing that matter so clearly before the House.
Out of a House of 74 members, 27 voted for, and 34 against, a trial of the Stage System, and 13 did not record their votes. Out of the 14 Auckland members, 9 voted for a trial, 3-Mr. F. Lawry (Parnell), Mr. R. Thompson (Marsden), and Hon. J. McGowan (Thames)—voted against a trial. Mr. J. Bollard and Sir Maurice O'Rorke did not record their votes. Sir Maurice was, I believe, in Auckland at the time. It is gratifying to me to find so many of my fellow-colonists giving me their support. I tender them my grateful thanks. If I had had the same opportunities of explaining the Stage System in the South that I have had in Auckland, it would have been running long ago.
I should like to draw special attention to the fact that, during the whole of this debate, neither the Minister nor any of his followers attempted in any way to refute the statements made in the petition that gave rise to it, as to the manipulation of the Railway Accounts and the enormous loss that is now taking place.
Taking the last three years, with interest on loans at only 4 per cent.—the Hon. J. Cadman says we pay 4¼ per cent.—and the account taken in precisely the same manner in each year, this is how it works out:—
In addition to this heavy loss, there must be added the amount credited to railway revenue as "Revenue received by the
I challenge the accurate Mr. George Fowlds to disprove the truth of this statement, and I say that it is not to the credit of a city like Auckland that it should be represented by a man who, when he is confronted by a statement which so seriously affects its interests as this does, contents himself with the assertion that Mr. Vaile's figures are "never accurate." It is his duty to prove them to be inaccurate if he can, but he knows well that he cannot, and therefore deals in assertions only.
I may mention in passing that the Gazette returns for the first sixteen weeks of the current year show a further falling off in net revenue of £21,233, as compared with the corresponding period of last year. Let me again draw attention to the fact that throughout the whole debate there was no attempt whatever made to dispute my statement as to the serious loss made. It may, therefore, be assumed that the Department admits that my statement is correct.
At the present moment there are two systems of Railway Administration actively at work in the world, and there are four under discussion.
Of the two actively at work, the English System was the universal system up to the
or rather no-system, with its many defects and injustices, is too well known to require any comment from me. Those who wish to know what a powerful engine for oppression and robbery it is, have only to study the British Royal Commissions and the Hepburn and other Commissions of America. Indeed, they need not go out of this country; for a short time ago, when £75,000 was expended in the reduction of goods rates, £57,000 of this went to Canterbury and Otago, and the whole of the Auckland Province only obtained £2,700.
This is said to be an adaptation of our Stage System. So far, this system has given good financial results; but it appears to me that the social effects have been anything but good. During the time it has been running, the population of Budapest has increased over 50 per cent. When the population of a country becomes piled up in a few centres, not only is a bad social state produced, but railway revenue must also suffer. It may be remembered that before the Hungarians commenced to work the Zone System, I pointed out that this state of things would arise in that country. (See N.Z. Herald,
The four systems under discussion are the Postal System, Free Railway Travel, the Stage System, and the Distance Scale.
Of the proposed systems of railway administration, probably the Postal System commends itself to more people than any other. It is so natural to say: See what an immense amount of good: has been done by making universal rates for letters, papers, and parcels—why not do the same with passenger fares and goods I rates? For many reasons. The Post and the Railway are so dissimilar that they never can be worked on the same plan. What people require in the shape of mail service can be, and to a large extent is, carried out by men on foot. Railway service can only be carried on by means of the iron road, and ponderous rolling stock. The man on foot with his letter can penetrate anywhere. The steam engine can only go where the rail is constructed. A ton of half-ounce letters would pay,£298 14s. 4d. when delivered. How many tons are there carried on a railway that could pay such a price?
In the postal service the average weight of the package to be delivered is so small that it was easy to fix the charge so low as to be within the reach of everybody. With the railway, on the contrary, the average weight is so large that we could not fix the average charge low enough to prevent all the short distance traffic from being wiped out of existence For instance, in this country the average passenger fare is 1s. 8d. Suppose we took this down to one-half, and the goods rate, which is 6s. 8d., also to one-half, say 10d. and 3s. 4d. respectively, could the short distance traffic be maintained?
It is quite certain that under the Postal or Universal Fare System, the average charge would have to be fixed so low that it would be necessary to maintain the railways out of general taxation, instead of being both constructed and maintained out of revenue, as I contend they can be. The increased burden of taxation the Postal System would entail would be so heavy, and its incidence so unequal, that no community would put up with it. If those owning property or residing near railways were to have their transit services provided for them practically free, what is to become of those owners and residents who have no railways in their districts? They would have to provide for their own transit services, and consequently their property would sink in value, and their districts become depopulated. Under this system it is quite certain that railways could not be made to pay their working expenses, probably not one-fourth of them.
The social effects of the present "no-system "have been bad, very bad—those of the Postal System would be far worse. It must of necessity mean far greater concentration in the cities. If people or goods could go for the same price anywhere, would not most people live in the cities? Most certainly, very few women
All the objections that apply to the Postal System apply with still greater force to free travel. Under it we should soon set up the worst form of absentee landlordism. If people could travel everywhere for nothing, how little inducement there would be for owners to reside on their farms! Soon nearly all these would fall into the hands of managers, while their owners and families would reside in the towns. When we remember the numerous advantages the town has over the country in matters of house-keeping, education, social intercourse, amusements, etc., how could we expect the women and children to reside on the farms when they could go to them, or send goods to them, whenever they liked, for nothing? The inevitable result must be great separation of husbands and wives, which is an immense social evil, and much greater concentration of population in the cities, out of which our greatest social evils arise.
Again, what would be the effect on industrial enterprise and the development of the country? At first sight this appears easy. People say, naturally enough: why, if you can go or send to any point for nothing, it must assist development. Quite so, if you could do this, but all it would mean is that you could send to any point within districts where railways were constructed, and every other district would be practically shut up, and those residing in them would have to pay their full share of the taxation which provided means of transit for their more fortunate neigh-bours. Those outside districts would of course demand railways, but if railways are not to produce any revenue, where is the money to construct and work them to come from? It is not likely that the districts already served, and which must contain nearly the whole of the population, would tax themselves for this purpose.
After the closest study, I fail to discover any good thing in either the Postal System or Free Transit as applied to Railways.
This system differs totally from every other system either in existence or suggested. It is the only system in which the location of population is taken into account. The only thing in common with it and the Zone System is that they are both of them Stage Systems. It differs from all these systems also in the fact that it is meant to, and must act, as a distributing and not as a centralizing influence, as all other systems do. This was the main object I had in view when designing it. When working among and studying the condition of the poor of London and
When, however, I came to study the railway system, a new light dawned, I saw that the system of charging "tolls" of so much per mile acted as regards compelling people to live within a certain area precisely the same as if a toll bar were actually erected at every mile, and I set to work to remove these toll bars;; for I was convinced that it was these that are responsible for the overcrowding, and that the overcrowding is responsible for the poverty.
As I write, a letter from Earl Grey lies before me. In it he says: "The great problem of modem civilization is how to distribute our town population over the country." This is true, and this is the problem I have set myself to solve, with what success time will show Personally I have no fear of the result. As regards these young countries I do not expect it to reduce our larger cities; this is not necessary; but I do expect it to prevent their too rapid growth. Our chief cities are all seaport towns, through which the trade and commerce of the country must flow, and I expect the Stage System to have such an effect in settling the country and developing its resources and trade that our seaport towns must also share in the general prosperity, and grow much beyond their present size. All we want is for things to be in something like just proportion.
Another reason why the present system piles the population up in the great cities is that the rating for passengers and goods is all made permanently in their favour and against the country. I propose to make the rating temporarily in favour of the country. Perhaps I shall best explain the difference between the two systems by the aid of the following diagrams.
In nearly every country except New Zealand (and they would have put it in force here if they had dared) where this system prevails, it is the custom to charge for 15 miles round the great cities one-half the rate per mile for passenger fares that is charged for the same distance starting from any point in the country. The excuse for doing this is that it develops the suburban traffic, 15 miles being called the suburban area. Take New South Wales as an example, and it works out thus:—
The rates quoted are for second class return fares, and it should be remembered that in going to or from the country, or for travelling in the country, the fare is charged at the rate of one penny and five-hundredths per mile for the whole distance. No allowance is made for the lesser rate round the city. New South Wales favours the country more than most places, but it will be seen that even there the rate charged for travelling in the country is just about double the rate charged near town. This is what acts as a perpetual incubus on the country districts. Not only does it bar the development of the country, and inflict a cruel injustice on our farmers and producers, but it destroys railway revenue by slowly but surely decreasing the average distance people and goods travel, by destroying large numbers of small trading centres, and thus reducing the average rates paid. This, I hold, is the real reason why railways as a rule pay such miserable dividends. If conducted on sound principles, railway business ought to be the most profitable business in the world.
How all this would be changed under the Stage System, the following diagram will explain:—
A comparison of these two diagrams will show that the principle of rating is exactly the reverse. In the present system the lowest rate per mile is charged at the city end of the lines, and this is a permanent protection given to the great cities. It has been done ever since railways were first constructed, and the effect undoubtedly has been to mass up the population and wealth in these cities.
Under the Stage System this would be reversed. It will be seen that the lowest rates per mile are charged in the most thinly populated country districts, but it must be remembered that this is merely a For particulars as to how these changes are to be carried out, see my work, "Social Problems," page 25—Upton & Co., Auckland.temporary protection given to these sparsely populated localities. As their population became more dense, the length of their stages would be proportionately shortened, and thus the rate per mile gradually increased, until ultimately it would be the same all over the country.
Another distinctive and most valuable feature of the Stage System is its extreme simplicity. Anyone able to understand the Postal Guide could easily interpret the whole tariff, both for goods and passengers. There would be but four classes for goods, and one additional for dangerous goods. There would also be only four different classes of ordinary passenger tickets, instead of the
We have now to consider the
which Sir Joseph Ward proposes to adopt. So far as I am aware, the late Mr. Charles Waring was the first to propose this plan, in his work on the "State Purchase of Railways," a copy of which he was good enough to send to me. I could not see how he was to reduce the idea to practical working, and wrote to him for an explanation Unfortunately, he died before my letter reached home. What is proposed is this (again taking second-class passenger fares to illustrate):
This is going from the City to the Country Districts, but going to the City from the Country, or for travelling in the country, this is how it would work:
I fail to see that this gives any relief to the country districts. It certainly does not, as appears at first sight, give the country any advantage over the city. It is simply another differential rating in favour of the great cities—one more inducement to "visit the capital." I await with some interest the issue of the new fare-table. This Distance Scale is one of those things which appear so eminently just and easy on the face, but will not bear close looking into.
In the most emphatic manner I enter my protest against the Stage System being put in force as regards every branch of traffic at one and, the same time. I have always objected to this. It is not fair to the system. It is not fair to the various districts of the Colony. No one having any knowledge of the subject and wishing to act fairly could have suggested so doing. This proposition was made by the Department, which in the strongest manner has from first to last insisted on this course being adopted.
To anybody able to deal with this subject, it must be quite clear that their object was if possible to create a loss, and by stirring up local jealousies, to delay a trial taking place. The only safe and fair way is to apply it in the manner I have indicated in my remarks on the speech of the Hon. Sir Joseph Ward.
I desire to convey my sincere and heartfelt thanks to those Hon. members of the House who have given me such powerful support. I feel deeply grateful to them, and I venture to express the hope that in next session many other members will be found voting with them. I direct their earnest attention to the fact that, during the last three years, the loss on our railways has risen from £348,995 to £1,007,095. That is to say, it has nearly trebled in this short time. Surely we need a change. For now twenty years I have striven earnestly to reform our railway administration. So far without any good result. No doubt my work has had some influence in reducing railway charges, but that is far from being all that is wanted. Nothing will affect any real good that does not afford substantial help to the thinly populated districts, and I earnestly appeal to the members of Parliament and to my fellow citizens generally not to allow this, the great distinctive feature of the new system, to be tampered with.
I am well aware that, if it falls into the hands of the Department, every effort will be made to alter it in this respect, and that is the reason why I am so anxious for it to be tried while I am here to watch over it.
My contention is, and always has been, that by means of the Stage System the railway revenue can be enormously increased. I place that increase at not less than one and a quarter million (£1,250,000) per annum. (See Parliamentary Paper, D—7, pp. 4 to 7.)
It has always seemed to me an absolute absurdity to suppose that a virtual monopoly of the inland carrying trade of a country cannot be made to pay a reasonable rate of interest on the capital cost of the plant employed There must be, and is, something wrong in the business policy pursued. The fault is that the present system gives no real encouragement to settlement in the far country, as the diagram given above will show.
We now have the Railways Minister's express statement, twice made, that the new system will enormously increase the railway traffic, and that to such an extent that we could not find rolling stock to cope with it. What more do we want? What more could I say in favour of the new system? Its warmest advocates could not possibly say more than this. Where is this
Anyone who wants to know what a railway conducted on sound principles can do for a country has only to read some of the recent books on Siberia, and notice the extraordinary development that has taken place in that country since the introduction of the Stage System. There you can travel thousands of miles at the rate of a shilling per hundred miles—just the rate that I proposed here twenty years ago. It is true that that is my first-class fare, while it is their third; but it must be remembered that in Russia you can travel thousands of miles at that rate (and experience shows that it pays well), while here you could rarely travel one hundred. In Siberia, too, their railways cost about £10,000 per mile more than ours have cost.
By means of this railway, nearly 19,000,000 acres of land have been occupied. In
What would have been the position of this country if the Stage System had been introduced here as it ought to have been 15 or 18 years ago? A million of money expended now would not advertise it as well as that would have done; to say nothing of the otherwise great development that must have taken place. Knowing as I do how much the country has lost through the want of knowledge or selfishness of our railway officials, is it any wonder that I resent their action?
In conclusion, let me say that no one can be so conscious as I am of having committed many errors in the method of carrying out this agitation. Still, my task has not been an easy one, and I have done my best. Let me hope others will do theirs.
Abel, Dykes Limited, Printers, Auckland.
Introductory Note.—In
From the first the Department offered the most determined opposition to the new system being tried.
In
In
In September last year (B,
The letter to Sir Joseph Ward, Minister for Railways, is my reply to Mr. Ronayne's statement.
Despairing of reforming our railway administration by other means, I have felt it my duty to place the true position of our railways before the public, and therefore prepared the following paper:—
Mr. President and Gentlemen,—
When we consider the vast influence railways have on the trade and commerce of any country where they exist it is wonderful how little attention Chambers of Commerce devote to them. It does not appear, even now, to be generally understood, that the development of the trade, commerce and industrial enterprise of any country depends absolutely on its transit facilities.
And by transit facilities is more and more meant railway transit facilities. Vast as is the importance of ocean transit it is as nothing compared with railway transit. If anyone doubts the truth of this statement, let him reflect on the fact that the total tonnage of the combined steam and sailing fleet engaged in the home and foreign trade of the United Kingdom in
If we apply the same test to our own little country we shall find that the value of its shipping is but £2,200,000, while that of its railways is over £18,000,000, say, nine times as much ment, and one requiring close application and study, more as its shipping.
This being the case, gentlemen, it does astonish me that the Chambers of Commerce here and elsewhere have devoted so little attention to the important question of the
There are many reasons for this. The men who compose these Chambers are busy men. The subject is an abstruse and complicated one, one that 110 man would take up for amuse-
Note.—On page 2, the tenth line from the bottom has been misplaced. This line should precede the first line of page 3.
study and time than most business men can give to any question not directly affecting their own particular business.
The object of my present paper is to endeavour to create a deeper interest in the railway question, to place very briefly before the Chambers of Commerce of New Zealand the creation, rise, and present position of our railway investment, and to throw out a few hints as to the principles that should govern the construction and administration of our railways in the future.
I have no intention of pressing on your notice, or again on this occasion, alluding to the Stage System. That will take care of itself; it is fast spreading over the world, and will come here in time. What I want to do, is to place clearly before this Congress the real position of our railway investment, to point out the causes of its failure, and to suggest how the position may be improved.
Having had to prepare this paper at very short notice, I have not found time to dig up the ancient history of the earliest efforts at railway construction in this country, suffice it to say, that prior to
Our Government scheme of railway construction dates from the year
All who are engaged in business pursuits, whether professional, trading or manufacturing, know this,—that, having our establishments as regards premises, plant, stock and assistants, in working order, that we could easily carry on Increased operations of from 50 to 100 per cent, at a very small increase in working expenses.
We also know that if we largely increased the capital invested; that we should expect the increased capital to yield a profitable return, otherwise we should not introduce it.
I propose to show that, tried by these well-known business standards, our railways are a most miserable commercial failure. I shall further prove that their boasted recent successful administration amounts to a fraud, and that they never paid so badly as they have done during the last three years, the year
On the 31st March last we had 2,212 miles of working railways. These cost us £17,207,328, and lines unopened £1,022,729, say, £18,230,000 in all. Desperate, and, in
Knowing that our English creditors regard our railways, as our most valuable paying asset, I have hesitated to expose their utter failure, and the deceptive—indeed, I may say fraudulent—manner in which the railway accounts are made up. It, however, Being now fully evident that the Government and the Department are determined that no alteration in the system pursued shall be made if they can help it, and that the real position is being carefully concealed, I think it is my duty to point out the danger that is hanging over us. I invite careful attention to what follows.
For the six years prior to the appointment of the Railway Commissioners, our railways paid an average rate of £2 8/1 per cent, per annum. So far as the records show, and I can find out, this rate, though small, was honestly earned out of revenue, and it is the highest rate they have ever earned. As I shall prove, the increased rates said to have been earned since then, have been made to appear by a very gross manipulation of the public accounts.
The late irresponsible commissioners took charge of our railways in
I have always considered the placing our railways under an irresponsible commission as an act of madness, and it is unquestionable that from that period dates the destruction of our railways, and the decrease in their profitable working. Prior to their appointment there were no votes for "Additions to Open Lines." The items so charged were paid for out of revenue.
In
Well, gentlemen, if this is not "cooking" the public accounts, I do not know the meaning of that expressive slang term. You will see how cleverly it has been made to appear that in each succeeding year an increasing rate of interest has been earned, and we all know of the loud boasting about the successful railway administration of the last few years, but when we look into the matter, we find that me rate of interest earned has rapidly decreased, until from £2 12/2 per cent, in
Taking interest on our loans at A per cent., the loss on our railways last year was £455,750. Is it any wonder that our taxation has increased during the last two years 6/3 per head.
But, gentlemen, the deception practised in the railway accounts is not all that is involved in this matter. Many people have wondered
It is quite clear that they were obtained by this manipulation of the Railway account. As I have shown above, during the last five years the Government has charged to Railway Capital
As the charges I have made against the Government and the Railway Department are very serious, it will be as well to apply a few more tests as to their accuracy.
As business men, we all know that if the proportion of gross revenue of our various establishments consumed in working expenses is constantly increasing there must be something wrong with the management. Let us apply this test and see.
Take the six years prior to the appointment of the Railway Commissioners and we find that the average cost was £66 0/8 for each £100.
Then, under the Commissioners, for six years, by means of "starving" and charging £73,618 to Capital instead of Revenue Account, they contrived to reduce this to £61 4/4.
Then the Government resumed control, and for two years without any charge to "Additions to Open Lines," the cost was £62 10/8 per £100.
The last five years deserve a little more careful attention. So rapid has been the increase in the cost of working, that it has attracted the attention of the financial journals in London.
In
In
In
In
In
Thus we see that after five years' of the present Government's administration of our railways, notwithstanding the fact that they charged £944,769 to Capital instead of Revenue
As I have already said, the indications for this year are that we shall have a still worse result.
If this is successful railway working, then I do not know the meaning of the word failure. I wish to draw attention to the fact that notwithstanding the rapid and enormous increase in the charges to Capital Account, the percentage of Working Expenses to Revenue just as rapidly increases also. Nothing could more clearly prove that the system pursued is radically wrong. I now produce a Table showing for the last five years the Increase in Passenger and Goods Traffic over each preceding year; and also the Increase in Working Expenses.
I invite your special attention to the rapid and enormous increase in this account. What there can be in the increase ill traffic to require this huge increase in working expenses is more than I can imagine.
I should like, gentlemen, also to direct your attention to the enormous
In
In
Last year we had 2,212 miles and 7,793 men, or a trifle over (3.52) men per mile. Last year 557 men were added
It will be as well to ascertain what we have gained, by the large increase in our Railway Working Expenses and the £1,018,387 charged to Capital by the Commissioners and the Government, and I shall have no difficulty in proving that our lines are
That is the year before the Commissioners took charge, and I again "repeat that it is they who are mainly responsible for the present position, for they it was who introduced the practices that have led to this deplorable result.
In
In
In
In
1 Engine to every (7.25) miles.
1 Passenger Car to every 3¾ (3.67) miles.
5 Trucks (4.92) to every mile.
This is the real position after the Government alone claim to have expended £659,693—to say nothing of the £400,000 liability on new rolling stock. That such a state of things can exist is nothing short of amazing. It seems incredible that, after this vast expenditure our lines should be worse furnished with rolling stock than they were 13 years ago, and the question naturally arises, What has become of the money?
I now propose, gentlemen, to speak very briefly on the
First I place the system of administration pursued. This Professor R. T. Ely has more correctly described as "Our abominable no-system of railway." Years ago, writing of it I said, "The whole present railway system has been cradled in fraud and reared in corruption, and there will be no real lasting progress in the world until it is entirely swept away." To this statement after further years of study I adhere. We must reform our administration.
Next we must be more just as regards our railway expenditure and railway charges. Our railways can only prosper as they are worked in the interests of the whole community. We are far too small for any portion of our community alone to support them.
Let us take a look at the way our railway
has been distributed.
Including the little scattered bits at Kawakawa, Kaihu and Whangarei, and taking no account of the thirty or forty thousand Maoris who are now large users of the railways,
This distribution is certainly not in the interests of the whole colony, and the money expenditure is still more unfair. I fail to see what good can be done to the colony by concentrating so much of the public expenditure south of the Nelson province.
Nor is it in the matter of railway construction only that the distribution is unfair. The same evil exists in railway charges. By means of various expedients known to railway men, certain districts are favoured at the expense of others. Thus, in
The question arises
and here let me say that we ought never again to entertain the idea of appointing a rail way commission. If we had not taken that unwise step, much of this present trouble would never have arisen.
Parliamentary control is the only right control. We can got rid of a Parliament, but a Commission must stay out its time, and even Then it is very difficult to move. Australia will find this out to its cost. I consider the colony owes a debt of gratitude to the present Ministry for abolishing the Railway Commission.
I think that one of our first steps towards improvement should be to insist on the railway accounts being brought under the control of the Auditor-General. I do not understand how it is, or why it is, that the vast sums of money passing through this department are allowed to be dealt with practically without inspection or control.
Then we must learn to deal more justly by each other, and insist; on a more equal distribution of railway facilities. We ought to be able to rise above our petty provincial jealousies and work for the good of the whole colony. One of the chief reasons why our railways do not pay better is the shameful way in which the Northern end of the colony has been treated in the matter of railway construction and charges. We have made great sacrifices for the benefit of the whole Empire. Cannot we make some small ones for the benefit of our own country?
Then we must have a simple and fixed railway tan If. One that can be read and understood by anyone. I speak with knowledge when I say that there is no reason whatever why this should not be done. The only obstacle is the fixed determination of the chief officials to maintain the secrecy and mystery that now surrounds railway working. They will not until they are forced, part with the power which this secrecy and mystery gives them. By it they can help one district and depress another. For instance, last year the average charge for carrying and delivering each ton in Canterbury and Otago was the same as the previous year. In Wellington they were reduced 1d. per ton and in Auckland raised 3d. per ton. I may mention in passing that for months past our railways have been run without any printed tariff.
is a truly national transit system, one that shall meet the wants and requirements of the whole people. Our system does not provide for the wants of one-fourth of the community, hence its failure, financially and socially.
We want, and must have, a system that will develop the trade that lies hidden among the great bulk of the people.
We want, and badly want, cheap transit, but we want far more, an equalisation of transit charges, on a fair and just basis.
We want a system that will open up, not close, our great producing districts, a system that will enable the distant farmer or miner to bring or send his produce to or from market without having all his profits eaten up in transit charges.
We want a system that will enable the city artisan, clerk or labourer to make use of his special knowledge or strength in a town or district 100 or 300 miles away from the city he may now happend to find himself jammed up in.
We want a system that will enable the invalids of our poorer classes to visit our health resorts. It is a cruel injustice these people are subject to.
We want a system that shall attract population to our shores, and promote settlement of our land: a system that shall
In conclusion, gentlemen, let me say that the present ruinous loss on our railway investment is maintained solely in the interests of the chief railway officials and their friends, and I again say that it would be quite easy to add another million to our railway revenue without materially increasing the working expenses.
Dining the brief discussion that followed the reading of this paper, the question was raised, Whether it was right to charge interest on sums expended on lines still under construction? I replied that prior to the appointment of the Railway Commissioners it was both law and custom to do so, and I believe that law is still in existence. Someone disputed this, but a reference to Hansard of
In India the practice is to charge the railways revenue account not only with interest on the amount expended on lines open, and under construction, but also on the unexpended balances of all sums appropriated for railway purposes. (See Indian Railway Report for
My paper is comparative, and, of course, I could not show the relative position of profit in this, and former periods, except by taking the account in the same manner throughout. Had my object been to make out a case against the present Ministry, I could have done much more. For instance:—
Prior to
There is another railway account that wants looking into, and that is "Refunds." Its precise nature I have not succeeded in finding out, but I understand it is for sums returned
In
In
The rapid rise in the last two years is noticeable. It would be interesting to know to whom these "refunds" have been made. Ought not our railway accounts to be strictly investigated?
The position I take up is this: Our railways are owned by a company, the shareholders being the community, and the directors the Ministry and the general manager and sub-manager. The "Railways Statement" is the annual report and balance sheet of these directors, and I say in this report the accounts have been so manipulated as to lead the shareholders to believe that their investment is yearly paying them an increasing dividend, when the said directors must be aware that the dividend is year by year rapidly decreasing.
Special Note.—The above paper is printed word for word, as I read it before the Congress, which received and thanked me for it. Every figure in it is taken from the public records, and I am prepared to stand by them, as also by the facts stated, and conclusions drawn.
The proceedings of this Congress, and the papers read before it, are now—per favour of the Premier—being printed by the Government Printer. Pressure has been put upon me to alter my paper so as to make it reflect less strongly on the Government. This I have absolutely declined to do.
As I have been threatened that the edition in the hands of the Government Printer will be "cut down and altered in a manner you will not like," it is necessary, that I should state, that the above is the edition for which I am responsible, and that I have had no hand whatever in any alterations that may be made in the one issuing from the Government press.
Sir,—I am indebted to a friend in Wellington for a copy of the report of the Railway Committee on my Petition dated 22nd June last, and also a copy of your General Manager's remarks on my evidence. I think I was entitled to have these papers sent to me officially, but neither the Railway Department, the Committee, nor the Government appear to have thought so.
I notice that Mr. Ronayne's letter to you, Sir, commenting on my statement is dated the 11th October, or exactly one month after the conclusion of the said statement. He therefore had ample time to consider his reply.
I have been so long accustomed to gross misrepresentation by the chief officers of the Railway Department that I cannot say his letter surprises me, but I may say that for want of knowledge of his subject, and of truth, it equals anything that has preceded it. His object, of course, has been to try and make out that the introduction of the new system would cause serious financial loss, and he compiles a ridiculous and false table to show that the loss in one year would reach £216,723.
In the first paragraph of his letter he says, speaking of the working of the Hungarian railways, "No reliable information is available with regard to the expenditure incurred in working the increased traffic:" and in his next paragraph he repeats this statement thus: "Although the Department has no figures available to show the increased expenditure in working the Hungarian system, etc., etc."
To procure this information from official sources cost me two pence and a postage stamp. The sources of information that were open to me were open to Mr. Ronayne also, and I ask you, Sir, if it is creditable to this country, that its chief railway officials should be in such a state of ignorance of the most interesting and important experiment in railway administration, that has ever taken place. Newspaper proprietors have thought it worth their while to send special commissioners to Hungary to investigate on the spot, but our general manager did not consider it worth the expenditure of threepence.
I may remind you, Sir, that on the 5th November last year, I sent you a letter which gave in detail the percentage of working expenses to revenue of the Hungarian railways for each year from decreased and not increased the ratio of profit.
From This and other correspondence between the Railway Department and myself forms N.Z. Parliamentary Paper D—7, Hansard of October 28th, page 788, I see. Sir, that you laid this letter on the table of the House, and that it was ordered to be printed.
In paragraph 3 Mr. Ronayne says, "the maximum goods rates which are proposed to be charged are supplied in page 26 of Mr. Vaile's 'Social Problems," the goods rates being in many cases less than one-third of our existing rates. It is stated by Mr Vaile in his evidence that if three-fourths more passengers travelled at his proposed fares the same passenger revenue would be obtained as at present. The goods rates being on an average not more than half the existing rates, it would require at least double the volume of goods traffic to produce the same goods revenue."
All this is a very gross perversion of fact, I have never said anything of the kind. As regards goods traffic, everybody knows that the officers of the Department have tried every means in their power to entrap me into quoting goods rates, and that I have persistently refused to do so, or to fix any price for the transit of goods until I was placed in a position to do this without running the risk of loss to the community.
Mr. Ronayne professes to quote from my pamphlet, "Social Problems," but he had not the honesty to quote the footnote attached as follows:—Note.—The prices quoted for goods are merely given to show the system of charging. It is my opinion that very much lower rates can be fixed." To that opinion I adhere, but I repeat that I have never attempted to fix any "goods rates," nor will I do so until actual trial has shown what profit can be made out of passenger fares. The note quoted above has been invariably added in every paper I have published referring to goods rates.
As regards passenger rates, what I have said was that, assuming there was no increase in the average distance travelled,
B.
And now, Sir, a word as to the absurd table by which your chief officer seeks to establish the false position he has taken up. First, let me say that I have never given the slightest indication of the charges I propose to make for the various items of coaching with the exception of ordinary passengers and parcels, nor have I ever attempted to fix any goods rates. It, however, suits Mr. Ronayne to assume that I shall fix all these at half the present charges, and he further assumes that a reduction in the charge for passengers to an average of one-fifth, and the charges for goods to one-half the present charges, would have no effect whatever on the distance people and goods would travel. It is a disgrace to the controller of a railway system, to sign his name to such a statement. He has evidently followed in the steps of his predecessors, and not cared what he said, provided he could prevent the new system being tried.
I ask, Sir, if it is not intolerable that my work should be judged and condemned by a man who has shown such a thorough want of capacity to deal with it? But in justice to Mr. Ronayne I ought perhaps also to ask if he is to blame and give him the benefit of the doubt.. When we take a man whose sole training has been that of a mchanical engineer—and that, I am told, in a very small way—and ask him to pronounce judgment on the financial policy that should, govern a business institution employing eighteen and a-quarter (18¼) millions of capital, and nearly 8,000 men, what can we expect?
I think I have a right to complain that my work, which is purely commercial and financial, should be subject to the approval or condemnation of a man trained as Mr. Ronayne has been. It is not to be wondered at he declined to ask me any questions, or to answer any I might put to him; it would not have taken me half-an-hour to expose his complete ignorance of the whole subject.
The question naturally arises, Why are your chief officials so anxious to prevent the new system being tried? Parliamentary reports, the numerous petitions presented, the general wish of the people, and the result in other countries would more than justify them in taking the risk, if there is any, which I
I regret exceedingly that my last visit to Wellington, and the large amount of time, trouble and money I have spent in an earnest effort to improve our railway administration should have led to such a miserable result. However, I am convinced that before long the country will insist on this great question being more honestly dealt with.
In conclusion, let me say that this report of Mr. Ronayne's makes it very evident that if the new system is to be tried, I must have some controlling power during the experiment.
No notice whatever has been taken of this letter, although it is addressed to Sir Joseph Ward in his official capacity.
The Brett Printing Co., Ltd., General Printers, Auckland.
The subject of my present paper is one of such wide importance and interest, and seems to me to bear so deeply and strongly and in so many different directions upon the springs of character and conduct, that my chief difficulty in treating it is to compress what I must say upon the subject into the limits allotted me. I have thought I it best, therefore, to narrow the field somewhat by dealing with a concrete ease first. I do not think that in doing this I shall lose anything by taking the case of a man of such exceptional experience in the matter of education as John Stuart Mill. His is, it is true, an extreme case; but I think that the study of it will tend to throw my subject into very strong relief, and thus to make its treatment easier for myself and my hearers.
Mill tells us in his Autobiography that he became a prey, at the age of twenty, to a strange mental disease, a hideous apathetic melancholy, which he can only describe in the words of Coleridge:—
He describes how a small ray of light broke in upon his gloom from reading a passage in Marmontel's Memoirs, and how this brought him some relief. It hardly concerns us to enquire what this passage was; it is sufficient to say that it moved him to tears. Nor do I intend to dwell upon the first of the two lessons which Mill tells us he learned from this terrible experience of his youth; it is sufficient to observe that Mill now found himself to be the victim of a very extraordinary system of education which had been imposed upon him by his father—an education wholly intellectual and non-emotional, and one tending to develope in an abnormal degree the power and the habit of analysis.
What concerns us here is Mill's Second Lesson, and here I must allow him to speak for himself:—
"The other important change which my opinions at this time underwent, was that I, for the first time, gave its proper place among the prime necessities of human well-being, to the internal culture of the individual. I ceased to attach almost exclusive importance to the ordering of outward circumstances, and the training of the human being for speculation and action. I had now learned by experience that the passive susceptibilities needed to be cultivated as well as the active capacities, and required to be nourished and enriched as well as guided." He goes on to say that he "never turned recreant to intellectual culture," but he realised that the power and practice of analysis, through an essential condition of improvement, bad consequences which required to be corrected by joining other kinds of cultivation with it. "The cultivation of the feelings," he says, "became one of the cardinal points of my ethical and philosophical creed." Very significant for us is the sentence which follows:—"I now began to find meaning in the things which I had read and heard about the importance of poetry and art as instruments of human culture."
When Mill had thus been painfully convinced of the necessity of the culture of the feelings, be turned to music and poetry. His experience in music is interesting and amusing, and is often quoted, but does not concern us here. The first permanent relief he obtained, he tells us, from reading Wordsworth. He had tried Byron at the worst period of his depression, and got no good from him, "but the reverse" Wordsworth exactly suited his condition. This poet had himself passed through a very similar crisis, as recorded in the "Ode on Intimations of Immortality in Early Childhood," and also Wordsworth addressed himself to what had always been one of the strongest of Mill's pleasurable susceptibilities—"the love of rural objects and natural scenery." But this was not the chief benefit which Mill derived from him. "What made Wordsworth's poems a medicine for my state of mind, was that they expressed not mere outward beauty, but states of feeling and of thought coloured by feeling under the excitement of beauty. They seemed to be the very culture of the feelings which I was in quest of. In them I seemed to draw from a source of inward joy, of sympathetic and imaginative pleasure, which could be shared in by all human beings .... From them I seemed to learn what would be the perennial sources of happiness when all the greater evils of life shall have been removed; and I felt myself at
The case which I have here sketched in Mill's words should have many lessons for us. Allowing for the peculiar constitution of the subject's fine mind, and for the abnormal conditions of that mind at the moment when Wordsworth first touched it, we may at least draw one general conclusion, namely: That if education be directed too allusively towards the cultivation of the intellectual faculties of the mind, so that the emotional faculties are neglected, very disastrous results may follow; and I would add: the finer the mind and the more delicate its susceptibilities, the greater is the danger of ruin to the growing soul. Leaving aside all the other lessons which may be drawn from Mill's case (even for the present the interesting question of Wordsworth's wonderful "healing power" and its sources), I have here a firm basis for some remarks on poetry as an instrument for the cultivation of the emotional side of human nature; and I may say, I think that in an age when so-called "scientific "culture is showing such a strong tendency to oust the "humaner" system of education, too much stress can hardly be laid upon this view of my subject. Poetry, I would say, is soul-food; of mind-food I suppose we shall always have enough and to spare. Intellectual repletion is synonymous with soul-starvation; and I think I have now said enough to indicate a rock ahead.
I must now clear my way a little by describing briefly what I refer to as education in this paper. I have thought that two kinds of education may be pretty clearly distinguished: the haphazard and the systematic; and again two kinds: education for character and education for intellect. (Education for a special purpose—technical or professional education—I must omit altogether to consider.) I think too, that my double classification may turn out to be really one. By the haphazard kind of education I mean (using an extreme term to characterise it) that kind of education which has been in vogue in England, with some not very radical changes and natural growths, from the sixteenth century to the present day, or rather, yesterday. It is that inconsistent, apparently ill-organised, mainly "classical" education, which, combined with the wonderful social machinery of the English public schools and universities, has made the British nation what it is. By the systematic kind of education I mean that well-balanced, well-thought-out, well-carried-out system of training the young which is now being aimed at by all civilised nations,
I think I am right in supposing that the old haphazard method of education aimed, in a vague, ill-defined and instinctive way perhaps, at the development of character, and in education in this sense I of course include the whole of that "social machinery," as I called it, of the English public school and university which, I venture to think, has been the most potent factor in moulding the character of the upper and middle-class Englishman of the past. Whereas the more modem system has for its object rather the cultivation of intellect, the production of efficient, dutiful, and law-abiding citizenship, and the advancement of the physical and mental well-being of the State. There; can, of course, be no question (leaving aside social influences) whether the first or second of these systems is ideally the better. The old method has, from a logical standpoint, hardly a merit; the new has all the merits and excellences possible. Yet the old method seems to have made England great, and the new has certainly introduced and developed to a most pernicious degree the present system (must I say inevitable or irreplaceable system?) of examinations.
Let me now show what seems to me to be the bearing of my subject upon the conflict which I conceive to be now impending or actually waging between the two methods of education which I have endeavoured to sketch, premising that I have been obliged for the sake of clearness in argument to represent them as perhaps more clearly distinct and more vitally in opposition to one another than they really are.
I think we shall find that the old system, from the point of view of poetry in education, is open to very severe criticism, and that the new system, from the same point of view, is threatened by a great danger. I cannot think that poetry, English poetry that is, had its fair share of attention, or anything like it, in the old English system of education. The plea for the study of English literature in the universities put forward by John Eachard in
In dealing with the modern style, I must return to the case of Mill and my main conclusion from it. I cannot but think that the tendency now-a-days is to make our educative system too exclusively rational and intellectual, to appeal to the reasoning faculties rather than to the gentler and more spiritual emotions. (The appeal to some of the lower emotions, the combative especially, is no doubt quite strong enough.) I must venture to say that I think Mill's disease is by no means unknown in the present generation, but that it exists in a very much milder form-milder by reason of the less terrible result upon the less susceptible and delicate organism. I must not pause to describe what would seem to me to be the present-day forms and symptoms of emotional starvation in the young, nor would I be understood to speak of the disease as present and rampant, but rather as incipient and menacing. I would say that there seems to be a danger, if things continue to develope as they do at present, that our youth may cultivate the mnemonic and mechanically rational powers at the expense of the feelings, and that very serious injury to character may be the result.
Coming to the more practical side of the question, as I hope to do by degrees, I must now describe how the term "poetry "is to be understood in this paper. If I thought it necessary to choose a definition of poetry for my purpose I should choose either that of Wordsworth: "Poetry is the spontaneous overflow of powerful feelings" or the more mystical one of Coleridge: "Poetry is the blossom and the fragrance of all human knowledge, thoughts, passions, emotions, language." Poetry, according to Wordsworth, being the outcome of strong feeling, must also stir feeling in the reader; it must stir or soothe; it must influence the feelings. This will fit in admirably with Mill's Lesson. Without classifying or defining poetry any further for the present, I would say then that all true poetry must make an appeal to the feelings, must stir or soothe. It would be superfluous for me to emphasise
Taking this as a general rule I may now proceed to examine the various kinds of poetry which are open to the teacher to choose from. I must premise that I am now to speak of poetry for boys and girls. The University "man" must of course fend for himself, and all classes of poetry are, or should be, open to him.
To begin with the oldest kinds—the genuine epic, the epic of Homer, is most admirably suited for the education of youth. Kinglake's eloquent testimony to the effect of its magic upon his childish mind would be enough to prove this. But the reflected or "deliberate" epic, "Paradise Lost," for example, is by no means so suitable. I believe most young people of both sexes learn to dislike Milton violently from being obliged to read "Paradise Lost" at school. No author so lends himself to the arts of the annotator and the prospective examinee. I must confess that I should like to see "Paradise Lost" banished from the schools (if it be not so already), and I do not think that Milton's fame would suffer by its banishment. Other epics we have none. Homer may be read in Pope's Translation; youth is not likely to be very critical about diction, and it was in this form that the Iliad touched Kinglake. Chapman's translation of the Iliad is by no means suited for youth. But his "Odyssey" I know to be very pleasing to the palate of the young.
I think, on the whole, that the influence of the genuine epic, with its appeal to the healthy and natural story loving-instinct of youth, and its imaginative presentment of the primitive and basic virtues, is
The educative function of the epic may to some extent be performed by a selection from Scott's admirable balladesque narrative poems; some of the stirring war-poetry of Dobell, Tennyson and Campbell, Aytoun's Lays of the Scottish Cavaliers, Henley's Lyra Heroica; some very carefully selected pieces of Mr. Kipling; and by such modern work as that of Mr. Newbolt. These, however, I can only regard as very second-rate substitutes for the true epic.
Of lyric poetry I need say little, not because there is little to say but because it is so very obvious that this is the class of poetry which is from every point of view the best for the purpose I have in view, Besides, have not Messrs. Palgrave (in the Golden Treasury) and Henley (in the Lyra Heroica) and a host of others, made this clear by their admirable Selections and collections from the vast body of our English lyrical poetry? In lyric poetry everything that is best in English Literature is included, with the exception of the work of the great dramatic schools.
Here, however, I must utter again a note of warning. There is an immense mass of lyrical poetry in English, produced mainly from the days of Surrey and Wyatt, early in the 16th century, to the end of the 17th century, which is entirely amorous and complimentary in its tone. It is most frequently fanciful and "metaphysical," also frequently coarse and gross; this body of verse contains much of the very best of English lyric poetry; yet I think that it is, on the whole, unsuited to youth. There are hundreds of these exquisite songs which are in their very "dialect of thought," if I may so express myself, incomprehensible to youth, and, if understood, not beneficial. I refer to such gems as "Drink to me only with thine eyes," Lilly's "Cupid and Campaspe," Waller's verses "On a Girdle," and many of Shakespeare's sonnets, which are included in the Golden Treasury. I cannot see that any good purpose is fulfilled by the study of this class of poetry by the young. If we educated with the idea of making poets, and courtly ones, the case would be different.
There is another matter connected with lyric poetry about which I feel strongly and must speak briefly. There are many beautiful lyric
I shall presently have occasion to speak of the danger of compelling children to read or learn poetry, and it is especially with reference to this class that I would emphasise the warning. I think this is too delicate and subtle an influence to be directed, as it were, by steam pressure upon the child-mind. I would remind you of Lamb's comment on one of Wordsworth's poems: "The instructions conveyed in it are too direct, they don't slide into the mind of the reader while he is imagining no such matter."
Of dramatic poetry I must also speak more briefly than I should like to do. The great bulk of the Elizabethan school, of which English literaure is so justly proud, must, by the very nature of its subject, it's almost exclusive treatment of vile and loathesome features and tendencies in human nature, its revelling in bloodshed, crime, lust, and graveyard horrors, be barred to our youth. Shakespeare already has his place; I I think he is over taught and over-annotated, but must let that pass for the present. I would only remark that the greatest of Shakespeare's plays, especially Othello, Lear, and Hamlet, are very questionable food for youth. Dealing as they do with mature passions of a very violent
Spenser must be considered apart. The influence of his great allegory upon the minds of youth is proverbially great, and I can only say that it must be good. But I doubt whether all, or even the majority of the young of our generation, feel his charm. And I would say that if the charm be not felt, it is unjust both to the poet and to the pupil to make the reading of the "Faery Queen" compulsory. I am, I confess, not able to estimate at all accurately the degree of interest taken in this poem by boys and girls, and must express myself very diffidently about it.
Our religious verse, especially of the Carolean period, is so rich, melodious and profound that I think it should have a a very large share of attention in any curriculum of poetry for the young. The best work of Vaughan, Herrick, Milton, Donne, and their contemporaries, cannot be too highly praised, and its effect upon the minds and characters of English youth should be very great. I should not hesitate to recommend the learning by heart of a large number of pieces of this school and period by way of both esthetic and moral training. Their influence makes for purity and gentleness in life, and what could be a better aim?
I have now dealt with all those kinds of poetry which I believe to be most essential and valuable in the training of youth. I must also say something of those kinds which should, I think, be either excluded altogether or given a very subsidiary place. The ballad I have not spoken of separately, as it may be considered a special (and a very excellent) kind of lyric poetry; and what I have said of lyric in general will apply also to our ballad literature—to the great unnamed authors represented in Percy, to Coleridge, Wordsworth, Tennyson, and Browning as ballad-writers. The following kinds of poetry or verse I should mention as being more or less unsuitable for reading in schools:—(1) Satire, which is at its best in English a growth of exotic character, based upon classical models which are hardly admirable in any sense. The satirical work of Nash, Oldham, Defoe, Dryden, Marvell, Pope, Churchill, and Thomson, as well as of the more genuinely English Skelton and Butler, may, I think, be neglected in schools. I do not think that boys and girls need be encouraged to admire the arts of giving pain and making personal enemies ridiculous. (2) Pastoral poetry, with some exceptions, like "Lycidas." Beautiful as the work of our best pastoralists is,—the work of Drayton, Wither and Browne, for example,—it is of exotic inspiration and essentially false in its prettiness and its optimistic presentment of toy-shop humanity. If we want the real poetry of sheep and of shepherd, of stream and rock and wood and mountain, we can find it in Wordsworth, in Matthew Arnold, and many other poets of our own time. (3) Rhetorical poetry. Poetry which is essentially rhetorical and declamatory, whose diction is glittering and tawdry, should, I think, be barred altogether or relegated to the elocution department. Collins' Ode on the Passions, e.g., is admirably suited for the training of Wopsles. Mrs. Meynell, I think, recently pointed out that Gray's "Elegy" was unsuitable for reading by the young. Her statement aroused much comment, as the "Elegy" has been for so long the prime favourite among English poems for the schools. I must say that on the grounds I have just mentioned, I think Mrs. Meynell was right; and I would exclude from a curriculum of poetry for the young all poems which resemble the "Elegy" in its pretentiously rhetorical, yet commonplace, philosophy. (4) Didactic poetry of all kinds, even the descriptive. The didactic work of Thomson, Dyer, Cowper and their school should, I think, be barred, in spite of much elegance and beauty in isolated passages. The chief drawback to even the best work of the descriptive and didactic poets of the Eighteenth Century is, I think, the fact that they are not poetry
Having now endeavoured to show, in outline merely, what kinds of poetry the teacher has ready to his hand as educational instruments, I proceed to develop more fully what I have already incidentally touched upon—the influence of poetry upon character. I may say that the influence of the best poetry upon the mind and character is, in general, to purify, to stimulate, to brace and to harmonise. The best poetry, especially of the lyric and religious lyric classes, purifies by raising the tone of the mind above earth, and directing the spiritual energies into their proper channel. I would not be understood to recommend or uphold the study of deeply mystical or Platonic poetry by the young. I think that nothing more profound than "In Memoriam" need be read by young pupils, and that only in the higher grades. Such work as Shelley's "Prometheus Unbound," the bulk of Browning's productions, and the "metaphysical" poetry of Donne would be altogether unfitting for our purpose. The authors whose influence makes for gentleness and purity of life are rather those I have spoken of under the head of religious poetry—Herrick, Vaughan, Crashaw, Milton and Herbert; and among more modern writers: Tennyson, Arnold (in isolated pieces only) and Wordsworth. This purifying and raising the tone of the mind is one of those functions which can only be adequately and fitly performed by poetry, and I can have no hesitation in saying that the poets who are likely to do this best are those genuinely English, manly, and gentle writers, Wordsworth and Tennyson. Wordsworth can, of course, only be read in selections; but the whole of Tennyson's work is most excellently calculated to influence the minds of youth in the best possible directions.
Poetry also stimulates. It is part of its function, as I have said above, to stir the feelings. It may stimulate to thought and to action.
When I say that poetry's function is to harmonise I use an expression which needs some explanation, as it hardly says what I mean, vet is the only term I can find to my hand. I mean that in a sense the best poetry has the tendency to make all people consciously or unconsciously philosophers. It makes men wise. It tends to produce and foster that true wisdom which was noted by Tennyson's nearest friends as eminently characteristic of him. It is that wisdom which results from a due appreciation of the value of things in relation to one another and in relation to life. It is that wisdom which is a kind of harmony in the mind, which is interfused throughout the mental structure, which acts subtly, profoundly, and as it were by a divine instinct. Part of Mill's Second Lesson was this: "The maintenance of a due balance among the faculties now seemed to me of primary importance." It is this balance of the faculties, and this only, that can produce true wisdom in minds not otherwise capable of the highest flights. I believe that this harmonising and tuning of the mind can only be produced by the study of the best poetry (I would perhaps except the prose of Carlyle, of Ruskin, and of Sir Thomas Browne), and it seems to me that it is here in this way so hard to define and so hard to understand that poetry produces its best, highest, and most permanent effect upon character. I am well aware that mental balance, mental harmony and wisdom are fruits of mature growth, and are not to be expected in the young; but
I feel deeply that I have not been able to do justice to this part of my subject. I hope, however, to have shown, at any rate, what my own conviction is in the matter of the influence of poetry upon character. I must leave much unsaid, and leave the subject at the risk of repeating myself ad nauseam, with the remark that the highest function of poetry is to attune the mind to wisdom, and that the wisest of our poets, and the best to study if wisdom be desired, are the two great laureates of the nineteenth century.
I must now come to the practical and much-vexed question of the manner in which poetry should be studied by the young. I hope to have shewn that it is eminently desirable that poetry should form an important part of the ordinary educational pabulum of the growing mind, nay, that it would be dangerous to omit it. This has of course long been recognised, and a certain amount of poetry is always read in one way or another in schools. The question is: "How should poetry be treated in the schools if we desire that it should produce its fullest effect upon the minds of our pupils?" I cannot hope to answer this question fully. I shall presently put before you a tentative or provisional "curriculum in English poetry for the young," based upon the considerations which I have discussed in the earlier part of my paper, and I hope that this will go some way towards answering it. In the meantime I must add a few words upon the manner in which I think this mental food should be administered.
In the first place, I am deeply convinced that in this department, at least, there must be no driving, no compulsion. The fact that compulsion is, in fact, commonly resorted to in this matter, is partly due, no doubt, to the uninviting and even repulsive nature of the poetic fare
This is sad, but I am afraid that in the majority of cases it is true. And I do not think that this state of things is due only to the unattractive nature of the poetry usually read in the schools; it cannot be so. It is due also in part to the manner in which really attractive poetry is made repulsive and a bugbear to the learner. I must enquire briefly how this is done, for of the fact that it is done I can have no doubt.
There are, I think, three reasons why most people do not look back with pleasure upon the poetic part of their school curriculum. The first is the compulsion I have already alluded to, due to the unattractive nature of the material to be studied. The second is over-teaching and over-annotation of texts,—too common practice of making the poem a peg upon which to hang historical, philological, and metrical disquisitions. The third, and the most potent of all, is the examination system. With the first of these causes I have already dealt. I propose now to say a few words of the second and the third.
With regard to over-teaching and over-annotation of texts, I can hardly speak strongly enough, ft has been my lot to review a very large number of school editions, "edited and annotated" for schools, of the great English classics, principally, of course, of Shakespeare. There are some brilliant exceptions; but, in general, I may say that I can conceive no more efficient method of diverting the attention of the learner from what is essential to what is extraneous and incidental in works of literary art, than that supplied by the ordinary "annotated edition." The notes are not only superfluous and irrelevant—(I have seen, for instance, a "note" on one of Macaulay's Essays explaining gravely that "Bob" is short for "Robert"; and another on a passage in which the mole happened to be referred to, consisting of a long account of the appearance and habits of the animal, lifted bodily from a dictionary of natural history)—they are not only very frequently compiled by incompetent persons and done in a hurry (this kind of work not being highly paid),—but such passages as do really need a
I believe that this evil, which I consider a great and crying one, may he remedied by the adoption for study in schools of the least annotated, and least "edited" texts; and, in the case of modern authors, I am strongly of opinion that unannotated texts are by far the best. A Series of English classics on the model of the late Prof. Henry Morley's well-known little National Library Series, cheap, well-produced and unannotated, is, I think, the editio desiderata for use in schools. I must not leave this subject without adding that there seems already to be a fairly strong reaction setting in against over-annotation and its allied evils, and that in the case of Shakespeare, at least, there are now editions (notably that edited by Prof. Herford for Messrs.
I come now to the third cardinal fault in the teaching of poetry in schools, and what I have to say on this head applies also, to some extent, to the study of the English classics at the universities, old and new. It is only with reluctance that I can admit that the examination system is really necessary in any department, hut I must allow that in most subjects it is an unavoidable evil. I do not propose to enter at length here upon the question whether literature can be taught, or whether examinations in literature can be so conducted as to obviate the danger of cramming. The subject has attracted much attention in England of recent years, and has been the casus belli in several controversies. Some prominent English literary journals, notably the Saturday Review, have taken up a very decidedly hostile attitude to the examination system, as tending to encourage cramming and the development to perfection of the crammer's art. This seems to me very encouraging. With examinations and their effects in general I cannot here deal however, but must enter a most vigorous protest against our English classics being made the subjects of examinations in our schools. I would say, if examinations are really a necessity in schools, for the purpose of testing the relative capacity, industry, and progress of the pupils, let the English classics form an unrecognised, unofficial department of the school curriculum. I do not believe it is possible for any child or youth to enjoy or appreciate thoroughly any poem in which he is about to be, or has been, examined in the ordinary school way. I need not dilate here upon the evil effects of reading with a view to examination. It will be sufficient to say that the mind of the reader is directed solely, or almost so, to the detection of possible "points" and "likely" passages for examiners; and that the chief quality fostered and encouraged by this kind of reading is a kind of sharpness which may be called "examinee's cunning," and is only accentuated, aggravated, and acidulated by the emulative instinct which must always accompany the expectation of a list of marks or "examination result." I should weary you if I should endeavour to describe fully what I believe to be the effect of this kind of reading with a view to a competitive test. I will say briefly that it is benumbing to all the higher faculties, that it encourages feelings and instincts which need no encouragement, and that it would be quite impossible for any pupil to gain, from the reading of English poetry, under this system, any of the great advantages which I have spoken
I suggest, therefore, that the reading of English poetry by schoolboys and girls should be interfered with as little as possible by teachers, and that no examination of any kind should be held in this subject. I think that some way might be devised by which the reading of certain books might be encouraged without the possibility of reward or punishment in case of industry or neglect. Many and many an English schoolmaster has made his pupils genuine lovers of English Literature and of English poetry especially, by simply reading to them, out of school hours, the right books in the right way; or by merely lending his books judiciously. It is in some such unofficial way as this that I should like this all-important kind of soul-food to be unobtrusively and unostentatiously communicated to the young. Pupils should by no means be compelled and in some cases they should not even be encouraged to write essays or compositions upon the poetry they have read. Anyone who has had the misfortune to be obliged to read a number of such productions for examination or other purposes will feel the full force of this remark, and, I am sure, will agree with me in it. It is almost impossible to keep certain critical text-books and histories of English literature out of the hands of the young, and their jargon is only too easily acquired. I believe that there are thousands of miles of criticism, plausible, glib, and even correct enough in a sense, written every year in the English language by young people who have not read a line of the works they criticise. And I cannot but think this is undesirable, dishonest, and hostile to the best instincts which the best teacher should have at heart. I do not myself think that any criticism of poetry should be required under any circumstances from the young. Critical taste is, as is well known and acknowledged, an exceedingly rare gift; and I do not think that the formation of a good taste in poetry, a thing so much to be admired, is likely to be assisted by encouraging the young to write or repeat the judgments of others, or to give expression to their own naturally crude and immature judgments. Good critical taste in poetry, I take it, if it can be acquired at all, is to be acquired by long, patient, loving and silent study of the best poets. How can we expect this from schoolboys and girls? I must remark, in case of misunderstanding, that I am here speaking of poetry itself and its study, not the history of poetry or of literature, which is an entirely different thing, and, in fact, may be called one of the inexact sciences.
To sum up: I have now endeavoured to show that poetry should play a very prominent part in the education of the young of both sexes; that its effects are beneficial to the mind, and more still to the soul and character of the young reader; that great care should he exercised in the selection of poetic works to be studied by the young; that English literature is peculiarly rich in those great wise natures whose expression in poetry is calculated to have the very best influence upon growing pliant minds; that there are very great and mischievous faults (which are tending to correct themselves however) in the methods of "teaching poetry" in our schools at the present day; that, in my opinion, the reading of good poetry should be encouraged, not enforced; and that, lastly, pupils should be encouraged to read solely for their own pleasure and delight, without being afterwards subjected to an annoying and wearisome examination in what they have read, or being obliged to write down their impressions, judgments and opinions. Much of what I have been obliged to say here has been said very often before; and much that I should have liked to say, I have been forced to leave unsaid; yet I have ample justification in my own mind for both these facts. If I am right in complaining of the evils which have crept into our schools, I am sure I cannot speak too often nor too strongly against them. I, like many others, am anxious that these evils should be corrected, and I have this matter at heart. On the other hand it would have been unwise in me to say all that I might have said on the examination system, for example, for I should then have defeated my object by wearying my hearers.
I have only now to put before you the following curriculum, naturally nearly an outline, which I recommend as a preliminary course of reading for the young in English poetry. I have been obliged to make it a strictly preliminary course, and I have designed it for the use of pupils between the ages of 12 and 17. Those who continue their studies after their 16th year usually read for some University Degree, and it is not with students of this age, and their requirements, that this paper primarily deals. I would also have it understood that the age of the pupil is not a matter of the first consequence, but rather his capacity and especially his bent or inclination towards such subjects as that I am dealing with. I am well aware that many children have no natural taste for poetry or for anything allied to it, yet I cannot recommend any compulsion, mild or severe, in these cases, for I am sure it can only replace indifference by dislike and want of taste by distaste. Very
I must add that the scheme here proposed is by no means comprehensive. My object has been rather to indicate the class or grade of poem suitable for each period than to give a complete list of works to be read. Many old favourites will be missed, some omitted simply because to mention all would be beyond the scope of this paper, and some because I have hardly thought them eligible, in spite of their popularity.
Blake: "Songs of Innocence."
Wordsworth: The simple Ballads of
Percy's Reliques: "Chevy Chase," "Sir Patrick Spence," etc.
Coleridge: "Ancient Mariner."
Henley's "Lyra Heroica."
Scott: The Romantic Poems.
Macaulay's "Lays of Ancient Rome" and "The Armada."
Tennyson: Patriotic Ballads; "The Revenge," etc.
Tennyson: "Idylls of the King"; "Enoch Arden."
Shakespeare: "Henry V."; "The Merchant of Venice"; "Julius Caesar "; "Coriolanus."
Coleridge: "Christabel"; "Kubla Khan."
Barham: "Ingoldsby Legends."
Wordsworth: "Peter Bell"; "The Waggoner", "Hart-Leap Well." Chapman's "Odyssey."
Tennyson: "The Princess"; "Becket"; "Harold."
Herrick: Selections.
Vaughan: Selections.
Crashaw: Selections.
Herbert: Selections.
Shakespeare: "As You Like It"; "The Tempest:' "The Midsummer Night's Dream"; "Richard II."
Burns: The non-amatory songs and "Tarn o' Shanter."
Byron: "Prisoner of Chillon."
Milton: "Lycidas," "L'Allegro," and "II Penseroso."
Dryden: "Ode on St. Cecilia's Day."
Matthew Arnold: "Balder Dead"; "Sohrab and Rustum."
Tennyson: "In Memoriam; ""Maud."
Wordsworth: "Ode on Intimations;" "Tintern Abbey;"
Shakespeare: "Macbeth," "Hamlet," "Lear," "Romeo and Juliet." Marlowe: "Dr. Faustus:" "Edward II."
Chapman's "Iliad."
Milton's "Comus."
Chaucer's "Prologue and Knight's Tale."
Sir Henry Taylor: "Philip van Arteveldt."
Crabbe: "The Village."
Blake: "Songs of Experience."
Palgrave's Golden Treasury (a good deal of which might be selected for the earlier periods.) Keats' Poems.
Matthew Arnold: "Lyrics;, "The Scholar Gipsy;" "Thyrsis;" "Empedocles on Etna;"
Spenser: "Fairy Queen."
Printed by Whitcombe and Tombs Limited, Christchurch—58092
Not a few of my Wanganui friends having importuned me to write some account of the old settlers and publish same in book form, I, after mature consideration, decided to do so; not, however, without misgivings seeing that this is my first serious venture of the kind, although I did, only a few months ago by special request of, and under engagement to, the proprietors of the "Auckland Weekly News," write a few sketches for that journal of prominent Wanganui citizens, whose names were submitted to me.
In the following pages I make no pretentions to, neither do I claim any recognition of, literary merit either from my readers or the Press. All I claim and I do so with every confidence—is that what I narrate of Wanganui Old Settlers is reliable, and in the main correct. There may be trifling errors here and there (I have been compelled to rely almost entirely upon my memory, not having kept a diary or journal in bye-gone days) and I am probably not always correct in my dates; but I vouch for the accuracy of my facts, statements, and anecdotes generally. One word more. From the first to the last of the Old Settlers of Wanganui dealt with in my little book, I have ever kept steadily in mind the grand old Roman maxim—"De mortuis nil nisi bonum"—"Of the dead (speak) nothing but what is good." To conclude; in submitting my "sketches" to public approval, I only ask, as regards my efforts as a writer, and the quality of what I have written—composition, style, and treatment of my subject generally—that they will be—
Note.—In order to obviate any misconception that may arise, I deem it only right, and in justice to myself, to explain that in the following pages I have not dealt with any of those who came to settle in Wanganui—town or district—subsequent to
Alexander, James.—One of the very earliest settlers in Wanganui, arriving here in about
Allison, Dr. Jas.—This gentleman came from Edinburgh, N.B., in about
Blyth, James.—This gentleman was an early settler and resided at "Mary Bank" about four miles from the town on the No. 1 Line of road. Mr. Blyth was a Justice of the Peace and Member of the Provincial Council, and a staunch supporter of the late Dr. Featherston, Superintendent of the Wellington Province. He came to an untimely end, however, having been thrown from his horse whilst riding home after dark one evening, his body being picked up by the roadside afterwards by a search party. Mr. Blyth was much respected and his death deeply regretted.
Bell, David and Peter.—These two brothers came out from Scotland quite young men in
Broughton, James.—This gentleman came to New Zealand with his family in the ship "William Hyde" to Lyttelton in pahs up the Coast when on an errand from the General, bearing despatches and a proclamation by the late Sir G. Grey, at that time Governor of New Zealand. He was treacherously and brutally murdered by the natives of the pah, decapitated, and his naked, headless body thrown down the cliff of the pah into a little stream below, where it was found many weeks afterwards. This occurred in
Cameron, Captain John.—One of the earliest settlers and in the employ for some time in the forties of the late New Zealand Company on their survey staff. Later on, Mr. Cameron, who belonged to one of the best and oldest Highland families in Scotland, bought land and settled down on his beautiful farm called Marangai about five miles from the town, skirting the great South Road to Wellington. Here Mr. Cameron resided many years and up to the time of his death in
Campbell, Captain Moses.—Another of the oldest settlers, a Highlander of the good old school, and at one time a Captain in the 73rd Highlanders. Captain Campbell saw a lot of service in the early years of the last century, and later on, having sold out, came to New Zealand with his family and settled in Taranaki. But
Churton, Henry.—One of the first settlers of Wanganui, a gentleman of considerable means at one time, but somewhat peculiar and eccentric in his ways and manners. He lived a secluded life to a great extent at his place at Mataongaonga, about four miles from town on the left bank of the river—a very pretty place. Mr. Churton had a fine orchard of the choicest fruit trees, and he was rather proud of it, taking great pains with his trees and grafting them with the very best kinds. His great "hobby," however, was the Maoris, by whom he was surrounded; indeed, they made his place quite a resort and "at home" whenever they chose to visit him, whether from Putiki opposite the town, from Aramoho opposite his home, or from up-river, far and wide! But they must have cost him large sums of money from time to time, for it is no joke to entertain, feed, house, and clothe a lot of the aboriginals of New Zealand. Strange to narrate, Mr. Churton could never see any fault in his Maori friends, and would always take their part against Europeans, no matter how much in the wrong his dusky neighbours and friends might be! Indeed, Mr. Churton's fondness for, and the interest he took in the Maoris here, amounted to an infatuation. He was a martyr to gout for many years, and this did not improve his temper. He died quite poor, I believe, although at one time he was reputed to be a wealthy man. He built and endowed a very fine school for Maori girls just opposite his own place, which must
Durie, Major D. S. (R-M.)—This gentleman was one of the first settlers to Wellington in the early forties and was in business there for some time. Later on be and his family moved up to Waikanae on the West Coast, where he took up land from the N.Z. Company. When the disturbances broke out at the Hutt in ’47 and ’48, "Major" Durie was appointed a Police Magistrate and did good, useful service with his police. He was one of those instrumental in the capture of the celebrated fighting rebel chief, Rauparaha, who was seized by order of Sir George Grey and placed 011 board H.M.S. Herald or Hazard—I am not sure which. This was a masterstroke of policy and tended considerably towards the cessation of hostilities at the Hutt and on this Coast. Afterwards Major Durie was appointed Resident Magistrate here, which position he continued to hold until retired upon pension in '66 or '67. Major Durie's place, named "Glen Durie," just opposite the town, was a favourite resort for scores of Wanganui people in bye-gone days, civilian and military alike, and there Mrs. Durie, one of the kindest and best of ladies who ever left the Land o' Cakes for New Zealand, dispensed hospitality with a lavish hand, always with the kindest of smiles and cheerfully—a clear, much beloved lady! Major Durie in his young days served in the Peninsular War in the Spanish Legion against Don Carlos. He was wounded, and on that account and for his bravery was presented with a sword, medal, and clasp by the Spanish Government of the day. When hostilities against the natives broke out on this Coast in '63, '64 Major Durie was appointed to a command in the New Zealand Militia, but we did not "take the field" as his magisterial duties kept him in the town. He died in
Deighton, Samuel.—This gentleman, one of the best known and most popular of the early settlers, was for a time Clerk and Interpreter to the R.M. Court presided over by Major Durie, R.M. Mr. Deighton did not, however, continue long in this position, preferring a free-and-easy, unrestrained sort of life amongst his friends
Field, Henry Claylands (architect and surveyor, etc.)—This gentleman came to Wanganui in
Garner, John.—Mr Garner is called the "Father of Wanganui," it being generally allowed that he was
Gibson, John, of Kaikokopu, near the town, another of our oldest settlers who came out to Wellington in the "William Hyde" in
Gibson, Dr. G. H.—This gentleman, who arrived in Wanganui early in
widely known, popular, and sought after of all those re-siding in Wanganui for several years. Dr. Gibson, or as he was familiarly known amongst his more intimate friends "little Gib.," came to Wellington from England as medical officer in charge of a number of immigrants. Previous to this he had seen a lot of life on the gold fields of Victoria—Ballarat, Bendigo, and other "diggings"—in the early fifties, and many a good story he could tell of them. But I don't think he made a "pile" whilst there, or if he did, he must have parted with it, for when he came to Wanganui he was what is called somewhat "hard up." Luckily for him at this time he met Captain Trafford in Wellington, and that gentleman, having taken quite a fancy to "little Gib.," persuaded him to go to Wanganui and enter into practice, there being a good opening just then for a medical man, Dr. George Rees, of whom I shall have something to say further on, having recently died. Acting upon the advice proffered by Captain Trafford, the little medico accompanied that gentleman to Wanganui, travelling on horseback and taking up his quarters at first with the Captain and other officers of the 65th Regiment. He soon made headway in his profession and became a great favourite with all and sundry—the ladies especially—as he was of a most genial, "taking" disposition, could sing a capital song, and possessing a beautiful voice was much sought after in social circles. He was also a great "sport" and very soon took a leading position at the race meetings, etc., etc. Taken altogether, Dr. Gibson was what might be termed a "good all-round man," and he was always much in evidence in almost everything that went on in the place, saving politics, which he detested! He was not long in making the acquaintance of Dr. Featherston, Superintendent of the Province, which ripened into a close and warm friendship, and which remained unbroken to the end of his life. I might say much of Dr. Gibson and his career in Wanganui from
Gotty, John.—Another of the very early settlers of Wanganui, arriving here sometime in the forties, if I am not mistaken. What business or calling he followed before coming to Wanganui, I cannot exactly say, but he must have been a man of some means. He was a native of Germany and a "Count" in his own right, and took charge of the Rutland Hotel, the principal, if not the only, hotel in Wanganui. This must have been in
Handley, John.—One of Wanganui's best and most esteemed early settlers. Mr. Handley and his fine family of four sons and three daughters lived for many years at their beautiful farm, "Southern Grove," near Westmere, about six miles from town on the Taranaki or north side of Wanganui. Mr. Handley was a typical English farmer, and brought the knowledge and experience gained in the Old Country into play on his New Zealand property. "Southern Grove" was a model farm and a favourite resort of the officers of the Garrison and many more besides, where all were heartily welcomed and hospitably entertained. Mr. Handley was a member of the Provincial Council for his part of the district, and was all along a staunch and consistent supporter of the late Dr. Isaac Earl Featherston and provincialism in the fifties and sixties. He was also a Justice of the Peace and, as already stated, a man held in high esteem and of the kindliest nature—in a word, as fine a specimen of a thorough good English farmer as ever left the shores of the Old Country to settle in New Zealand. Mr. Handley met with an untimely death in
Harrison, Henry Shafto.—A Yorkshire gentleman of means, Mr. Harrison came to Wellington sometime in the forties and afterwards to Wanganui where he bought land and settled down with his wife and family—at first on St. John's Hill where he was burnt out just as his house was about finished, and afterwards at "Warrengate," a splendid property of considerable acreage about seven miles from town on the No. 2 Line of road, south side of the Wanganui River. Here Mr. Harrison and his family of one son, Mr. H. Nevin Harrison, and three daughters, lived many years. The first Mrs. Harrison died shortly after coming to New Zealand, and Mr. Harrison's second wife was a Miss Fletcher of Wellington by whom he had a son and daughter. The latter married Mr. R. K. Chamberlain, who is a first cousin of the Rt. Hon. Joseph Chamberlain, Secretary of State for the Colonies. Mr. and Mrs. Chamberlain and their family live on the Estate, "Warrengate," and have done so for some time past. But to return to Mr. H. Shafto Harrison. He was M.H.R. for this district for several years and was a well known figure in the "House," remarkable for his courteous, gentlemanly bearing, and ready wit. Indeed, during all the time that he was a Member he was considered the wit of the House, and many queer sayings and funny anecdotes used to be related of him. Later on, Mr. Harrison gave way to Mr., afterwards, Hon. John Bryce. Mr. Harrison was also a Member of the Provincial Council and Executive, and a great political and personal friend of Dr. Featherston. Mr. Harrison, in addition to this and much more, was a most liberal man and spent much money in the place and upon improving his fine property. He was also a great patron and supporter of the turf, and for many years was President of the Wanganui Jockey Club. The "Harrison Memorial Stakes" still finds a place on the programme of the Wanganui Jockey Club. One good story illustrative of Mr Harrison's ready wit I must relate. It is too good to be overlooked in any account or "sketch" of the genial, kindly old gentleman. Coming
Harper, Thomas.—This gentleman with his wife and son arrived in Wanganui in Pah by the Militia, Volunteers, and friendly natives (Kupapas) under the native chief, Major Kemp—Te Keepa Tanguru, or Rangihiwhinui—and General Chute's celebrated expedition through the country at the back of Mt. Egmont to New Plymouth, the Harpers, in common with many other settlers, returned to their country property and settled down again. Mr. Harper's health, however, again broke down, and be eventually succumbed to the insidious disease that had clung to him for several years. He died in
Hewett, Jas. Duff.—This well-known figure of Wanganui's early days, related on his mother's side to the Duff (Duke of Fife) family, came to the district in about rangatira and thought much of him, calling him "Tiemi" (James) and their "pakeha." Unfortunately for Mr. Hewett, he trusted these natives too much, employing them to shear for him, etc., and letting them have the "free run," so to speak, of his place. This was absolute folly on his part as was afterwards proved; nor would poor Hewett listen to the warnings and entreaties of his numerous friends in town, many of whom knew the treacherous nature of the Maoris in time of war. Instead of leaving his farm—at night at any rate-and seeking safety in one of the blockhouses in the district, he persisted in remaining at his place, saying that he did not fear his Maori "friends," and that they would not injure or molest him. Of course, during the disturbances of
Higgie, Thomas, the elder, one of the widest known names in the whole district, as well as in Rangitikei etc.—Mr. Higgie arrived in Wellington in £30. He built two houses on the section, and in after years sold it to the late Mr. J. A. Burnett for £1000! Mr Higgie built a mill also about this time for the Maoris at Putiki, where the family then resided. Later on Mr. H. built a house for the late Major Durie, R.M., at Glen Durie, right opposite the town. He also built the hospital and the barracks for the troops on the Rutland Hill; and formed the road under Shakespeare's Clift, so that it will be seen that Mr. Higgie did a great deal of useful work in Wanganui in those days. A brig of 400 tons named the "Tyra" that was stranded on Petone beach Wellington (date not ascertained) was purchased by Mr. Higgie for a trifle, launched, loaded with cattle, and taken to Lyttelton and Port Chalmers—a good "spec." In
six sons. Messrs. Thomas, junr., Alexander, and James Higgie are still in occupation of their farms; the other three sons parted with their portions. In £4000—not a bad bargain! At another time (date not known) Mr. Higgie launched a stranded vessel named the "Yarra" from the South "Spit," Wanganui Heads, and sold her to Messrs. Taylor and Watt. [I recollect this circumstance, also the stranding and launching of the "Prince Alfred" (p.s.), well.] From all this it will be seen that the late Mr. Higgie was a most energetic, useful, and enterprising settler. Indeed he was never idle, but a tremendous worker and a man in "dead earnest." I knew him well, and can testify to his industry, enterprise, honesty, and integrity. He was a typical Scot of sterling qualities and the right sort. Born at Cupar, Fife, N.B., in
Hogg, Revd. David.—The first Presbyterian minister to Wanganui also arrived here from Scotland in the early fifties—about '53 or '54. Mr. Hogg continued in the discharge of his sacred vocation until about
Imlay, Peter.—This Scotch gentleman came to Taranaki in the forties from Twofold Bay, New South Wales. He did not remain in Taranaki very long, however, and after making several overland journeys to Wanganui, often staying here several weeks at a time, finally removed with his family to this place and settled down on his fine property—Balgownie, originally named Bellhaven, close to the town and skirting the sea-coast, and extending nearly as far as Kai-iwi. This was in
Jones, Henry Ireson.—This much esteemed, highly-respected, warm-hearted English gentleman, the son of a Colonel in the British Army, came to the district in employees. Quite recently, the premises have been re-built in brick, and enlarged; and the building is now one of the most up-to-date, imposing business edifices in the town, as the representation of same in the special edition of the "Weekly Press" devoted to "Wanganui, Pretty, Prosperous and Progressive," recently published testifies. Mr. and Mrs. Jones celebrated their golden-wedding at their country home in
Lett, James.—This gentleman came to Wanganui in the early forties, but the exact year I cannot state. He was the first Postmaster of Wanganui, then called "Petre," after Lord Petre, a prominent Catholic nobleman of those days, and who, if I mistake not, was in some way connected with the Colonial Office and perhaps, the New Zealand Company. The business of the Post Office was then carried on in a small room off the verandah of Mr. and Mrs. Garner's house facing the Avenue, where Messrs. H. I. Jones's shop and other business premises now stand. Mr. Lett was a gentleman of the old school, a man of culture, and a great "sport." He had much to do with establishing horse-racing in Wanganui, and I think I am right in saying, "sported silk" himself on more than one occasion as a gentleman rider. If so, he was in good company in those days, for such gentlemen as the late Sir W. Fox, Sir E. W. Stafford, and others did the same. Mr. Lett died in
Lewis, Edward.—A man well known in business circles, both in Wellington and Wanganui. In the early fifties Mr. Lewis was in the employ of Mr. Thomas Waters, of whom more anon, but returned to Wellingon, where he remained till
old established firm of Taylor and Watt as junior partner here in Wanganui. As with many more partnerships, matters did not run quite smoothly, and eventually the partnership was dissolved, and Mr. Lewis embarked in business as a general merchant, importer, and auctioneer on his own account. Mr. Lewis did a large and, for a time, lucrative business, especially in partnership with the late Mr. Warwick Weston, brother of Mr Thomas S. Weston, barrister, etc. Together, these two gentlemen had very large contracts with H.M. Commissariat during the war on this Coast (our all-night sittings were characterised by mirth, jollity, friendship and, I am pleased to add, courteous behaviour towards each other.
Lockett, Jonas.—One of the very first settlers who came to Wanganui in
McGregor, Captain John, born at Perth, N.B., in
McWilliam, Thomas (senr.), Peter, and Thomas (junr.)—This sturdy Scotch family came to Wanganui in
Morgan, John.—One of the oldest and best known settlers, probably, that Wanganui can boast of, and still "in the land of the living," I am pleased to add—was born in the village of Gillingham, Dorsetshire, in
(Mr Duthie at that time—about
Nathan, Henry.—Another of the very early settlers, who came to Wanganui in
Nixon, John.—One of the very first settlers of Wanganui, was born in Nottingham, England,
occupation of "Sedgbrook" in about
Nicholls, Rev. C. H. S.—Mr. Nicholls, who came from Leeds, arrived in Wanganui about one Maori lad—"Hamiora," Anglice Samuel—and a handful, so to speak, of European boys. At the present time it is a large school comprising several fine buildings, including a chapel, and attended by about 200 boys, all Europeans, from various parts of the colony, the sons, chiefly, of well-to-do and wealthy people. I don't suppose there is a single Maori, or even half-caste, amongst the lot. However, no one complains now about the way the original intention of the Trust has been set aside or ignored; indeed the people of Wanganui generally and surrounding districts are very proud of the Collegiate School. It is a splendid school, splendidly managed and governed by Mr. W. Empson, the head-master, and a large staff of masters under him.
reader and elocutionist in Leeds, and was a great favourite of the celebrated Dr. Farquhar Hook, Vicar of Leeds, who made Mr. Nicholls one of his curates. It was quite a treat to hear Mr. Nicholls give a reading from Dickens or Thackerey, of both whom he was a great admirer. Mr. Nicholls suffered many hard and bitter bereavements in his family, several of his children pining away and dying after growing up to manhood and womanhood, whilst he himself was a great martyr to asthma, sciatica, and
Owen, William Thomas—Came to Wanganui in
about this time leased from the Maoris the large Ruatangata run of about 10,000 acres situated between the two streams, Wangaehu and Turakina, a few miles south of Wanganui. Here Mr. Owen remained for some years, working very hard and embarking in the somewhat risky enterprise of importing blood stock of one kind and another, from England more especially. In this venture he must have embarked many thousands of pounds (one prize pedigree bull that he imported cost him 400 guineas), but I fancy that in the end he must have lost considerably. It will thus be seen that Mr. W. T. Owen was a most enterprising settler; he has done a lot of good for the district, and has been in many ways associated with pretty nearly everything calculated to advance its interests as a sheep farmer and stock breeder, also horse racing, and other field sports. The partnership between Messrs Owen and Lethbridge was dissolved some years ago, and Mr. Owen has for a good while now been living on, and cultivating, his property about ten miles up the Wanganui River, left bank, a part of what used to be known as the Featherstone Estate. Mr. Owen, who is a widower twice over, visits the town once a week as a rule, attending the cattle sales and transacting business. He also is a regular visitor at the Wanganui Club, Victoria Avenue, where his genial, kindly face, and breezy manner render him a general favourite. Mr. Owen, although now getting up in years is, I am pleased to add, hale and hearty, and my sincere wish is that he may live many more years in the enjoyment of good health, prosperity and happiness.
Parkes, Frederick.—This well-known and greatly respected old settler, came out from England with his parents and brothers to Wellington in the barque "Aurora," amongst the first batch of emigrants under the New Zealand Company, and landed on Petone beach on
Peake, John William, and Henry Lacey.—These two brothers, sons of a barrister of Worcester, England, arrived in Wanganui in ante. From this union there sprang a large family of sons and daughters, most of whom are resident in or near Wanganui at the present time. Mr. H. L. Peake went home to England after working on his farm for a good many years, married an English lady, and returned to Wanganui and settled on his property once more. Of late years, however, Mr. Peake has resided in town, leaving his country place in charge of a manager, whilst his brother, Mr. John Peake, has seen many ups and downs—parting at one time with a property, and buying another, building houses in town and letting them, etc., etc. I have little more to add respecting these two most estimable, highly-respected gentlemen. Both being of a modest, retiring disposition, neither of them, to my knowledge, ever took an active part in public affairs—politics, colonial or local, municipal matters, etc., etc.—but living a quiet, domestic sort of life and dispensing hospitality in true English fashion on occasions at their own homes. Mrs. J. W. Peake died here about 3 years ago after a lingering and painful illness, whilst Mr. and Mrs. H. L. Peake are both residing at their town house, and, I am pleased to add, well and hearty.
Powell, Thomas.—Mr. Powell came to New Zealand and Wanganui from Calcutta in
Pawson, John.—This well-known citizen came to the place from Doncaster, in
got employment and worked away at his trade, early and late, for several years, his jolly face, cheery laugh, and open-handed generosity rapidly gaining him many friends, more especially amongst the officers, non-commissioned officers and men of H.M. 65th Regiment of Foot stationed here at that time. Mr. Pawson did well in business, and in due course opened a butcher's shop on his own account in Victoria Avenue next door to where the Bank of New South Wales now stands. Later on, and during the disturbances on this coast in £100,000 per month, and when large fortunes were made by army contractors and others in this district as well as in Taranaki and Auckland. As time rolled on, however, and the war came to a close and the troops were withdrawn (this was in
Rees, Dr. George.—Came to Wanganui in about £5000 for the establishment and endowment of good schools in this town. The money was vested in trustees, and although the validity of the Bequest was disputed by a relative of the "little doctor" and taken into the Supreme Court, it was not upset in any way but remained operative. Of course, the amount left by Dr. Rees accumulated as years went by and at the present time two or more of our educational establishments owe their existence to the doctor's handsome gift. These are the Girls' College in Campbell and Liverpool Streets—a magnificent property—and the Technical School, adjoining St. Paul's Church, Victoria Avenue.
Richards, J. M.—I cannot say precisely when this well-known and somewhat eccentric "early settler" came to Wanganui, but it must have been during the forties. Mr. Richards lived in almost absolute seclusion during all the years that he resided in Wanganui, occupying a small sort of clay whare on Taupo Quay, where he carried on business as a soap and candle maker. But scarcely anyone, I fancy, was admitted inside it, or more especially a kind of "sanctum" attached thereto where Mr. Richards lived, ate, drank, smoked, and slept. But Mr. Richards, notwithstanding his peculiarities and eccentricities (he was in addition very hard of hearing) was a man of great intelligence and extensive knowledge, and if one could only get at him and "draw him out," much useful information and pleasant chat might result. What Mr. Richards was before he came to New Zealand I cannot say, but I think he came from London and must have been possessed of considerable means. In any event, he accumulated a large sum and died wealthy, leaving his four sons well off. One anecdote of
seen was the candidate bareheaded, waving his hands, gesticulating and almost foaming at the mouth owing to his frantic efforts to make himself heard. Just here I must explain that, previous to polling-day he had announced to all his friends and supporters that, if elected, he would entertain all and sundry at dinner at the York Hotel in Wicksteed Place, kept at that time by one John Kells, a discharged sergeant of the 65th Regiment. But when the numbers at the close of the poll were announced, placing Mr. Richards in a minority, he sent off a message post haste to Kells to stop the dinner. At this period of Wanganui's early history the well-known newspaper writer and literateur, Thomas Moser, was residing here, and being a bit of a "wag" and a writer of verses on occasions, he thus described in rhyme Mr Richards's defeat:—
Richards "The election's lost, as I'm a sinner; "Run to Kells', and stop the dinner!—loq:—
Poor Mr. Richards, in common with many more Wanganui well-known people, his fellow passengers, met with a watery grave when the ship "Avalanche" collided with an American homeward bound steamer named the "Forrest" in the English Channel and went down,
Ross, Hugh, Barrister and Solicitor.—This fine English gentleman of the old school came to Wellington in the early forties from Hobart, Tasmania, where he held the position of Crown Prosecutor for some years. He experienced many vicissitudes, changes, and hardships in common with his fellow colonists during the disturbances with the natives at Wellington and the Hutt in Turu-turu-mokai, near Patea, the garrison of the redoubt of which he was in command having been
Roberts, George.—This widely-known, somewhat remarkable man came to settle in Wanganui in bon voyage and a safe return to Wanganui. Roberts rose to reply and there was a burst of applause, of course. The departing "host" of the "Ship" waxed eloquent and poured out sentence after sentence with great fervour and rapidity, rising to lofty flights of eloquence that both astonished and delighted his audience. Then came the peroration which was a masterpiece of its kind. I was present, listened attentively as a young fellow should do, and can recollect even now every word that our eloquent "host" said. Here are his words, verbatim et literatim:—"Gentlemen, I should be guilty of the basest ingratitude if, after thanking you all for your kind wishes and
£3000!" Loud, long, and tremendous cheering. In due course, Mr. Roberts returned to Wanganui, bringing with him a large quantity of goods, drapery chiefly, and started in business as a draper, etc., in conjunction with the late Mr. William Kells. But I do not think he did quite as well in his new line of business as at the old "Ship Hotel" on Taupo Quay before he went Home. His health failed after this, and he died here in
Sherriff, Francis.—I now come to one of the best-known, most highly respected, and in some respects, most remarkable men that ever made Wanganui his home. Mr. Sherriff was born in Kent, in
cotton trade both in London and Manchester in partnership with the great Richard Cobden, caught the land fever in common with hundreds of others, and took a large number of shares or tickets in this lottery concern. A considerable area of land fell to him when the "drawing" took place, and he found himself the possessor of land in Wellington, Nelson, and Wanganui—the latter place chiefly. Mr Sherrift's Wanganui properties consisted of several town sections in Ridgway Street, etc., and the splendid "Rusthall" estate (named after his country place near Tunbridge Wells in Kent), about 3½ miles from the town on the No. 3 Line of road, and consisting of 640 acres of beautiful land—open, bush, undulating, and flat, with a lovely perennial stream running through it. Mr. Sherriff was so pleased with the general appearance of his property when he saw it for the first time that he decided to settle upon it, farm it, and make it his home for the rest of his life. Consequently, he entered into possession with his son and worked on it himself for a considerable time, visiting the town frequently, where he built a small house on one of his town sections, and living a free-and-easy, unrestrained sort of life, which seemed to suit him after the bustle, hurry-scurry, and worries of a large business in the City of London. Mr. Sherriff remained working away with his son and farm labourers on his beautiful place for 3 or 4 years. Then he returned to England, via Sydney, leaving his son in charge of "Rusthall." After his return to London, he dissolved partnership with Cobden and his junior partner, Jillett (the style of the firm was Cobden, Sherriff and Jillett), broke up his beautiful home near Tunbridge Wells, sold the property, also a fine house at Brighton, and returned to New Zealand in
Speed, James.—This well-known business man and Licensed Victualler came to Wanganui about the year
Shields, Thomas.—This gentleman, the son of an English squire (County Durham) came to Wanganui in the early fifties—about Henare (Henry) Tahau—a sort of chief, a good fellow, and a devoted servant and friend of Mr Shields, whom he generally styled his pakeha (European) and rungatira (master). Mr. Shields, who was a gentleman in every sense of the word, occasionally came into town and always "put up" at the Rutland. Here of an evening his many friends used to gather round him and enjoy his company and conversation, for Mr. Shields was a man of culture and refinement. In addition to all this, he was a splendid musician, and as a flautist perhaps the best and most accomplished amateur that ever came to the colony in those days. It was a great treat to hear Mr. Shields play on his fine, rich-toned, box-wood flute, but it generally took a good deal of coaxing and persuasion to "draw him out," so to speak, and get him to play. I have often been present amongst a roomful of Wanganui people at the old Rutland and listened with mingled feelings of delight and admiration to Mr Shields' magnificent flute-playing. But, strange to say, he was always extremely modest over it all and seemed to think nothing of his performances and would say—"Bah! I can't play now; out of practice; lip too hard; can't produce a good tone," and so forth. He often used to talk of Richardson, the great English flautist, in his time, whom he knew personally; also several of the great violinists, Carrodus for example, and others. In brochure entitled "Mahoe Leaves," which was widely read and afforded much amusement at the time. In this clever little book, Mr. Shields' "Man Friday," Henare Tahau, figures conspicuously. Mr Shields up to the time of his death, a somewhat sudden one, in
Scrivener, Thomas, senr.—This somewhat remarkable old settler and typical specimen of the English yeoman class came to Wanganui with his wife and family—a son and his wife—in toe-toe, flax, clocks and other weeds which flourished there in great profusion and luxuriance. To drain, clear, and improve this piece of land (about ten acres) was no light task for anyone to undertake, and yet Mr. Scrivener, senr., then an old man, tackled it bravely and in a few years' time the wilderness was literally made to "blossom as the rose," and what was a bog or swamp was turned into a fruitful garden. In accomplishing this heavy task the old man was almost unassisted, except by the "partner of his joys and sorrows," for his son, who was a carpenter, found plenty to do in following his trade. By degrees the land was drained, cleared, sown, and cultivated, and being the very best soil for the purposes of a market garden and orchard the fruit trees grew apace and vegetables of various kinds were quickly raised; so that in a few short years Mr. Scrivener's industry and skill were rewarded by the profitable sale of the fruits of the earth-to numbers of Wanganui townspeople. But poor Mr. Scrivener's peace of mind was suddenly rudely disturbed, and his well-filled purse abstracted and carried away one Sunday evening while he and his wife were absent from their comfortable home at the Wesleyan Church, of which they were old, regular, and consistent members. Some scoundrel who knew where the old man kept his money, took advantage of Mr. and Mrs. Scrivener's absence at Divine service, made his way into their bedroom, and stole the little bag
£60) out of a chest of drawers, and made off with it. It was a terrible blow to the good, honest, hard-working old man. During the many years he lived in Wanganui Mr. Scrivener took a great and active interest in local affairs and his great "hobby"—indeed the "ruling passion" with him—was to see the establishment of a local board of some kind for the management and control of local affairs, for in those days there was no such thing as a Town Board even, and the Municipal Corporations Act was not, I imagine, thought of then. It was a regular thing with old Mr. Scrivener, consequently, at all public meetings of any kind and for the purpose of discussing almost any subject whatever, to have something to say on his favourite, all-absorbing topic—"Local Boords," as he expressed it. The outcome of this was that the worthy old man earned for himself the soubriquet of "Local Boords" (sic), and the name stuck to him until the Great Leveller, Death, stepped in and translated him to that Haven of Rest, let us hope, where the absence of "Local Boords" or Borough Councils in little Wanganui would never more worry or disturb his righteous soul, and where the "wicked cease from troubling, and the weary are at rest." I remember one occasion when the late Sir William, then Mr. Fox, who represented this district in Parliament, was addressing his constituents here in the old Oddfellows' Hall after the session held in Auckland at that time. I think it was
Stevenson, James L. and John.—These two brothers came to Wanganui quite little boys with their widowed mother in
"hands" in the shop and store. I ought to mention that the business carried on was of a mixed kind—grocery, wines and spirits, provisions, crockery and glassware, etc., etc. In employès of the Company in their large building, Taupo Quay, under the control of Mr. John Stevenson. About two years ago Mr. J. L. Stevenson sold out his business and let his stores to Mr. M. Russell of Wellington, Mr. Stevenson retaining a portion of the premises for offices, some of which he has let to the Government Life Insurance Department, and others, retaining offices for himself as well. Mr Stevenson is local agent for the Tyser line of steamers, and other companies and business concerns, so that I fancy I am safe in saying that both brothers have done well in Wanganui, securing competencies for themselves and families, thus proving what may develop from small, humble beginnings when combined with the qualities, characteristics, and good principles exhibited and practised during the whole of their career from mere childhood by the brothers Stevenson of Wanganui. I must not omit to mention that Mr. J. L. Stevenson was Mayor of Wanganui during the Diamond Jubilee year—1897. He is also a prominent member of the Wanganui Chamber of Commerce, chairman of the Heads Railway Company, and has besides, served on various Boards and taken a leading position for several years in the Presbyterian Church, of which he is a regular attendant, consistent supporter, and office-bearer.
Taylor, Thomas Ballardie.—The senior partner for many years of the old-established firm of Taylor and Watt, Wanganui, was born at Austruther, Scotland, in
Taylor, Rev. Richard, M.A., F.G.S.—This gentleman, one of the early missionaries sent out by the
pahs and villages. Mr. Taylor, at that time a very active, energetic missionary, travelled great distances, and visited many places, the native population then being considerable. It would be quite out of place for me here to discuss the results of missionary labour in this, or indeed any, part of New Zealand; suffice it to say that Mr. Taylor, in common with most of the missionaries at that time, laboured hard, travelled much, and experienced privations, trials, dangers and difficulties that the bulk of Europeans now living in the colony have but a faint conception of. In or about Anglice, the "Fish of Maui" (name of a Maori chief). He took with him a chief and catechist, Hoani Wiremu (John Williams) Hipango. Returning to New Zealand in about
known as the Broad or Evangelical branch of the Anglican Church; there was nothing of the Puseyite or Ritualist about him; he was always pleased to meet and associate with ministers of the Nonconformists Churches, and would have been glad to exchange pulpits with them but for fear of his Bishop,—the great, masterful, modern St. Paul—George Augustus Selwyn. Mr. Taylor visited England again in minita (minister), Te Teira (the Taylor).
Trafford, Major Benjamin William Rawson, at one time a Captain in H.M. 65th Regiment of Foot, and widely known throughout this and the surrounding districts, belonged to an old Warwickshire family, Castle Trafford. He resided in this, and the neighbouring district of Rangitikei; and although, strictly speaking, he was a Rangitikei settler more than a Wanganui one, yet he visited this town so often, living in a cottage he rented, and identified himself so closely with much that was going on here—horse-racing more especially—that I should not be justified in passing him over. Captain Trafford rented from the natives in the Rangitikei—Manawatu district a large "run" between the two rivers, the Rangitikei and the Manawatu, named "Te
rendezvous for friends and acquaintances in the fifties and early sixties. He also stayed months at a time in this town amongst his old comrades of the 65th and the few civilians of leisure here in those days, taking a leading place, especially in all matters appertaining to the Turf and sports generally. Indeed Major Trafford, or, as he was dubbed by the Maoris, Karu-tahi ("one eye" because of his wearing an eye-glass), was for years looked up to and considered the greatest authority on horse-racing, and the best judge of horse-flesh in this part of the Colony, including Wellington and Wairarapa. For several years in succession he run in his own or John Walker's name a thoroughbred mare named "Sybil." She was a beauty, truly, and as docile and gentle as a domestic tabby. I don't think she ever lost a race for which she ran, and John Walker, now an old man of 80, always bestrode the favourite mare at the Wanganui Race Meeting in the "good old days," when the "Produce Stakes" amounted to Sixty Pounds! "Sybil" was always the favourite, and when she came back to scale after the race—the winner, of course—the "Major" would chuck his eye-glass up to his "weather-eye" and view his beautiful bay mare with a look of pride and satisfaction on his aristocratic, finely-cut features. I have little to add respecting Major William Rawson Trafford, a man who, although a great sufferer from neuralgia and a complication of complaints which made him a bit of a cynic, perhaps, was always looked up to as a gentleman and born aristocrat. When the Manawatu-Rangitikei block was purchased for the Government by the late Dr. Isaac Earl Featherston, Superintendent of the province of Wellington, and Chief Land Purchase Commissioner, of course Major Trafford had perforce to part with his "run." This was in
Treweek, John.—A "cousin John" to the backbone, and one of the right sort, too, well-known, and one of the very best settlers that Wanganui ever possessed, came out to Taranaki from Cornwall in £2000 or £3000. In connection with this trans-
Waters, Thomas.—No historical account or sketch of Wanganui would be complete without a line or two respecting Mr. Thomas Waters, one of the most experienced, shrewdest men of business that ever took up his abode either in Wellington or Wanganui. Mr. Waters, who had received his mercantile training in the City of London, came out to Wellington some time during the forties, if I am not mistaken, and after engaging in business there for some years, left his partner, Mr. James J. Taine, and came to Wanganui, in about
Watt, William Hogg.—The junior partner of the original firm of Taylor and Watt, merchants, importers, ship-owners, landed proprietors, etc., Wanganui. Intimately associated for more than 30 years with his partner, Thomas Ballardie Taylor, of whom I have given a somewhat lengthy "sketch" ante, little remains to be recorded of the late Mr. W. H. Watt, except as regards the many public positions he occupied during the long period that he "filled the public eye"—to use a colloquialism—in the town of Wanganui and district. The late Mr. Watt was a native of Dundee, N.B., and like his partner, a seafaring man. Having already described the firm's early experiences, it only remains for me now to say that the late Mr. Watt, besides being the more active partner of the two, as regards their general business, took a prominent place in public affairs—local, municipal, and colonial. Mr. Watt was the first chairman of the Wanganui Town Board—a local body constituted years before the first Municipal Corporations Act was passed. In this position he did yeoman's service; as also, later on, as chairman of the Harbour Board (ante. Mr. Watt's fatal illness was a short one, and his age at time of his decease 76. I omitted to mention above that, when the question of a water supply for the town was taken up, Mr. Watt most generously made a free gift of the water from Westmere Lake—the property of the firm—for the use of the inhabitants of Wanganui in perpetuity. I need scarcely add that the magnificent gift was accepted, and the town has for many
Wicksteed, John Tylston.—I have already referred to this gentleman in my "sketch" of the late John Treweek, and what I have now to relate of him will be short and, I trust, of interest, to members of the Fourth Estate, more especially. Mr. Wicksteed, before coming to New Zealand as one of the agents of the New Zealand Company under their distinguished leader, Col. Wakefield, was for several years one of the Sub-editors of the London "Spectator"—at that time and now, considered one of the leading and most influential journals of the Great Metropolis. It goes without saying, therefore, that Mr. Wicksteed was a man of culture and literary attainments or he could not have occupied so honourable a position in the Republic of Letters as that just described. Mr. and Mrs. Wicksteed with their two young boys, John T., and Arthur, landed in the first instance at Wellington. This was in whares and log huts. Later on, about '43, I fancy, the Wicksteeds were sent on to New Plymouth in charge of a batch of immigrants for that settlement. Mr. Wicksteed took up land at Omata, a few miles from the village of New Plymouth (south) under the very shadow of the majestic, lovely snow-capped Mt. Egmont. Here they lived for several years, farming their land, and Mr. Wicksteed himself looking after the little colony from the West of England. In course of time, Mr. Wicksteed severed his connection with the N.Z. Company and engaged in the work of his old profession or calling, becoming Editor of the 'Taranaki Herald,' a weekly paper established, printed, and published by my late brother, Mr. Garland Woon. Mr. Wicksteed used to ride in from his farm once a week, pick up whatever news was floating about, scan the
Woon, Revd. William.—My late father, Wesleyan Methodist Missionary, one of the first missionaries to the South Sea Islands and New Zealand also, in company with two other missionaries—the Revds. J. Wat-kin (father of the Revd. Dr. Watkin, of Melbourne) and Turner—left London in the ship "Lloyds," the very worst tribe in New Zealand—until
Woon, Garland William.—Eldest son of the foregoing, was born at Nukualofa, Tongatabu, in ante. When the family went to Auckland in Wiremu Kingi (Anglice, William King) te Rangitake, was often able to obtain and impart valuable information to the military authorities during the War at the Waitara, etc., and he was on intimate and most friendly terms with such officers of the Imperial troops as Colonel Warre, 57th Regiment, Colonel Wyatt, 65th, and many others. But his most intimate acquaintance and personal friend during those critical times (
Woon, Richard Watson.—Second son of the late Rev. William Woon, was born at the Mission Station, Mangungu, Hokianga, in ante; so my brother resolved to qualify himself for the position by furbishing up his Maori and making a study of the language, his knowledge of it then being meagre as compared with others of the family. Consequently, he placed himself under the tuition and guidance of the late Revd. George Stannard,
vice Mr. S. Deighton—a position my brother continued to occupy until about Matua (father), Rihari Wunu— Richard Woon. My late brother at the time of his decease was 56 years of age. He left behind him a widow and three sons, all now grown up, his eldest child and only daughter dying in
Woon, Edwin Turner.—Third son of the Revd. William Woon. Was born at Mangungu, Hokianga, in
Of myself I shall say nothing, preferring to let those who know me, friends or foes, say or write of me what they please.
In bringing to a close the above somewhat hurriedly written "sketches" of Wanganui Old Settlers, I cannot do better than adopt (and adapt) the lofty language employed by the great historian, Edward Gibbon, in the
I sincerly hope and believe that in all I have written there will not be found one sentence, or word even, respecting those dealt with that would give pain or offence to any surviving relative or friend. If by any inadvertence or want of sufficient care I have been so unfortunate as to wound any of my readers' feelings, all I ask is that they will forgive me and put it down to an error of judgment, rather than to a fault of heart, on my part.
Special and Concluding Remarks.—It has occurred to me since the aforegoing "Sketches" of Wanganui Old Settlers were written and handed to the publishers, that I may have omitted all mention of one or more who, it may be considered, should have found a place in my little book. If so, I wish it to be clearly understood—and I cannot emphasize the remark too forcibly—that any such omission was quite unintentional: it was a lapse of memory at the time, and nothing more. Therefore, I crave the forgiveness of those I have thus forgotten who are still in the "land of the living," and who may consider themselves entitled to a place in my book; and in the case of those who have "crossed the Bar" and "joined the great majority" on the other side, I ask the forgiveness of any of their surviving relatives or friends remaining behind! Just one word more. I take it for granted that no sensible or reasonable person would expect me, or any other chronicler, to write "sketches," or record the doings, of people of no special prominence in the community, or who, to use a common every day expression, did not "fill the public eye" in any marked or notable manner. It would have been "from the purpose" and almost absurd to do so. With this last remark I take my leave of my readers, hoping and confidently believing that they will give me credit for
Page 12.—Deighton, Samuel.—
Line 16 from bottom of page, end of line, "in the Upper Rangitikei River," should be "On the Upper Rangitikei River."
Line 13—beginning of line—delete word "River," and after Rangitikei add—"Te Rakihou"—also known by the euphonious name of "Mingiroa" (a pretty flowering native shrub).
Page 48.—Roberts, George.—
Line 15 from bottom . . . "and had he had the advantages of a good education, I have not the slightest doubt" etc., etc., etc.
Since my "sketch" of Mr. George Roberts was put into type and printed off, I have learnt from one of his daughters here that I am in error as regards her late father's early education. She informs me that he received an excellent education at a first-class boarding-school up to the age of 18 in London where he was born and bred, and that whilst residing in this district was at one time engaged in teaching in private families. I gladly make this correction now, and have no doubt whatever that, had Mr. Roberts made politics his pursuit or profession, he could, and most likely would, have taken a leading place amongst New Zealand politicians in shaping the destinies of his adopted country. Again, further on in my
£3000 (sic) to him whilst in business at the "Ship Hotel," he no doubt meant to imply how frequently he had been compelled to draw his water supply from it, as most people were compelled to do in those days when there was no water supply from either Virginia or Westmere Lake; when well water was quite unfit for use, being brackish and foul, and impregnated with iron, and when, as frequently happened in dry weather, water-butts and tanks ran dry. The front part of the hotel was only a few yards—perhaps 12 or 15—distant from the river in those days, so that water could easily be conveyed in buckets or barrels from it on to the premises which was used for all sorts of domestic purposes.
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