The soles of the feet of the Samoans became so thickened from childhood that no protection is needed for ordinary locomotion. On occasion, however, sandals (se'e vae) are used to protect the soles from particularly sharp coral while wading inside the reef. The method of attaching by cords passed between the toes causes considerable chafing to the more tender skin between the toes and on the dorsum of the foot, especially when coral sand gets under the cords. For this reason, sandals were not much in favor. I have seen page 314men and women walking about among sharp coral with apparently no inconvenience.

Sandals are thus said to be used principally to protect the soles when

Figure 168.—Sandal (se'e vae), technique in fau bast:

a, a strip of bast an inch wide, is wound loosely around the hand for about five turns to form the outer boundary element of the sandal. The size of the loop suits the size of the foot, the length being from the heel to the root of the toes. b, A second strip (2) is wrapped transverse around the folded first strip, commencing where the first strip ended (3); c, the strip is con tinued on with overlapping seizing to bind the folds of the first strip together and thickeni the whole border loop; d, having completed the round of seizing, the second strip, is carried down the middle line of the now laterally compressed loop (1) around its far end (4) and back to the starting point; e, the working strip (2) is brought around the near end of the oval (1) and then around the double middle strip; f, the working strip is bound around both middle strips for their full length and then brought back to the middle, where it makes a transverse turn around each side border of the oval; g, the two side radials are then wrapped closely in turn and a long three-ply braid of fau bast (5) is laid against the two sides of the oval in such a way as to form a loop at one end (6) The working strip (2) is run spirally to midway of one of the long radials and passed from side to side around the rim and the braid, interlacing at the same time with the long radial. h, The working strip is then manipulated so as to fill in the oval binding element with transverse turns. The strip passes around the rim and braid at each side and alternately above and below the middle longitudinal radials. Fresh strips are added by wrapping the commencing end around the finishing end of the old strip at the rim as in (b, c). k, As the transverse turns get closer together, the pointed stick is used to open a way between the previous turns. The end of the working strip is also folded together to form a point and bound with a thin strip of fibre (7). This stiffens and narrows the end so that it may be pushed through the holes made by the stick. Additional transverse turns are made with the aid of the stick between those already made and the working strip carried back to the other end. Some sandals end at this stage. m, Short turns may be taken around the transverse turns by working down the longitudinal on either side of the middle. When no more can be made, the sandal is completed. The loop (6) is drawn out to a suitable size as the cords (5) may be pulled in either direction. n, The sandal is worn by placing the loop end forward and bringing up the loop cord between the big and second toes and the fourth and fifth respectively. This differs from the Cook Islands and New Zealand method where the loop is towards the heel. The two tree cords at the other end of the sandal are crossed behind the heel, brought forward through the toe loop and returned on the same sides to pass around the cords near their points of emergence from the sandal. They then pass forwards to be tied over the dorsum of the foot.

page 315they have cracked, as often happens with the thick, hard skin. It was further stated that since free medical attention is now readily available throughout both groups, sandals are seldom made. The examples for this description had to" be specially made, as there were none in use.

Three kinds are made; from fau, lau'a'a, and pulu respectively.

Sandals of fau bast (se'e vae fau) are made with a particular technique, but the other two are makeshift articles. The material required is a quantity of fau bast strips about an inch wide and a stick a little thicker than a lead pencil sharpened at one end. (See fig. 168.) The sandals are always made short, coming to just beyond the ball of the foot, with the toes projecting unsupported in front. (See Pl. XXXV, A, 2, 3.)

A temporary form of sandal (se'e vae lau'a'a) is made from a couple of sheets of the fabric-like material at the base of coconut leaves (lau'a'a). (See Pl. XXXV, A, 4.) The material is soft and affords protection to a cracked sole. They do not last long but are easily made (fig. 169).

Figure 169.—Sandal of coconut lau'a'a:

a, the sheets are folded into a rectangle 10 inches wide by 5 inches long and a long strip of fau bast (4) is looped and laid over the middle third (2) of the material. b, The left third (1) is folded over the strip and then the right third (3). The foot is placed upon the folded material and the toe loop (4) and heel cords (5) attached as with the fau sandal.

Figure 170.—Sandal of coconut husk (pulu):

a, the outer skin of the section is cut transversely across the middle line for a depth of not quite 0.25 inches. The sides of the segment are trimmed so that the thickness here is a little over a quarter of an inch. The cut therefore at the side edges does not come quite to the upper surface. b, The anterior half of the segment is now bent towards the inner surface and levered forward so as to split forward slightly along the bottom (1) of the cut. The direction of the split is at right angles to that of the cut. c, Still holding the anterior half bent to open up both the cut and the split, a strip of fau bast (2) is passed down into the cut and worked forward into the split. The first half is then straightened back, the edges of the cut come into perfect apposition and the fau strip is held in the split. The strip has thus been buried and so protected from being worn-out if simply tied around the outside of the husk. d, The foot is placed on the upper surface of the sandal and the two ends (2) of the strip may be drawn tight over the dorsum and tied.

Another temporary form (se'e vae pulu) is made of coconut husk pulu (Pl. XXXV, A, 1). A longitudinal slice of husk, about 7 inches long by 4 inches wide, is cut off level to fit the foot. The section is naturally oval with thin edges and deepening to a little over an inch in the middle. The method of attaching the fau bast tying strip is shown in figure 170.

Significance of Clothing, Customs, and Usages

The articles grouped under clothing were made by braiding, looping, plaiting, and beating out bast. In none of the technical processes was twining or weaving, either downward or upward, used. The primary use of clothing is protection from the weather and concealment of the person. The secondary use, which may become more important, is decorative. On distinguishing individuals decoration leads on to distinguishing social classes. From use as indicating rank and status, they became valuable property and certain articles have intertwined with social customs, finally becoming a medium of exchange and an economic standard of value in themselves.

Clothing. The primary need for clothing dwindled down in the tropical climate of Samoa to one causative factor, concealment. Modesty, however, demanded little. The exposure of the upper body in both sexes was not considered immodest, or rather, was not considered at all. Hence the titi kilt of Cordyline leaves fulfilled all the actual requirements of clothing. A few titled women and sons of chiefs used bark cloth lavalava as a change garment. All other articles, therefore, listed under clothing were created by other needs.

Decoration. Festivals with accompanying dances demanded something beyond the ordinary ti leaf kilt. The demand was easily met by using the brighter colored ti leaves and change was also secured by making kilts of bast, first by simple looping to waist cords and later by plaiting.

Rank and property. The desire to further decorate and distinguish the daughters and sons of high chiefs, as in the persons of the village taupou and manaia, gave a stimulus to textile development that the need for ordinary apparel would never have supplied owing to that need being of so little importance. The short 'ie tutu pupu'u with wide wefts but highly decorative effect was the natural outcome. The present form of these kilts with their many free tails may be later chronologically, but coarse plaiting in bast certainly preceded the finer forms with their more elaborate tag attachments.

With decoration heading in the direction of finer plaiting, the 'ie fau and 'ie sina garments were evolved and became a still more material expression of rank. They were not needed and could not be worn as everyday clothing. They were purely an expression of rank to be worn during ceremonial and discarded as soon as possible afterwards for the sake of comfort. Fine plaiting also proceeded with pandanus material and reached its culmination in the page 317fine mat decorated with red feathers. Here again the fine mat marked rank and was only worn on ceremonial occasions. A person wearing a fine mat on ordinary occasions would be regarded in much the same way as a person of a higher culture appearing at breakfast in a dinner suit with his breast emblazoned with orders and decorations. The rank and status of people was well known within the village but on state occasions and especially when visitors from other villages were present, it was fitting that rank should be decorated in accordance with its station. The 'ie fau, 'ie sina, and fine mat discharged that duty.

As these mats distinguished rank, they became valuable property. Rank besides its social significance was distinguished by the possession of material property or, in other words, wealth. The wealth of a family was demonstrated by the numbers of ta'ui bundles of fine mats stored on the cross beams of the guest house.

Customs. The 'ie sina and fine mat became the necessary equipment of the village maid. Through association with the village maid, the 'ie sina also became the garment on which her virginity was officially proved before marriage. The 'ie sina thus became a highly specialized garment necessary to the particular custom of testing the virginity of the taupou.

The hue mat, however, gained a wider sphere of influence. It supplied the dowry of the village maid and chieftainesses of rank. The husband's family supplied the food, including pigs for the wedding feast, which, with other presents such as weapons, noraments, canoes, or houses, were grouped together under the name of oloa. The bride's family supplied an equivalent value in line mats distinguished by the term tonga. Hence the derivation of the name of the fine mat, 'ie tonga, and we get the fine mat constituting tonga (valuable property).

From association with marriage, the fine mat became associated with birth. It formed such an absolute necessity at marriage that after the birth of a daughter, mothers commenced plaiting a special fine mat termed an 'ie fa'atupu to form the nucleus of her daughter's dowry. These were carefully plaited in spare moments between the completion of other fine mats and were often finished just before the marriage of the grownup daughter took place. Some of them thus took over sixteen years to complete. Appropriate presents on the birth of a chief's daughter were fine mats to mark the occasion.

At death, fine mats again figured importantly. The ceremonial connected with the death of a high chief was termed langi. The blood relations of the deceased contributed fine mats for the langi. Amongst them had to be one of special note, either from the extra fineness of the plait or from its historical associations. The mat was called 'ie e fai a'i tonga (the mat which gives distinction to the property), or 'ie c fai a'i le langi (the mat which gives distinc-page 318tion to the funeral ceremony). Without it, the subsequent distribution of fine mats lost distinction and the family consequently suffered in prestige. When the family did not own such a mat, they begged or borrowed one from without and thus placed themselves under heavy obligation. The special mat, however, never passed outside the village but usually went to the highest ranking talking chief of the village, who acted for the family of the deceased during the funeral ceremonies. The talking chiefs of the various visiting parties, which were called auala on account of their ala or blood relationship with the deceased, recited the langi ritual as they sat before the house of death with palm leaves laid on the ground before them. If their ala was proved or well known they were allowed to proceed. If they acquitted themselves with scrupulous correctness they received fine mats at the distribution in accordance with their status. Apart from the special fine mat of note, the tama sa or son of the sister of the deceased had the first pick of fine mats.

Thus in birth, death, and marriage customs, fine mats played the most important part from both an economic and ceremonial point of view. The Samoans attached the greatest value to them and neglected no chance of acquiring them. They themselves admit that a talking chief will enter into negotiations for the marriage of his chief influenced solely by the bundles of fine mats he has seen hanging up in the guest house of a girl's father. He knows that in the subsequent distribution of the marriage dowry among the husband's family, he, by virtue of his official position, will get the most important share. Similarly, at funerals a high chief will often refrain from attending because his talking chief has to recite the langi and will thus get the fine mat that is given to his party. Talking chiefs on the other hand will never neglect attending a funeral if he can prove an ala pathway to the genealogical tree of the deceased chief.

An unscrupulous yet humorous talking chief attended a funeral near Apia when he had no true ala but hoped to bluff his way through to a fine mat. Seated with his palm leaf before him, he began to recite the langi. The astute talking chief of the family of the deceased interrupted calling, "Never mind the langi, tell us the ala by which you find yourself here." Having no genealogical pathway, the impostor kept on reciting the langi. When he had recited five out of the customary ten langi, the interruption became so marked that he realized his scheme had failed. Now, the term ala, besides being a genealogical pathway between blood kinsmen, is also the ordinary material pathway between villages and houses. Before vacating an untenable position he replied to the aggressive defender of the family fine mats. "The ala by which I came here?" he cried pointing at the road, "There it is, the ala which leads from Apia to this village." "Kill him," yelled the infuriated official to the family henchmen. The visitor sprang to his feet. "Quick," he cried as a parting shot, "Show me the ala to the missionary's house." At the missionary's house, he found refuge until the storm subsided. Then without a mat, he returned along the empty ala to Apia.

The above incident shows that while the desire to acquire fine mats was great, the desire to keep them was equally strong.

It may be truly said that in their present elaborate form, marriage and death customs could not be correctly observed without fine mats.

Standard of value. Through their value as property, the fine mat became the Samoan standard of value. We have seen that in the building of a house, a fine mat ratified the agreement between the prospective owner and the head builder. It paid a fine and pacified the builder's guild into overlooking a serious breach of etiquette. It formed the principal medium in paying for the building of a house at the umu sa ceremony. Canoes, tatooing, and various services were paid for in fine mats. High chiefs rewarded their talking chiefs with fine mats. No important function or activity in olden times could take place without the passing of fine mats. In Samoa, fine mats became the equivalent of the coin of higher cultures and the shell money of the western Pacific. Everything was valued in terms of fine mats and all objects of any value, even pigs, had their relative value based on the value unit of the fine mat.

Famous Mats

Fine mats with a history assumed a sentimental value out of all proportion to their intrinsic value. Songs have been composed giving the history and changes of name of some of them. The historical value exceeded that of the fineness of plait, though where both existed the value was naturally enhanced. Some of them, worn by age, have been patched again and again and the number of patches adds to the value. A mat seen at Savaii belonging to the talking chief Timu of Safotu, had a very fine plait, was brown with age, and had many patches. It had been the property of Malietoa Laupepa and was named Lauao-o-Tuiatua. The Ripley family of Leone have one named Faauma-i-tuavao. It is 6 feet square, brown with age, and beautifully fine with 22 wefts to the inch. It is a source of expense in keeping repaired as very few can now do the fine repairing required. A particularly expert old woman when called in must have a pig killed for her. She has to be fed well during the long period she takes in leisurely repairing the mat and has to have a substantial present as well. A master builder of Savaii once hatched a plot to obtain possession of it. He ingratiated himself with the unsuspecting Fepuleai Ripley and after working, up a friendship suggested building a house for his father. The father at last consented. The beautiful long house that stands at Leone, and which is the best in eastern Samoa, was duly built with expert care as to detail. When it came to payment, however, the master builder repudiated all the fine mats and cash liberally offered and demanded the one fine mat known as Faauma-i-tuavao. He tried to insinuate that it formed part of the price by mutual understanding. The friendship and months of labor had all been part of a scheme to obtain possession of the famous mat. A less strong character than Mr. Ripley, Senior, would have succumbed to ceremonial page 320pressure but he refused in no uncertain manner and the mat remained with the family.

Interaction of custom and technique. Though tradition holds that the fine mats are very old, any fine technique must not only have time but a strong incentive to develop it. It is natural to expect that there has been an evolution in the technique of the fine mat. The gradual improvement in technique led to an increase in the material value of the mat. With increased material value it became tonga (valuable property). As such it became the material medium for expressing certain customs. This gave it a still greater value which must have reacted on technique by stimulating the women to greater effort. The finer the plaiting, the greater the value. The greater the value, the greater the incentive to fine plaiting. Women became famous for their fine plaiting and the fine and arduous work rendered the mat worthy of the high recognition it ultimately received.

Plaiting houses. The ordinary floor mats for furnishing a new house were made by the aualuma (assembly of unmarried women) who might meet together in a house set apart for plaiting. The real plaiting house (fale lalanga) was, however, occupied by an assembly of expert women, mostly married, who met to plait fine mats on the invitation of a high chief who kept them in food and made appropriate presents. Apart from such a working bee, women were constantly at work plaiting fine mats to supply their own family needs.

Bark cloth. Bark cloth had little value in old Samoa as everyday clothing material. Its other uses in the house have been mentioned. It formed, however, a useful if less valuable medium of reward and exchange. Talking chiefs were rewarded with siapo at the chief's sua meal and in ceremonial kava drinking when he called the cups. A high chief desirous of adding to his prestige would perhaps pay with fine mats but for many occasions, siapo was correct. At lesser weddings, bark cloth enters into the presents. In more recent times as fine mats are becoming scarcer, bark cloth is taking their place in ceremonial. Talking chiefs and others attend ceremonial gatherings wearing siapo. Bark cloth now figures largely in presents to visitors. In western Samoa, the Administration stopped the giving of fine mats as a policy measure for the good of the people, and bark cloth took their place at weddings and funerals. Greater quantities are given, however, to maintain the standard of value. For trade, and to fulfil social obligations, bark cloth making is still a live craft with every prospect of surviving for years to come. Samoan cloth never reached the stage of excellence that it did in other islands, such as Hawaii. This may be partly due to so much of women's best work and skill being directed towards plaiting the vastly more important fine mats supplemented by the shaggy mats of 'ie fau and 'ie sina, and partly to the difference of technique in manufacture.