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Salient. An Organ of Student Opinion at Victoria College, Wellington, N.Z. Vol. 12, No. 9. August 10th 1949

Land of the Free

page 7

Land of the Free

The atmosphere of an institution of higher learning somewhat diffuses the glare of the American caste system in which negroes, American Indians, Mexicans, Orientals, Jews, and Italians occupy positions of ascending order, the community fostering the institution keeps these groups focussed in the harsh light of a supposed inferiority.

Here the people boast segregation is unknown. True. There isn't even a place for negroes in the scheme of things in the South, a negro has at least somewhere to go.

A survey taken by some white students shows that none of the city's 15 hotels will accommodate strange negroes. Two say they will if registration is properly arranged or recommended by a white person. Fifty per cent, of restaurants in central Eugene reserved to serve negroes. Another 25 per cent, "discourage" negro patronage.

Out of Bounds

One tavern—the mouldiest, and the proprietor of which was rescued by a negro company in World War I—in 13 opens its doors to negroes. An unwritten "no coloured persons" sign hangs over the entrance to every barber and beautician's shop. But two barber's shops in the near vicinity of the University cut the hair of negro students.

Cabarets, bowling alleys, part of the churches, and the skating rink stand out of bounds for the 150 negro persons in the Eugene areas. Services of doctors and dentists are difficult and sometimes impossible to procure. Negroes are last to be hired and first to be laid off, except in the relatively few instances when they fall under the protection of trade union seniority.

For example, one barber in Eugene exhibited the utmost refinement in ordering me never to return to his shop. It was a three-man shop, the father, whom I thought the owner, the son and a third barber. I had opposition from the son. The father, in fact, had told me to ignore them. One Saturday morning a white student, with whom I am well acquainted, and I went to this shop for haircuts. The father finished cutting my hair before the son the white student's, and I read magazines while waiting. The white student stepped from the chair. "Tell the fellow you came in with not to come back," I heard the son order the student in lowered tones.

"Why, what's wrong?" the student asked.

"We don't want them here."

The student cast his eyes about the shop bewildered and soon met the father's gaze.

"I don't run the shop any longer," the father apologised.

"Well, here's to a better America," the white student said as we left the shop.

This is only one of the common humiliations negroes here and everywhere in America must contend with. Even the dollar the negro spends runs into a colour bar. But the dollars the negro makes for the white man in the fields and factories of America do not carry a stigma.

In a white environment I am always conscious of my race. Discrimination and prejudice are good reminders. No matter what the negro's intellectual, artistic or financial attainments, he will not be accepted in this society. His highest accomplishments will still leave him on the lowest notch of the white scale of values.

Frustrations, anxieties and isolation impel different persons differently according to the total situations. I myself compete fiercely with white students for higher grades. By excelling I hope to demonstrate my innate biological equality, and compensate for a life riddled with indignities. At the same time, I am searching for a way to liberate myself and all my people.

Some submit, some withdraw, and others resort to aggression. The Uncle Toms submit. The Booker T. Washingtons withdraw. And the Paul Robesons attack.

What the Negro Wants

What does the negro want? Charles C. Spaulding, negro president of the North American Mutual Life Insurance Company, a negro business, declares:

"Our capitalistic society in America depends for its growth upon bold young men willing to take a chance on pioneering new fields of service. And it bountifully rewards the skilful pioneer, whatever his origin,

"As for myself, I shall always feel grateful that my ancestors were transplanted to North America. It is the best place in the world that I have found to live and leave one's mark."

Spaulding says, in effect, the negro wants nothing he hasn't already access to. And he would clinch his argument by asking: what does the recent enrolment of hundreds of thousands of negroes in trade unions mean, if not progress?

The World War II years did, of course, open new fields of employment for negroes and broaden existing ones. The same relaxation of employment barriers may be noted during World War I, though to a lesser extent. But between 1920 and 1940 the pre-war employment pattern was reestablished in some fields, moreover, negroes lost ground. For example, the number of negro skilled craftsmen declined.

Negro intellectuals, however, increasingly look toward something outside the present economic and social system, rather than toward the long-promised reforms from within. When the status quo so obviously depends on the Machiavellian device of racialism, its victims are forced to consider ways of achieving equality not provided for under the established order.

Red and Black

I do not offer the following example of the changing attitude of the negro intellectual toward the betterment of himself and his people either us a threat or proof of a popular trend.

It merely indicates, I believe, the irrepressible doubts of the dim present and unending search for a better future. The negro leader of tomorrow is today making up his mind.

A negro friend hastened to me recently displaying scarcely repressed enthusiasm.

"Say," he said, "do you know how the '1947 Negro Year Book' describes Russia? It says Russia is the promised land for the negro."

He had copied two paragraphs of the Soviet Constitution. They read:

"Equal rights for citizens of the USSR irrespective of their nationality or race, in all spheres of economic, state, cultural, social and political life, shall be an irrevocable law.

"Any direct or indirect limitation of these rights or conversely any establishment of direct or indirect privileges for citizens on account of their race or national exclusiveness, or hatred and contempt, shall be punished by law."

"That's the kind of equality and protection I am looking for," my friend said. "And I understand from the 'Year Book' it's really working out."

The next day, just to check on my friend's account of Russia, I glanced into the 'Negro Year Book'. Though I didn't come across any reference to a "promised land", I did discover, among other things, that more than 170 nationalities in the Soviet Union live together in harmony: that Russia's 1000 negroes enjoy real citizenship. The section on Russia, furthermore, stressed:

"The complete equality of all races as an integral element in the beliefs and attitudes fostered by the Government of the Soviet Union."

Nothing has given me reason to believe that the "Year Book" exaggerates or espouses any particular political cause. It simply compiles material illuminating negro life the world over.

I make no comment other than that the negro is thinking, thinking, the long, long thoughts of freedom.

I make no prediction other than that America will be the land where ever man is free.

(This article has had to be abridged owing to shortage of space.

—Ed.)