The 1951 dispute is probably the most important union struggle in our history — it is certainly the most talked about. Although a General Strike was not called, after last week, 1951 came the closest thing to a General Strike that this country has seen. As in 1913, this dispute shows clearly that the role of Government and its state machinery is firmly on the side of the employing classes. However, in 1951 the Government had an unexpected accomplice — a perfidious Federation of Labour.

At the 1950 April Conference of the FoL, the Watersiders' Union (lead by Toby Hill and Jock Barnes) presented a letter accusing the FoL leaders of working with the Labour Government, against the interests of union members.

The whole affair culminated with an ultimatum from the majority of delegates: that if the letter was not withdrawn the Waterside Workers would be expelled from the FoL by May 31.

However the Watersiders did not wait. They walked out of the FoL, taking with them an estimated 75,000 watersiders and other union members (fully one third of the FoL's total membership). Between them they formed the New Zealand Trade Union Congress (TUC). Thus the TUC was the more militant, left wing section of the Trade Union movement, which had split away from the moderates.

Time for Red-baiting

Naturally, both the National and Labour parties branded the TUC as "communist-led" and conducted a determined campaign of red-baiting. The FoL did little to oppose it.

In August 1950 the first congress of the TUC was held, although the movement remained little more than the Waterside Workers Union. It was an isolated group of militants and thus an easy target for Government propaganda. The lack of public support was not helped by the actions of the TUC leaders, especially Jock Barnes, who took a militant separatist stance all through the period. Because of this the possibility of co-operation between the sympathetic and militant Railway-men's union at the end of 1950 proved fruitless.

At the same time, Labour lost power and a National Government was elected on a policy of abolition of compulsory unionism (sound familiar?) and compulsory arbitration of disputes.

The whole Waterfront Dispute was sparked off by the announcement of a 15% General Wage Order by the Arbitration Court in January 1951. The Waterfront employers, in a blatant attempt to cut back the wage increase, claimed they had recently given a wage increase to watersiders, and therefore would give them less than was awarded under the General Wage Order, so that the total increase over the period was 15%.

Fighting Wage Cuts

In protest, the Watersiders (in reality the TUC) began to refuse to work overtime from February 10. This overtime ban spread to cover every New Zealand port. As the ban spread, workers began to get dismissed. The 1951 lockout had begun.

Overcome by a wave of panic (or was it a calculated move?) the Government implemented the infamous Public Safely Conservation Act of 1932 and introduced the "Waterfront Strike Emergency Regulations". Under this pernicious piece of legislation the Minister of Labour could suspend awards, seize union funds and use armed force in cases of strike. It became illegal to hold pickets, demonstrations, meetings, to print posters or write favourably about the lockout, or even to give food to workers and their families.

Public Kept in Ignorance

A major factor in the 1951 dispute was that, through this legislation, the majority of New Zealanders just didn't know what was happening.

Naturally the Trade Unions were sent into a state of shock by these measures and a total of 22,000 watersiders and FoL affiliates (including freezing workers, miners, drivers and hydro-workers) went out on strike.

By February 27 the Government had de-registered the Watersiders and sent troops in to operate the docks.

On March 6 representatives from all the striking unions went to the Minister of Labour in an attempt at negotiation. However the Government was completely unwilling to accept the presence of Hill and Barnes (ie. the Watersiders' representatives).

The FoL, seeing its chance to ruin their rivals in the TUC (and with little regard for the waterside workers) embarked on a campaign of red-baiting all of their own. Calling Hill and Barnes "communist mis-leaders", they urged the watersiders to hand their grievances over to them.

When the watersiders refused, many of the FoL affiliates began to drift back to work. But the watersiders were not prepared to back down and it became a grim battle to the end, with the Government and the FoL in a position where they couldn't lose.

By the end of April 1951, strike-breakers had filled the ports of Auckland and by May had done the same in Wellington, Christchurch and Dunedin. And on July 15, the watersiders' staunchest [unclear: allis] the miners, finally returned to work and the lockout could do nothing but end.

In all the lockout lasted 151 days and had cost 42 million pounds and a million working days.

Stephen A'Court