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The Pamphlet Collection of Sir Robert Stout: Volume 76

From the Fiji Times, June 16, 1900

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From the Fiji Times, June 16, 1900.

Sir,—I notice in your issue of this date a reference to a telegram contained in the Sydney Morning Herald of the 18th May on the subject of Federation with New Zealand. I do not think that there are many in this colony who would not willingly embrace an opportunity of federating with so go-ahead and loyal a colony; and it is in this belief that I venture to place before you, and the general public, certain reasons which appear to me to be sufficient to induce every member of this community to make a strenuous effort to gain Federation.

The reasons I advance are:—

1. Geographical; Physical; Climatic.—Fiji, geographically, should form a part of New Zealand, New Zealand is, geographically, the natural head and centre of a Federation embracing all the islands of the South Pacific, between Longitude 165 west and 150 east.

Fiji, from her geographical position, should be the natural head and centre of a local administration of those islands under the Federal Government at Wellington.

The Port of Suva is but 1400 miles from Auckland—about as far as Brisbane is from Melbourne. The nearest points of Fiji and New Zealand are about 900 miles apart, which is very much less than the distances which separate several of the principal cities of the new Confederation—the Australian Commonwealth. Federation with Fiji would be the commencement of the greater confederation of all the Pacific Islands with New Zealand. It is the legitimate aspiration and proper ultimate destiny of New Zealand to dominate the Pacific between Longitude 1(55 west and 150 east. Let us, therefore, page 2 if we can, now enter into Federation with New Zealand, rather than run the risk at some later period of becoming a dependency of that coming nation. The physical and climatic conditions favor such a confederation New Zealand is altogether in the temperate zone; she has at present, with the exception of Raratonga, no tropical possessions; in this respect Fiji would be a valuable adjunct to her. No local agricultural interests in New Zealand would be injuriously affected by the competition of Fiji, for New Zealand cannot produce our staple, which is sugar, nor can she grow tropical fruits, nor cocoa, tea, coffee, cotton, or leaf tobacco, the production of each of which would receive a great impetus from the fostering care of a Federal Government, and enable the settlers in Fiji to purchase largely the products of New Zealand.

2. Commercial.—Trade between the Federated Colonies would increase by leaps and bounds.

Federation would at once increase the population of New Zealand by about 125,000 persons, and the population of Fiji by about 800,000, for the two countries would be one, with no Customs dues as between each other. The produce of each would pass freely to the other, and being cheapened by the absence of duties would be more largely purchased than is the case at present. Freetrade would be established between Fiji and New Zealand.

As New Zealand produces practically all Fiji requires in the way of food, and Fiji produces all that New Zealand wants in the way of tropical products, great material advantages would at once arise from the establishment of freetrade between the two countries. The profits thus derived will enable each to buy more largely than at present of the other's products. The profits accruing to Fiji will attract to her capital, and extend the settlement of white men and their families throughout the islands of the group.

The influx of settlers will lead to increased production and exports from Fiji. When the increased production becomes more than sufficient to supply the local wants of New Zealand, the Federal Goverment by means of reciprocity arrangements with other countries will find an outlet for the surplus production. Adequate means of communication between Fiji and the outer world will follow contemporaneously with Federation. The lack of communication is now a serious page 3 drawback to the prosperity of this colony, which is advancing, not by anything that is being done to help it, but in spite of much that is being done, unintentionally possibly, to retard it. Improved steam communication is greatly needed, and from what fell from the Premier of New Zealand at the banquet recently tendered to him by the Warden and citizens of Suva, and subsequently repeated at Levuka, some improvement in that much-needed direction may be hoped for prior to Federation, but it would surely follow immediately thereon. We should then be certain of steamers running frequently: and, what is so important to a fruit trade, regularly between Fiji and the New Zealand ports, and with equal frequency and regularity should we have steamers running between Fiji and Sydney and Melbourne. For it would be the policy of the Federal Government to foster a fruit trade between Fiji and Australia, and for that purpose it would without doubt subsidise steam communication. What a boon that would be to Fiji, everyone here knows. Fiji would regain her mail service to Europe as an immediate result of Federation. There is no doubt that, if we were federated, the American liners between Auckland and San Francisco would be required to call here, and it would not be very long before arrangements would be made by which the Canadian mail steamers would resume the call they used to make on their way from Australia to Vancouver. At present, both these main lines of communication with America are allowed to pass almost within sight of our shores. At present, Fiji, which Nature has placed on the main line of communication round the globe, is, by the inaction, or, I should rather say, by the action of its ruler, placed in respect of facilities of access at the other end of nowhere. Reductions of freights and passage money to reasonable proportions would follow; and a resulting influx of visitors from Australasia and elsewhere, with the usual consequence of investment of capital and increase of population, revenue, and general prosperity.

3. Political.—Fiji would have representation direct in the Federal Parliament. The blessings of government under free institutions would be gained, and a wide field for distinction opened to her sons. By reason of certain local conditions which are unknown to the people of a temperate climate, and because of wants which are peculiar to Fiji as a tropical country, but which find no place in New Zealand, and can only be dealt with effectively by men of local interests and know- page 4 ledge, it will be necessary as a condition of Federation to constitute a local legislative body for Fiji; the powers of that body should be restricted, but in so far as they go they must be absolute. In respect of certain matters which pertain solely to Fiji, the Legislative body must be independent of, and free from control by the Federal Parliament. Such independent legislative powers are necessary, in view of the objection which, as a rule, prevails throughout Australasia to the employment of Asiatics and others of the coloured races on an equality with the white man and in competition with him. That obiection might at some future time dominate the Federal Parliament, and, if it did, would be disastrous to the tropical agriculture of Fiji.

Indian immigration is essential to our industrial prosperity and at all hazards must be maintained. Federation, however, need in no way jeopardise Indian immigration, and the essential labour which it supplies, if it be made, as it should be a condition that the exclusive right to legislate with respect to the introduction and regulation of coloured immigrants should be reserved to the local legislature of Fiji. Such a condition, too, would prevent any objection on the part of the Government of India to continued immigration on the ground of possible future legislation adverse to natives of India, or less mindful of their interests than that which has hitherto taken place, for then there would be no more room for belief in possible future legislation lessening in any degree the protection now afforded Indians in competition on equal terms with all other persons residing in Fiji.

Until the white population is larger, this Legislative body should be partly elected on a property franchise open to all who possess the requisite qualifications, and partly nominated by the Governor of New Zealand, every such nominee to be a bona fide resident in Fiji. Membership of the Local Legislature should be no disqualification for membership of the Federal Parliament. The Local Legislative body should have exclusive jurisdiction to legislate respecting work and labor on plantations, and in mills and factories, and in respect of everything pertaining to, or connected with the interests of Fiji.

The strong card of the opponents of Federation will be the alleged probability of injurious interference of the Federal Parliament in labor laws, and the alleged probability of restrictions as in New South Wales and Queensland in the page 5 freedom to employ coloured labor. But that objection fails if it be a condition of entrance into the Federation that laws relating to local labor, to agriculture, and to the manufacture of agricultural produce shall be within the exclusive cognizance of the Local Legislature of Fiji. That Legislature will be composed of men whose interests are bound up in Fiji, who will stand or fall with her, and such men may be safely relied on to preserve such laws as may be necessary to secure the continued agricultural progress and prosperity of this colony.

The public debt of Fiji is extremely small. It was originally £250,000, composed of £150,000, at 4 per cent, (borrowed on debentures) and £100,000, at Imperial advance bearing no interest, and repayable as the colonies may be able. The former has been reduced by payments to £120,000 or thereabouts; the balance remaining is amply provided for by a sinking fund. The Imperial loan has been reduced by payments to something like £90,000, the total indebtedness of the colony standing at present at about £210,000. This debt will, of course, become charged on the Consolidated Fund of the Federation. New Zealand would necessarily become liable to the creditors of Fiji; as for the matter of that, Fiji would become responsible to the bondholders of the New Zealand Government. The assets of Fiji are far in excess of her liabilities, her funded debt has been provided for by a sinking fund, and she would go into partnership with New Zealand as perfectly solvent a colony as any in the British Empire. The amount of the public debt of Fiji will not, I venture to say, cause the statesmen of New Zealand one moment's uneasiness when considering the question of Federation.

The Native Policy of Fiji will be brought forward by the few who will be found to oppose Federation. The Native Policy to my mind presents no difficulty. I say at once that the Government of the natives of Fiji may safely be entrusted to the Government of the Federation in Wellington, quite as safely as it is now entrusted to the Colonial Office in Downing Street. New Zealand governs, and for years has governed, wisely and justly, many thousands of brave and warlike Maories; she has also for several years had the direction of the government of the natives of the islands of the Cook Group. In Fiji she will find a ready-made system of local self-government which will render the task of native government page 6 easierthan it is either in New Zealand or Raratonga. Why should there be any doubt of the ability of the Federal statesmen to carry on the government of the natives now administered by the Colonial Office through the medium of a local Governor. The present communal system, if it be continued, or any other good form of local government, can be as easily worked from Wellington as from Downing Street, and the objections of those who contend to the contrary appear to me to be baseless.

Such changes in the system of native government as time may show to be advantageous can be as easily carried out under a Federal as under the present form of government. That a Federal Parliament would pass unjust, oppressive, or foolish laws with respect to the native Fijians it is absurd to suppose. Surely, if 40,000 Maories and the entire population of the Cook Group can be entrusted to the New Zealand Parliament, the natives of Fiji can be entrusted to the Parliament of the Federation.

4. Legal.—Federation would supply Fiji with a Court of Appeal, readily and cheaply available. The right of ultimate appeal to the Privy Council should be retained, but an intermediate appeal to the Full Court sitting at Wellington would be a great boon to the people of Fiji, and would, in most cases, be all that was requisite. The cost of an appeal to the Privy Council is at present, in most cases, prohibitive, before the right to appeal accrues, the amount in dispute must be over £500. The costs of the appeal must likewise be provided for. This, in the majority of cases, means that the party desirous of appealing must be in a position to find at least £1000.

General.—Fiji's proper destiny is to become one of the great sugar-producing provinces of the Empire. Honolulu produces now something like 200,000 tons per annum. Fiji has a larger area and an equally productive capacity. There is no physical reason why she should not equal or exceed the amount now produced by Honolulu if she had the same, or anything like the same advantages with regard to markets for her sugar. Honolulu has for years been the petted child of the United States. Fiji, on the other hand, is the Cinderella of the Empire.

Federation will do for Fiji what the United States of America have done for Honolulu. Fiji already produces, after page 7 20 years, 35,000 tons of sugar. The Colonial Sugar Refining Company are opening up land at Lautoka which will, in three years, raise the sugar output to 45,000 or even 50,000 tons. That output, I do not hesitate to say, can be increased as soon as you please, if a market for the surplus can be found. That market will never be found if Fiji remains a separate Crown Colony, little thought for, and left to struggle unaided. On the other hand, Federation with New Zealand will at once lead to the desired market being found. The market of Canada is waiting, that of the United States remains to be opened. It needs but the making of reciprocity arrangements with either or both to let in, on favourable terms, the sugars of Fiji. The power to make these terms will be possessed by the Federal Government, and the willingness to use that power need not be doubted.

Profitable agriculture in Fiji will mean increase of population, which in turn will mean larger purchasing by the people of Fiji of the manufactured and agricultural products of New Zealand, which would have the advantage of coming into Fiji duty free. With the protection thus afforded her, New Zealand should be able to hold the first place in the Fijian market, and throughout the Federation.

We now grow tea, coffee, cocoa, tobacco, etc., in small quantities. Federation would probably cause an immense boom in tea. Fijian tea is admittedly good, "as good as the best Ceylon," has been remarked of the best Fijian. The cost of production and placing it on the market abroad has hitherto prevented tea growing from being the unqualified success it should be.

Federation would at once open to us the New Zealand market, and thus the table would be turned in our favor, for we should get our tea on that market duty free. One need only look at the value of the tea annually consumed in New Zealand to understand what the command of that market would mean. And that market would necessarily be captured, as Fiji is within four days' steam of Auckland, and far distant Ceylon is our nearest competitor.

With a duty of 6d per pound, and freight in its favour, there would be such an impetus given to tea growing in Fiji that before very long it would stand out as a rival to Ceylon in the volume of its production. Then the Federal Government would (as in the case of sugar) by reciprocity arrangements page 8 find markets in other countries for this valuable tropical production of Federation. What is true of tea may be said of cocoa, tobacco, coffee, and many other minor products. The excellence of the flavour of the latter grown at Nadawalu in the mountains at 2700 or 3000 feet assures it success when once it be known. But unless we have Federation neither tea, cocoa, coffee, or tobacco (the sources of wealth elsewhere) will tiring a farthing to Fiji. Rightly or wrongly it has been from the outset the policy of the Crown Colony Government to stand by in apparent indifference while small planters, and larger companies, in attempting unaided to establish these industries, have paid the penalty so often attaching to unassisted efforts in young colonies.

Righly or wrongly the principal of non-interference by the state, which may be good political economy in the old country, has been applied here. Whether such a policy is right or wrong, the result in practice is that all attempts to establish small industries, which are the sources of wealth elsewhere, have failed in Fiji—failed for want of assistance from the Government of the country in the initiatory stage, as a child might fail to walk for want of a hand to help it on its legs.

Reciprocity arrangements are opposed to the policy which Crown Government enforces; without such arrangements Fiji cannot hope, in this generation at all events, to compete with the older established tropical colonies, where the valuable products I have mentioned have been grown for generations. Federation will give us, by means of reciprocity, the markets we require, therefore let us have Federation.—I am, &c.,

Humphry Berkeley.

Chambers, Suva,