Translation of W. Thompson’s Reply to his Excellency’s Declaration, addressed to the Natives assembled at Ngaruawahia.

The thought of the Maori with reference to these causes of jealousy which are agitated in this island. Alas!—lack a-day! Well, go on, O mocker, O writer hither.

A SONG.
Ere a threat to strike fell from the lips,
The paddles of Kehu in the south are flashing;
The heart misgives by reason of the rumour;
I hastened through to Te Wake Wake;
I was not mindful of the shade of Nga Mota;
Thy person was with thy friend, thy feet were given to me,
That it might be supposed that thou regardest me.
The barrier of Kirikiri now divides us—
The dazzling height of Hikurangi.

I must plunge unwittingly into the place of departed spirits,
Barely holding on at Morianuka
With the loved one, fruit of mutual embrace.

My song refers to those who are double hearted—whose lips are given to this side, and the heart to the other side. That is it. Hearken! This is my thought with reference to the currents page 236 of the inland streams, which flow in their deep channels from their sources, with the mouth open until they reach the point where they terminate. I thought that the currents of every river flowed together into the mouth of “Te Parata,”^* where no distinction is made; nor is it said “you are salt water and that is fresh water, remain you away,” from a preference for the salt water only. Nay, but it is for them all, in like manner as the currents from the various islands flow into the mouth of “Te Parata.” so, also, all the kingdoms of the different nations rest upon God as the waters rest in the mouth of “Te Parata.” When this work is arrived at, we are rebuked. Now, when I worship God I am rebuked. This great name of God, which is spoken of to me, why is this free to me?—while of this name of king it is said “It is not right (to mention it), it is a sacred thing.” Enough, O friends. It is founded only upon the relation subsisting between the master and his slave. Although the word of the slave may be right, the chief will not admit it to be right. This is it, O friends. Look you at Deuteronomy xvii. 15. If all the kings of the different islands (countries) were from Borne only, from thence also might come one for here; but is not the Queen a native of England, Nicholas of Russia, Bonaparte of France, and Pomare of Tahiti, each from his own people? Then why am I or these tribes rebuked by you, and told that we and you must unite together under the Queen? How was it that the Americans were permitted to separate themselves?—why are they not brought under the protecting shade (sovereignty) of the Queen, for that people are of the same race as the English; whereas, I, of this island, am of a different race, not nearly connected? My only connection with you is through Christ. (Ephesians ii. 13.) Were all the different islands (countries) under one sovereignty—that of the Queen, it would be quite right, no one would differ; all this island would also be united with the rest; instead of which, each nation is separate, and I also stand here in my own thought, which is this, that I must have a king for myself. Friends, do not be offended. Leave me to make known my thoughts with respect to this great matter, which has furnished us with a cause of dispute. Is it on account of the treaty of Waitangi that you are angry with us? Was it then that we were taken possession

^* Te Parata was supposed to be an immense abyss in the ocean, into which its waters were constantly rushing until it was filled, and then ejected again, thus causing the ebb and flow of the tide.

page 237 of by you? If so, it is wrong. Look, there are two stores of goods (or shops). The goods in one store are sold; those of the other are not sold. Now, do you consider that because the goods of one store are sold that the goods of the other all went also. I say they did not go. So with the consent of one chief, that which belonged to another did not go by such consent being given. It is a similar case to that of the two stores. What harm is there in this name that you are angry about? The great thing has been given to us, even the sacred things of God. We accepted those sacred things, Baptism, the Lord’s Supper, and Marriage.

I say, O my friends, that the things of God are for us all. God did not make night and day for you only. No, summer and winter are for all, the rain and wind, food and life, are for us all. Were those things indeed made for you only? I had supposed that they were for all—if some were dogs and others were men, it would be right to be angry with the dogs, and wrong to be so with the men. My friends, do you grudge us a king, as if it were a name greater than that of God. If it were that God did not permit it, then it would be right (to object), and it would be given up; but it is not He who forbids, and while it is only our fellow-men who are angry it will not be relinquished. If the anger is lest the laws should be different, it is well; let me be judged by the great Judge, that is, my God—by Him in whom all the works that we are employed in have their origin. And now, O friend, leave this king to stand upon his own place, and let it rest with our Maker as to whether he shall stand or fall This is sufficient of this portion of my words, and although they may be wrong, yet they are openly declared.

Those words of mine are ended. I will now commence upon another subject among the many which we talk about.

At the commencement of this war at Taranaki, I meditated upon the haste of the Governors to be angry (to commence hostilities). There was no delay, no time given: he did not say to the Maories, “Friends, I intend to fight at Taranaki.” No, there was nothing said, not a word. That was why my thoughts dwelt upon what is said—Peter ii. 14. I thought that he would have remembered that word” to praise those that do well,” and “condemn those that do evil.” Come now, O friend of the Pakeha, and also of the Maori side. Look at the evil of Te Rangitake, or at his good (conduct). Wherein was Te Rangitake bad? Was it in holding his land that he was bad, or what? It is for you to page 238 look. Was it in casting away the surveyor’s chain? Where was the offence? Look! Is a man put to death before his offence is proved, or has the law been abandoned by which it is said, (condemn) not from the word of one witness, but by the words of two or three witnesses shall the right or wrong be ascertained. Did the Governor send word that the men who lived near should assemble to point out the laws of William King and Te Teira, and that you might know that Te Rangitake was in the wrong and Te Teira in the right, and then when the wrong of one should have been seen, punishment should have been inflicted on the wrong doer, and the well doer been spared. That is my thought. Do you consider that this war is a just war? Is it good in your opinion to give vent quickly to anger, (to hasten to go to war?) Yes; but according to me, hasty anger is wrong. Paul says—“that Charity suffereth long and is kind, is not easily provoked, thinketh no evil, suffereth wrong.”

Friends, wherein is our friend the Governor right, whom you believe in? Te Rangitake, the man of calm thought, is misjudged by you and the Governor, who hasted to anger, is supported and praised by you. Hence my thoughts are perplexed in my heart, for hasty wrath has been condemned by James, who hath said—“Be slow to wrath, swift to hear.” As it is, the precept in Proverbs has not been carried out.

Friends, let me, let me, who am a child, get angry hastily. The proverb is “a child who breaks calabashes, or who cries for food, which is another proverb for a child. But for you to adopt that hasty mode of proceeding is, I think, wrong. Rather is it for you to do things deliberately, as you have an example to go by. The Word of God is your compass to guide you—the laws of God. That compass is the Ten Commandments. The compass is for directing the thoughts to consider the orphan and the poor. The compass is, carefully considering before inflicting punishment. Enough upon that.

With reference to the going of the Waikatos to Taranaki, for which we are reproached by the Pakehas—hearken, and I will tell you. It was Potatau who fetched William King from Kapiti; he was brought back to Waitara, to his place. That was how the Ngatiawa returned to Taranaki. I look therefore at this word of yours, saying, that “It was wrong of the Waikatos to go to Taranaki.” In my opinion it was right for Waikato to go to Taranaki. Come now, think calmly. Rauakitua, Tautara, and page 239 Ngatata were blood relations of the Waikatos. It is not a gratuitous interference on the part of the Waikatos. They were fetched. They were written for by Wiremu Kingi and Hapurona by letter. And that was why Te Wetine Taiporutu went to that war. But I think that the man who condemns should possess judgment, he should look at the going of Waikato (to join in the quarrel) and at the going of the Governor. These were the grounds for Waikato’s going, the bringing back (of William King) by Potatau, out of friendship to William.

In the second place, because of their relations, Rauakitua, Tautara, and Ngatata; the third they were written for; the fourth, Potatau’s word that land selling should be made to cease. These were all the grounds of Waikato’s interference. If the Governor had considered carefully, Waikato also would have considered carefully, but the Governor acted foolishly, and that was why the Waikatos went to help William King. For Wi King was a man who had not been tried, so that his fault might be seen in justification of inflicting severe punishment. You mock us: saying that this island is one, and the men in it are one (united.) I look at the Pakeha, who madly rushed to fight with Wi King. Had he been tried, his offence proved, and he had then been contumacious to the law, their interference would have been right, as his conduct would have been trampling on the law. As it is, that side (the Pakeha) has also done wrong. According to your word, that side is right; according to mine, also this side is right; but I think that side is wrong. Enough of these words. Here are others:

About the word relative to the murders, my opinion is decidedly that it was not murder. Look, Ihaia murdered Te Whaitere. He caused him to drink spirits, that the senses of Te Whaitere might leave him. He was waylaid, and died by Ihaia. That was a foul murder. You looked on and made friends with Ihaia. That which we regard as a murder you have made naught of; and this, which is not a murder, you called one. This I think is wrong, for the Governor did not say to William King and the Ngatiruanui, “O, do not kill those who are unarmed.” Nor did he direct that the settlers living in the town should be removed to Auckland, where there was no fighting, and there stay. For he knew that he had determined to make war at Taranaki, and he should, therefore, have told his unarmed people to remove out of the way. He did not do this. Had he even said to the Ngatiruanui, page 240 “Friends, do not kill the settlers,” it would, to some extent, have been a little clearer. Enough on the subject of the murders.

This portion is about the property (plunder.) With reference to the property of which you say that we are to restore what remains, that I also do not consider right. Hearken to what I propose with respect to that. The Governor was the cause of that. War was made on William Kingi and he fled from his pa.

The pa was burnt with fire, the place of worship was burnt, and a box containing Testaments: all was consumed in the fire; goods, clothes, blankets, shirts, trowsers, gowns,—all were consumed. The cattle were eaten by the soldiers, and the horses, one hundred in number, were sold by auction by the soldiers. It was this that disquieted the heart of William King, his church being burnt with fire. Had the Governor given word not to burn his church, and to leave his goods and animals alone, he would have thought also to spare, the property of the Pakeha. This was the case of the Pakeha’s property being lost (destroyed). When William King was reduced to nakedness through the work of the Governor, he said that the Governor was the cause of all these doings. They first commenced that road, and he (William King) merely followed upon it.

Friends, look you to this: one hundred horses were sold by auction, property and food consumed, houses burnt with fire, and the cattle eaten by the soldiers. Whose work was that? The Governor’s own, for he commenced the work of confusion spoken of in this Declaration.

This is all I have to say to you at the present time. Hereafter I will send you some more of my talk, that is when I receive an answer to this. Enough.

From your loving Friend,

Wi Tamihana Te Waharoa.

Letter to His Excellency the Governor from the Runanga assembled at Ngaruawahia.

Ngaruawahia, June 7, 1861.

Friend the Governor,—Salutations to you. This, is a word to you from the Maori Runanga. Hearken! This is our thought to you: Tell us of the death for this island first, and let the fighting be afterwards. Let not the proceeding be like that in the case of Taranaki, which we and you worked at in the dark; we did not understand what was the good of that quarrel. Let page 241 you and me deliberate carefully this time; these are our thoughts at the present time. We hear “korero,” (reports), the talk which is going about Waikato, and comes from where you are: that the General insists upon (urges) a war with Waikato. If this report is correct, write to us; let the talk come first, and do you carefully weigh the matter (turn the matter over in your mind.) Let this be the result of reflection, even the withdrawal of the troops, who we hear are clearing the roads. If a stockade is made for the soldiers at Te Hia (Mangatawiri), and at other places, our opinion is this:—Be not in haste to begin hostilities; let us duly remember the words of St. James. “Slow to wrath, swift to hear.” This, O Governor, is what we think; do you look to these things, even fighting with words against the errors or offences of the Maories, and let it (the offence) be clearly laid down, that the eyes of the great and of the small may clearly perceive it, ere you be swift to wrath. This is our policy: We are not going to rise up to fight: rather will we wait until the eyes have seen, the ears heard, and understanding has entered into the heart; then shall we see what is the good of fighting, and there will be a just cause for the chastisement inflicted upon evil men, that is, us Maories.

But now, oh Friend! restrain your angry feelings against all parts of New Zealand. Let our warfare be that of the lips alone. If such be the course pursued by us it will be a long path, our days will be many while engaged in fighting that battle. Let it not be transferred to the battle (fought) with hands. That is a bad road, a short path; our days will not be many while engaged with the edge of the sword. But do you, the first-born of God’s sons, consider these things. Let not you and me be committed to the short path; let us take the circuitous one; though circuitous, its windings are upon firm ground.

PROVERB.

Not by the direct path, that means traveller’s fare—short commons. Let us take the circuitous route, that means abundance, or the portion of the stayer at home.

No more, oh friend. It is for you to interpret the meaning of these proverbs. There are more to come. No more at present.

From the Runanga Maori.

His Excellency the Governor of New Zealand.

page 242

Copy of a letter from Wm. Thompson to his Excellency the Governor.

Ngaruawahi, June 7th, 1861.

To The Governor of Auckland,—

Friend,—Send my korero to be printed, that the source of my thoughts may be seen, and the cause of my exertions on the side of the Maories. I will commence my narration from the time of my first conversion to Christianity, which was during the Rotorua war. The war had been carried on for two years when I commenced to worship God. The name of my minister was Alfred Brown. That Pakeha was plundered by my tribe. My “karakia” commenced after the departure of my minister; he went to Tauranga, and I stood in his place,—the war at Rotorua still being carried on. I urged that the feud should cease, and that feud was ended. The Hauraki (people) commenced again, and Topa Topa, Urukaraka, and Kaukiuta were taken. My tribe again rose to seek payment, but I repressed them, and that ended the Haurakis made another attack at Waiharakeke, and Pinenga was taken by Taraia. My tribe again rose to take revenge, but they were not permitted (by me) to rise and do so,—they were repressed by me. At that time my name was Tarapipi. I had no minister to strengthen me in that work which God sent into New Zealand, to every part, and to every island. I was given this work to do by the stewards of Christ, and I also worked during the time there was no minister. When my work had increased, then only did my minister return to see after me, that is, his place was on his feet: he used merely to come to baptize and to administer the sacrament, and then return to Tauranga. I worked at quarrels about land, and through my exertions these troubles were with difficulty ended. By this time there were many ministers at all the places, whilst I continued to reside at my place without one. I thought about building a large house, as a house of meeting for the tribes who were living at variance in New Zealand, and who would not become united. That house was erected, and was called Babel. I then turned my thoughts to seek some plan by which the Maori tribes should become united; that they might assemble together, and the people become one, like the Pakehas. The Ngatipaoa were invited, and came to me, and united their talk for good. page 243 Afterwards the Ngatitamatera were invited and came; afterwards the Ngatiwhakane were invited, and they came; afterwards the Ngatiwhanaunga were invited, and they came; However, they merely assembled together, evil still manifested itself; the river of blood was not yet stopped. The missionaries acted bravely, and so did I, but the flow of blood did not cease. When you came the river of blood was still open, and I therefore sought for some thought to cause it to cease, as the ministers had long persevered. I considered, therefore, how this blood could be made to diminish in this island: I looked into your books where Israel cried to have a king for themselves to be a judge over them, and I looked at the word of Moses in Deuteronomy xvii. 15; and in Revelations also, and I kept these words in my memory through all the years, the land feuds continuing all the time, and blood still being spilt, I still meditating upon the matter. When we arrived at the year 1857 Te Heuheu called a meeting at Taupo. Twice 800 were assembled there. When the news of that meeting reached me, I said, I will consent to this to assist my work, that the religion of those tribes that had not yet united might have time to breathe. I commenced at those words in the Book of Samuel viii. 5, “Give us a king to judge us.” This was why I set up Potatau in the year 1857. On his being set up the blood at once ceased, and has so remained up to the present year. The reason why I set up Potatau as a king for me was, he was a man of extended influence, and one who was respected by the tribes of this island. That, O friend, was why I set him up, to put down my troubles, to hold the land of the slave, and to judge the offences of the chiefs. The King was set up, the Runangas were set up, the Kaiwhakawas were set up, and religion was set up. The works of my ancestors have ceased, they are diminishing at the present time; what I say is, that the blood of the Maories has ceased (to flow.) I don’t allude to this blood (lately shed;) it was your hasty work caused that blood. I do not desire to cast the Queen from this island, but from my piece (of land). I am to be the person to overlook my piece. Enough.

Another portion will follow.

From Wi Tamihana.

page 244

Petition of Wi Tamihana Te Waharoa.
[translation.]

To Mr. Fitzgerald;

To the General Assembly of New Zealand.

Wellington, July 24, 1866.

O friends, my friends who are dwelling at Wellington—whether they be Maories or pakehas—be not wondering in your minds as to the cause of my coming here—be not anxious as to what it might be—the chief cause is the great news of the doings of the Parliament which has come to my dwelling place, which found me dwelling at my place called “Great Darkness” and Sorrow-of-heart.” The report of its doings reached me, and said, “William, there is a great power at Wellington; although a matter be of exceeding great weight, it can be lifted by that power—though it be ever so fast (bound). it can loose it.” That name, therefore, became to me a subject of hope—vein hope—“how could it be accomplished in spite of the difficulties of Taurangatao, which lay heaped up before him.” Until time your parent, the Governor, saw me—no sooner had he expressed his wish that I should come hither than both my soul and body rejoiced within me. No thought was taken of tribe, wives, or children, by reason of the joy of heart. The joy of my heart arose from the fact that I was coming into your presence—there to give utterance to those matters which were causes of so much anxiety to me every-day.

1.	That some measure be devised to straighten those curvatures, by reason of which we all fell into error.
2.	For Waikato to be given back to me.

One matter only shall occupy my attention throughout this appeal, that is, to recount the cases in which we have fallen into error.

(1.) The case of Te Waitere.—All the people, and I myself, said, “Ihaia had committed a murder,” and then it was said that “the blood of Te Waitere should be upon his head whose hand had shed it.” But he was supported by the many thousands of England: because of which it was not possible to bring the offender to justice—that was the origin of the evil (in the first instance).

Then commenced your evil name (with us) and our evil name with you—and so on up to the time of the King movement— page 245 then grew rapidly^* that tree which was planted by Ihaia—it bore fruit—evil fruit. When I saw that fruit was evil, I sent and cut it down. After that tree had fallen then it was said that out of the King movement originated the proceedings of that man, and thus it was that the fruit which had been produced was evil fruit. Then I compared the case in point with the Divine precepts—but I saw not in what way it was wrong. Then I compared it with the customs of men, but saw no fault, for I went so far as to mention the case of the Queen, of Nicholas, of Buonaparte, and of Pomare also. I also looked into the word of the Lord in the book of Moses, and compared the case with everything bearing upon it. After that, I sat down and pondered the same (in my heart), and so on up to the time of the visit of our parent Grey to Taupiri. We then went with the gathering to see him. There were two words at that meeting which were engraved by the Runanga on the tablets of their memory.

1. My word to him (the Governor) proposing that I go first to Tatarimaka. But he (the Governor) altogether opposed it, and it was not again referred to. After that Heta Tauranga rose up and said, “O Father, the Governor, my kingdom will not be put an end to by you if we still work on together in a tranquil manner, but if you fight then will it be put ^† a stop to.” Then the Governor replied, “O son, I will not smite thee with the sword, but I will smite thee with my good works.” Upon this that young man turned to the congregated Maories and said, “Have you not heard the word of your parent?” The meeting replied, “Yes.” There were many other words—but these were the matters we felt most anxious about. After this letter of Rewi was sent, the Governor arrived alone (at Taranaki). That letter had already got there, and my letter also got there at that time. When it arrived there, Taranaki and the whole of Atiawa saw it, and when it was read they burst into fits of uncontrollable laughter—the only return to me was shame. No sooner had the Governor got there with his pakehas than death fell upon them. I remained at home, and thought perhaps it was owing to the action taken by Rewi and Te Herewini that this evil had taken place so suddenly. Then my thoughts reverted to what I had said to Wiremu Kingi, that the case of the Waitara should be investigated—to which he did not consent. I then again proposed that Tataraimaka be given up to the Governor, but this was not con-

^* Great.

^† But by fighting only will it be put an end to.

page 246 sented to at all by any of the Taranaki tribes. Because of this, I said this fault is not Rewi’s and Te Herewini’s—if their letters had never reached Taranaki still those pakehas would not have been spared—inasmuch as their hands had not relaxed their hold upon Tataraimaka; that was why I felt so anxious about Taranaki at that time. At the time of the return of the Governor and his soldiers, I was still endeavouring to find out about the death of the pakehas at Taranaki—whether it was right or wrong that they should die. I came to the conclusion that it was right they should die—that it was not murder, for they themselves were carrying guns, so it occurred to my mind that they were not unwarned, and that they were aware that they would meet with Maories.

Now, O friends, this is where I find fault with carrying this war into the Waikato. It was not brought here upon any clear understanding, in which case you and we could have sought out some good reason for fighting betwixt ourselves, but on the other hand it was done in darkness, and its manner of conduct was dark likewise, and it was impossible to restrain the turbulent spirits,^* and it became a pain gnawing the vitals in consequence of us (you and us) having rushed headlong to death—that is to say, into error. For I had said in my own mind, Leave the race that is cowardly to be cowardly still, and the race That is wise to do that which is just, so that the life of the man that should live and the death of the man that should die may be manifested. But it so happened that they both rushed headlong to evil, and fell both of them into the ditch. Had our war been left as I proposed, to be carried on by word of mouth only, then would it have been found out how groundless the alleged grievance of the Maori or pakeha was.

Behold, I was not apathetic in performing that which was good, inasmuch as my word went forth for those which were defenceless to remove to Auckland, lest they suffer by reason of the laws of New Zealand; but my word was not accomplished by you, and when you saw that unarmed ones had fallen, then you applied an evil murderous name to us; but I thought that we were not accountable for those slain, but rather you yourselves were; for you were taken up with poohpoohing my advice, and left it to be a bad name for me. For you said that I was bent on fighting because my word had gone forth so quickly, for the

^* Desperately bent on accomplishing mischief.

page 247 unarmed to be removed to Auckland. In that case you are wrong again, because having seen that I was bent on fighting, why did you not have all such people removed, lest they be overtaken by my fighting, as it had occurred to you that such would be the case?

O friends, I did have respect for the laws of England. Your word did come after me, saying that you were averse to ambuscades and killing those that were wounded; whereupon I exhorted my tribes to give over committing such acts, they accordingly forsook such acts, and shaped their course by the laws of England, from Meremere right on to the time of the fall of Rangiriri. Then my wives and children fell there. Then again I was condemned by the laws of England because of the women and children who died with the men of strong hand that fell in the fighting pa. I then left that lesson (learnt there) in my mind; then the word of General Cameron came to me for peace to be made. I agreed, and gave up my “mere paraoa,” in token of having relinquished my weapon. I then went to Ngaruawahia, I was there, the General and his word were also there coming up after me. When I saw (what that was) I gave up Ngaruawahia to lie in the peacemaking, and went on to Maungatautari. When I got there the word of England came up after me,—“The Horotiu river will not be traversed by the steamers,” but they “will continue to sail on the Waipa in pursuit of Rewi; Ngaruawahia shall be the boundary as far as Tamihana is concerned—the steamer shall not go to Horotiu.” Was it not Bishop Selwyn who told us this? Was not this second word also spoken by his mouth?—“That the Maori people dwell quietly at their own places up to the banks of the Horotiu. So, therefore, the women and children, and the men also, dwelt quietly at their own places up to the time that the Bishop and his soldiers arrived before Paterangi. But I and my tribes did go then to help Rewi and his tribes; then it was I acted in accordance with the word of England, which condemned me for the death of women who fell in the fighting pa. I divided off Rangiaohia to be a place of abode for the women and children, and I drafted off some men to carry food to Waipa—that is to Paterangi. No sooner did the General see that we had all assembled there, than he turned round and commanded his soldiers to go to Rangiaohia, to fight with the women and children. He did not heed the fact that we had collected at Paterangi upon his word desiring us “to gather together into page 248 one place to fight, although we should number 2,000”—“I will not fear; I will go straight on and fight them”—that is to say, us.

So we assembled at Paterangi. One word of his we greatly desired; it was this: “If I fight the Maories whilst they are gathered together, and I prove stronger than they, peace shall be made; if they prove stronger than I, let peace be made;” and I was much pleased at that proposal, thinking that it would be heeded, when behold he went off to Rangiaohia instead, so I was troubled by a fruitless pursuit of his words, which were not fulfilled.

Three of the laws of England were at that time broken by the laws of New Zealand; for this is New Zealand law.

1.	Ambuscades; that is to say, secret attacks.
2.	Killing women and children.
3.	Burning people alive with fire.

When I found the English people adopted that mode of action, I called to the Maori people, and enjoined them not to return again to those practices. “Leave it to be for England to take up the putrefactions of my ancestors, viz., killing women and children, and burning people alive in their sleeping houses.” The Maori people assented to me and what I said to them.

O friends, because of this did I fully consent to the fighting; because of my women and children having been burnt alive in the fire which was suffered, rather than the edge of the sword to consume their flesh. I would not have regarded it had it been only the men; there would then have been a reason to have thought less of what the rage of the fire had done on account of their having shot seven pakehas; my relatives were treated in the same manner at Rangiriri—they were burnt alive in the fire. I did not grieve for that, but a thought came to my mind lest what England had taught should be set aside by the teaching of New Zealand; but when those doings were enacted again at Rangiaohia, then came up fresh in my memory that which had already been done at Rangiriri. Within me are collected the many things which have troubled us all—but I will confine myself to these. At the time of the fight at Rangiaohia I discovered that this would be a very great war, because it was conducted in such a pitiless manner. After that (Rangiaohia), the steamer sailed up the Horotiu river. I then said to the people who were living beside the river at their usual places of abode, “Come, let page 249 us off to Maungatautari—leave this place to be without occupants, lest evil spring up here.” So they hearkened to what I said, and we all gathered to Maungatautari. The steamer also came there. Then I said to my people again, “Let us leave this place to be alone.” They again assented to me and what I said, but we did fight then with the soldiers, for the space of about ten minutes; then we left off and went to the mountains, to Patetere, and left the river of Waikato. Because of my great desire for peace, therefore did I remove my people from thence lest further grief should be occasioned by the death of relatives, in which case it would not have been possible to suppress the evil.

Now, O friends, this is how I have been saved from evil—because of my constant striving to do that which is good, ever since the introduction of Christianity on to the time of the King movement, and up to the present days of darkness. After we had embraced Christianity, when my tribe sought payment for our dead who had fallen I did not give my consent. Then I said, “Stop, strive to repay in a Christian manner. Let peaceful living be the payment for my dead.” They consented. I then drew all my enemies to me; they all came, not one continued a stranger to me; but all became related to me in the bonds of Christian fellowship. Then I said, what a good payment this is for those that are dead, this living peacefully!

In the King movement were brought to an end the land brawls which had previously existed between father and son, between brother and brother. I then again said, what a good recompense this is for such cowardly conduct (this peace existing amongst relations during) the King movement; and men dwelt in a tranquil state.

During the time of this cowardly ^* war, my desire for peace-making commenced at Rangiriri, and continued to the time of Ngaruawahia, Maungatautari, Patetere, Tamahere, during the visit of Mr. George Graham—Tamahere at the time of Governor Grey. Because of my continued desire for the establishment of peace, therefore have I come to Wellington. I again say, what a good recompense this is for this kind of work, a heart (continually) striving to consent.^†

Follow, O Assembly, after me, and measure my steps from the beginning up to the present day. Weigh also my words from the first until now, for everything is weighed—articles of food

^* Groundless.

^† Continually anxious to make peace.

page 250 are weighed, and clothing is sold by measure; land is also meted out, and should not the mind of man be weighed? will it not be measured to discover its weight, or its dimensions? That is all.

Your friend,

Wi Tamihana te Waharoa.